in between formality and informality informal sectors … · in between formality and informality...

IN BETWEEN FORMALITY AND INFORMALITY

Informal Sectors and Redefinition of Public Space

Essaying the City Theory and Practice of Urbanism since 1945 (H02L4A)

Prathiwi Putri / 0194533 Master of Human Settlements / KU Leuven

January2008

IN BETWEEN FORMALITY AND INFORMALITY Informal Sectors and Redefinition of Public Space

Prathiwi Putri / 0194533 Essaying the City Master of Human Settlements / KU Leuven Theory and Practice of Urbanism since 1945 (H02L4A)

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Introduction

Jakarta’s ritual “to see and to be seen” nowadays is trapped in air-conditioned buildings called shopping malls. You will not only be offered what you need but also what they make you think you need. Recreational activities nowadays can also be found easily in the same location so called one-stop entertainment centre: cinema, karaoke, children playground, sport center, ice-skating and even art exhibitions. These activities are happening indoor, inside air-conditioned bulky buildings, after working in air-conditioned office towers or driving in air-conditioned cars. Unfortunately, here in these enclosed plazas, malls and atria, you cannot buy: the tropical open air and smooth breeze. As a bonus, in the name of fighting against terrorism, all this luxurious entertainment centers were equipped with a massive security system: car-bomb detector, body scanner, and the security guards checking your handbag by opening it. People do not mind that this system enters their privacy in we-named-it ‘public’ space.

Colliers International Indonesia reported that in the third quarter of 2005, Jakarta has 2.18 million square meters of registered retail spaces. Recently, most of the new shopping centers have been built to compete with, and later on to kill, the old ones. South Jakarta, the high concentration of the wealthiest take place, had new 70,287 square meters in 2005 from the opening of Pondok Indah Mall 2 in July and Pondok Indah Square in September. This area had the first lifestyle shopping mall in 1991, Pondok Indah Mall 1, which is standing in front of Pondok Indah Mall 2, separated by 8 traffic lines.

Who will consume these facilities? We doubt that all 12 million Jakarta people enjoy it. From the population of the city, only 5 per cent the so-called elite, have such a high income that it is hardly impossible to know the level of their revenues; and 10 per cent coined as the ‘trend setters’ have income from US$ 5,000 to 15,000 a month; and 15 % called as the ‘followers of the trend setters’ earn between US$ 2,000 and 4,500 a month.1 This is part of global society phenomena that only 30–40% of the population in core countries and less in peripheral countries who hold “tenured” employment in the global economy and are able to maintain, and even expand, their consumption.2 Furthermore, in terms of city management, it is needed to economize costs of public spaces maintenance. The death of old-fashioned shopping centers is a burden of the city.

In the same times, practice of informal markets, small retails and street vendors bring back the interaction between citizens and the city atmosphere. It has to be admitted that informal sectors and its trade safe more than half of Jakarta inhabitants in their daily life. The service is economically accessible and often creatively invented

1 H. Hidayat, the director of Matahari department stores, Jakarta. Indonesian Bussiness Weekly vol.1, no.2, 25 December 1992, cited in Dorléans (2002) 2 Robinson and Harris (2000). Further it was explained that the second tier, some 30% in the core and 20–30% in the periphery, form a growing army of “casualized” workers who face chronic insecurity in the conditions of their employment and the absence of any collective insurance against risk previously secured by the welfare state. The third tier, some 30% of the population in the core capitalist countries, and some 50% or more in peripheral countries, represents those structurally excluded from productive activity and completely unprotected with the dismantling of welfare and developmentalist states.



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due to their though competition as though as formal business’s. Alas, these practices are stamped as illegal activities rather than to be seen as a potential nature for creating lively spaces.

The relevance to pay attention to the informal sector is not only because of its importance to employment and poverty issues,3 but also due to their existence in creating diversity of open spaces. Jakarta inhabitants should have more options for recreational spaces, to gain back the feeling being in a north coast of Java island. Great cities, by their very definition, have enormous diversity of ingredients and people, and they are not mere passive pieces on a chess board that big capital can move around or exclude at whim.4

Limitation and scope of discussion

This writings will recognize the healthy interdependency between formal and informal sector activities and spatial contributions for this relationship. In the first part, it is necessary to look again on the definition of formal and informality. At the end, the aim of this essay is pointing streets as key element of porosity and permeability of Indonesian cities and its urban lives. Here in this essay, activity of commerce and leisure is believed as a permeable aspect in urban lives. Although this activity is grouped within classes, the space formed by this activity gives possibility for porosity of cities.

The formal retail spaces, as defined above by Colliers International Indonesia, include modern luxurious shopping mall and enclosed pasar.5 Morphologically, pasar can be an open-air market or an urban single block with simple infrastructure facilities (most of them are not air-conditioned but not air-circulated well). It contains small retails without big tenants and anchor like shopping mall has and have certain number of story so that it can be reached without elevator.

The informal commercial spaces will vary in condition of what type of formal ones attached with. The potential of culinary activity in informal commerce is stressed because the food is basic needs for day and night so that this commerce will make the city lively 24 hours. The foods (and drinks) offered by this informal retails are ‘local unique’ ones compare to those from food courts in shopping malls. These spicy foods will give sensations when it is enjoyed in open spaces while the smooth wind blows your sweats.

3 Tokman (2007) 4 Andy Merrifield, 1996 cited by Graham (2000) 5 Prihandana (2002): Pasar is a place where a group of traders conduct their business in a covered and circumscribed area. They are selling food and daily necessities in different qualities and different prices, using the local language to communicate as well as to socialize among themselves and with their consumers, at regular periods, most of the time under the management of the local government.



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(1) FORMALITY AND INFORMALITY In between definitions and interdependency

Informal sectors firstly described in a pioneering ILO report on Kenya in 1972.6 It says that informal

activities are the way of doing things, characterized by: ease of entry; reliance on indigenous resources; family ownership of enterprises; small scale of operation; labor-intensive and adapted technology; skilled acquired outside the formal school system; and unregulated and competitive markets.7 This description is debatable and later on developed definitions performed.

Seeing it from institutional aspects, most of the informal traders’ doing business are not taxed/regulated by the state but operate illegally, without any standard of quality and price and on the basis of person to person transactions.8 This sector is not registered as a legal activity, but still they have to pay something to respected person in the area, usually under the title of ‘street cleaning fee’. They are largely ignored and rarely supported but regulated and often suppressed by the Government. On the opposite side, the authorities tolerate the activities of formal traders. Most of them re-appear regularly in particular places, and are, to some extent, subject to state regulation. In formal trade, both traders and consumers aware and incorporating the regularity of the place, opening days and hours, composition and quality of goods, and the price level.9

Modern employment sector cannot absorb the existing number of labor force. The supply of job definitely is filled with top and mid levels of educated and trained people. A report said that until 2003, this sector was providing about half of total urban employment. An increasing number of these enterprises are becoming a valid job-creation option regarding income, although they are still far from offering acceptable conditions in terms of job stability and labor and social protections.10 For low-income formal workers (blue-collar class), informal sector is major supplier for their needs. It is noted that informal sector is offering virtually the full range of basic skills needed to provide goods and services for a large though often poor section of the population.11

The limitation of formal sector is not only in the capacity to provide jobs. The service to provide cheap meal for white-collar workers in the city is handled by informal sectors. Thamrin and Sudirman streets, the major Jakarta offices area, accommodated at least 165,000 white-collar workers that 80 per cent from the number is in low and low-middle positions12. These layers of working class cannot afford restaurants and cafes in the towers for their daily consumptions. 6 Tokman (2007) 7 ILO report 1972 cited by Bangasser (2000) 8 Prihandana (2002) 9 Ibid. 10 Tokman (2007). Also stated by Carr and Chen (2002) that over the past two decades, despite predictions to the contrary, employment in the informal economy has risen rapidly in all regions of the developing world and various forms of non-standard employment have emerged in most regions of the developed world. 11 ILO report 1972 cited by Bangasser (2000) 12 Personal research for Imagining Jakarta, 2004



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A choice to eat on the streets is not merely forced by income conditions. It is a lifestyle for some groups of people. Sometimes, it becomes a movement against establishment of big capital. Besides, people want to achieve quality of specific foods that cannot be found in enclosed commercial facilities. Eating sate/satay, grilled slices of meat on bamboo skewers with various spicy seasonings, will be perfect if it is seen being smoked by charcoal. This performance is not suitably done in air-conditioned buildings.

Looking back to above ILO definitions, the two characteristics of informal activities are not fully correct: ease of entry and unregulated market. There are invisible rules in informal activities and their networks are tremendous. Often, it is not simple to enter the circle13. Previous research noted the importance of ethnic groups and their informal relationships as sources of trust and the main support in network operations and of potential solidarity in a risk-ridden environment. This is a logical explanation of how these traders balance the risks and obligations adequately to be able to manage their precarious ventures by accumulating monetary capital as well as investing in social capital.14 To start business in this sector anyhow small capital are needed, for example in owning a push-cart. Even to rent a push-cart and borrow some money to sell food, they have to know the patron of the networks. Specific foods usually are sold by ethnic groups where the food is originally come from.

Small traders, formal and informal ones, are getting marginalized by big retailer day by day. Supermarkets reach each hundred meter of the city. Small groceries lost their customers since they cannot compete with big capitals who manage to sell their goods some cents cheaper. Likely it is only fresh vegetable, fruits and other raw material in traditional markets which their price can compete with those in supermarkets.

However, big formal retails need to always adjust their appearance. Some operators of shopping malls suffered because their big tenants closed and moved to the newest commercial center. The old-fashioned commercial centers are getting rotten and improving it will not be the first option. The rapid development of new commercial centers is not only to sell the goods inside the shops. The buildings itself and their operation is part of infrastructure consumptions.15 This spending is very minimal in informal activities due to their manual-work domination.

Definition of formality and informality can also refer to place within the city. Informal sectors are those who ‘underemployed’ on the streets of the big towns16 and they occupy unplanned (and not designed by professionals) space. The level of occupation is relatively temporary and they concentrated and glued around formal space. The space attachment of formal and informal activities is followed by the same characteristic in grouping and zoning the activities. Some cases of relationship between formal-informal sectors within commercial spaces are written in the third part.

13 Tadié (2002:403) noted that a Sundanese, an ethnic in Java, tried to sell meat which is a specialty of Bantenese, another ethnic in Java, and was left aside and neglected by the others so that he eventually moved. 14 Sik & Wallace (1999) and Alexander (1987) as cited by Prihandana (2002) 15 Graham and Marvin (2001: 220) stated that urban ‘spaces of seduction’ and safety are being ’bundled’ together with advanced and highly capable premium networked infrastructure (toll highways, broadband telecommunications, enclosed ‘quasi-private’ streets, malls, and skywalks, and customized energy and water services). 16 ILO report 1972 cited by Bangasser (2000)



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Benji, 23 Musician

“All my outfits are from Pasar Senen, the shoes are Converse”

The youth wants to be as trendy as those appear in MTv. They hang around in shopping malls but not to buy the goods but to consume the entertainments. Most of them gain the fashion from Pasar.

Source of pictures and data: jktstreetlooks.blogspot.com

(dd. 21 01 2008)

Opan, 18 Student

“My bag is a gift, my pants is Tsubi, I bought the shoes in Hongkong and my tee

at Pasar Senen”

Dhania, 22 Fashion Stylist

“The tee is from Zara, I bought the jacket at Pasar Baru, the bag at Pondok Indah

Mall, and the shoes were from Singapore, and my jeans is taylor-made”



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(2) THE THIRD SPACE In between public and private/collective and individual/high and low income

Trade is the cause of culture diffusion and the intermingling of all sorts of objects, with the small petty

traders as key actor. The assimilation of Indian, Chinese and Indonesian in the early coastal towns was taking place neither by military nor political forces.17 Commercial place (market place) is believed as a media to blend people with various titles. It brings heterogeneity more than the other do. Old Indonesian coastal towns based on trade activities shows higher degree of inhabitants’ diversity compare to inland towns which was agricultural and ruled by feudal kingdom or sultanate.

In inland towns, specifically in Java, there were always squares, named alun-alun, inside the palace complex. The function was for gathering in religious context and legitimating the ruling class. These squares are public if we refer to ‘large number of people’ using it, but it was occupied privately by the kingdom within the palace walls. It has barriers surrounding the space and it had filters to make the low layers in the feudal society cannot use it anytime. Neither porous nor permeable the town was. Market place was the only place where feudal rules weakened.

Commercial places: formal enclosed pasar, shopping mall and plazas, and street markets are ‘public’ because it can be accessed by anyone. ‘Access’ here theoretically is divided into four sub-dimensions: physical access, access to activities, access to information, and access to resources18. In this case, in commercial places, there is an access to the space but not certain to the activities of selling, buying and using.

Informal activities naturally happened on the streets. There are factors behind it. Walter Benjamin19 showed that the porous architecture let the activities inside expanding to public space: the streets. The narrow bending streets put the relations between the flowing pedestrians and the still ones being intense.20 Corners created by the streets give different densities and intensities along the streets. People will change directions resulting different activities. Together with the porous architecture, the porous streets allow permeability.

It is important to stress that porosity and permeability are not the same. It can be porous but it is not definitely will also be permeable.21 The entrances, ground lobby, open plaza, parking space, sidewalk, pedestrian bridge, together can form porosity of a space but it needs certain character of activities and actors to make it permeable. 17 Nas (1986:19). 18 Benn and Gaus (1983) as cited by Madanipour (2003:111) 19 Naples, 1925 20 Ibid. This is illustrated by “With colored chalk he draws the figure of Christ on the stone…he waits beside his work for fifteen minutes or half an hour…counted-out coins fall onto his portraits…and in a few minutes the picture is erased by feet.” 21 Porosity refers to density and distance (Vigano, 2006) but when it regards resistance to the same it is regarded as permeability. World of Earth Science define that porosity is the ratio of the volume of openings while permeability is a measure of the ease with which fluids will flow though a porous media. Both are primary factors to control movement (http://www.enotes.com/earth-science/porosity-permeability dd. 21 01 2008).



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Informal sector, both their activity and the place of the activity, mixes the layers in the city more than the other traders. Concentration of informal traders can be collectively recognized but it is also giving specific meanings for certain groups of users. They are attached to following functions: offices area, shopping centers, old town/historical area, youth-cultural-sport facilities, education hubs, and transportation nodes. They are available to fill diverse demand that is not completely supplied by formal sectors. Workers, whose companies will prefer to give lunch allowance, students, and shop attendants, need affordable food. They exist also to fill the distance. Segregation between working, living, studying and playing make Jakarta people spend most of their time on the streets. Hence, they eat on the streets. Most of the favorite eating places are near the transportation hubs. They are demanded while the big capitals do not dare to invest. Informal sectors does not need image for their business. Area with high criminality, stamped as prostitution area, and or neglected old town will be lively again after the informal sectors entering the locations. Many historical centers now are famous with evening culinary activities.

To understand the pattern of informal sectors, the analysis has to be done by examining their relationship with formal sectors within specific functions of certain locations. Tracking historical aspect of the relevance part of the city is necessary as well. By dismantling these layers, configuration of spaces that is suitable for them can be correctly formed after. Following part will more explore spatial urban elements that support commercial activities.



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Malioboro Shopping Street, Yogyakarta http://flickr.com/photos/kscope/36252109/in/photostream/

(dd. 21 01 2008)

Stall selling Indian martabak and "roti cane" Sabang street, Jakarta

http://flickr.com/photos/kscope/4852388/ (dd. 21 01 2008)

Sabang Street, Central Jakarta is a mixed-use corridor dominated by commerce giving service for photography, printing and some branded food retails. Local streets branched from this corridor accommodated smaller informal vendors. During the day, there are some street-vendors selling food. In the evening, the amount of them are multiplied and occupied the whole streets and this make Sabang Street coined as famous evening culinary area.

Malioboro is one of the tourist destinations in Yogyakarta. Three layers of commerce are presence here: street-vendors, small shops, and big retailers. There is a typical Yogyakarta street-vendors called angkringan (see picture) selling actually a common food (rice, fried tofu, etc) but packed it differently in a way the portion is very small. They name it nasi kucing (cat rice) because the amount is suitable for the pets. Sitting around angkringan in a group is a common activity of the youth.



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(3) STREETS AS MELTING SPACE Enhancing the pattern of informal sectors

Street of Indonesian cities comprehends layers of society. It shows different activities as well as different

grouping of people within the city. In term of working as a whole city, successful development of commerce facilities depends on its relation with the existing pattern of the streets. Further, the form of commercial space contributes highly to interaction between formal and informal sectors. Thus, it also determines not only the porosity of space but also later creates the permeability of urban lives. For example, shopping streets and shopping malls will affect the city differently. While the first make a strong relation between the city and its inhabitants, the second is trapping the citizens in exclusivity. The first one is porous while the second one is massive.

Below, part of writing on a case study of Pasar Senen in Jakarta showing invisible structure of formal and informal small retails regarding their ethnic groups and the relation between them within a mixed-use area22:

Senen is an animated center of the city, from the huge market with several blocks to the bus terminal, the train station, the shopping center and the run down cinemas… endless lines of hawkers, not only the pavements but also on the roads, create a kind of parallel market, concealing the market (building) entrances, occupying the grounds between the market buildings and the streets. …When going further into the market divisions start to appear; in several areas of the market all the vendors selling identical products have exactly the same origin. In Block III, for instance, meat and poultry sellers are from Banten, the vegetable area sellers are West Javanese, the clothes are sold by Padang or Chinese. Block VI is mostly a mix between the Padang and the Batak. … Even among the street vendors such a division is reflected: in front of the market they are mostly Batak, except in front of the third block where we can suddenly find Padang traders. There are several reasons for that separation, from regional specialization to a sense of specific communality which results in the stranger who comes to sell there, being rejected.

Pasar Senen, literary translated as Monday Market, can be imagined as a traditional open-air market in

the beginning. The Senen area began to develop and diversified at the beginning of 19th century when it became residential and administrative center. The Dutch landlord realized the demand of daily needs and built a market there. Senen area with public transportation hubs, art- culture and youth center was23 working together with the wider urban fabric. Although it is crowded and disorder, the open streets are acting as connectors among those mixed-use activities. In late 80’s a modern superblock was built in the area accommodating offices, hotels, shops and shopping mall.

In 5 kilometers on the north side of Pasar Senen, there is smaller commercial hub called Pasar Baru, literally translated as ‘new market’, which was developed after Pasar Senen and Pasar Tanah Abang by the colonial authority. This commercial area was redeveloped several times after independence and can be noted as a best

22 Tadié (2002:402-403) 23 The cultural activities in this area are not growing anymore. The live performance of traditional artists could not compete with modern entertainment and western cinema.



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practice of commercial development because it maintains the connectivity of surrounding urban fabrics. Today, it is a 500 meters long free-car shopping street connecting two parallel secondary roads24 with public transport services. Along the shopping street, there are some junctions of local streets connecting with surrounding housing tissues. From this main shopping street, the commerce is spreading to the local streets. While the shops sell textile, shoes and clothing, the local streets contain family business selling foods and informal traders selling various goods. Big tenant presence in main shopping corridor, part of the row buildings and at the end of the north side there is a bigger block contains kiosks.

Similar to Pasar Baru is Kesawan Square25 in Medan, North Sumatera. During the day, the shops along the street are accessible by vehicles. After opening hours of the shops, the road becomes car-free and is occupied by food-stalls selling mostly Chinese food accompanied by karaoke stalls. This area is one of Medan’s tourist destinations.

While above typology is well linked with the city, the islands of shopping mall and all the entertaining facilities inside are ignoring the city’s wider fabric. However, these shopping centers have changed their form gradually. This is not caused by the motive to make it work together within the city but for its survival and marketing expansion.

The first shopping mall in Thamrin, Central Jakarta was designed to only accommodate one big tenant: Sarinah Department Store. The new generations of shopping malls have long galleries in all stories with void visually connecting them with the ground lobby acting as a plaza. The galleries accommodate smaller retailers while both ends of every story locate big tenants. They copied the nature of traditional streets to attract more capitals and buyers.

Urban gigantic blocks combines multiple uses: retail, leisure, living, working, tourism, and media. Graham and Marvin pointed that access by foot through traditional streets or by public transit is often either virtually impossible or extremely hazardous. Corporate and consumption enclosure containing upscale retailing, theatres, convention centers and luxury housing are being directly interlinked with private, air-conditioned walkways, tunnels and ‘skyway’ bridges. Such networks are superimposed three-dimensionally below, above and within the traditional street system, whilst connecting with it only through limited number of highly surveilled and secured entrances.26

Those shopping malls also copied the nature of informal food stalls. On top level of the building, usually there is ‘food court’, a group of formalized food retails. Here the price of the food relatively lower compare to the single branded food retails on the lower stories. This facility is very popular for youth going to the malls for the cinema or just doing window-shopping. Some food courts are placed in the basement. In this arrangement, there is more advantage for the vendors since it is closer to the ground floor.

24 Dr. Soetomo road and K.H. Samanhudi road 25 It is called ‘square’ but the form is a shopping street 26(2001:256)



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Closing Although the spread of informal economy within the city is highly recognized, the space for them is not

planned. They are always seen as actors destructing the city and their operation is far from neat and clean. Cleaning the streets from vendors has been consumed not small amount of municipal budget. This act is not necessary take place if they are included in the city system legally. It is necessary to provide spaces for informal economy. Legalizing the informal sectors can be seen as empowering them if the municipality consistent with their service and the informal sector fulfill their obligation. Planning and design spaces for informal and formal activity should be done as one. There have been some best practices showing that formal and informal sectors are operating together mutually.



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References Books and Articles Benjamin, Walter and Asija Lacis. “Naples” in Michael W. Jennings and Marcus Bullock (eds.) Walter Benjamin. Selected

Writings, volume 1, 1913-1926. Cambridge, MA: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1996, pp. 414-421. Brunsveld, Ton. “A profile of the tahu and tempe sector: Bekasi, West Jakarta, and Tangerang” in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.) The

Indonesian City. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris Publications, 1986, pp.197-205. Dorléans, Bernard. “Urban land speculation and city planning problems in Jakarta before the 1998 crisis” in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.)

The Indonesian Town Revisited. Münster, Germany: Lit Verlag; Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2002, pp. 41-56.

Graham, Stephen. “Constructing Premium Network Spaces: Reflections on Infrastructure Networks and Contemporary Urban Development” in International of Urban and Regional Research, Vol. 24.1 March 2000.

Graham, Stephen and Simon Marvin. Splintering Urbanism. Networked infrastructures, technological mobilities, and the urban condition. London: Routledge, 2001.

Hamdi, Nabeel. Small Change. About the art of practice and the limits of planning in cities. London: Earthscan, 2004. Lim, William S.W. Cities for People. Reflections on a Southeast Asian Architect. Singapore: Select Books Pte Ltd, 1990. Madanipour, Ali. Public and Private Spaces of the City. London: Routledge, 2003. Nas, Peter J.M. “The Early Indonesian Town. Rise and decline of the city-state and its capital” in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.) The

Indonesian City. Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris Publications, 1986, pp.18-36. Persoon, Gerard. “Congelation in the melting pot: The Minangkabau in Jakarta” in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.) The Indonesian City.

Dordrecht, The Netherlands: Foris Publications, 1986, pp. 176-196. Robinson, William I. and Jerry Harris. “Towards A Global Ruling Class? Globalization and the Transnational Capitalist Class” in

Science & Society, Vol. 64, No. 1, Spring 2000, 11–5411. Tadié, Jérôme. “The hidden territories of Jakarta” in Peter J.M. Nas (ed.) The Indonesian Town Revisited. Münster, Germany: Lit

Verlag; Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2002, pp. 402-423. Vigano, Paola. “The porous city: prototypes of idiorrythmical conglomerates” in Paola Pelegrini and Paola Vigano (eds.)

Comment Vivre Ensemble. Prototypes of idiorrythmical conglomerates and shared spaces. Rome: Officina Edizioni, 2006, pp. 335-355.

Others Bangasser, Paul E. “The ILO and the informal sector: an institutional history”. Employment Paper 2000/9. Employment Sector,

International Labour Office, Geneva. (dd. 21 01 2008) http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/strat/download/ep9.pdf

Colliers International Indonesia. “Jakarta Retail Market Overview. Market Conditions as at 3Q 2005” Colliers International Quarterly Research Report, Jakarta. February 2006.

Carr, Marilyn and Martha Alter Chen. “Globalization and the Informal Economy: How Global Trade and Investment Impact on the Working Poor”. Working Paper on the Informal Economy 2002/1. Employment Sector, International Labour Office, Geneva. http://www.ilo.org/public/english/employment/infeco/download/wp1.pdf (dd. 21 01 2008)

Prihandana, Ramalis Subandi. Redefining the pasar: trading enterprise, livelihoods, networks and urban governance in urban markets of West Java. A dissertation, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 2002.



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Tokman, Victor. E. “Modernizing the informal sectors” DESA Working Paper No. 42, June 2007, United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs. http://www.un.org/esa/desa/papers/2007/wp42_2007.pdf (dd. 21 01 2008)

http://bps.jakarta.go.id/ kotatua.blogspot.com/2006/08/pasar-senen.html http://www.enotes.com/earth-science/porosity-permeability jktstreetlooks.blogspot.com

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