CONCLUSIONS

stallings Occupatl0n

A series of three broad research topics were origlnallyproposed for the study of the Stalll.ngs occupatl0n at F1ShHaul, including culture history, settlement and subsistence.The research conducted at Fish Haul to date has exposed 1700square feet of primarily Stall1.ngs occupation zones and anadditional 540 space feet of light, mixed prehistoric andhistoric occupatl0n. The Stallings phase is represented by1481 sherds (over I-inch in diameter), 21 bifaces, 10 largestone tools, 616 flakes, two shell ornaments, 135 hones, and35 baked clay objects. Also included in our study of thestallings phase were 12 features attributable to theoccupation which produced faunal, ethnobotanical, and shellsammples. A series of three highly reliable dates have beenobtained from the site: 1770±90 B.C., 1730±60 B.C., and1330±80 B.C.

The stallings assemblage from Fish Haul does not containall of the various types of artifacts found at largerstallings sites, but is otherwise typical. Some artifacts,such as bifaces, have been recovered in greater abundance atFish Haul than at other coastal sites. The pottery wasprimarily punctated, although plain specimens accounted forslightly more than a third of the collection. Ofconsiderable typological significance was the radiographicevidence that a coiling technique was used by the stallingsphase potters. The transition from modeling to cOllingprobably occurred late in the stalling phase and the presenceof this technique at a site dating to ca. 1800 B.C. isentirely reasonable given our knowledge of ceramic technologyamong succeeding Thorn's Creek potters. The pottery fails toevidence any firing defects, suggesting that the wares wereproduced elsewhere. Lithics include primarily the SmallSavannah River Stemmed type, with fewer numbers of earllerSavannah River Stemmed and later Gypsy Stemmed. Theassemblage, like the pottery, suggests manufacture elsewhere,with the points brought to the slte ln flnished form. Onceat Fish Haul the points were sUbjected to resharpening andeventual discard. The source of the raw material is clearerfor the lithics than for the pottery, with most of the stoneconsidered to be "Allendale" chert. Llttle evidence of stonefrom the Piedmont or from other dralnages is present. Fewlithic artifact types are present, suggestl.ng a limlted rangeof activ1.ties requiring stone tools. Whl1e most pointsprovided eVldence of use as knives, a few may have been usedas spears, which suggests an economy oriented to animalprocurement and processing for food. There lS littleevidence of tools wh1.ch might be used to process sklns.

334

The presence of hones suggests that p1.ns, probably ofwood, were be1.ng produced at the site, possibly for makingnets. The baked clay objects were sUbjected to a phosphatetest, which suggests they came into little contact withorganic materials. Because of this, a pit- roasting functionhas been suggested over their use l.n boiling. This seemsreasonable Sl.nce the stalling pottery was certainly capableof being placed directly over a fire.

The subsistence strategy of the Stallings people at FishHaul is detailed in the previous discussions of both faunaland ethnobotanical remains. A brief mention will also bemade regarding the shellfish contrl.bution in thesediscussions.

The faunal remains provide no evidence of seasonality,but they do reveal, simply, that while a few species accountfor the greater amount of meat, the Stallings people had adiffuse pattern of procurement that took a number ofdifferent vertebrate species. The most significant speciesin the Stallings component were deer, diamondback terrapin,and fish.

The ethnobotanical remains suggest that one food sourcehickory nuts -- was heavily exploited. Nutshell fragments

were common in features and even in excavation units. Incontrast, other wild plant foods, such as acorn or fleshyfruits, were nearly absent in the samples. These data reveala probable late fall-early winter period of gathering andfocal economy (in contrast to the faunal remains.)

The entire Stallings component produced only 393.5pounds (178.2 kilograms) of shellfish, primarily oyster, and243.5 pounds (110.3 kilograms) or 62% came from Feature 18.Using the allometric regression formula for oyster, developedby Quitmyer (1985a), this yields 46.5 pounds (21.1 kl.lograms)of meat, with Feature 18 contributing 29 pounds (13.2kilograms). This, by far, exceeds the biomass contributionof the faunal resources, and even if compared to expectedmeat yield of the two deer was not an l.nconsequentialcontribution to the dl.et.

Merging these data into one syntheses of Stallingssubsistence at Fish Haul is diffl.cul t and open toconsiderable controversy. What appears to be evidenced 1S apredominance of shellfish and hl.ckory nuts, in addition to asignificant number of fish. Hl.gher vertebrates are notabundant, although deer did provide a notable contribution tothe diet. The diet appears to be consistently diffuse, withthe exploitation of a number of different coastal zoneresources and a reliance on none.

The perceived diet is

335

well balanced, with the

vertebrates and hickory nuts high in protein and the oysterand other shellfish high in carbohydrates. This combinationalso provides a number of significant vitamins and minerals.This is not, however, to suggest that periods of inadequacywere not known and that d~sease, particularly of parasiticorigin, was not common (see Rathbun et al. 1980).

The diet, specifically the hickory nuts and clams,provide strong evidence for a late fall-early winteroccupation. such a conclusion is consistent with the faunalcollection. The site may represent a segment of a definiteseasonal round, or it may reflect simply the short-termoccupation by highly mobile bands. Evidence from Fish Haulclearly reveals repeated site visits by small groups, but weare not yet in the position to suggest that all of thesevisits were during the same season. It seems likely thatFish Haul was repeatedly occupied because of itsenvironmental situation which apparently provided access toabundant hickories, in addition to the estuarine resources ofshellfish and fish.

A single Stallings phase structure was found duringthese studies. Evidenced by a series of post holes in a"D"-shaped pattern, this small "hut" suggests an impermanentstructure oriented toward the marsh breeze, which is notinconsistent with the late-fall or early winter season giventhe temperate coastal climate.

In summary, between about 1800 and 1300 B.C. a number ofsmall bands moved through the Fish Haul area, bringing w1ththem the artifacts they would need for their short stay.They built only impermanent structures, perhaps occupied foronly a few days or weeks. They subsisted on primarilyshellfish, hickory nuts, and fish, as well as opportunisticcatches of other vertebrates. This reconstruction may giverise to DePratter's (1979b) character~zation of "limitedoccupations," although Fish Haul does not appear to be a"marginal area." Perhaps a better characterization isStoltman's (1972:51) "limited segment of a diversifiedsettlement system."

Later Prehistoric Occupations

It is interesting that evidence of occupation throughthe Early, Middle, and Late Woodland periods is present atFish Haul, although in no case does the presence rival thatof the earlier stal11ngs people. In fact, only the Deptfordcomponent suggests more than a s1ngle, brief encampment.

cultural rema1ns definitely attributable to the Deptfordoccupation l.nclude only pottery. No small "Deptford stemmed"pOl.nts (Trinkley 1980a) were recovered, no features wl.th

336

Deptford remains were recovered, and no information onDeptford subsistence was revealed. The Deptford potteryrepresents a fa~rly thin veneer over the site, although theAuger Test Survey suggests a denser concentration of Deptfordremains in the vic~n~ty of Auger Test 47. Likewise, thereappears to be concentration of Thom' s Creek pottery in thevicinity of Auger Test 225. It is therefore poss~ble thatfurther research (detailed below) will yield data on thelater utilization of the Fish Haul environs.

Mitchelv~lle

Mitchelville may be one of the most significantAfro-Amerl.can archaeological sites l.n South Carolina.Historical sources revealed that the town was an autonomousblack community established in 1862 by the Union forces onHilton Head. streets were laid out and houses wereconstructed on I acre lots by the blacks. An elected towngovernment, entirely black, was established to developsanitary, police, and school regulations. The village'soccupants were supported primarily by wage labor ($4 to $12 amonth, plus military rations, the cost of which might besubtracted from the wages) while the Hilton Head post wasactive until about 1867. During that time blacks becameacquainted with a consumer economy, and stores and shops wereestablished on the Island and specifically in Mitchelville.Public buildings, such as churches and possibly schools, wereestablished. After 1867 the community was probably moreagrarian, but it continued to thrive to about 1880. By themid-lSSOs it is probable that the village was beingtransformed into a kin-based community, led by March Gardnerand his son, G.P. Gardner, which continued into the twentiethcentury. By 1921 the "town" was divided among the five heirsof March Gardner.

The archaeological study of the site has yielded a largequantity of. remains (over 25, 000 art~facts) wh~ch provide adetailed, yet preliminary, reconstruction of the freedmen'slifestyle. At least four structures were examined, oneintensively by the excavation of 950 square feet. This isthe first archaeological study of a freedmen's v~llage and itprovides another perspect~ve to prev~ous stud~es of the "PortRoyal Experiment... The presence of M~tchelville providesevidence of the abl.lity of blacks to rule themselves absentthe bonds of slavery. A Freedmen's Bureau officer in theSouth noted that the black "loves to congregate in famJ.lies,in groups, ~n villages" (John Alvord, quoted in Gutman1976:xxi). ThlS strong social bond, in a part, may explainthe cohesiveness of MJ.tchelville over at least 18 years.

The presence of specJ.f~c, high status artifacts in thearchaeological record suggest that plantat~on house goodsfound thelr way to blacks. Whether the goods, such as

337

ceramics, stemware, lead crystal, arms, and personal items,were directly looted by the blacks, or bartered to them byUnion solders cannot be determined from the archaeologicalevidence. It seems likely that both forms of procurementtook place, based on the historical record.

An examination of the artifact patterns exhibited byMitchelville reveals that not only were a number of highstatus goods incorporated in the archaeological record, butthat the freedmen owned possessions in excess of thosetypical of slavery. When compared to the Carolina SlaveArtifact Pattern, Mitchelville evidences hl.gher proportionsof furniture, personal and clothing goods. Compared to theGeorgia Slave Artifact Pattern, Mitchelville residentspossessed more furniture and arms, and both clothing andpersonal items are within the upper range of the slavepattern. This demonstrates that the Mitchelville residentswere not worse off than before slavery, but were clearlyparticipating in the economy evidenced in the historicaldocuments.

The artifact pattern exhibited by the most thoroughexcavation in Mitchelville reveals similarities to therecently proposed Piedmont Tenant/Yeoman Farmer Pattern(Drucker, et ale 1984) and the Revised Frontier Artl.factPattern (Garrow 1982b; South 1977). It is made clear thatblacks were prospering (relatively speaking) and werebeginning to change their economic position. The evidencefrom Mitchelville also suggests the possibility of patterndifferences between structures, which may reflect differingstatus or simply economic well-being of the occupants.

The status of individuals, or their wealth, may also beviewed using Miller's classification of nineteenth centuryceramics. This technique reveals consistently inexpensiveplate and bowl motifs, although cups and saucers (teaware)have a higher economic scale. In spite of this, the ceramicssuggest that food preparation and serving habits werebeginning to change among the freedmen. There is a greateremphasis on plates and annular ware is no longer thepredominent motif. The artifacts also suggest, as previouslymentioned, that it may be possible to ident1.fy wealthiermembers of the community.

The faunal remains from Mitchelville provide significantdata on the foodways of the freedmen. A few specl.es,primarily the cow and pig, contributed the greatest portionof the biomass. Fish and turtles made notable, andconsistent, contrl.butions to the diet, as suggested by thehistorical record. Wl.ld mammals, whl.le utilized, appearhardly significant in the overall diet. Likewise, shellfishwere collected (clam prl.mar1.ly l.n the late fall), butprobably made a minor contrl.but1.on to the diet. While porkwas homegrown and slaughtered, beef was largely obtained

338

fresh, probably as military rations.

Whl1e Reitz (1984; see Table 39 in this report) notes adominance of wild species at rural and slave sites (73.4 and73.8% respectively), the emphasis clearly shifts to domesticspecies (53.6%) at urban sites (wild species decline to36.2%). Commensals increase from 4.3 and 2.8% at rural andslave sites to 10.4% at urban sltes, perhaps a truereflection of "urbanness." The Mitchelville data fallsmidway between the Rural/Slave and Urban Patterns, exceptthat the commensals suggest an urban envlronment. In otherwords, Mitchelvllle was urban, but relatlvely poor whencompared to other urban sites and therefore somewhat morereliant on wild foods. This is, of course, documented by thehistoric records that talk of the near starvation by HiltonHead blacks.

These data, however, do not address the contribution ofeither plant foods or prepared foods (purchased in bulk or incans from stores). The ethnobotanical record is very sparse,presumably because of food preparation and disposaltechniques. The historic accounts provide some informationon other food sources, which probably emphasized the grains-- rice and hominey.

The present work has only begun to examine the communitypatterns, social organization, and group dynamics ofMitchelville. Although Geismar (1982) has demonstrated theapplicability of archaeology to the study of these topics,she also began with the advantage of more detailed historicaccounts for Skunk Hollow than are available forMitchelville. It is, however, intriguing to speculate thatMarch Gardner and later his son, G.P. Gardner, provided acertain cohesiveness to the community and that thedisintegration of the kin-based community is associated withthe death of G.P. Gardner and/or his gradual loss of status.The topic may be amenable to more detailed study as a largersample of structures is obtained and additional hlstoricalsources are identified (see below).

Future Studles and Research at Fish Haul

These studies have demonstrated that both theprehistoric and hlstoric components of Fish Haul are clearlysignificant; not only have they yielded conslderable data,but the research has demonstrated areas WhlCh requireadditional investigation. These brief comments are meantonly to serve as a general guide to future work.

The Auger Test stUdy revealed several concentrations ofprehistorlc remalns which were not examlned by thlS study,specifically the Deptford remains eVldenced by Auger Test 47,

339

the Thom's Creek remains evidenced by Auger Test 225, and theconcentrat~on of stallings remains at Auger Test 140-142.Each of these areas deserves at least minimal blockexcavation to determine the nature and extent of prehistoricoccupation. An exam~nat~on of Thom' s Creek and Deptfordremains may assist in obtaining a better understanding oftheir respective settlement and subsistence systems and mayalso reveal consistent attributes about the Fish Haul tractwhich made it attractive to prehistoric occupation. If theselater Early Woodland occupations prov~de ~n situ remains,including features, they will be useful to explore aspects ofmaterial culture and cultural divers~ty. Evidence fromseveral blocks suggests the presence of stratigraph~c

deposits, which combined with additional radiometric dating,would help refine our knowledge of the cultural sequence ofthe area.

Further research into the Stallings phase at Fish Haulis warranted, based on the currently available data. The110-123 block should be extended to the north (into the areaof greatest density based on the Auger Test Survey). Thesedata will continue to assist in the refinement of ourknowledge of Stallings settlement and subsistence. It willparticularly be useful to have the data fromthe 140-142 area to compare with that obtained from the110-123 and 1982 blocks. Further research in the Stallingscomponent should enable additional structures to beidentified and additional radiocarbon samples to becollected.

Fish Haul has demonstrated its ability to contributedata to a variety of significant questions. The largersamples of pottery, lithics, baked clay objects, andsubsistence data will enable the studies tentatively outlinedin this report to be continued and refined. As wasoriginally emphasized, and amply demonstrated by this work,Fish Haul represents a uniquely well preserved site withdemonstrated research potential. No similar site has beenidentified in the area's literature and no similar work hasbeen conducted at any Stallings site on the South Carolinacoast.

The Mitchelville site is likewise unique ~n SouthCarolina archaeology. While the site was originally muchlarger than the Fish Haul tract, ~t has been largelydeveloped so that only in the "Fish Haul SUbdivision" is itstill undeveloped and largely unaffected by agriculture andvandalism (during the field work we observed archaeologicallooting of the site areas to the north and northwest byindividuals in vehicles having South Carollna, Georgia, andOhio license plates). Consequently, our knowledge ofMitchelville archaeology must, of necess~ty, come from theFish Haul tract.

Research at Mltchelv~lle should continue to expose the

340

anomolous structure observed in the 39-40-47-48 block, obtaina more complete sample from the 110-123 structure, and beginto more fully expose the structure found ~n the test pits. Aprogram of more intensive testing should be directed to theidentification and testing of structures between the testpits and the 39-40-47-48 block and the 161-162 structure andthe area to the southwest. An effort should be made toobtain perm~ss~on to explore the structure associated withthe standing chimney in one of the outparcels. Thisstructure appears to date from the late nineteenth centuryand may be related to the late occupat~on of Mltchelville.

Research at the various M~tchelville structures w~ll

enlarge the sample for Artifact Pattern analysis. Uponexamination it may be possible to better understand therelationship between the Kitchen and Architectural Groups.It should also be possible to better understand thetransition from slavery to freedom by compar~ng Mitchelvilleto antebellum slave sites. Mitchelville should also becompared to examples of small agrlcultural villages typicalof the northern states, particularly New England. Thesignificance of jewelry as part of the Afro-Americancontinuum should be examined. Further research shouldemphasize perceived differences between antebellum freeblack/slave sites and Mitchelville. Of particular interestshould be archaeological evidence which suggests that thefreedmen were attempting to distance themselves from theplantation experience, as this may be the key to stUdying theblack sultural transltion from slavery to freedom.

Further research should continue to explore status,using not only Ml1ler's ceramlC indlces, but also otherartifact types. Further efforts should be made todistinquish the results of looting or bartering from thepossessions acquired through wage labor. The study of statusshould be enlarged to examine several contemporaneousMitchelville structures which have received extensiveexcavation. This approach will asslst in the study ofcommunlty organizatlon and the intrastructural comparlson ofwealth and status.

While a considerable effort has been expended ln theexaminatlon of hlstorical documents relatlng to Hl1ton Headand Mitchelvil1e, there are avenues which are stlllunexplored or which deserve further attention. Some sources,such as the Penn School records at the Southern HistoricalCollection, University of North Carolina, Chapel H~ll, havenot been examined because of tlme and fundlng restrlctions.only the local, period newspapers avallable at the Llbrary ofCongress were examlned, although other numbers eXlst ln otherrepositories and would likely contrlbute to a betterunderstandlng of Mltchelville. Supris~ngly llttle wasdiscovered about the town from an examlnatlon of m~lltaryrecords, al though two and a half days were spent revlewlng

341

the National Archives collections. F~nally, little waslearned about the postbellum events in the town and it ispossible that the vast amount of relatively uncatalogedcounty or state archival documents may provide a morecomplete view, as might other late nineteenth centurynewspapers.

The present study should have clearly demonstrated thatarchaeological and historical invest~gations must be jointlyutilized. In addition, future studies should incorporate theuse of an individual trained in ~nformant interviews and folkhistory to ferret out local sources and informat~on in therapidly dwindling black community.

The study of Mitchelville provides clear roots for theblack community on Hilton Head, linking the abstract "PortRoyal Experiment" to the land established by the federalgovernment in 1862 as an experiment in self-government anddemocracy, and to the actual, physical remains of thevillage. In spite of "progress" and development, theexperiment and its effects on the black community can bebetter studied nowhere else. It is appropriate to recall thewords of Uncle Smart Washington, an ex-slave on st. HelenaIsland, who, angered by Northern speculators among the SeaIsland blacks, said,

[w] e born here; we parents'graves here; we donne odercountry; dis here our home. DeNort folks hab home, antee? Whata pity dat dey don't love derhome like we love we home, forden dey would neber come here tobuy all way from we (quoted inGutman 1976:471).

342

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