Indigenous Media and Governmental Policy: How Canada's Change in Policy may help Preserve Original People's Culture

Introduction

The Aboriginal People's Television Network is a broadcast programming station based in

Winnipeg Canada. The aim is to take Original People's philosophy and language and have it

1 reach non-Indigenous audiences that are interested in the subject matter. The aim is also to

2 reach other urban Original People. But the APTN did not spring up over night. It was, in part, a

reaction to the oppressive practices used by the Canadian government to assimilate Original

People with those that colonized Canada. But Indigenous cultures survived long enough that, by

the mid 80's) the Canadian government retracted its policy of forced assimilation. Still, Original

People were less concerned with acceptance from the colonizers of Canada and more concerned

with preservation of their own cultural.

With cultural preservation in mind, pilot programs were developed with assistance from

subsidies from the Canadian government. Although the concern over cultural preservation had

been present prior to the allowance of Original People's self-determination, the difference now

was that Indigenous cultures were gaining the opportunity to tell their own story in the form of

broadcast television. Pilot programs, such as the Inuit Broadcasting Company or IBC, began

developing media content in the early 80's just prior to the end of the Canadian policy of forced

assimilation. The IBC was the foundation of the Aboriginal People's Television Network or

APTN.

' Original People refers to all aboriginal people of Canada. It can also be argued that the term can be applied to all Indigenous people of North, Central and South America. Rather than differentiate between various tribes and sub- groups, it is easier and clearer to refer to the founding cultures of Canada with one term.

The term "urban original people" is adapted from a slang term "urban Indian". Urban Indian refers to Indigenous people that are living in cities or otherwise in areas not connected to a reservation or a concentration of Original Peoplc.

The APTN aimed at reaching the Original People's populations across 21St century

Canada. The connection was vital in giving the Original populations a psychological boost in

terms of self esteem. Various languages that had little chance of surviving one or two generations

more were given new life in the form of programming aimed at preserving it. Modern day

Original People's issues were also highlighted so as to create consensus on how to overcome

many obstacles that came with colonialism and Eurocentric governmental policies. Stories that

were, in the past, handed down from generation to generation could now be told via the APTN.

Traditional stories could reach far more people than they could prior to broadcast technology. In

addition to cultural preservation, the APTN served as an artistic outlet for Indigenous people.

Broadcasts also serve to educate the population at large about Original People. This may be the

first time that the story has been told by the effected party. It may also be the most widely

distributed.

Some of the effects of the APTN may not be detectable as it is ten years old if one

includes the early versions. For those who are involved in the production, it is an opportunity to

express themselves in ways that, a generation before, was impossible due to government

sanctions. It also takes advantage of the dominant culture's main vehicle for mass

communication and uses it for the Original People's benefit. Yet, the APTN is so new that it may

take decades for the advertising interests to take notice. (This phenomenon is exemplified by the

lack of interest advertisers paid to the Latino market in the mid 1990's only to see a surge in

spending on advertising as late as 2000.)

The future of the APTN remains to be seen. The most pressing goal is to survive the

budget cuts that have hit the Canadian Broadcast Corporation. Various production and

distribution problems that were seen in the past will re-emerge from time to time. Some scholars

see the future as one of fantastic cultural preservation and an access point for scholars of modem

Original People's societies. Yet, the good must be viewed in perspective. Let the scholars and the

audience members not forget the lessons of American Television's early days. A dawn appeared

to be ushering in a grand period of learning as if a modern day renaissance was about to unfold.

This dream was spoiled by advertisers and propagandists who circumvented the usefulness of the

television media for their own self interest.

Presented here is a look at Canadian policy toward Inuit people of Canada. The

progression from forced assimilation followed by promoting self expression led to early

experiments in broadcast communication. Problems with funding and distribution led to the

establishing of the APTN. Yet the network did have its problems and critics which are explored

briefly. Finally, the APTN is put into perspective by examining it via a cultural approach.

Various theories are explored to see how well the APTN fits the theory. Throughout the text,

various terms and phrases are explained in a "notes" section in order to make clear their

definitions and implications. Since the APTN conveys perspectives of Indigenous cultures of

Canada, the underlying meaning of some terms and phrases are explained as best can be done.

The Canadian Treatment of "Eskimos"

The history of Original People in Canada is one of misunderstanding. The Canadian

government tried to suppress the language and culture of Original People as late as 1986 (Milloy,

1999). The result of such governmental policies led to a condition of dependency on the

Canadian government. Seton (1 999) stated that the behavior exhibited by the Canadian

government was part of a larger pattern of relations between colonial powers and Indigenous

nations:

States attempt to erase the histories and geographies of the nations they occupy, through programs commonly referred to as nation building. Programs that are based on political, cultural and territorial

integration and development and education through the creation of common symbols. When states speak of nation building they are, in most cases, undertaking state building by nation destroying. (p. 10)

In 1997, the Canadian government publicly apologized for the policies it had advanced as little

as eleven years before. Although they did not acknowledge that they were undertaking plans that

aimed at dismantling Aboriginal nations, a brief history of Canadian Indian policy may

illuminate that the end result was destructive.

In 1867, the Canadian government set out to cleanse itself of Original People (Milloy,

1999). The first Indian Act was passed in 1869 and it aimed at assimilating the Original

population into the dominant culture of the period. Essentially, all Original People's religious

practices were banned, and a program was developed that shipped native youth to boarding

schools. The children were not permitted to speak Original People's languages making it difficult

for the youth to maintain their connection to their culture. Milloy summed up the strategy of the

Canadian government best:

The rationale for the schools . . . was [the] transformation from the natural condition to that of civilization,

a re-socializing process by a movement from circle to square, from a world to be navigated by belief,

dreams and spirit guidance to one of secular logic and reasoning, from learning by living, observing and

doing, to living and learning by discipline in preparation for a life governed by the dictates of an alien

society.

The strategy became compulsory to families that resisted. An income supplement was granted to

the Original People's populations and those that refused to allow their children to be taken to

boarding schools faced losing such subsidies.

The results of the Canadian assimilation policies were hard on the Original People and

their culture. The attendees of the boarding schools returned to their communities and, according

to accounts of Canadian government officials, were more "worthless" than prior to leaving for

education. In retrospect, many academics that specialize in the study of Original People

hypothesize about the effect that the schools had on the students psyche. Milloy (1999) stated

that the struggle "graduates" wrestled with involved accepting their identity after being taught to

hate themselves. He wrote, "they have normalized the destruction of their culture, tradition, lands

and resources. They have become a nation of people who have normalized their own

oppression." (Milloy, 1 999)

Amid all the shame and confusion, the Original people had many other problems to

tackle. High suicide and alcoholism rates were a few of the problems. But that was compounded

by the death of elders each generation. It promoted the loss of culture just as much as the policies

of the Canadian government. The system of compulsory education was finally abandoned in

1 986 but the damage had been done.

Events That led to Network Establishment

Early experiments with mass communication led to the creation of networks in the early

fifties. It involved the use of shortwave radios that aimed at delivering bingo results, announcing

community events on reserves, and using Original People's languages with persons other than

closc ncighbors (Lorna, 2000). By the 1970's, the idea of Indigenous programming was taking

root in several areas at once. But the interest was not due to a positive change. Rather, during the

seventies, broadcasts from Southern Canada, an area occupied by colonizing Canadians, began

beaming signals into the north. The reaction from many Original People was one of concern.

Some blamed the southern broadcasts for cultural dislocation and a loss ofpride in the Original

People's heritage (Brooke, 2000).

The Inuit Broadcasting Corporation

By the early eighties, the Inuit Broadcasting Corporation began working toward

establishing an Original People's media production and distribution company. On January 1 1,

1982, the IBC, went on the air (Madden, 1992). One reason for the move to control their own

media was concern with the broadcasting of mainstream Canadian television into regions

populated by Original People. After the Anik B satellite was launched, a signal from CBC-TV

was beamed into the high arctic region. This resulted in large Indigenous communities, some as

large as 4,000, gaining access to television from Atlanta, Toledo and Chicago (Bergman, 1996).

The IBC goal was to produce media that reflected the cultural values of Original People as well

as communicate in Indigenous languages. These ideas would be an alternative to the Canadian

and American broadcasting companies that were carrying their values and languages into

northern Canada.

Some scholars consider Indigenous cultures to be in the same situation as third world

nations especially after a first world emerged. Other scholars consider Indigenous cultures a

fourth world. Whatever label is used, the consensus is that the Original People of Canada

followed the same path that many third world nations did in attempting to control their own

media (Madden, 1992, Roth, 2000). Media control was one step in a broader move toward self-

reliance but obtaining that self-reliance would mean following a path separate from that pushed

by Canadian colonizers. Media control would mean the Original People could instill their own

values into the message. Instilling Original People's values would offset the problems many

elders believed were caused by the intrusion of media created by American and Canadian

broadcasters. IBC was a pioneer in countering what other scholars have labeled globalization.

IBC aimed at highlighting First People's cultural values which were in contrast to the

values depicted on satellite television broadcast in the north. These broadcasts originated from

southern Canada and the United States. Madden summed up the differences in the two cultures

succinctly:

Inuit closeness to orality fosters looking at things from multiple perspectives, an emphasis on creation as

the revelation of natural form in life rather than the imposition of will onto something, a concern with

tradition. Southern Canadians tend to see things as a series of separate actions; Inuit view them as a

continuum of activities or impressions. Southern Canadians separate the functional and artistic; Inuit see

them as one.

The major problem with having one perspective side by side with the other is that First People's

philosophy is accepting of European culture. But European culture does not see all perspectives

of First People's philosophy. Rather, First People's philosophy can be viewed in sections not as a

whole. The section that is most appealing to European philosophy may be the potential audience

that the First People could be. When viewed only as potential consumers, First People become

susceptible to advertising creating wants as needs. The slippery slope becomes a matter of how

many European products and services are needed in ones cultural diet before the First People's

culture begins to fade into memory. At what point does the "continuum of activities" and

"impressions" (be they Indigenous, European or otherwise) begin to create conflict causing

audience members to choose a side and settle on which message wins the fight for attention.

From a critical perspective, the concept of mediation should be addressed. McQuail

(2001) stated that mediation involves two processes. First, it relays second hand information that

cannot be taken in first hand. But it can also come in the form of institutions making contact with

a given audience to serve their own purposes. Examples of institutions include government

agencies, advertisers, experts, educators, and other authority figures. By way of mediation,

:iudience members construct a mediated reality based on the images, sounds and ideas projected

via mass communication. Normatively, a public interest should be served by a news information

inass communication. Kumar (2001), however, argued that mass media is typically monopolized

by, and over representative of, elitist interests. The result is the encouragement of the audience to

be less politically informed while being more apathetic and selfish. For many, encouragement

toward apathy becomes a rational choice and it gives elites an indirect influence over media

content because the public is apathetic, uninterested or only concerned with information that

directly affects their lives. Most of this information is not known by savvy media users in the

United States or other European based cultures. Imagine the effect such programming could have

on First People's of Canada given their attitude of integrating functional with artistic, among

other perspectives. 3

Although none of the literature reviewed indicates that First People's are concerned with

such macro theories as hegemony and ideology, their apprehension can be contextualized with

such paradigms in mind. In any case, the developers of IBC planned for their eventual product to

project ideas differently than western media in order to be cognizant of issues of language

preservation and cultural hegemony. That such an intrusion was happening is an acknowledged

fact by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (Madden, 1992). One IBC program, Qagik, was

able to project the cultural virtues of First Peoples although, by European standards, the news

program is wide open to criticism concerning journalistic ethics.

Madden (1992) stated that Qagik embodied personal autonomy, cooperation, consensus

building, and non-combative behavior. Regarding personal autonomy, Qagik will not do a news

story on an individual without permission from that individual. Also, stories of trauma are not

run. Especially if there is confrontation between members of separate families or members of the

same family for fear that the news program will invade the privacy of the families involved and

thereby cause anguish. Anchors and reporters are not depicted as authority figures. Rather, they

This section on critical theory and mass communication takes a big risk in over simplifying the cultural subtleties of the First People's of Canada. But it is important to not only understand the perspective of the First People and European style media but also to see that acadenlic arguments that are typically applied 10 the Lhird world are also applicable to the fourth world as well as to classes of society within the first world.

8

act as introducers or welcomers not controllers of media flow. More freedom is given to

interviewees by reporters because, as the First People's saying goes, if you ask too many

4 questions, you are the one who is talking. Often interviewees will be figures of authority such

as experts. Yet the "experts" will carry themselves as regular members of the community. They

are speaking to share information, not to direct events. Finally, explicit conflicts do not appear.

For a non-Inuit to detect disagreement requires close listening due to its subtlety. Madden (1992)

concluded, based on the above criteria, that the IBC has successfully reached its goal in

interfusing First People's cultural values into a news program.

As a contributor to TV Northern Canada, IBC is available to 100,000 people from

Labrador in the east to the Yukon in the west. The producers of shows have traveled to Siberia

and Ethiopia to capture the lifestyles and highlight the issues of Indigenous peoples in those

regions. Financially, IBC is subsidized by the Canadian government. Between 1990 and 1995,

the budget for IBC has been cut by 36 percent from $2.5 million to $1.6 million. News of annual

budget cuts has the IBC's 40 employees wondering if they will have their jobs very much longer

(Bergman, 1996 )

In spite of the budget problems, the IBC knew from their first broadcast in 1982 that, in

large part, they only wished to stay on the air by covering production costs and not necessarily

making a profit. Those efforts to stay on the air have led to the New Media Centre, a program

developed to train young people to develop, produce and distribute media content via the IBC

What is meant by the saying "if you ask too many questions, you are the one who is actually speaking" is that asking too many questions does not really get your questions answered. Such an approach does not take into account the fact that western reporters typically already know the answers to the questions they have for individuals. In western reporting, questions are not always used to get answers but can be tools to challenge the position of people who are in conflict with social norms, on a single side of a debate, or are otherwise involved in a disagreement with another subject concerning a common issue or situation. On the other hand, First People inte~iewees who are ingrained in their Indigenous culture have no reason to be evasive or to lie. They should also have no need to push an agenda different from serving the reporter and the story to be told. For an interviewee to behave otherwise would be counter to First People's values.

network. One educational program, the Teen Video Stories or TVS, uses television to tell

accounts from the perspective of youth around the world. Teens were chosen from five countries,

Peru, Mozanlbique, the Philippines, Poland, and Canada, based on their interest in learning. The

students came from difficult backgrounds including livinglworking on the street, living in violent

political climates and living in poverty. After being instructed on how to use video equipment,

the teens were encouraged to tell their own stories from their own perspective (Bell and Mattson,

1996). It is yet another way that the IBC is breaking the pseudo rules of broadcast media in an

effort to actively serve its own international Indigenous community.

The IBC has become a production company that had problems distributing its content. In

spite of the challenges, it went on to tell stories from its own perspective. The IBC took efforts to

develop its own programming, enlisted Indigenous youth to produce their own shows, (thereby

learning a skill), and promoted the issues that, in many ways, are universal to Indigenous cultures

globally. Solving the problems involved in distributing the media were simultaneously being

contemplated while production was underway. The First People needed a network to call their

own.

Aboriginal People's Television Network and its Origin

During the same period that the IBC was forming, the APTN was also looking to create

an international television network that would be supported, in part, by a government subsidy

and cable subscribers in southern Canada. The molivcs for the network mirror the inspiration for

the IBC. In 1983, at least 13 regional Native Communication Societies had developed with the

There is a lot more information available on the APTN but very little on IBC. What can be ascertained is that APTN is a network while IBC is a production company with the capability to broadcast its programming in a limited geographic area. In any case, the IBC was presented as the origin and APTN as the network that took the IBC idea national and international. It may he, however, that the IBC spearheaded all of the legislative maneuvers that APTN is given credit for.

intention of having Canada pass legislation contributing to a forum for Native Broadcasting

(Lorna, 2000). On March 10 of the same year, Canada announced a policy that recognized the

need for Native Broadcasting (Media Awareness Network, 2003). It detailed five principles:

1. Northern residents should be offered access to an increasing range of programming choices through the exploitation of technological opportunities.

2. Northern native people should have the opportunity to participate actively in the determination . . . of the character, quantity and priority of programming broadcast in predominantly native communities.

3. Northern native people should have fair access to northern broadcasting distribution systems to maintain and develop their cultures and languages.

4. Programming relevant to native concerns, including content originated by native people, should be produced for distribution on northern broadcasting services wherever native people form a significant proportion of the population in the service area.

5 . Northern native representatives should be consulted regularly by government agencies engaged in establishing broadcasting policies which would affect their cultures.

With the IBC and other media creators working to produce television shows based on Inuit

philosophy, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation began assisting distribution efforts. Some

programnling was run on CBC networks but often aired early in the morning hours, such as 3:00

am. In addition, the programs were frequently pre-empted by national broadcasts. By 1985,

discussions concerning a dedicated channel among interested parties were underway.

Meanwhile, the distribution costs werc being solved but, due to political pressure to privatize

cultural industries, no nloney was available for prod~~ction.

Native Commurlications organizations initiated contracts to develop programming for

southern Canadian audiences (Lorna, 2000). Some of the production companies included the

IBC, Northern Native Broadcasting, Yukon, and WaWaTay Native Communication Societies. In

1988, the Canadian government allocated $1 0 million for a dedicated northern satellite (Media

Awareness Network, 2003). In 1991 the Broadcasting act recognized the special status of First

People's in Canadian Society (APTN, 2003). This was more than just a legislative act. It was a

complete turn in the opposite direction concerning First Peoples and Canadian Policy. Less than

ten years prior, Canada was trying to forcibly assimilate First Peoples into Canadian society and

now, as Lorna stated, the importance of Northern based control over the distribution and

production of native and northern programming was being recognized (2000). But the issue of

cost was still in need of attention.

By January 1998, research was underway to determine the popularity of a network that

could potentially bump other Canadian programming out of the line up of channels as well as

cost cable subscribers more money. Several studies are now available that indicate a positive

reaction by a majority of southern Canadian cable subscribers. Lorna (2000) stated that 79

percent of Canadians supported the idea of an APTN even under the condition that it might

displace services currently offered. According to the Media Awareness Network (2003) 68

percent of Canadians said they would be willing to pay 15 cents more on a cable bill in order to

make the APTN a reality. Yet, even with such support, some journalists were adamant about

depicting the APTN as a handout that should not be supported. Specifically, Kevin Michael

Grace of the Western Report, a conservative weekly magazine, wrote, "Only white liberals will

watch the APTN." Other negative media came from The National Post which is distributed in a

Toronto edition. The Post reported that making cable viewers pay for the APTN is tantamount to

advancing stereotypes that Indians need handouts to survive. The report concluded that

politically favored ethnic groups could force themselves into Canadian living rooms and wallets

(Brooke, 2000). It appears that most of the media backlash was in the minority and the general

public was in favor of the APTN idea.

By January 1999, the APTN debuted making it available to 8 million viewers. For many,

it created opportunities not available before. The Media Awareness Network (2003) found the

following:

It has provided Aboriginal artists, writers, actors and producers with the skills and the means to bring

Aboriginal people their own images and messages through documentaries, dramas, children's series,

educational programs, news, current events and cooking shows.

Specifically, the process of pitching and developing a program requires a different perspective

than what American television seems to rate as top priority. With advertising being the main

revenue, it is typical that American television producers are more concerned with the size of a

hypothetical audience than the societal value of a program. Christians, Fackler, Rotzoil and

McKee (2001) summed up the attitude of American television producers as follows:

Only the most unrepentant idealist would argue that social responsibility is a major consideration in most

entertainment media decisions. [Wloe to the producer, director, editor, or recording executive whose

product shows a financial loss, whatever the social galn Cp 277)

Currently the APTN boasts a program list in which 90 percent of the programming is on the

subject of First Peoples of Canada and the remaining 10 percent is about other Indigenous people

around the world. The network broadcasts 60 percent of its content in English, 25 percent in a

variety of First People's languages and 15 percent in French (Lorna, 2000).At least in its infancy,

thc APTN is exhibiting behavior that does not adhere to the standards of American television.

Lengthy applications and procedures are in place that guarantees the quality of the programming

as well as the social equities of the companies that eventually produce them.

How a Program gets Produced - An exercise in Public Service

The APTN has set up a system by which Indigenous producers can have access to

funding for production of their artistic endeavors. Distribution is also included in the offer via the

APTN. According to the APTN Guidelines for New Production Proposals (2003), the

management is "committed to assisting producers realize their production aspirations." In pursuit

of this goal, the APTN eillploys a five member panel called the "Independent Selection

Committee." To become a member of the committee, one must apply for the position. Persons

are selected based on critcria set forth by the APTN in the Independent Selection Committee

Request for Applications 2003-2004:

Must be a First Nation, Metis or Inuit citizen and a resident of Canada Must have thorough understanding of the Aboriginal community, with knowledge and apprecialion of the importance of Aboriginal languages Cannot be affiliated with APTN's Board of Directors or Staff Cannot be affiliated with any production or distribution conlpany or political organization Must have knowledge of the television broadcast industry Must be willing to make a significant commitment in time (3-4 day selection session) Must be willing to travel (Winnipeg) Must have access to a computer or laptop with internet access and email Must have knowlerlge of APTN's mandatc and vision

Individual requirements are supplemented by residency requirements. The board of five

committee members must be from various areas of Canada. Specifically, one member must be

from the North. The North area is made up of the Yukon, Northwest Territories, Nunavut,

Nunavik and Labrador. Newfoundland is excluded from the North. A resident of the West must

reside in British Columbia, Alberta or Saskatchewan. The South requirement can be filled by a

person from Manitoba, Ontario, or Quebec. And a person from the East must be froin Nova

Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, or Newfoundland. The East classification

excludes Labrador. Two additional requirements for the committee are that at least one member

must speak French and at least one member must be a Youth Member or- between the age of 18

and 30 (Independent Selection Committee Request for Applications, 2003).

New television shows are the most sought after resource for the fledgling network. Yet,

the network is charged with serving its audience as well as its community. This means that

productions from the Indigenous community are sought by the network. To this end, the APTN

wanted proposals from the community for its 2004/2005 broadcast season. The criterion for

selection of a proposal was based not only on its societal serving merit but also on the ownership

of the production company. The APTN Guidelines for New Production Proposals stated (2003)

that the "[plroduction company must either be operated and owned by Aboriginal citizens or

must have a production team that includes significant Aboriginal participation in key positions."

The spccific requirements for producers of shows as set forth in the Request For Proposals

(2003) state that producers must be;

a. an Aboriginal person, if an individual, which is defined to include First Nations, Metis or Inuit person who resides in Canada:

b. an Aboriginal production company, which is defined to include: i. A sole proprietorship, a limited company, a co-operative, a partnership, or a not-for-profit

organization in which Aboriginal persons have at least fifty-one (5 1%) percent ownership and control; or

ii. a joint venture consisting of two (2) or more businesses, provided that the business(es) has at least fifty-one (5 1%) percent Aboriginal ownership and corltrol of the joint venture; or

c. a non-Aboriginal Producer or Production Company employing a production team that includes significant Aboriginal participation in key positions (above-the-line).

In addition to the producer requirements, submission guidelines are also in place to ensure that

the producers understand the APTN's audience and schedule. Production must be original in

subject matter or treatment, demonstrate creativity and innovation, be of top quality in terms of

writing, research and presentation, be produced by a competent team with adequate experience

or a novice producer must be aligned with an experienced producer, and a budget and financing

scenario must be included. (Request For Proposals, 2003)

One of the purposes of the APTN was to promote access to audiences. The strategy can

take the form of giving Indigenous people a forum for their ideologies. But the APTN is not

interested in running programming that is inaccurate or holds to stereotypes. Rather, it would

make more sense to Indigenous people if they told their own stories in a manner consistent with

cultural values. One such company, Big Soul Productions, hopes to achievc accuracy in the

future with its partnership with APTN and through endeavors independent of the new network.

Successful Production Companies - Big Soul Productions

In August 1999, two Indigenous actresses established the Big Soul production company

based in Toronto. Laura J. Milliken, co-founder, is a 31 year old writer, producer, director and

entrepreneur from the Stony Point Reserve in Southwestern Ontario, Canada (Milliken, 2004).

Co-founder Jennifer Podemski was a child actress since age 12 and is now branching out behind

the camera (Podemski, 2004). The production company, "[Hlas become . . . fully-integrated

[and] independent . . . offer[ing] services [while] develop[ing] and produc[ing] its own original

programs," (Big Soul Productions, 2004). Today, as in the beginning, the production company is

100% Aboriginal owned and operated. The aim of the company, in part, is to, "reflect the

realities of a particular population of urban Native youth where hip hop is the music of choice

and gang allegiances are often a necessity," (Ryle, 2003).

One of the Big Soul success stories is "The Seventh Generation," a television show

meant to showcase role models for Indigenous youth. Podemski serves as host of the show

(Podemski, 2004). Besides being recognized by several film festival bodies and receiving

acclaim Irom the Indigenous population, the show continues to be produced for the

Saskatchewan Communications Network. Other shows that have received both acclaim and

criticism is "repREZentin," a half hour show produced by Indigenous youth. Big Soul first

RepREZentin has a two fold meaning. In hip hop culture, the word "representin" is defined as making not only your individual presence known, but also making your affiliation with a neighborhood known. Some would argue that it really means making ones gang alliliation known especially when the individual or group is outnumbered by rivals. It is an indication of bravery in that the individual or group islare not intimidated hy others that may take issue with said affiliation culminating in violence. Others would argue that it may have had a gang connotation but has since evolved Lo include any social group. Some Pamous groups that are represented may be best demonstrated by hip hop artists Tupac Shakur and Thc Notorious BIG. Both madc clcar thcir affiliations with thcir rcspective record labels leading to an "east coast" and "west coast" rivalry among rappers from New York and Los Angeles. Shakur represented Los Angeles based "Deulh Row Records" as well as Los Angeles and, to a larger exlenl, California while BIG represented New York based "Bad Boy Records" and to a larger extent New York City and the entire east coast.

The word "representin" has been modified by Big Soul Productions. The word "rez" is highlighted in the word "repREZentin" for a reason. Rez is a slang term used to refer to a reservation, a ghetto of sort to which many Indigenous populations were forced to residc on during the late 191h century. For Indigenous youth, the term "representin" is probably bcst dcfincd as making others aware that 1. an Indigenous person is in the presence of non-

selects youth interested in mcdia production and trains them to create the show using state of the

art technology (Big Soul Productions, 2004). The first year for "repREZentin" production took

place in 2000. The focus was on the Kettle and Stony Point reserve which aired on the APTN in

2001. The second year was shot at the Mikesew Cree First Nation and the episode it produced

ran on APTN in April 2002 (Big Soul Productions, 2004). The latest installment has evolved into

a runaway hit in the Indigenous world churning up controversy, criticism as well as praise and

admiration.

Moccasin Flats - The Series

Initially, Big Soul was running a third installment of repREZentin by working with the

youth of Regina, Saskatchewan, a Native Ghetto in the backwoods of Canada (Big Soul

Productions, 2004). Big Soul initially visited Regina to recruit residence for the production of a

drama set in their town. The overwhelming success of the pilot episode developed a lot of

attention in film festivals around the world. After the public reaction to the pilot, Big Soul

pitched the idea as a series to APTN. The attention may be due to the conditions that existed at

the time Big Soul first visited Regina.

Regina has a high rate of teen prostitution, youth and young adult incarcerations are 10

times greater than the rest of the Canadian population, and drug and alcohol abuse are named as

the key contributors to the above factors. What's more, mortality rates among youth are 3.6 times

higher than other Canadian youth and suicide represents 113 of all youth deaths (Moccasin Flats,

2004). It is a unique perspective that the typical film festival community may not have been

exposed to prior to viewing the pilot episode.

- - - -

Indigenous, 2. an Indigenous person of a particular tribeis in the presence of other Indigenous tribes or 3. a particular gang aniliote is present anlong rival gang members. Keep in mind that many tribes have historically not gotten along and the fact that one person is making clear that they represent a "minority" tribe could also lead to violence.

The APTN felt it was a good story to tell and picked up the pilot ordering more episodes.

Milliken said, "Moccasin Flats' gives voice to a largely unheard population. There has never

been a dramatic series about Aboriginal Canadians made by Aboriginal Canadians. It is a venue

for the mainstream audience to see what we are capable of doing and to give Aboriginal people

artistic and technical opportunities in television,'? (Ryle, 2003). With the majority of actors being

from Regina, director Randy Redroad said he applauds the shows realism adding that there are

no dishonest moments in the entire series (Ryle, 2003).

Still, some critics of the show say its success and its depiction of Native youth are

indicators of a larger issue in Native American communities. Elders are concerned that the youth

are losing touch with there roots and replacing it with hip hop culture. The pilot episode,

conveniently, addresses this issue by focusing on a clash between Aboriginal culture as

represented by the powwow dance and the hip hop culture that is associated with violence,

gangs, drugs, alcohol and prostitution (Lyons, 2003). The pilot does address the fact that many

older Indigenous people are not tolerant of hip hop culture and that youth are progressively less

interested in Native culture (Lyons, 2003). For Big Soul, the criticism is not surprising as noted

by Podemski, "Based past experience with productions that have been far less risky than this, I

expect this one to be controversial," (Oswald, 2003). Podemski defends the series by pointing

out that the show really does not have negative characters. She sees the characters as being

people in negative situations much like people in real life.

Despite the criticisms, it is apparent that the show is making an impact. The show began

airing its first season on November 10,2003 on the APTN network (Moccasin Flats News,

2004). Other networks it will appear on include Showcase Television. Additionally. Big Soul 11s

now making available for purchase a DVD of the first pilot episode and the first season's six

episodes that followed. So far there is no word if a second season will be made.

Indigenous Television from a Cultural Perspective

To give Indigenous television programming, in general, a look via the cultural approach,

it helps to understand what that approach is. McQuail(2001) defined the cultural approach as

having roots in humanity, anthropology and linguistics (p. 13). McQuail also stated that the

cultural approach looks at media use as a reflection of a particular culture (p.367). In some cases

media may inhibit culture. Although McQuail intended his theory to explain globalization and its

effect on third world countries, it could be applied to First Nations although imperfectly.

McQuail (2001) wrote, "[l'lhe flow of mass media from the developed or capitalist West to the

less developed world was seen as both good for its recipients and also beneficial in combating

the alternative model of modernization based on socialism, planning and government control,"

(p. 221). Since Indigenous nations are not well integrated into the globalization theory, it is

difficult to fit their media into a cultural theory. For First Nations, the issue of developing into a

communist reservation is not relevant. Howevcr, the notion of developing fourth world nations

into accepting and assimilating toward the dominant culture is.

Globalization theory separates nations according to ideology and wealth. Nations that

have a capitalist economic system are first world nations while communist economics system

nations are second world. Adding to the equation that a nation is not wealthy qualifies them as

third world (Seton, 1999). Some scholars criticize globalization theory for making no room for

Indigenous nations. Typically, in order for globalization to work, a nation must cross its own

border and exert an influence on another nation or nations. Generally, European settlers had an

influence on Aboriginal people in Canada. It should be recognizable that Canada became a first

world nation because it obtained wealth and it adhered to a capitalist economic system. But

where do the Indigenous people of Canada fit in? Many have concluded that they fit well into a

third world category. However, third world classification may be too simple and leaves many

intricacies unexplored. Seton (1999) defined fourth world as, "Aboriginal peoples who have

special non-technical, non-modern exploitative relations to the land in which they still live and

are disenfranchised by the states within which they live, (p. 3). The end result is the inability or

the lack of necessity of first world nations to be concerned or aware of the needs of fourth world

nations and the people that make them up. Thus, fourth world nation people have little chance of

expressing there own values because they lack resources and are marginalized by the first world

that envelopes them. This is why cultural media approaches do not perfectly fit Indigenous

media.

The cultural approaches to media generalize resistance to the dominant culture. McQuail

(2001) wrote that the influence from dominant media in third world environments was self

chosen by the people (p. 237). Original People's youth have adopted many hip hop cultural traits.

Examples of this phenomenon include the opening theme to Moccasin Flats; a hip hop

composition entitled "I'm a lucky one" performed by Native hip hop group Tru Rez Crew

(APTN, 2003). Images of the performers are evocative of hip hop culture from a backwards

baseball cap to the football jerseys worn baggy (Tru Rez website, 2004). The lyrics to "I'm a

lucky one" are as follows:

This is Tor my native American people nation wide I'm a lucky one my parents always were there I'm amazed with their ways living hand to cash Cherish likc a 24 carat gold 1 wear it Lct me share it every time LhaL your peace in the air Warm like fleece when our teeth we bare Tf T'm smilling when we whiling [hen it must be a dare Tf you 131 ingin up bee1 Native pull up a chalr I'm the chief at the table and able to hold your stare No relief whcn we start life is never fair

Don't get caught in a snare like you got caught unaware And trembling and flows and noses start to flare I know what you're thinking because I used to be there I can go to any reservation in the world I respect every man and woman boy and girl I'm flawed for sure cuz I'm an entrepreneur But if you prefer I humble like the one that you were Don't look back don't - don't you ever look back - don't look back, (TruRez Crew, 2003).

The fusion of hip hop with Native culture is intriguing. Borrowed are notions of wealth and

prestige associated with precious metals, in this case gold. The realism of fighting is also present

which is a style borrowed from hip hop. Many hip hop artists also come from economically

depressed neighborhoods. What has been rejected are notions of inner city life; in its place is

reservation life. The main reason that Native hip hop is a resistance to a dominant culture is the

reason that black hip hop is also resistant. Both exist in harsh conditions and both resist

becoming Europeanized. That is, the oppressed minority resists by not being assimilated into the

dominant culture. Rather than borrow from the dominant culture, Native hip hop has borrowed

from another subculture similar to itself.

Still, the other phenomenon may be the resistance and redefinition of media in terms of

the local culture and experience (McQuail, 200 1). This resistance and redefinition can be applied

to Native hip hop as well as Indigenous broadcasting in general. The APTN has become a

reflection of the Indigenous community of Canada. Milliken stated that Big Soul are setting out

to explore and accurately portray the Aboriginal people in various projects they have developed

(Miliken, 2004). The APTN also is in pursuit of this cause exhibited by their requests for

entertainment product proposals that are, "relevant, entertaining, and innovative" in terms of

cultural values found in the Aboriginal Canadian populace (APTN, 2003). But, at the same time,

while the media is being used to portray modem Aboriginal people and issues, it must be

remembered that this also works as a take over of the media product. What's more, the media

content broadcast on APTN is creating opportunities for youth and adult Indigenous actors to

meet and teach each other. While the youth learn from the elders, they also gain mentors

(McKay, 2003). And, on a technical level, the Aboriginal youth that work on the shows gain

knowledge on how to tell there own stories while the APTN provides a modest shoe string

budget with which to finance production (McKay, 2003).

McQuail(2001) also said a dominant media can inhibit culture although the inhibition is

often voluntary, (p. 221). First Nation Canadians are a special case in which both forced

assimilation and voluntary acceptance have taken place. The forcing of European culture on

Aboriginal people is documented early in this text. However, Wilson (1995) brings up many

points about American media that also fit well with explaining European media in general and its

effect on Indigenous people (p. 62). Here Wilson argued that the "noble savage" myth emerged

based on notions of admiration of some Indigenous cultural traits. Nobility associated with

Native Americans were based on sharing of food and assisting with other needs for living. The

aberration they saw in Native nudity, sexual relationships and the apparent lack of faith in a

religion were seen as savage. Eventually, Wilson (1995) wrote, the Indigenous population was

seen as unsavable by European people and a barrier to civilization in the "new world" (p. 63).

This attitude was carried on by American fiction writers and, later, Hollywood movie

producers. Depictions of Native Americans first began appearing around the time of Thomas

Edison's development of motion picture. The Lakota (Sioux) Ghost Dance was captured on film

in 1894 and Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show was recorded by 1898 (Wilson, p. 72). By the

1940's, Native Americans came to symbolize, "fulfillment of the American dream - the

immigrant's ability to conquer the obstacles presented by a new continent and it existing

inhabitants," (Wilson, 75). Modem depictions of Native Americans have changed very little

especially when they are produced by mainstream producers. Turner Network Television

produced a biography of Crazy Horse in 1996. The Red Cloud family, who descended from Red

Cloud, a fellow Chief and contemporary of Crazy Horse, were upset about the depiction of their

ancestor. Red Cloud was portrayed as jealous of Crazy Horse and, at times capable of sabotaging

his goal of protecting his clan (Christians, p. 265). It is no wonder the APTN, and many

Indigenous peoples, have given up on mainstream media for telling their stories and addressing

their concerns.

It is in this background of shifting attitudes toward Indigenous people that survival of

cultural traits is difficult. Assimilation of European traits is inevitable. Yet, resistance occurs on

various levels. For mainstream Canadian audiences, the problem is two - fold. Not only are the

audiences unclear on the issues faced by Aboriginal people, but they are also inundated with

Hollywood films. In 195 1, a review of Canadian cultural activities concluded that, "The cinema

at present is not only the most potent but also the most alien of the influences. Nearly all

Canadians go to the movies; and most movies come from Hollywood," (Magder, 1996). Magder

goes on to argue that Canada is refashioned by the Americans. The result is that Canadians

resemble Americans that live in snowy, wild, pristine natural environments (p. 145). The

Canadian resistance to Hollywood may have allowed for the APTN to emerge. Magder (1 996)

called the "Massey report" an emotional plea for the Canadian government to preserve Canada's

identity. Although it would take three decades for the Canadian government to stop

discriminating against First Peoples, the Massey report was the first move to subsidize broadcast

content in Canada.

Producing films in Canada is often a difficult task due to lack of funding. Magder (1996)

wrote that, "government funds often account for more than 70 percent of total budgets," (p. 164).

Therefore, film makers must struggle first arrange for government funding and then locate 30

percent of the funding through private sources in order begin a film project (Magder, 1996).

Aboriginal production companies have to work with much smaller budgets. In spite of the

hurdles to produce, there would not be a place to see independent films if it were not for the

Canadian attitude toward public television.

Raboy (1996) wrote that the Broadcasting Act of 1991 mandates public television to

provide, "maintenance and enhancement of national identity and cultural sovereignty," (p. 178).

The policy is to subsidize private companies, such as Big Soul, since the Canadian government is

not in the business of producing media content that is reflective of Canada's population. Raboy

(1996) predicted that public television in Canada will need to use alternative forms of

broadcasting in order to survive and sited progress toward that goal via recognition of

community broadcasting as legitimate media content. What the Canadian broadcasting policy has

done is recognize that the Aboriginal nations within the Canadian nation are separate culturally.

Seton (1999) stated that when an internal nation can have greater autonomy over its direction, be

it in general or in terms of media content, a state breakdown is occurring (p. 11). Canadian

policy, thus, in nation building has superficially erased Indigenous culture although said culture

persisted for centuries. It could be argued that Canadian policy fostered the state breakdown by

making an effort to promote cultural diversity in general. These policy changes seem to be

working in favor of the APTN thus far.

Conclusion

Since the beginning of colonial occupation, the lndigenous people of Canada have

endured what can be best described as an ignorant invader. First, the invader tried to change the

Inuit in an effort to improve them. Then, or in other cases, the Indigenous people were seen as

problems, as barriers to civilization. But for reasons not explored in this essay, the attitudes about

oppression of people changed in Canada. A policy was enacted that allowed for the expression of

Indigenous rights in the form of self determination. Across the board, some of the most

progressive policies were being enacted by the Canadian government including the Nunavut

Territory which emerged in 1999 as a separate political entity governing 27,000 people who are

mostly Aboriginal. It could be the first modern Indigenous community to emerge in the 20"

century (Lagare, 2002). The policy change also had a tremendous effect on media content.

Prior to the policy change, public television and early supporters of Indigenous media

content developed the Inuit Broadcasting Company in an effort to preserve Aboriginal culture as

well as tell stories that accurately reflected their morals and values. Problems emerged involving

funding and distribution. When a share of network space did not allow for an audience to view

many of the programs, policy makers took action to create legislation conducive to a dedicated

network. In 1999, the Aboriginal People's Television Network aimed to fill the gap. The APTN

was structurally organized to connect funding with production companies that could tell a story

well and take Aboriginal people into media related positions.

What emerged from the APTN was top quality media content that, for the most part,

accomplished its goal; accurate depictions of Indigenous people around the world. The goal was

accomplished by taking funding and awarding it to production companies that were at least 5 1

percent operated or owned by Aboriginal people in Canada. One company, Big Soul

Productions, stood out since its runaway hit Moccasin Flats, explored the gritty world of a Native

Ghetto in Regina. The criticisms came from conservative groups as well as other Native people

that felt the show glorified violence and drug use. It also fueled debates already taking place

among Indigenous youth and elders concerning the adoption of urban youth culture and the

abandonment of Native traditional culture.

Since its debut, the APTN's long lists of programming feats have been posted on its

website. News bureaus in Ottawa and Yellowknife make news coverage more consistent. The

second season boasted 20 new programs in regular rotation while the third season brought 14

new programs and brought with it enough programming for 24 hours of content. National

elections are being covered with a focus on issues relevant to First Peoples. The Native

American Journalists Association is already honoring the APTN's news organizations awarding

them 4 first place awards in 2001 (APTN, 2003). But the future may not be as optimistic as the

APTN may let on.

In the past, great scholars have been called on to study and understand fields of media.

Such historic research may have caused those scholars to better understand the media they study

than those that produce the media. Researchers like Paul F. Lazarfeld contributed information to

the United States government. The United States learned ways of communicating with its

enemies and allies. But many critics blame Lazarfeld for opening the door to many mass

communication abuses such as propaganda, misleading advertising, government influence on

media organizations, etc. It is too early to tell if the APTN or any other niche network can be

subverted in the way popular, general media was in the early days of television. But the lesson of

the past should be heeded so that another wave of mass communication manipulation does not

set in as it has in other areas. Lorna likens the APTN to the early days of CNN. It was young and

idealistic to begin with but then lost its nerve as advertiser influence and media conglomeration

made it increasingly difficult for the network to keep its edge. If APTN is able to see these

threats early on, it may be able to preventing sacrificing its initial goal of preserving First

People's culture. Notwithstanding, APTN is the antithesis of globalization since many

advei-tisers will not understand how to approach the audience and media conglomerates may not

be able to acquire it due to its connection to government subsidy. This may be the difference that

keeps the APTN loyal to its roots.

The APTN may also not behave as other mainstream media have in the past. Perhaps the

network goal is not merely in keeping with its roots. It could be that the cultural reflection of

Indigenous cultures is just a by product of other goals. The broader context of self determination

is being struggled for by a larger international movement among Indigenous cultures. When self

determination is attained, Indigenous cultures are better able to characterize and pursue progress

as it is defined by their own culture. Seton (1999) wrote that Europeans tend to define

development in terms of material wealth while Indigenous view development as spiritual.

Acknowledging that both pursuits are legitimate is the first step in making progress. Canadian

government policy has recognized the value in Aboriginal people expressing themselves by

telling their own stories via the APTN. Therefore, the APTN could be an example of how self

dctcrmination can be achieved by Indigenous populations through the use of media. In this

regard, it is not even an issue if the APTN proves to be positive or negative. Even if the APTN

has negative consequences, it is just one example that can be improved upon by Canadian First

Nation people, or any group of Indigenous people that are struggling to preserve their culture via

media content.

From a media perspective, the APTN fits well into cultural approaches. APTN has taken

over broadcast media and made it there own; it serves there needs. At the same time that elders

are able to tell creation stories and teach a new generation of viewers the finer points of

Aboriginal food preparation, Native youth also express there own likes and dislikes while

learning to use media technology. The cultural approach begs a larger question concerning the

validity of globalization, especially the way ideological and economic differences are pieced

together into a theoretical framework.

By ignoring Indigenous communities, globalization theorists have shot themselves in the

foot. Friedman (1999) wrote that the oversimplification of the Indigenous community position

has made the globalization theory more flawed. First, it takes a Eurocentric approach to world

organization placing American and English democracy as the top of the ranking. Secondly, it

places socialist nations as a second place contender. Finally, it places all other countries that

have less wealth into the "third wor ld category (p. 2). This viewpoint fails to recognize the

unique position First Nations hold in the world order. Globalization does not recognize the

contribution First Nations have made (many times by force) to the formation of the modern

world. Friedman (1999) pointed out the hostility that some globalization theorists foster

regarding Indigenous communities. Going about the study of media content requires a scientific

approach to broader disciplines that serve as a foundation to mass communications scholarship

(p. 3). The first step may very well be gaining recognition by mainstream scholars that

Indigenous communities still exist. The second step is to understand the political power they are

gaining in Canada and the United States. A full functioning theory of globalization that takes all

people into account may be the third and final step in developing a context with which to study

many disciplines including Indigenous media content.

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