inking and thinking: honors students and tattoos and academic... · embraced this art form as a...

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INKING AND THINKING: HONORS STUDENTS AND TATTOOS D r . L auren D undes McDaniel College Antonia F rancis McDaniel College This study examines whether academically accelerated students in a college Honors program are as likely as other students to acquire a tat- too and to spend the same amount of time contemplating this decision. A convenience sample of 71 honors students and 135 non-honors stu- dents completed a survey at a small mid-Atlantic liberal arts college in 2014 (response rate: 100%). Fewer Honors students had tattoos (13% versus 29%) and a greater proportion of those who did thought about this decision for at least a year (75% versus 19%). Having a majority of friends or parents with tattoos predicted only which non-Honors students had tattoos, suggesting that Honors students’ decision about tattoos may be less subject to influence by peer and parents. Honors students with tattoos were also those least likely to express concern that a tattoo could adversely affect their employment. These data suggest that the subset of Honors students with tattoos may be less sensitive to the approval of others. Instead, their tattoos may reflect a willingness to defy expectations and assumptions that stem from their academic standing. Introduction Although as many as 30% of undergrad- uates acquire a tattoo (King & Vidourek, 2013), these students risk stigma associated with this choice (Adams, 2010; Firmin et al., 2012; Hawkes et al., 2004; Irwin, 2002; Scott & Vanston, 2008), in part because lingering associations of tattoos with lower social class and behaviors such as substance abuse and risky sexual activity (King & Vidourek, 2013). In spite of the stigma, especially for those with a greater number and increased visibility of tattoos (Dickson et al., 2014), a growing number of college students have embraced this art form as a means to express their identity (Dickson et al., 2015; Stroheck- er, 2011; Kang & Jones, 2014). In the midst of the “Tattoo Renaissance” (Roberts, 2012), students must consider such issues as whether tattoos are a fad with permanent consequenc- es (Kosut, 2006) as well as their potential im- pact on securing employment (Burgess, 2010; Foltz, 2014; Martin & Dula, 2010). These concerns may be heightened among those who excel academically. Among a sample of 11,010 adolescents who were part of the National Longitudinal Study of Ado- lescent Health in the 1994-1995 school year, college-bound students were less than half as likely to have a tattoo compared to their non- college-bound counterparts (Silver, 2011). Analysis of these same data from the mid- 1990s revealed that those with higher grade point averages were less likely to acquire a 219

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Page 1: INKING AND THINKING: HONORS STUDENTS AND TATTOOS and academic... · embraced this art form as a means to express their identity (Dickson et al., 2015; Stroheck- er, 2011; Kang & Jones,

INKING AND THINKING: HONORS STUDENTS AND TATTOOS

Dr . L auren Dundes McDaniel College

Antonia Francis McDaniel College

This study examines whether academically accelerated students in a college Honors program are as likely as other students to acquire a tat­too and to spend the same amount o f time contemplating this decision. A convenience sample of 71 honors students and 135 non-honors stu­dents completed a survey at a small mid-Atlantic liberal arts college in 2014 (response rate: 100%). Fewer Honors students had tattoos (13% versus 29%) and a greater proportion of those who did thought about this decision for at least a year (75% versus 19%). Having a majority of friends or parents with tattoos predicted only which non-Honors students had tattoos, suggesting that Honors students’ decision about tattoos may be less subject to influence by peer and parents. Honors students with tattoos were also those least likely to express concern that a tattoo could adversely affect their employment. These data suggest that the subset of Honors students with tattoos may be less sensitive to the approval of others. Instead, their tattoos may reflect a willingness to defy expectations and assumptions that stem from their academic standing.

IntroductionAlthough as many as 30% of undergrad­

uates acquire a tattoo (King & Vidourek, 2013), these students risk stigma associated with this choice (Adams, 2010; Firmin et al., 2012; Hawkes et al., 2004; Irwin, 2002; Scott & Vanston, 2008), in part because lingering associations of tattoos with lower social class and behaviors such as substance abuse and risky sexual activity (King & Vidourek, 2013). In spite of the stigma, especially for those with a greater number and increased visibility of tattoos (Dickson et al., 2014), a growing number of college students have embraced this art form as a means to express their identity (Dickson et al., 2015; Stroheck- er, 2011; Kang & Jones, 2014). In the midst

of the “Tattoo Renaissance” (Roberts, 2012), students must consider such issues as whether tattoos are a fad with permanent consequenc­es (Kosut, 2006) as well as their potential im­pact on securing employment (Burgess, 2010; Foltz, 2014; Martin & Dula, 2010).

These concerns may be heightened among those who excel academically. Among a sample of 11,010 adolescents who were part of the National Longitudinal Study of Ado­lescent Health in the 1994-1995 school year, college-bound students were less than half as likely to have a tattoo compared to their non­college-bound counterparts (Silver, 2011). Analysis of these same data from the mid- 1990s revealed that those with higher grade point averages were less likely to acquire a

219

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220 / College Student Journal

tattoo. These high performers may seek to avoid risking the disapproval of adults who could play a role in their attaining high-lev­el professional success (Silver et al., 2009). Questions remain, however, about to what degree academic achievement still predicts tattoo acquisition. To answer this question, this study examines whether tattooing differs among students enrolled in a program limited to academically advanced students who were part of an Honors Program.

MethodsData were collected in 2014 from a small

liberal arts college in the mid-Atlantic region with an undergraduate student population of about 1,500. Using convenience sampling, 206 students completed an anonymous, IRB-approved paper survey. The sample con­sisted of 71 Honors students (out of a total of 153 total Honors students at the college) while the remaining 135 students were not from the Honors program. All students whose participation was solicited completed the sur­vey (an 100% response rate).

Prospective students in the top 10% of the college’s applicant pool are invited to apply to the Honors Program based on a combination of their core high school GPA, SAT verbal and math scores, writing samples, honors classes, AP classes, class ranks, and other areas of significant achievement. Students entering in Fall 2014 had an average SAT math and ver­bal score of 1361 and an average GPA of 3.96.

ResultsThe gender representation of the sample

matched that of both the college overall and the Honors program: the non-Honors sample was 49% male and 51 % female while the Hon­ors sample was 38% male and 62% female. Among all respondents, 23% of males and 23% of females had tattoos. Fewer Honors students (14%) had tattoos than non-Honors students (30%) (p=.01). In addition to being

less likely to have a tattoo, Honors students with tattoos were much more likely to have mulled over the decision for at least a year (75% versus 19% of non-Honors students) and none had acquired a tattoo on impulse (versus 13% of non-Honors students) (p=.05) (see Figure 1). Parental tattoos were predic­tive of respondents’ tattoos only for non-Hon- ors students (p=.01 for mothers and p=.002 for fathers) (see Figure 2). The majority of Honors students with tattoos (56%) have few tattooed friends (no more than 25% of all of their friends) compared to 20% of non-Hon- ors tattooed students (p= .007) indicating that non-Honors students with tattoos are most likely to have the greatest proportion of friends with tattoos (see Figure 3). Similarly, among those without tattoos, 20% of Honors students versus 43% of non-Honors students said that their parents were a factor in their decision not to get a tattoo (p=.001). When students were also queried about the poten­tial impact of a tattoo on future employment, strong differences emerged between tattooed and non-tattooed Honors students: those with tattoos were least concerned (22%), fewer than those without tattoos (62%) (p=.08: level of significance affected by small sample size of Honors students). See Figure 4.

DiscussionCompared to non-Honors students, Honors

students are only half as likely to have a tat­too. Yet those who do have a tattoo may make their decision independent of their friends and parents, and with less concern about the tat­too interfering with their employment. They differ from the majority of Honors students without tattoos who may be unwilling to po­tentially jeopardize employment options and advancement.

Despite their willingness to buck the non-tattooed norm of their subgroup, Honor students’ decision usually involves a period of contemplation of at least one year. The

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Inking And Thinking: Honors Students And Tattoos / 221

Figure 1

Honors Status & Time to Decide First Tattoo

a Honors Non-Honors75

29 30

13 13 13 I ^ S j j 19

0 MI1 m m

Impulse Less than 3 mos 3 mos-1 yr

" —.... i

1+ year

p=.05

Figure 2 Difference in parental tattoos between non-Honors students with and without tattoos significant for mothers (p=.01) and fathers (p=.002)

P ercen t w ith Parents w ith Tattoos

m other FT father36

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222 / College Student Journal

Figure 3

Percent reporting that no more than 25% of friends have tattoos

Honors w ith tattoos Non-Honors w ith tattoos Honors without tattoos Non-Honors w ithouttattoos

p= .007

Note: Included in these percent totals are 1% of Honors students without tattoos and 4% of non-Honors students without tattoos that have no friends with tattoos.

Figure 4 Difference between Honors students with and without tattoos: p<.10 (level of significance affected by small sample size of Honors students)

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Inking And Thinking: Honors Students And Tattoos / 223

extended time taken before acquiring a tat­too may relate to the values instilled in their previous accelerated academic programs or environment. More contemplation time may be a response to expectations that they pur­sue careers with stricter, more traditionally professional settings commonly known to be averse to tattoos (Foltz, 2014). In addition, taking time to mull over the decision could also stem from long-term encouragement to carefully consider the various implications of all of their decisions, perhaps related to why not a single Honors student made an impul­sive decision to get a tattoo.

These tattooed Honors students may be less likely to be guided by the norms embraced by parents or friends. Other research that having tattooed friends and family members reduces stigma (Dickson et al., 2014) may be applicable only to non-Honors students for whom there was a correlation between having many friends with tattoos and their decision to acquire a tattoo.

Honor students’ decision to acquire a tattoo may reflect a need to depart from subcultural norms, unlike their non-Honors counterparts, whose decisions are more con­sistent with their friends’ and parents’ actions. For tattooed Honors students, tattoos may be a visible manifestation of their willing­ness to reject convention, a type of rebellion against the conformity expected for those on a high-level career trajectory. The thought devoted to acquiring a tattoo may be a result of how Honors students cope with likely scrutiny of their decisions, especially those choices that defy norms for high achievers. Future research should examine whether this subset of academically accelerated students differ long-term in their career path and sense of well-being.

ReferencesAdams, J. (2010). Cleaning up the dirty work: Profes­

sionalization and the management o f stigma in the cosmetic surgery and tattoo industries. Deviant Be­havior, 33, 149-167.

Burgess, M., Clark, L. (2010). Do the ‘Savage Origins’ o f tattoos cast a prejudicial shadow on contemporary tattooed individual? Journal o f Applied Social Psy­chology, 40(3), 746-764.

Dickson, L., Dukes, R. L., Smith, H., & Strapko, N. (2015). To ink or not to ink: The meaning of tattoos among col­lege students. College Student Journal, 49(1), 106-120.

Dickson, L., Dukes, R. L., Smith, H., & Strapko, N. (2014). Stigma of ink: Tattoo attitudes among college students. The Social Science Journal, 51(2), 268-276.

Foltz, K.A. (2014). The millennial’s perception of tat­toos: Self-expression or business faux pas? College Student Journal, 48(4), 589-602.

Firmin, M., Tse, L., Foster, J., & Angclini, T. (2012). Ex­ternal dynamics influencing tattooing among college students: A qualitative analysis. Journal o f College Student Development, 53(1), 76-90.

Hawkes, D., Thom, C., & Senn, C.Y. (2004). Factors that influence attitudes toward women with tattoos. Sex Roles, 50(9), 593-604.

Irwin, K. (2002). Saints and sinners: Elite tattoo collec­tors and taltooists as positive and negative deviants. Sociological Spectrum, 23, 27-57.

Kang, M. & Jones, K. (2014). Why do people get tattoos? In Understanding Deviance: Connecting Classical and Contemporary Perspectives. Ed. Tammy L. An­derson. New York: Routlcdge, 266-271.

Kosut, M. (2006). An ironic fad: The commodification and consumption of tattoos. The Journal o f Popular Culture, 39(6), 1035-1048.

Martin, B.A. & Dula, C.S. (2010). More than skin deep: perceptions of, and stigma against, tattoos. College Student Journal, 44(1), 200-206.

Roberts, D. J. (2012). Secret ink: Tattoo’s place in con­temporary American culture. Journal o f American Culture, 35(2), 153-165.

Scott, J.M. & Vanston, D.C. (2008). Health risks, medical complications and negative social impacts associated with adolescent tattoo and body piercing practices. Vulnerable Children and Youth Studies, 3(3), 221-233.

Silver, E., Silver, S.J. & Van Eseltine, M. (2009). Tattoo acquisition: A prospective longitudinal study of ado­lescents. Deviant Behavior, 30, 511-538.

Silver, E., Silver, S.J. & Siennick, S. (2011). Bodily signs o f academic success: An empirical examination of tat­toos and grooming. Social Problems 58(4), 538-564.

Strohccker, D. P. (2011). Towards a pro-social concep­tion of contemporary tattooing: The psychological benefits of body modification. Rutgers Journal o f Sociology 1, 10-36.

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