-

IFE JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES

AND SOCIAL STUDIES (IJOHUSS)

A Journal of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

(Sponsored by Tertiary Education Trust Fund I TETFUND)

MAIDEN ISSUE, 2013

IFE JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES (IJOHUSS)

© Ife Journal of the Humanities and Social Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife.

Published by

Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Nigeria.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or in any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers

Printed in Nigeria by: Obafemi Awolowo University Press Ile-Ife, Nigeria.

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EDITORIAL BOARD

Editors-in-Chief

Prof. Wale Adegbite, Department of English, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria E-mail: adewaleadegbite@yahoo.com;aadegbit@oauife,edu.ng 2348034840633, 2348058968

Prof. M. 0. Okotoni, Department of Public Administration, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile­Ife, Nigeria E-mail: olu okotoni @yahoo.co.uk;mokotoni @oauife.edu.ng

Editors Prof. P. 0. Jegede (Editor, Education) Prof. Toba Elegbeleye{Editor Social Sciences) Prof. Mrs R. 0. Soetan (Editor, Social Sciences) Prof. Prof. Taye Asaolu (Editor, Administration) Prof. Dipo Salami (Editor, Arts) Prof. A. 0. Popoola (Editor, Law)

Editorial Advisers

Prof. A. T. Salami, Institute of Ecology and Environmental Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

Prof. Clement 0. Adesina, Department of History, University of lbadan, lbadan, Nigeria

Prof. K. A. Alao, Department of Educational Foundations and Counselling, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

Prof. Maurice Amutabi, Department of Social Sciences, Catholic University of Eastern Africa, Nairobi, Kenya

Prof. Peter Auer, Freiburg Institute of Advanced Studies, University of Freiburg, Freiburg, Germany Prof. Gunseli Berik, Department of Economics, University of Utah Salt Lake City, Utah, USA Prof. J. S. Etim, Department of Education, Winston Salem State University, USA

Prof. Harry Garuba, Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, Cape Town, South Africa

Prof. D. A. Guobadia, Research Professor in Law, Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies,

Prof. Andrew Haruna, Department of Languages and Linguistics, University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri, Nigeria

Prof. Nkonko Kamwangamalu , Department of English, Howard University, USA.

Prof. Iyabo Olojede, Department of Public Administration, Lagos State University, Ojoo, Lagos

Prof. Tope Omoniyi, Centre for Research in English Language and Linguistics, University of Roehampton, London

Hon. Justice M. A. Owoade, Justice of the Court of Appeal, Owerri Division

Prof. I. 0. Smith, Department of Private and Property Law, University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria

Prof. C. 0 . Kolawole, Department of Teacher Education, University of lbadan, lbadan, Nigeria

Mrs B. 0 . Asubiojo, Hezekial1 Oluwasanmi Library, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-lfe, Nigeria

iii

The Editorial The Journal is an international journal of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile­

Ife, Nigeria under the sponsorship of the Education Tax Fund (ETF), Nigeria. It

aims to publish high quality papers in the fields of Humanities, Social Studies

and related fields. The frequency of publication would be biannually, two issues per volume.

Vision of the Journal The vision of the journal is to be a globally acclaimed medium of dissemination

of outstanding and reliable scientific information and innovative research

findings.

Mission of the Journal The mission of the journal is to advance knowledge by promoting and

encouraging . high-quality research activities and cutting edge scientific publications in Humanities, Social Studies and related fields. To this end, the

journal will publish its issues regularly, promptly as at when due and ensure a

reliable distribution network to all the members of academic staff in Obafemi

Awolowo University and other subscribers both nationally and internationally.

Pattern of Publishing, Supplementary and Specific Edition Each edition shall endeavour to publish articles spread across different fields in

the humanities. Supplementary and special editions may be published as needs may arise. The journal would have a wide scope to cover every specialty in the

related faculties in the university; it would be given a very wide publicity.

Editorial Board The Editorial Board is constituted as follows:

a. Editors-in-Chief - seasoned Humanities, Social Studies and related fields

academics within OAU, Ile-Ife.

b. One seasoned academic from each section of the Humanities, Social

Studies and related fields in the faculties represented, within the ._~•AU.

Subscription Nigeria, Individual: NlOOO per copy; Institutional: N2000 (Excluding postage) Outside Nigeria (Individual) $10; Institutional $20 (Excluding postage)

iv

Note

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Guid1

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• •

•

• •

•

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IVO University, Ile­

(ETF), Nigeria. It

tes, Social Studies

mually, two issues

Notes to Contributors

The Board hereby calls for well researched articles on contemporary issues in Administration, Arts, Education, Law, Library and Social Sciences. Book reviews, comments, research findings and interdisciplinary papers are, most especially, welcome.

Guidelines and general information

e Articles should not be more than 15 to 18 pages in A4 double-line spacing.

11 of dissemination Such article should be original and contain previously unpublished data,

novative research

y promoting and

; edge scientific

. To this end, the

due and ensure a

: staff in Obafemi

internationally.

different fields in

1ublished as needs

ry specialty in the

e publicity.

and related fields

um anities, Social

1 the (\t\U.

xcluding postage)

postage)

interpretation or synthesis.

• Submitted articles will be peer-reviewed.

• The paper should be accompanied with an abstract of not more than 150 to 200

words with the format: Aim, Methodology, Findings/Demonstration and

Conclusion.

• Articles should be submitted as a soft copy through electronic mail (e-mail)

MS-Word attachment to ijohuss@yahoo.com .

• There should be a brief biographical note on a separate page.

• The coverage should bear the title of the paper, the author's name and the

institution's affiliation.

• You may visit the Journal website and register at www.ijohussonline.com as

submissions may be submitted via this medium in future.

We welcome suggestions on the improvement of this website at ijohuss@yahoo.com.

v

IFE JOURNAL OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES (IJOHUSS)

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Language, Education and Social Class in Nigeria: The Bridge Hypothesis Temitope Michael Ajayi, Deparment of Linguistics and African Languages University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria 1

Maternal Socio-demographic Correlates of Newborn Health Status in Northern Nigeria B. L. Solanke and P.O. Ogunjuyigbe, Department of Demography and Social Statistics, Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Nigeria 15

Revisiting the 2007 Elections in Nigeria: Road to Justice for Aggrieved Parties A.A. Idowu, Department of Public Law, Faculty of Law, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. 29

Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa: Lessons for Contemporary African States Joshua Segun and Oni Samuel, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria

English Language Uses and Misuses: Causes and Effects on National Development Wale Adegbite, Departmentof English, Obafemi Awolowo University,

41

Ile-Ife, Nigeria 55

Revisiting History, Rethinking Pan-Africanism: Failed States, Citizenship, Ethno-Nationalism and Xenophobia in Alex Agyei-Agyiri's Unexpected Jo)' at Dawn Mawuli Adjei, Department of English University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana 74

A Socio-semiotic Analysis of Oluy«;misi Adebowale's )gba f--onigbaaka Hezekiah OIUfemi Adeosun Department of Linguistics and Nrgerian -Languages, Faculty of Arts, University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Nigeria 89

Political Culture and Democratic Prospects in Nigeria Dare Arowolo, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba Akoko, Nigeria 103

vi

Religious ( Akiti Glory Ilorin, Nige

The Releva Kingsley Ac University,

Language~

baisses and Kayode Atil University,:

BOOKRE' Reviewer: F School ofB1 Ota, Nigeria

FILM REV Reviewer: P University, l

TUDIES

:Ige Hypothesis m Languages

th Status in

phy and 1a

r Aggrieved

1

15

'emi Awolowo 29

;ons for

e and 41

1 National

1iversity, 55

tes,

:gon, Ghana 74

Jonigbluika ~erian

1 89

ministration, 103

Religious Crises and Security Challenges in Nigeria Akiti Glory Alamu Department of Religions, University of II orin, Ilorin, Nigeria

The Relevance of Interim Financial Reports to Nigerian Investors Kingsley Aderemi Adeyemo, Department of Accounting, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria

Language as Conveyor of Ideology in Tabar Ben Jelloun's Les yeux

113

124

baisses and Partir 138 Kayode Atilade, Department of Foreign Languages, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

BOOK REVIEW Reviewer: Felicia Omowunmi Olokoyo, Banking & Finance Department, School of Business, College of Development Studies, Covenant University Ota, Nigeria. · 151

FILM REVIEW Reviewer: Pelumi Folajimi Dramatic Arts Department, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. 157

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Jfe Journal of the Humanities and Social Studies (/JOHUSS) Maiden Issue, 2013

Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa: Lessons for Contemporary Afrkan States Joshua Segun and Oni Samuel, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria

Abstract The authors contribute to the debate on democracy and accountability in Africa by examining the nexus between democracy and accountability. They argue that whereas democracy engendered accountability in pre-colonial . Africa, modern democracy in Africa fails to bring accountability to the front burner of politics, which is attributed to colonial rule that led to the destruction of indigenous system cum the attitudes of post­colonial leaders. Given this scenario, the authors contend that accountability, which was the hall mark of pre-colonial Africa, should be imbibed by contemporary leaders of Africa. Africans should be sensitised to making their leaders answerable for their actions. Key words: democracy, accountability, pre-colonial Africa, contemporary Africa

Introduction Democracy, often viewed by scholars as the mostcivilised system of governance, has

generated much controversy. Regrettably, however, there is a lack ,of consensus about its meaning as the concept has been viewed with various lenses by different scholars (Omoyefa 2010). The word democracy is often said to be derivative of two Greek words - 'demos' and 'kratos', meaning 'people' and 'rule/power' respectively. This lends credence to the popular definition of democracy as "Government of the people by the people and for the people" credited to Abraham Lincoln. Gyekye, (1997) interprets the expression "of the people" in the above definition of democracy as meaning that it is the people who (should) govern, or at the minimum, it is the people who, not only choose those who are to rule, but, also, find ways to control the rulers and see to it that the way they are ruled conforms to their wishes . Gyekye also believes that most modern African political systems are not democratic, in as much as they are not derivatives of African people, but are rather a wholesale importation of European systems. This argument is not the focus of this paper. However, from the above, it can be gleaned that democracy means rule by the citizens. A historical excursion into pre-colonial Africa reveals that democracy is not new to traditional Africa societies, epitomised by the prevalence of democratic strands in governance. ·

Today, democracy has become the most popular system of government for some obvious reasons. The emergence of a New World Order subsequent to the end of the cold war no doubt produced significant impact on the world system. One outstanding area in which this is noticeable is the global resurgence of democratisation; or to borrow a leaf from Huntington (1991) it has brought about the "third wave" of democratisation. Evidently, African states are no exception. It is believed that the wave of democratisation that :.wept through Africa was largely exerted on the state by botli internal and external forces (Lawson, 1991; Agbu, 1996; Osaghae, 1999; Zack-Williams, 2001; Omotola; 2002 and Omotola, 2007). Analysis of the two factors is not within the scope of this paper.

41

Joshua Segun and Oni Samuel: Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa: ...

Little wonder that Oche (2004) observes that since the end of cold war, quite a number of countries in Africa like Cape Verde, Cote d'Ivoire, Benin, Gabon, Cameroon, Mauritania, Mozambique, Rwanda, Congo-Brazzaville, South Africa and Democratic Republic of Congo have tried to transit or attempted to democratise. One can also add that others which had already embraced democracy are also trying to consolidate it. In the same vein, Ona (2003) argues that out of the fifty-three (53) independent countries in Africa, forty-eight (48) are republics.

Since democracy underscores the fact that the people are the most important element and also connotes good governance and accountability, can modern democracy in Africa be said to be exhibiting these traits? Agyeman (2003:333) contends that "if we were to be very honest with ourselves, we surely would not find it too difficult to be convinced of the fact that Africans have been irresponsible and harmful to Africa in terms of self­governance"

In addition, accountable leadership, which is synonymous with hotJesty in the use of resources of the nation, is conspicuously absent in the lexicon of contemporary democratic countries in Africa. Etuk (2003: 129) observes t!lat "African leaders unifcrmly, almost without exception, have an insatiable capacity to steal the people's wealth, even where they are poor and to leave them more impoverished. This paper examines democracy and accountability in pre-colonial Africa with the aim of bringing to the fore some lessons that can be learnt in order to bring good governance to the front burner of politics.

Axworthy (2005), in his analysis on democracy and accountability, focuses on five steps of the accountability ladder toward democracy and these include: individual accountability to conscience, organisational accountability, political accountability, democratic accountability and global accountability. Braton and Logan (2006) emphasised vertical accountability with a particular focus on the political leaders. In the same vein, Burnell (2008) considers the relationship between 'accountable governance' and constitutional implementation, with reference to Africa among others. However, there seems to be no major work drawing lessons from democracy in pre-colonial Africa with a view to bringing to the limelight how such can help to improve democracy in modern Africa.

Democracy and Accountability: A Theoretical Approach How democracy is visualised varies as it is often influenced by ideological and

cultural contextualisation. However, Venter, (2003) contends that · almost every circumstance, democracy is conceived as involving social justic. government accountability and human freedom. Without gainsaying, liberal democracy involves the procedural minimum of contestation for political offices and policy choices, popular participation in elections and accountability of elected public officials under the rule of law. [t can be deduced from the above that the wheel of democratic governance runs on equity, transparency, social justice and accountability of elected representatives. According to Chidam'modzi (2003), in democratic theory, representation presupposes individuals who exemplify the characteristics of the people they represent on one hand while at the same time are able to think and act on their behalf. This is brought to the fore

42

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via an electoral process in which the major assumption is that only those who promised to advance the interests of the people got elected. In other words, democratic accountability is synonymous to the ability of citizens to hold political office holders accountable for the power delegated to them by the people; that is to say, responsiveness and answerability of political office holders (Hyden, 2010) .

If modern (liberal) democracy is analytically dissected, one can quickly observe the fact that, accountability has come to be its permanent feature. Schedler (1999) asserts that scholars now tend to perceive public accountability as a major attribute of democracy and democratic quality as well as an ingredient of democracy's long-term sustainability. Thus, accountability mitigates the abuse of political power, while at the same time, gingers elected political office holders to serve the purpose of their election. Przeworski (1995:108) argues that

... Governments are accountable only when voters can cleariy assign the responsibility for performance to competing teams of politicians, when the incumbent can be effectively punished for inadequate performance in office, and when voters are sufficiently well informed to accurately assess their performances.

In traditional Africa, aside few allusions to the political situations in some societies that are not democratic, the rule by popular consent held sway and actions and decisions of rulers were consistently based on the will of the people (Oiuwole 2003). In the same vein, Forte and Evan-Pritchard (1940) averred that the structure of an African state implies that kings and chiefs rule by consent. A ruler's subjects are as fully aware of the duties they owe to him, and are able to exet1 pressure to make him discharge his duties. However, accountability appears to be the missing link in modern African democratic governance.

Democracy and Accountability: A Synergy The cornerstone of a well functioning democratic system is the obligation of political

leaders to answer to the public for their actions and decisions. In principle, political accountability serves a dual purpose. It checks the power of the political leaders to prevent them from ruling in an arbitrary or abusive manner and helps to ensure that government operates effectively and efficiently. In addition, accountability is intimately linked to citizen participation, leadership responsiveness and the rule of law. These are pillars that define and reinforce the practice of democracy, particularly, representative democracies. In shott, the level of accountability of elected representatives to their constituents is regarded as a key indicator of the quality of democracy actually enjoyed by the society, (Donnell et al. 2004, Diarnon and Marlino 2005).

However, the condition under which democratic institutions generate incentives for government to be accountable is somehow stringent; they are often not met by most institutional frameworks. Suffice to say that election appears to be the most visible way of ensuring accountability of political office holders. It is essential to stress that the inherent limitations of individual's votes as a means of enforcing accountability upon elected leaders are well known. The fact must be taken into , consideration that

43

• Joshua Segun and Oni Samuel: Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa: .. .

opportunities to cast a ballot are infrequent, arising for President or parliament only once every four or five years. Furthermore, elections force voters to compress myriad preferences of political identity, competing policies and retrospective evaluation and future expectations of performance into a single choice (Masavall, 1996). Thus, an ~lection constitutes a blunt instrument for enforcing accountability. In Africa, where ethnic or regional voting patterns are common and party platforms are weak, elections rarely offer real programmatic alternative to voters. Elections also can do almost nothing to hold bureaucrats, the judiciary or security forces to account for their actions.

Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa It is necessary to note that, in order to have a full grasp of Africa politics, one needs

to take a historical excursion into Africa traditional democracy. Africa traditional democracy is opposed to the western traditional conception of democracy (Jere 2007). Little wonder that Jafta (1999) asserts that it is unreasonable to understand democracy as a western concept only, because western democracy is liberal, based on one culture and ignores the value of another culture. He added that western democracy came from the people who have the same culture. In the same vein, Wamthalika (1998) states that, there is clear evidence that Africa had common conceptual and analytical framework of participatory democracy on African traditions and values.

There were some pre-colonial Africa states that were theocratic, like the kingdom of Burundi whose founding father was Ntare I Rushhansi, who ascended to the throne in 1675 and brought into focus the system of Baganwa, provincial governor, who often contested the central power. Under Mwezi II (1852) the indigenous traditional state reached its peak. The elected king had all the power and headed an elaborate network in Baganwa. Despite the theocratic nature of Burudi, there was an element of flexibility in the royal authority, which gives the impression that there was democratic openness (Aroga, 1999)

In West Africa, the various powers were monarchies, in which one could, nevertheless, find vestiges of democratic element such as elections and the sharing of political power within the circle of the notables. From these systems, three different methods of balloting are discernable. In the first case unanimous confidence is given to one of the notables by his peers, in the second, voting is intended to settle the contest between two personalities of equal influence; in the last, voting is a sort of drawing of lots. Aroga (1999) notes that it was through this last procedure that Biton Koulibaly became the first Emperor of Segou (613-81). Each of the notables haJ a "' ick bearing his personal sign. Three innocents not having any idea about the stick were . :1l!ed forth: an uncircumcised man, a newly circumcised person and a pregnant woman. All gave luck to the Bambara by choosing a stick. The gathering of notables had to recognise that power fell to this man.

What is democratic is not only the election but also the fair play of the notables. The description of this type of election, however, shows quite well that they were known in their various forms and practised in one way or the other depending on the society (Aroga, 1999). There is considerable evidence that decisions by consensus was often the order in African deliberations and was so in principle.

44

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lfe Journal of the Humanities and Social Studies (IJOHUSS) Maiden Issue, 2013

Kaunda and Mutiso, cited in Wiredu (1992), state that "in our original societies we operated by consensus. An issue was talked out in solemn conclave until such time as agreement could be achieved". In the same vein, Nyerere, cited in Nyirabu (2002: 100), asserts that " ... in an African society the traditional methods of conducting affairs is by free discussion", and went on to quote that "the elders sit under the big tree and talk until they agree".

Gyeke (1997) gives a lucid analysis to portray the fact that democratic norms, including consultation, accountability, choice and freedom of expression were prevalent in Akan traditional political system. He states that the chief, who was the political head of an Akan town or village, is chosen from the royal lineage by the head of the lineage in consultation with members of that lineage. It is necessary that the person chosen be acceptable not only to the councilors, who represented their clans, but also to the Asafo Company of young men or "commoners" who are, in effect, the body of citizens. The paramount chief was chosen the same way, except that his election has to be accepted to the chiefs of the constituent towns and villages. Thus, never is a chief imposed upon an Akan community.

The scholar submits that the active participation of the community in its own political affairs in traditional African society was not unique to the Akan of Ghana. In many non­decentralised societies, elders would sit and discuss clan or state affairs in the open view of everyone. Such participation and ownership of the political system is arguably the essence of democracy.

In pre-colonial Nigeria, the Igbo appeared to be the best democratic political system. It is necessary to take a quick look at the Igbo democracy. Igbo society is essentially founded in a small unit called family (ezi). A group of ezi forms the ummuna (also known as lineage). Ummuna is generally believed to have come from ancestor or kindred. The ummuna is headed by the Okpara who performed religious and political functions. The okpara is usually the eldest son of the ummuna ·(Ugwuanyi, 2008). A collection of ummuna made up the ogbe, also referred to as obodo (village) (Nwala, 1985); the ummuna acted as the nucleus of Igbo socio-political organisation. This is because it is made up of a number of extended families or family group known as Ugwulu or ama (Ogueijiofor, 1996) and serves as a thread that weaves or binds these families together.

Extensive consultation was held with various segments of the society on crucial matter of the state and this is the first major quality of the Igbo society that qualifies it to lay claim to democracy. This is to extend the option(s) of the majority and carrying everybody along in matters that they believed "Unu oha Ka Ike- enya -ohu-na - onye" (The foolishness of the majority is better than the wisdom of one person)' (Ugwuanyi, 2008: 178). In fact, all segments of the society are actually involved in crucial matters of the state.

It is interesting to note that women were also not left out. In the final analysis, the Oha or grand elders functioned as the highest decision making body. They were recognised as repository of knowledge and wisdom, hence they were expected to seal the decision reached (Ugwuanyi, 2008). Achebe, (1999) puts it more pungently: that the Igbo rule themselves community by community. If there was any important thing a community

45 II

- Joshua Segun and Oni Samuel: Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa: ...

should discuss, a gong is sounded and all male adults would converge in the community square; and the matter would be discussed in the presence of all. Igbo, according to him, do not send a representative, i.e. somebody who will be their spokesman.

He goes on to stress that this age old practice by the lgbo was the origin of democracy. Anyone, who says that democracy is not good for the Igbo, neither understands the Igbo or democracy (Achebe, 1999). Ugwuanyi, (2008) argues that the Igbo abhor monarchy, oligarchy, and autocracy. Their world view is rooted in democratic disposition to issues. Scholars of Igbo politics have described lgbo democracy with different nomenclature. Nwala, (1985) refers to it as unanimity; Okafor (1999) describes it as ohacracy, while Oguejiofor (1996) calls it government by the council of elders. There were socio-cultural variables that accounted for the success of Igbo democracy: first is the Igbo belief in the principle of egalitarianism; second is the Igbo belief in the dignity of labour and private property and last is their opinion of the non- remunerative nature of political office in the Igbo state (Ugwuanyi, 2008).

Rulers of pre-colonial Africa society were made accountable to the people through various mechanisms put in place to check their excesses. The African political model did not provide or make provision for absolutism or tyranny. All societies provided elaborate and explicit rules of behaviour for their rulers. The rulers were expected to uphold their traditions and defend their territory from aggressors; expand, if possible, the wealth through war; but they also expect them to be just, considerate and conscious of the conventions and interests of the people at all times. In short, kings were looked upon as the symbols of the authority and legitimacy of their kingdoms. The rights and privileges accorded them were expected to be coterminous with the power and authority they wield, which also distinguished them from ordinarily people in the society (Otubanjo 1989).

The ceremony of installation of a king provided opportunity for defining the scope of the ruler's power and for initiating an incoming ruler into the tolerance level of his subjects. These were done through all kinds of ways, including the symbolic drama of initiation rites and oral poetry. Most of such rites include the display of obeisance and respect, not only to selected Chieftains, but in some cases, to the entire people gathered in an appointed square. For instance, the initiation rites of the "Owa Obokun of Ilesha", in its final stages, demanded of him to acknowledge the sovereignty of the people by lying fully prostrate before them at the public square. Other less dramatic acts of acknowledgement abound everywhere (Otubanjo, 1989). Davidson (1962:145) observes that among the Ashanti, all chiefs, from emperors to local chiefs were presented with a people's charter, which, in essence, was a statement of what the subjects expected from their rulers. The following is a representative of the substance of this charter:

Tell him that We do not wish for greediness We do not wish that his ears be hard of hearing We do not wish that he should decide matters by himself We do not wish that it should be said, "I have no time, I have no time". We do not wish for personal violence.

46

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Jfe Journal of the Humanities and Social Studies ( IJOH USS) Maidel! Issue, 2013

For the African, kingship conferred several privileges and rights, but these did not include the rights to treat a kingdom as a private fife.

Although kings, chiefs and officials wielded considerable power in pre-colonial African societies, especially the centralised ones, as people always associated them with the divine and were feared, obeyed and respected, yet they were circumvented by numerous institutions, conventions, rituals, elders and the people themselves (lkelegbe, 1989). Among the Jukun people, the main duty of the king was to secure for the people a successful harvest. He is called Azaikwo (our Guinea corn), Afyewo (our Groundnuts) , Asoiwo (our Beans) . He was vested with the power to control the rain and winds: whose impact on agriculture and, therefore, the welfare of the people was directed and economically, fundamental (Oculi, 1989). When a new king has been installed, he would be told his power, how to use it to benefit the people, and the danger of popular rebellion against his regime and assassination if he deviates from his duty:

Today we have given you the house of your father. The whole world is yours. You are guinea corn and beans ... Henceforth you have no father no mother. But you are the father and mother of all. Follow in the footsteps of your forefathers and do evil to no one, that your people may abide with you, and that you may come w the end of your reign in health (Oculi , 1989:47) . ·

In the same vein, the Attah of !gala and the Mali of ancient Bornu were also treated to similar warnings on their coronation days (Leaver, 1985). The effectiveness of the power of a ruler for securing popular support was a fundamental basis for political legitimacy. Albeit the ruler is god, the mortal vessel through which his power runs could either corrupt the proper use of it or blunt its thrust and punch. Thus, human character (bad behaviour) and physical decay like losing a tooth, arrival of grey hairs could undermine his power (Oculi, 1989). Tahir, (1984) had dramatised the near destruction to a society when a Malam exploited the people he was supposed to safeguard (beyond the limits of societal norms among the Hausa-Fulani people).

It has been noted that, in ancient Egypt, the population responded to bad government through uprising to overthrow the rulers or through protest walking with their feet and migrating beyond the borders of the Pharaoh's domains and thus bringing an end to territorial obligation of the ruler. The !gala and the Yoruba are noted for subjecting unwanted ruler to taking poison by himself under the constitutional supervision of the politically relevant elders and kingmakers (Oculi, 1989). In the Benin kingdom, for example, the Uzama which was the Council of State helped to check the excesses of the Obas. In addition, there were also some social checks. The people could protest abuses and wickedness of Obas through resort to sorcery, refusal to cooperate or perform obligations and through emigration (Oculi, 1989).

Although there are no formal method(s) of removing chiefs and traditional rulers in the Hausa-Fulani emirate system, a traditional ruler could be derobed if found to have acted against the interests of the people. In Ghana, for instance, the Ashanti of Ghana often had enough reasons for destooling their kings. In the annals of record, the following

47

, ..

h

Joshua Segun and Oni Samuel: Democracy and Accountability in Pre-colonial Africa: ...

kings were destooled for drunkenness: Kwabena Abiagye of Asumagya, Kwabena Brukin and Kwasi ten of Nsuta. Akuamoa Pinyin of Juaben was destooled for abusive tongue and disrespect to the council of his elders. This is in line with the argument of Davidson (1992) that despots certainly arose in pre-colonial Africa, but they were dethroned as soon as could be.

However, in segmented societies of pre-colonial Africa, the people through their assemblies constituted the utmost check on governance. Deliberations were usually open and free, although the elders or lineage heads presided over such meetings. The leaders were, therefore, ultimately responsible to the people through their assembly. In fact, it is · interesting to note that leaders could be accused, reprimanded and protested against during such meetings and, at such times, they had to defend themselves and their actions (Oculi, 1989). Wingo (2001:164) argues that:

Tyranny and despotism were not in the vocabulary of those pre-colonial political arrangements first the state agents came from am~ng the ordinary

folks. They lived with them. The Fan (chief) himself was an ordinary citizen, most often a farmer, an occupation he kept alone aside the function.

Democracy and Accountability in Contemporary Africa Borrowing a leaf from Nwigwe, (2003), his analysis of Nigeria's governments in

which he described them as "Mafia governments" befits the situation of most African countries. 'Mafia', according to him, means a government that is power-drunk, self­seeking and barren in terms of ideology and without orientation. Authority is directed towards achieving self-interests and desires. In many countries in Africa, leaders are scarcely ever elected by the people but, rather, selected by their kind. In spite of multiparty elections, those to rule are clearly predetermined and selected even before elections are conducted. Ignorance and poverty orchestrated the stage for money politics.

Although there seems to be evidence of democratic structure in the three arms of government - legislative, executive and judiciary, yet much power is concentrated in the hands of the executive organ. The modern African system of democracy, according to Nwigwe (2003), is a paradox because the voice of opposition is not welcome, no matter how constructive it is. Politics in Africa is a means of achieving wealth and, as a result, it is not aimed at service to the people. It is indeed a quick way of making money.

Little wonder, that Fanon (1963: 147) argues that:

the political party in many parts of Africa, which are today independent, is puffed up in a most dangerous way. In the presence of the members of the Party, the people are silent, behave like a flock of sheep and publish panegyrics in praise of the government of the leader. But in the streets when evening comes, away from the village, in the cafes' or by the river, the bitter disappointed of the people, their despair but also their unceasing anger makes itself heard.

48

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Jfelournal of the Hum.anities and Social Studies (IJOHUSS) Maiden Issue, 2013

In the same vein (Sandel, 1996:3) postulates that African public life is life with discontent, with citizens losing control over the forces that govern their lives. This has resulted in a declining turnout and faith in the democratic system. Okafor, (2003:581) succinctly captures the situation of lawlessness in governance of modem African societies as a "game without rules":

In Africa, the game of politics is played as though it had no rules even ,thoogh it has the politicians as the players. The referee is corrupt and was bribed by one of the teams. The spectators are the citizens who are bewildered by the manner of the game. Fouls are ignored when committed by one team, good players from the other team are penalised without reason. Rented fans cheer foul play from one team and jeer decent play from the other.

He continues:

Spectators are bewildered and dumb founded. Security officials, keep strict surveillance on the spectators and are poised to deal with protestation or any attempt to disrupt the game. And so the game goes on. The favoured team must win by all means. In the end it is declared the winner and the actual winners became losers.

The implication of the type of electoral process described above leads power-mongers and power-holders to exercise this power ultra vires, unfettered by rules. Thus, the power holders, having obtained power by unlawful means, strive to maintain it with a high degree of lawlessness. Their gluttonous quest for boundless riches have position their minds to stay put in power indefinitely. A few examples are necessary at this juncture. President Hosni Mubarack of Egypt clinched the presidency of his country not less than three consecutive terms. In fact, in 1993, he was nominated as the sole candidate to represent the only party in Egyp t- the National Democratic Party (NDP); Mobutu S.ese Seko, the late president of Zaire now (Democratic Republic of Congo) "one of the world's most corrupt regimes", ruled for thirty-two (32) years in a disastrous dictatorship and never wanted to hand over the reins of power until he was forced by the rebel forces to resign as president (Agudosy, 2003). Others include Daniel .Arap Moi of Kenya, Eyadema of Togo, Denis Sasson Nghesso of Congo, Kamuzu Banda of Malawi, Omar Bongo of Gabon, Sam Nujoma of Namibia, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Ghadafi of Libya spent about forty-two years in power; when asked to step down he vowed to fight with the last drop of blood and he made good his threat as he rode roughshod on his opposers before he died in the process.

Reasons for Non-Accountability of Modern African Democracies The question to ask at this juncture is why have most African post-colonial governments failed the accountability and democracy test? The reason is not farfetched. From the work of Senyonjo (n.d) three important factors are attributable to this development. The first factor is neglect of all aspects of indigenous institutions in favour of wholesale adoption

49

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Joshua Segun an~\ fY'!i ~~';;~~{;. RJW~I0.1~tttr~~~fifl!tmt,q-,~ifjl;>,1, {~ 1 (\,{f,;:{rP..ZP!Ji(ft{.f.Jr.(yfk~l,:· )\\

of forejgn JDodeJs, which were .Poorly ,u_ ndr,r$tood(,J!emQcrA-,C.'-:- qractis.e,<;l t~tcJay ij}1Ewope tBHk' ri18te2 th~h ; tw~l ~fioU~iilti~· e"!Ns {tr1~ .:b1S~~ Q~'ri l thrg~s GJ ar : ' ~ln > l :~--n ,J ll ,

··q·H·' ;;;i.J lT £' ~'li i · 'f· ~j 1 il'li{f u,., . HJ~ 2 ~ nt,J I ; •YJ ·;~)·;p~ q·ti.:c~JAi!; i J ~cP.~cJLb) lli\r}ld5h:Uft9)1AL tfii srurmanon o u reau y e)ostm · msu unons .. ln snort, JJlCa ca · , : e, a t . v. . a fu" (· r ,·nn ·,rf )• :l(' ,.H:J' r:''2 :)LliJ?JO'fl~ 'Jrl.l jii rt lif.:t . tll tL J!lo n ; u J ~1iWf; ; u::-~ L t. PtP.ft ,~yc.,,tl

qp mastery ·o mbder deillocracy oewre auoP,tl,ng It as -a .svstem of ,go,v,(ir,nment .,.';I'.}JIS, lefid1 '1Uect&r\C~0f8 JR afgllffi¥M0erea1 te'd :yg YSri~ [; '(2b03') ']fi_~(!Jt j ~~- f~~n~ 7m'J od~~n ,; :nfJ: ~;~'):

2 11.1 n .) tltrrl it ~f- _ .. d'f .. ~~ "'> ·t. ,_/~~· -,J1Jc ,_

States jump-start democracy (modern democracy) without checking the "engine" of

citiz~r,~hjgi\ t,~.~ :·c;~t~~?:· ~?f) d.hs~;iR-W~~o-?1 9f ~~fl,\?.· ;:~P~·:,'r'Jrm1r~t'8ffi1Mt(.)H\~X~Jffi;\ 'kreak". of ~ccou~~~rn:~~t~: .~~.:~?;~1;e,~ffi~os;o[f<!.~r~~glegmc~J.~J~~ ; f\r~1 l f~·~~?~,~~ i13fHr81J~H19l;~t~rorships m wh1c~ .. ~ef!I~h. ~,~q , ~tt~f:Yr.~Jg~.s 2 ~J~f3 ~~~eJmu~gAhg§lq2'M~e. Rfi?.B]e,r~~fyl)q)pg only their pers~-~a! r,n~~-t~s~~ ~~c?rr~? __ ,s_, ~911~~1_t~1~wP.t?J_i1~~~~Ti gr.1o.s; ~ir(!~ )~n_.9r .c_,_ J .. tgb~n;r.i~e1 ~F.. R?.H~ __ f~ctor noted by s.~yoqfo }~~ ~he 1af~ ,()t a~ (\d~J? IY~; fil,~aCit~ a~~ . to., tPfi, P~f.V~rM?~-RfrfA~fhttonal insti tu~iolhl ·tnmug_W ~~h!~~~,rii~: 'ir~t~~ 1f*~/1;R;~~~M~<§~~~~·~ .fgf/qv~:?~~~ffio~P~ef~q;j-r,re. third factor IS the adoption of corrupt, non-democratic cofomal models of governance. Without sentiment, it is necessary to understand that, while the colonial Administrators'- g,t;q\},g~tpn l board a lot of good reforms that improved the lot of Africans, some of their practices

:-vere cl~~rl~ re~r(fss\~~- if?.,~~~~c-~.~)r~~~}~,i,?N~1l?RUFicfl)~ tYi~5Yffitr ~frieqr~ ~elitjY~~i-~a.tely 1nvolved ' in th~~t •. ~:f~~(,s(, ~~~.,tt}1fs .?9~DSJ5s9l;YS~ ,;t9?l, ; SP!9~JaJlftiTiz T.e}]~(jf~d -,P,qhttcJans and. gov~r~~~~~ ~1.l~~ ·,a,~a~ f~9??- ,th~:f~?I?~~}h~~n?Yg.hf1 ~9n~tf:Wr)~~~~i ~t,Wl;lq~ n~s been ~~PHyd, by, p~st-c~l~~~~l ,~tat~s ~\ A.fn~~- ::m1u,s~ r lPJHfY,1po~tt .~~ then ~f.a~e J~1 11m-~een as mJury ·'done toJ lfldtvtduals. Tne traditiOnal system genews~~.[ S}r,TH,l9}Mnt,'J~f,, gersonal commitment to the community that the modern state is yet to create in its citizens.

The,,~f?.r~~~ntjoned ,~i~y1T ~~y.~, ~a;,~e~ ~~.~ya~'~ ' i!1; J}Jricfl affPU~tr~ ,to.6).n}W~~hau_p; 1 C2,?0~)/(sush Ja~~fftiV~s · ~~ t,~,~ ~~~-nt~7~ st~,t~, l the, R~e~-~n?C}t ;s,Wttd~~,~~,e,qfl~'?~¥: :~W~ ;<1;9-'h~~e, !; kl~p't~c~af1f state, ,~P~ ~~~~~smg th~, _trr~}f~!l~fe ?t,tpp . ~ .taty, t9 ,thr, or9I~1fY,:P,eq_B\e.,,,i . n:.t.-,ri

.,.... . r .. . '; · 1 . l· .;' r·:-,!'; Cl _ ; ~ )' lJ ' i · · _ •1~ .... ·1 . ,•,.~; -·;_· i.J/·_: 1 ~:- ';

Lessons ·forCont'empo'tatyAfriC~nStates . , .... . ·. . .. , , _,,. , , .v~:'u q' .. ,,;, ". ;·· · -,-, , ,-.,, "1''; · ~·'' ~(· .;':J ,.r .• ·!,' i /1 ; - , _, )•,- -( ! •' ') - ·: • ~-· ·- · ' . d . . --' .

, , 'One c~~·' see· ~?~~'.})91,tt~~;at1 'offic~ _\~~ BfA-~,~1 ppi4~, ~.fri~~: l.i ~F ~~n~ . Jg,bq! .'l~tr>ac.t~~-~ ro., 1 remUJ:1etatton. THts~ contrasts the monetary benefits ,;1ssoc1at~d wtth . mqd~rn .pphttcal,1,

;:~ ,. r.,!( . -r!-'. ~-.<:,if"il- ~ · 1 .•.f( ~' :\:' ·. - !' _i,; r -1~ ,, . , ·_, l .J ~, · • '

offi.c:.s · ;v~!;c9 :.hav<~)l~~?~· tpy'm}~~ · aw~~tivf:r· TM~~ ,i;si ~e~~ to .~~t; ~~9\YN; qn .. s\lcl~ b~n~fi~s. ,, In"<f~ct;' · ~~~~ted,' R~¥1~~ .; of~c~9r~ j~o~l?. ]?~ .. Pe'P . (i~~le ~q():v~ ) ~fP?I~ W!tt~ ;. ~q~walent o, quahficattbrr and'-dxpenence Ih the ~arne capac,It;y ,1.n, 0ther, org(\n~satwns. ~f this ~s doa~ • . pO,litlc~ :· ~in: lf,e L~~ft:f1 ,'~h?se ;fn6 ~ h'~~e, ,the) ·~_ip~',to~,~~-~a.~.~ seitl~s~: S~fViFe t9, tl)~ ;P,yqple. An~t~er.-c9nco~~ta~t .ljd>v:a.~,t1a~f of,,~h-~ . ab9y~ ,ls. th~~· -:Y~ol~n~hSW~h~q~H S~fOpetitlop t~~t ,; see_llls . ~8 . h~~e, ~s~~me~, ~ : ~~:r~-~r~pr ~e.~,tu~e s~ -~!r~~~:9 . ,PP.W~~al .pr,o~e~s .. ~s a ~~~ulto,\ .; benefits that'bften bc_c~sJOI'led poh~19al offices wlH.lleJ11Ittgate9 1f no~ ,~ot;1Hy er~~tcated . . , , It is' e'ssth(lif to 's~iisidse 'mdd~rn ',f\.fri~ans' to t.~~ dyty ~ o,(holdi~g. t)"leir feadi ·s. ~ccountaQl~ , . jusfas' tra?iH6Hal A~rif·ari ;~'6pi~t'ies1 l1k~' J;:#~P't? I.g~l~.J?'e~in ;~~d 's;9 o~ did., 1"9e process Qf . election ortse1~ctl0tt aS' 'tfleJ ~aSe may 'be 'in trftditioiJa(~f~ic,an~fiW~? ,~eftn ~~ fr~e ,aQd fajf:.-1,

There should be concerted efforts by all Africans to inake sure that all political office holders emerge. throug~_J~~;}n~ ~~W:~~~\r_cH~.?~i ·J;ht~'AhpJJ}Ri ~Ji 1 ~ .,sj'l9-cl~t.:s1Aq , me(.\~ut:~-·•~ ho~ .. f:e~ . a!1~ ~~\r. ~~, ~~~~tJ9;~ ~~J·.~ryol9r, ~fp9,99r Wr~· f_f\~'-~~.~~5?riJ 1of: tlJe,:~t~g~ar,~, sh~uld .be;i • nuH1~~~~BA~~ .'P7r,P<f~~~t0,~(~1;-1bfr?~gh~9L~?~~- ~ r~~~1IVB~'fjlJ,If?D;pf1e;le,'lf!PTI ~1ggt~g ~s ; th,a~~ ~ ,_ l tho~e·~~~~~~. cr~m~t, ;~ ~ ~~f~~e))!it~~ghrjl9f;~~~}Pt}e:J :9}tf~HPRS. ?Jf.lf-11 J {r!\~ UIJjl~CPH.~.t,aQ~~jl t?r:t_h~ to people, h¢nce tli~. senseless lootn~g Qfpy,D11~ .f~nds. . lr· /' ')f'l I ' " l ' 1 .~l ;i; : !fJi' !;!

nc1iqobJl ~_;!Gt.'._~lod ·;J 1u ·n;o',/h! HI .... rh .. ! JI!tl.i,.,l:, ?.Uf..); ~ J _. ·"'J ·1··') - -0 ,J ~

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~MIYAL LhJ~Ytrdt ,;ri ifJJi~~. ~fiSfl]);: ine" of eak" of orships 1g only I factor iitional 1e third Vithout 1..Wtpq r ·actices imately iticians ~s been been as ersonal

lshaun ·· n , .; ~1 I ancLtlne.,. rt•J j, \~ I d

ut f"L'I~n:

~~~.~ ~ ro:: \Pl_itical-,, enefi~s. , ti\valent s dope, gyqple. on, !IJ?t. , ; :suit of 1 1-H ·,/''-w•.)l

;qted. ; untai:Jle, •cess of rtd fair. I office 1epsure. I. ppld ix1-l ~s i th,at~ , : l(t~;;tpy l () l ·! i if; i' E\

it\ '> lt , isi'V€!tyi.h~sar~rto'~'chet:k 'the 1exees~'es ''6f'·,p6'1i'ff~'~l (phrrid. ·A situa'ti'drfiq1 which a party just gives automatic tickeCt~h'e~·:Y·rlifg ·deN&cVumfcer~ tol codt'?~t (~e n~xt electiop Without redot!'I'Se'(t€)Jtffe J~f~cfor~te; fa'fJ Sti~n raj{prb\faf'lgfltJiJ!1a '-'lJI& )ftcJrrtedH at, ' 'f,gi,i:mggt!Sfs the iflipev~t~~~ for->inteb1a~~ \cterrtbc·i\acy~-h tft'~ ·'p'6fftic~'l 'pariies!-1fiHlink \ vHJc'l{'ft \vii} be near impossible for them to midwife national democratic institutions~ :tn ·Wlrieaf{ttaditional so<tierl&s: I ~'rtiNd rtcdEfelrshi p '-tmer'$eftH. 1tbG~il peop1}d!i le8M€rit_ i t~_- ·ik 'dr?n&jb~ ~~;ala ' t~ be the case in thimoderh Wfritan syttlr-X-of 'gdve~riant'e:l Jll\h .L Jil! f.. : l, ' .• r':

., · l\\(11ti'i~n'S ~h'Oul~ e\freel<i 'th~ ust!1-df gdv~fnllien-tafpoWJi ~Ht !tr6~tiiH.r ptci~~dt~ '~s}wli~ t1{~ case in African Traditional societies, epitomised by Egypt -~~ ~§ 'occilrred during the ~cem,fuetrpvfde rpt'otes1s f.nNfge'Mti} TJhb:, I ·o:l !dL1r nv.n/·, ~rl r 'cun<.:: < . _· · ,. ' •;, f. I I (~ilk~t~~~tt~'0na! 'p@I_ttk:~l;.Syitfetfis1 ·;~ ~Wni7 tf 'l_~,~d~~~ :nvet{ ~~o~g rth~i/p~~pl~ ~ode~ da;yo p&litt.le~rans .JS}idulcf be lm<M6l 'W-lf!y{,) amoorg 1the people1 they ' i1eptesent1.-.ThiS Will facilitate easy access to their repres~ntative(s) arY~··ih :H:lFnLrhifk~1 th1 · Pe1?fes~Htapw(~). ~q apprebiat~ :tth'~J p-robl~nWOf lflle'frebptel filif!fli~Ji:ep'resefitis: ilWd• ~t261uWtdbi l'ity ·~asy < i;>rl : IHS"16-r

· 1 \' · • "'\ \ ' 'lt · '5f "r;• r·"il<'ll''l.' 1""'' her part r11 .. -.11:• .\'.'.''• 1 .:' ,1;'.'>',\1'·•· .. J.;:;n ·.OJ :J •f\,·j'.J L.• I.J ' J. ,_.,,,,,,

Traditional institutions combine both authority and legitimacy, wlileiN eh.lii'ns a tall order ' hi p()stct6foil'iaii~ev2'rn?tneei 1of Afii C~lri soti~fi'es/"W\~ friet'~as'~a · chi~f 1bJ(arfse' th~ pe·6pt€' \tri<1de' ·n1m, a' oYHe~;: ~~kiing's1 ~e~•e 1 rnatcte1 b/the people".' ·Electoi·rlt inJ11't~c~ites have made modern governments suffer the problem, o\ legi~ff!l~.C:Y t:hsl~?~fa1sti;c · m~~sur~.~ rpu~t. be;putrn place · to l ti-U~ck· t<Plil•Hieg'iitNe"ir&na.' fr"l I:::-:! t • 1 1 1dS:.) i. · J,n 1 Jl! '\) • • ,,.~,, • .1

, •Thel\ide'ar' bf\ 1 borro\ving ·:d'~mo~rnti~\\ ~rhdi·pfelP ho~·l(1f~e r a\M si~·~r1 '(Mtri~ Western world whil~; j~ftisofiifigl~Alfr\'ii:an·: ~fidigehdus ·ddrhotdtic iOeal ~ ~ho'ul'd ' be ' 'Cfi~carded. African democracy shouldtbe:.a'•f-iybfia tof1the1·gohd asfe'dts16'f t)U'r ih'djg~ri6b~~ demo8Hc~ ' cum tl>i:rl'l 'b1\westerhltldrtocrtiiy~ · l\'~ \;\\\ , n~i1\[ ·''''"'\', ~ ·1 1\',\t .. l' '. · : .. \ '' 1\'() : ____ __

dt__l .A ,{J(l If!d'd )'J~ > .. n.! ~

Cdnclusionih· ;,: bru .. 1 :Tu1rwiCl r:I "'rni;~"l;ut:rtl" (r' ,;::-_ ~I J)· 'itufi ·~·. " •1

(Jt 4;•voti1'.~he rf.er:e-gding',' 1lt &alrroe 1a'edu~dl th<WCH!mob1ac'y i's ·fhii~·~·w\'to Afticari~ as one can see some democratic strands in the organisation _ofyre-colo11iaf Afrid'n• saci~ties. Thy. p~sitlt)n ,·6f t-h'is pa~ef- 1s' 1hat rub I t')"pf of1 ldehlocbi'c,Y'~rattlsechfy 9tinteflipbrad:. :..xrfiEan · stateS" makes ·moeiRe\-y-;df 1AethiritabiFiry c~hi'ch \va~'tl\~ HHJ'r Mal):' ofde~&rtic~: in pre­colonial Africa. Colonial rule ushered in modern democracy that dealf<i''dk~Hiy'l)low o~ a.c~ou:ntabi-lrty 'as · ~ · r.esun ~~f: h~g1~t~ ·~~fl~_&!geii~~~~)ih~t!¥~ip~~ 1 1~ :f~ ~~;~;( ·~.~ wk~\es<i'Je adoptl'()n l-~ 0f 11fbreign'Hn'odels '· Wliw~ -L\ve'r6u' lt1dofly LurtCYMs{oo'd. -wbW~ver, ' if the recommenBations ghfeti .ra;~6~/ 'arb 'tkR~H·~; iiitt/i ~?HsrdgraHo~;~~ 1aS~~yH~abill(y anq indigenous democrati·G:..p.rinc-rp1Jes 1WlW 'b'e1 rehor~d1 t6 tn'e· pb'Htits 'of'·rHode}n 'Af~idui ' s{l{t'es. '

;.,_ j',' • ~'~ ~ .·:•): i' _:n•~:T .. • t~J ~-!_; , ~J i t; (.fl'('.- . .. ,i A fi (_,;f~'"i~ .Jr

References ,<\ 1·1 ... ,t.''' ~' ·; ,,] ''

Achebe, C. (1999) Tomorrow.ts ' UneerlliiH,J Tod~y' is:'s!Hi"Earli.' Fi'f~t'QH¢9igb,o' Lecture · · delivered · at ·Owerri; ' Ni'getia; '~trrahslarM·'. frdtii ' Igbo \. by\ Nde"e Etfrritn' 'and

Published in the Comet, Sept:'9J- _·' · :.: ,. · :o.;t' y··:l, -

Agbu, o: (1996) 'E-xtern'a! •Pressu're 1 ~u'tl:l tHe ' Q\iesf 'for b_e'inocth~y( iW ~igeria.' Nigeri--d , Journal oflnternationaZ11ffdNsi(NJ:if\), "Z'Z 1C1) ~ '1U~z . . ,•;. · 11 · n~ r '';

Aghdosy; !FabM~ l.r: :E~G~3ij l R~i~vighlatihg 1R¥~?H§rbi~; ~6'Je¥~~f!t~' 1t~rsni~H''~dfirical 1

Commumcat10n m Afnca: A study ( vf' ~~h@ ' ·ehCt\')Jbst1'fti;s'-)ofthe ' Hma'ns" In

~

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54(

Ife Joqrnt

English: Develop1 Prof. Wa Nigeria

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Abstract The aut[ national literature ibMeStjgll indidesJc au.thanel the. : tnl.tic language at:Jtheqin aJtise1froJ cbo.ice{Q - ' languag~

languagf govemrr the foJ~o Info'nmal TraJilsf.a.tr Keywo1

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