intergenerational transmission of parenting...

INTERGENERATIONAL TRANSMISSION OF PARENTING AND ADOLESCENT PROBLEM BEHAVIORS Janna Lynn Herman Redmond, Washington B.S. Cornell University, 1985 M.A. University of Virginia, 1990 A Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Psychology University of Virginia January, 1995

Intergenerational Transmission i

Abstract

This investigation provided insight into the role of parent-adolescent relationships

in the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. Representations of parenting

were examined as a potential mechanism by which problem behaviors are transmitted

intergenerationally from mothers to their adolescents. Paternal, gender and family

composition influences on the intergenerational progression were also explored. One

hundred thirty-five adolescents, aged 14 to 18 years, and their mothers (and fathers

when available) completed Epstein's (1983) Mother-Father-Peer Scale, Armsden and

Greenberg's (1987) Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment, and questionnaires about

smoking, alcohol and drug use. Indications of an intergenerational transmission of

smoking, drinking and drug use from mothers to adolescents were found. Evidence of

intergenerational transmission of representations of parenting which corresponds to those

described by attachment theory was also uncovered. For both mother and adolescent

generations, representations of parenting received were significantly related to problems

with alcohol and drug use, but not with quantity of drug use. Limited effects were

found for fathers, adolescent gender and family composition. Evidence implying that

representations of parenting may play a partial mediating role was found. Although,

when representations were examined as completely mediating the intergenerational

transmission of problem behaviors, substantial unmediated effects remained. Findings

suggest the importance of continuing integrated research to determine how and why

representations of parenting influence the intergenerational transmission of substance

use. Information gleaned from such research will assist in the development of

prevention and intervention efforts.

Intergenerational Transmission ii

Table of Contents Abstract..................................................................................................... i Acknowledgements .................................................................................... iv Introduction ............................................................................................... 1 Methods................................................................................................... 21 Results .................................................................................................... 27 Discussion................................................................................................ 91 References ............................................................................................. 116 Appendix A: Epstein's Mother-Father-Peer Scale........................................... 128 Appendix B: Armsden & Greenberg's Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment... 131 Appendix C: CAGE Interview.................................................................... 135 Appendix D: Adolescent Drug Use Questionnaire.......................................... 137

Intergenerational Transmission iii

Acknowledgements

There are many people I wish to thank for contributing their time and effort to

this project. First, I would like to thank all the families who participated in the Virginia

Study of Teens and Families for opening their lives to this research. Without their

contribution this project would never have been possible. I would also like to thank the

project coordinator, Kathleen Boykin, the research assistants, and my fellow graduate

students (particularly Gabe Kuperminc and Cindy Moore) for their support and humor

during the preliminary phase of this project.

I am especially indebted to the members of my committee. I would like to thank

Steve Nock, for his sociological perspective on the findings of this study, making the

variance explained seem so much more significant. I would like to thank Dick Bell, for

providing an understanding that can only come from years of experience and his ability

to see things from a unique viewpoint. Dick Reppucci, I acknowledge for his support

and friendship throughout my graduate career, and for making this dissertation possible

by teaching me to write. I especially recognize Joe Allen, as an excellent academic role

model with a broad base of theoretical and statistical knowledge, and more importantly,

as a wonderful example of how to have a happy family life and a successful career. His

advice will always be valued. I cannot imagine how anyone else could have provided

so much support over such a long distance!

I would like to thank my fellow graduate students for helping me to maintain a

sense of sanity during the trials and tribulations of my graduate career. Particularly, I

would like to thank Gail Clavet, for her loyal friendship; she provided a dependable,

rational force, when the rest of the world seemed to be going crazy. I would also like

to thank Anne Ricciuti, for an adult attachment has lasted over thousands of miles.

Without Gail and Anne, I might have moved into the "ivory tower" and forgotten the

Intergenerational Transmission iv

world where we three had such good times!

Finally, I would like to thank my family. I would especially like to thank my

mother and father, their desire to say "my daughter the doctor", helped motivate me to

continue my education. I would like to thank my daughter, Michelle, for her patience

while "mommy was working very hard" and for reminding me of what is truly

important in my life. Most importantly, I must thank my husband, Joe, for his

confidence in my ability to achieve this goal, for his support to make it real, and for his

love that "will never die".

Intergenerational Transmission 1

Introduction

There are approximately 35 million people living in the United States between

the ages of 10 and 19 years (Department of Commerce, 1992), and many of these

adolescents are engaging in behaviors that threaten their health, their welfare and their

lives. During 1991, more than 40% of youths used alcohol, more than 37% smoked

cigarettes, and approximately 20% used some form of illicit drug (National Institute on

Drug Abuse, 1991). These harmful behaviors not only endanger the well-being of our

society's youth, but they also cost the nation billions of dollars.

Every year the United States spends more money trying to repair the damage

done by adolescent problem behavior. Federal expenditures for drug abuse programs

have increased nearly 400 percent over the last decade, from $1.1 billion in 1981 to

$5.5 billion in 1989 (Select Committee, 1990). Notably, these figures do not even

account for indirect costs to the country, such as those from lost human resources and

productivity. The total estimated cost of drug abuse to the United States for 1988 was

$58.3 billion, of which about 75% ($32.5 billion) was spent on police protection, private

legal defense, property destruction and productivity losses (Rice, Kelman & Miller,

1991). Thus, adolescent problem behaviors cost our society billions of dollars annually.

In an attempt to reduce these costs and to prevent the hazards associated with

adolescent problem behavior, psychologists have examined its correlates, and sought to

find its causes. This research has revealed a distinctive feature of many of these

problem behaviors: they appear to be transmitted across generations, from parent to

child. Although the behaviors researchers have seen in later generations are not

necessarily in the same form as in earlier generations, they believe them to be

derivatives of the same problem behaviors, indicating heterotypic continuity (Kagan,

1980). There are two interrelated ways by which parents might transmit their problem


behaviors to their children to maintain this continuity: biologically, through their genes

or socially, through their behaviors. While the importance of genetic influence in the

transmission of problem behaviors cannot be overlooked, this study primarily examines

the social influence of parenting on problem behavior across generations.

In order to substantiate the intergenerational transmission of social influences on

problem behaviors, not only must derivatives of problem behaviors be exhibited across

generations, but family environmental situations must demonstrate some homotypic or

heterotypic continuity across generations and must show a statistically significant

association with problem behaviors as well. This thesis examines such intergenerational

connections to help better explain the relationship of family environmental influences to

the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. First, research regarding

genetic and environmental influences on the intergenerational transmission of problem

behavior are be addressed. Second, recent studies and theory supporting the

intergenerational transmission of parenting behavior are reviewed. Third, research

showing the specific qualities of parent-child interactions that have been associated with

problem behaviors are discussed. Finally, the few studies, which have integrated these

three bodies of research are examined. Following this review of the literature, a set of

hypotheses are introduced and examined to help explain the process by which families

influence the problem behavior of subsequent generations. Clarification of this process

should help to develop more effective intervention programs by targeting the particular

qualities of parenting which foster these intergenerational cycles, and by specifying the

at-risk populations that are most susceptible to these costly and hazardous problem

behaviors.

Intergenerational Transmission of Problem Behaviors

The research on the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors has


shown intergenerational consistency for alcoholism, tobacco use, and other problem

behaviors (Caspi & Elder, 1988; Collins, 1990; DiLalla & Gottesman, 1991;

Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn & Morgan, 1987; Hanson, Henggeler, Haefele & Rodick,

1984; Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz & Walder, 1984; Lahey et al., 1988; Orford &

Velleman, 1991; Patterson & Dishion, 1988; Simons, Whitbeck, Conger & Chyi-In,

1991; Velleman, 1992). The present study examines cigarette smoking, drinking and

drug use, and associated problems among adolescents and their parents. Since this study

is concerned with the monotonic relationships between the smoking, drinking and drug

use of parents and their adolescents, the focus is on prediction of problem behaviors at

all levels, from low to high, rather than on identifying individuals who cross an arbitrary

threshold. The pertinent question asks whether more parent smoking, drinking and drug

use is associated with more smoking, drinking and drug use by teenagers.

There is research examining the genetic and environmental mechanisms by

which parents' problem behavior might influence their children's subsequent behavior.

Twin and adoption studies have been utilized to tease apart the correlated influences of

parents' genetic and environmental contributions. These influences are confounded

since parents not only determine their children's genetic composition, but most of their

environmental conditions as well (Scarr & McCartney, 1983). Both twin and adoption

studies confirm the existence of environmental and genetic components for alcohol abuse

(Cadoret, Troughton and O'Gorman, 1987; Collins, 1990; Devor & Cloninger, 1989;

Sigvardsson, Cloninger and Bohman, 1985), for cigarette smoking (Carmelli, Swan,

Robinette & Fabsitz, 1992; Collins, 1990; Hughes, 1986; Rowe, Chassin, Presson,

Edwards & Sherman, 1992), and for other problem behaviors such as criminal activity

(Cadoret, Troughton, Merchant and Whitters, 1990; Cadoret, Troughton and

O'Gorman, 1987; DiLalla & Gottesman, 1991; Hanson, Henggeler, Haefele & Rodick,


1984; Patterson & Dishion, 1988; Rutter, 1985; Widom, 1991).

The research comparing genetic and environmental influences on the

intergenerational transmission of alcoholism, tobacco use and other problem behaviors

demonstrates the significance of both forces. Therefore, it is important for

developmentalists not only to study the influence of genetic heritability on problem

behaviors (Gottesman & Goldsmith, 1993), but also the explicit circumstances in the

home which most influence the transmission of these behaviors. Since substantial

proportions of the samples from studies failed to exhibit the behaviors induced by their

genetic predilection (Cadoret, Troughton, Merchant and Whitters, 1990; Cadoret,

Troughton and O'Gorman, 1987; Carmelli, Swan, Robinette & Fabsitz, 1992; Collins,

1990; Devor & Cloninger, 1989; DiLalla & Gottesman, 1991; Hanson, Henggeler,

Haefele & Rodick, 1984; Hughes, 1986; Patterson & Dishion, 1988; Rowe, Chassin,

Presson, Edwards & Sherman, 1992; Rutter, 1985; Sigvardsson, Cloninger and

Bohman, 1985) discontinuity in problem behaviors across generations has also been

demonstrated (Kagan, 1980). Thus, it seems genetic predispositions to particular

problem behaviors may be influenced by environmental factors, and so the means by

which these cycles might be broken must also be considered.

Recent studies are recognizing the importance of family environment over and

above the effects of heritability. For example, Molina, Chassin and Curran (1994)

studied 327 youth and their parents, including 178 adolescents who were living with at

least one biological, alcoholic parent. The authors found that, regardless of whether the

adolescent was the child of an alcoholic, parental monitoring and negative affect

significantly predicted teens' substance use. This study shows the importance of certain

qualities of parenting on adolescents' substance use. Outlining detrimental and

protective familial circumstances will aid the development of intervention programs to


target these situations.

Gender Differences in the Intergenerational Transmission of Problem Behaviors

Gender differences in the intergenerational transmission of smoking, drinking

and drug use are also important to consider. Since females usually do not exhibit the

same kind of problem behaviors as do males, studies searching for continuity between

generations' problem behaviors may have had limited success due to apparent gender

differences in the expression of problem behaviors. For example, Devor and

Cloninger's (1989) review of the genetics of alcoholism describes how daughters of

more serious, Type II alcoholics do not tend to abuse alcohol themselves, but have an

abnormally high rate of psychosomatic disorders. While research clearly demonstrates

the importance of familial, environmental influences on heritability of problem behavior

(Cadoret, Troughton, Merchant and Whitters, 1990; Cadoret, Troughton and

O'Gorman, 1987; Carmelli, Swan, Robinette & Fabsitz, 1992; Patterson & Dishion,

1988; Rowe, Chassin, Presson, Edwards & Sherman, 1992; Rutter, 1985; Sigvardsson,

Cloninger and Bohman, 1985; Widom, 1991), it often focuses on male populations since

their acting out behaviors are those that determine clinical definitions (e.g., antisocial

behavior), and are easy to observe and to measure. Previous work which studied both

genders has shown significant sex differences in outcomes within generations and

significant differences in the heritability from mother to son, mother to daughter, father

to son, and father to daughter (Patterson & Dishion, 1988; Rowe, 1986). Therefore, it

is important for new research concerning the intergenerational transmission of problem

behaviors to work from a sample of both males and females, and to consider separately

each parent's influence on their children. What the current research findings clearly

show is that there are important genetic and environmental influences on the process by

which parents transmit their problem behaviors to their offspring.


Intergenerational Transmission of Parenting

As family environment seems to play a part in the intergenerational transmission

of problem behavior, continuity in parent-child interactions from generation to

generation might be fostering these problem behaviors. However, if that is the case, not

only must continuity in problem behaviors be demonstrated among the generations, but

continuity in parenting experiences and a relationship between parenting and problem

behaviors must be demonstrated as well. A recent examination of the research on the

intergenerational transmission of parental attitudes and behaviors (Van IJzendoorn,

1993) concludes that parents do seem to transmit their parenting behaviors to their

children, although, since most of the research is cross-sectional, retrospective

perceptions and memories of parenting are examined, rather than actual parenting

behaviors. Homotypic and heterotypic continuity in perceptions of parenting from one

generation to the next have been studied in attachment research and investigations

attempting to isolate the antecedents of child abuse, aggression and inadequate social

functioning.

It has not yet been established that parenting behavior is transmitted across

generations, but one area in which evidence for an intergenerational connection is

growing comes from studies correlating attachment classifications of adults with those of

their children (Van IJzendoorn, 1993). This research has thus far focused primarily

upon continuity in representations of parenting experiences as a first step toward

understanding continuity in behavior across generations. Attachment researchers have

been attempting to demonstrate intergenerational continuity in attachment relations using

Adult Attachment Interview and Strange Situation classifications. In this research, the

Adult Attachment Interview probes for descriptions of childhood relationships and

related incidents. These memories are analyzed according to how the adults recount


events, in terms of qualities such as accessibility, idealization, coherence and

contradiction, rather than for the content of the episodes (Main & Goldwyn, in press).

These assessments outline the adults' mental organization of their attachment

information, reflecting current internal representations of their attachment relationships

with their parents (Main, Kaplan & Cassidy, 1985). Since these working models are

assessed by the way parents describe and think about the parenting they have

experienced (Main & Goldwyn, in press), this research will not serve to demonstrate

intergenerational continuity of parenting behavior, but may show continuity in

representations of parenting experiences.

Studies have been conducted which illustrate how the internal working model

might act as a mechanism for the transmission of the attachment relationship from

generation to generation by parents' current states of mind affecting their behavior in

their relationships with their children. For example, Crowell and Feldman (1988) found

that mothers' representations of attachment relationships were associated with their

behavior towards their preschool children. Mothers with secure states of mind

regarding attachment were characterized as more supportive and helpful than mothers

with detached or preoccupied states of mind. In retrospective and prospective studies,

attachment research has demonstrated the correspondence between security of parents'

and infants' attachment classifications. This relationship has been found when Strange

Situations were conducted six months before (Carlson, 1989), five years before

(Grossmann, Fremmer-Bombik, Rudolph & Grossmann, 1988; Main, Kaplan &

Cassidy, 1985), one year after (Fonagy, Steele & Steele, 1991), and at the same point in

time (Ricks, 1985) as the parents' Adult Attachment Interviews. Thus, research has

shown the correspondence of parents' Adult Attachment Interview classifications with

their children's Strange Situation attachment classifications.


The correlation of parent and child attachment classifications has implications for

the intergenerational transmission of representations of parent child-relationships,

because classifications are thought to reflect the individual's internal representations of

attachment relationships. The research demonstrating continuity in attachment relations

over time and generations provides strong evidence for the intergenerational

transmission of attachment representations between mothers and their very young

children. However, the intergenerational continuity of perceptions of parenting

experiences at other points in the life span, such as between parents and their

adolescents, has not yet been addressed.

Gender Differences in the Intergenerational Transmission of

Representations of Parenting

Intergenerational transmission of parenting experiences has also been revealed by

research examining the antecedents of aggressive behavior, child abuse and social

functioning (Elder & Caspi, 1988; Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz & Walder, 1984;

Kaufman & Zigler, 1987; Rutter, Quinton & Hill, 1990; Simons, Whitbeck, Conger &

Chyi-In, 1991). This research demonstrates the continuity of representations of

parenting with some gender differences. For example, in their study examining the

intergenerational influence of representations of parenting, Simons, Whitbeck, Conger

and Chyi-In (1991) found grandparents' (g1) harsh discipline styles described by parents

(g2) to be modestly associated with adolescents' (g3) reports of harsh parenting received

from their mothers, but not with that received from their fathers. Moreover, fathers'

(g2) harsh parenting of sons (g3) was related to their experiences of harsh discipline

only from grandmothers, and their harsh parenting of daughters (g3) was related only to

experiences of harsh discipline from grandfathers (g1), whereas mothers' harsh

parenting of children of either sex was only related to experiences of harsh discipline


from grandmothers (g1). The authors propose that the direct effects of grandmothers'

harsh parenting on mothers' and fathers' behavior toward their children stem from

children observing mothers, since until recent decades, mothers were primarily

responsible for raising children. On the other hand, they speculate that the relationship

of harsh parenting by grandfathers with fathers' harsh parenting of daughters is not due

to an intergenerational transmission of parenting behaviors, but a transmission of

attitudes toward women. They posit that fathers leave the parenting of daughters to

mothers, and with the onset of adolescence, fathers' interactions with daughters are

determined by their perceptions of women (which they derive from grandfathers).

Simons and colleagues' results demonstrate the value of examining each parent's

behaviors to find the precise manner that representations of parenting are transmitted.

Representations of Parenting Received Vs. Parenting Administered

Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz and Walder's (1984) study also demonstrated an

intergenerational transmission of "harsh" parenting behaviors and aggression, however it

only examined representations of parenting administered (i.e., parents' perceptions of

their behaviors toward their children). They failed to assess perceptions of parenting

received (i.e., children's perceptions of their parents' behaviors toward them). Gecas

and Schwalbe's (1986) study of 128 mothers, fathers and teenagers found a lack of

congruence between parents' and adolescents' reports of parental behavior.

Furthermore, they found that adolescents' self-esteem was not influenced by parents'

reports of parenting behavior, but was related to teens' perceptions of parenting

behaviors. In a study of adolescent drug use, Rees and Wilborn (1983) found distinct

differences between parents' and adolescents' reports of parents' behaviors. It was

adolescents' perceptions of their parents' behavior, not parents' perceptions of their own

behavior, which differentiated those teens who used drugs from those who did not.


Moreover, the authors noted that mothers and fathers of drug abusing adolescents were

not able to describe their children's perceptions of parental behavior as well as the

parents of non-drug abusing teenagers. Since adolescents' perceptions of parenting

received are related to their behavioral outcomes, but often differ from their parents'

reports of parenting administered (Gecas & Schwalbe, 1986; Rees & Wilborn, 1983;

Simons, Whitbeck, Conger & Chyi-In, 1991), research which utilizes representations of

parenting received must be conducted to examine the intergenerational transmission of

parenting and problem behaviors.

Buffering Effects

Research in this area should also investigate protective effects, such as those

found in several studies. Rutter, Quinton and Hill's (1990) study on the heritability of

parenting in previously-institutionalized adults revealed that marital support was a

protective factor for preserving adequate parenting ability during stressful life conditions.

Huesmann, Eron, Lefkowitz and Walder (1984) observed that stability in

aggressiveness of the third generation was to some extent, a function of both parents'

(g2) aggressiveness, which indicates the possibility for one parent's personality to inhibit

the transmission of aggression from the other parent. Adoption studies on the

transmission of child abuse have similarly found that female adoptees with one

supportive, loving parent are able to break the cycle and do not abuse their own

children (Kaufman & Zigler, 1987). These indications of protective effects beg an

empirical question: do adolescents' representations of relationships with one parent

influence a predisposition for problem behaviors transmitted from the other parent?

The existing research suggests there might be intergenerational continuity in

perceptions of parenting received. If such a trend can be established and, if reports of

parenting experiences can be associated with reports of problem behavior, then these


connections may help to explain further the process by which problem behavior is

transmitted across generations.

Parenting Influences on Adolescent Problem Behavior

Problem behavior research has extensively documented the concordance between

harsh, inconsistent, and unresponsive parenting and adolescent problem behavior

(Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, 1989; Hanson, Myers and Ginsburg, 1987; Kovach and

Glickman, 1986; Miller, McCoy, Olson & Wallace, 1986; Moore, Peterson and

Furstenberg, 1986; Rees & Wilborn, 1983; Shedler & Block, 1990). Although most

studies have not been longitudinal, and so have not been able to show causal

relationships, this research has delineated some specific qualities of parenting which

seem likely to be important in the causal matrix. Some of the most frequently cited

qualities of parenting presumed to be associated with adolescent problem behaviors are

attachment, communication, acceptance (versus rejection and alienation), firm control,

and mutual trust (providing for autonomy and preventing over-protection). Interventions

based on this research have been implemented with some success, supporting the

importance of such parenting qualities (Patterson, 1986). Cross-sectional examination of

the influence of these parenting qualities on the intergenerational transmission of problem

behavior should provide us with a final set of parenting qualities that warrant

longitudinal follow-up.

Since researchers have found indications of intergenerational consistency in

representations of attachment, it is a promising aspect to consider when examining

continuity in parent-child relationships and problem behavior. Furthermore, adolescents'

attachment to parents has shown a consistent positive association with adjustment and

development (Rice, 1990). Specifically, attachment has been positively correlated with

self-esteem, ego-identity, social competence, and emotional adjustment (Rice, 1990), and


negatively correlated with initiation of drug use (Brook, Whiteman & Finch, 1993;

Hawkins, Lishner, Catalano & Howard, 1986; Vicary & Lerner, 1986) and adolescent

girls' delinquency (Campbell, 1987). Armsden and Greenberg (1987) have developed a

pencil and paper measure of adolescents' models of parenting. Their Inventory of

Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA) is thought to capture not only proximity and support

seeking attachment behaviors, but affective/cognitive expectancies that are part of the

internal working model as well (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987). The Inventory of

Parent and Peer Attachment does not yield attachment classifications, but evaluates

subjects' representations of attachment relationships in terms of three subscales: degree

of mutual trust, quality of communication, and extent of anger and alienation. Other

measures have been utilized to reveal an association between each of these constructs

and adolescent problem behavior. For example, Jessor and Jessor (1977) found that

adolescents' poor communication with parents was correlated with early onset of sexual

activity, smoking and alcohol use. The correspondence of these three constructs with

adolescent problem behavior in previous research suggests that the Inventory of Parent

and Peer Attachment's subscales should also statistically predict teenage problem

behavior. Armsden and Greenberg (1987) have shown the Inventory of Parent and

Peer Attachment to be highly valid in predicting self-esteem, life-satisfaction, depression,

and affective status. However, this inventory has not yet been examined with respect to

problem behaviors, and most importantly for the purposes of this study, it has not been

examined with respect to consistency in perceptions of parenting across generations.

Parental rejection and over-protection have also been associated consistently with

adolescent problem behaviors such as drug and alcohol use (Hawkins, Lishner, Catalano

& Howard, 1986; Hays, Stacy, Widaman, DiMatteo & Downey, 1986; Shedler &

Block, 1990; Vicary & Lerner, 1986; Walsh, 1992), early onset of sexual activity and


sexual permissiveness (Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg, 1989; Miller, McCoy, Olson &

Wallace, 1986), and delinquency (Cohen, Brook, Cohen, Velez & Garcia, 1990;

Loeber & Dishion, 1983; Patterson, DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 1989; Patterson &

Stouthamer-Loeber, 1984). Epstein's (1983) Mother-Father-Peer Scale (MFP) assesses

representations of parenting received on three subscales including independence-

encouragement versus overprotection, acceptance versus rejection and idealization. The

Mother-Father-Peer Scale has shown relations with ego strength, self-esteem, and

psychopathology (Epstein, 1983). Furthermore, investigations employing the Mother-

Father-Peer Scale have shown strong associations of mothers' responses on the MFP

with their children's Strange Situation classifications (Ricks, 1985; Tronick, Ricks &

Cohn, 1982), and with their parenting behavior as assessed by Ainsworth, Blehar,

Waters and Wall's (1978) Maternal Sensitivity Scale (Biringen, 1990). Turner, Irwin,

Tschann and Millstein (1993) recently used the Mother-Father-Peer Scale to reveal

correlations between adolescents' perceptions of their parents as accepting and

encouraging of their independence and later onset of sexual activity, less fighting, and

less drug abuse in adolescence. Although use of the Mother-Father-Peer Scale has

suggested intergenerational continuity of representations of parenting, it has not been

directly applied (i.e., by obtaining two generations' reports) to an intergenerational

consistency hypothesis.

Family Composition Influences

Research examining the effects of divorce on adolescent substance abuse has

similarly shown the important influence of parenting on problem behavior (Block, Block

& Gjerde, 1986; Brody & Forehand, 1993; Forehand, Middleton & Long, 1987;

Hetherington, Cox, & Cox, 1982; Selnow, 1987; Turner, Irwin & Millstein, 1991).

For example, Brody and Forehand (1993) found that, regardless of family type, conflict


with and acceptance-rejection from mothers prospectively predicted adolescent substance

use. While the research on family composition influences on adolescent problem

behavior tends to show the negative impact of marital disruption, it also suggests that the

parent-adolescent relationship may be the more important predictor of substance use than

family composition itself (Block, Block & Gjerde, 1986; Brody & Forehand, 1993;

Patterson, DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 1989; Selnow, 1987).

When considered together, this research suggests that specific parenting

behaviors might protect adolescents from engaging in health and life jeopardizing

activities. In particular, this research demonstrates the importance of parenting

behaviors which foster communication, autonomy, relatedness, acceptance, consistent

discipline and limit-setting. Assessment tools, which have been developed and validated

by concurrent relations, are available for investigating the intergenerational continuity of

parenting. However, there is little research which integrates the findings of parenting

influences on adolescent problem behavior with the research on the intergenerational

transmission of problem behavior and the research on the intergenerational transmission

of parenting to describe long-term family processes. This integrative research effort

should provide a more comprehensive contextual illustration of the family processes that

require improvement through intervention.

Integrating Intergenerational Influences of Parenting and Problem Behavior

The few research efforts which consider intergenerational familial influences on

problem behavior provide valuable models for future work. Patterson and Dishion's

(1988) study of the families of antisocial boys and Elder, Caspi and Downey's (1986)

examination of the Berkeley Guidance sample are such singular investigations which

integrate these different bodies of research.

Patterson and Dishion's Study


As would be expected from their interest in antisocial behavior, Patterson and

Dishion (1988) only examined a male sample. They found mothers' and fathers'

memories of negative discipline (defined as nagging, threatening and hitting) accounted

for most of the variance in their own antisocial behavior (defined by scores on the

MMPI and driving violations from Motor Vehicle Department records, as well as state

records of arrests for fathers). Fathers' antisocial behaviors only indirectly contributed

to that of their sons' (as assessed by parent, teacher, peer and self-reports) through an

irritable discipline style, whereas mothers' antisocial behavior contributed directly to

their sons' antisocial behavior, as well as through the effects of their discipline (Patterson

& Dishion, 1988). The authors determined that both a Product Model (unidirectional

effect) and a Co-determinant model (bidirectional effects) fit the relationship between

parental acceptance and adolescents' antisocial behavior. The Co-determinant model

signifies a relationship whereby the variables maintain each other, meaning that they

may be less susceptible to intervention efforts (Vuchinich, Bank & Patterson, 1992).

This research is significant in that it examines the importance of the relationship between

perceptions of parenting and problem behavior, although only within a single

generation. It also astutely considered a control systems model (Bell & Chapman, 1986)

by examining both parents' effects on their teens, as well as adolescents' abilities to

influence their parents.

Elder and Caspi's Work

Integration of research on the intergenerational transmission of problem

behavior, the intergenerational transmission of parenting, and the influence of parenting

behaviors on children's problem behavior was also demonstrated by Elder, Caspi and

Downey's (1986) report on the Berkeley Guidance study. Retrospective reports showed

aversive styles of interaction between parents and children predicted unstable


personalities in the second generation with poor marital relations and non-optimal

parenting in adulthood. These processes demonstrated heterotypic continuity in

relationships through the third generation's behavior with their spouses and children.

They did note a protective factor involving females who "'managed to escape' the

probabilistic trap of marrying non-assertive men" (Caspi & Elder, 1988, p. 235), and

males "who achieved some control over their adult lives" (Elder et al., 1986, p. 335) in

their ability to break a cycle which yielded undercontrolled children.

Both the longitudinal research program by Elder and colleagues and Patterson

and Dishion's (1988) study demonstrate the intergenerational consistency of parenting

behaviors and problem behaviors. However, neither one is complete in terms of

examining intergenerational influences of representations of parenting received, gender

differences in routes of transmission, buffering and protective effects, and influences of

family composition on the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. The

present study examines such influences, separately analyzing the important gender

differences in the mother-son, mother-daughter, father-son, and father-daughter dyads

(Campbell, 1987; Silverberg & Steinberg, 1987). This project also investigates the

possible buffering effects of representations of parenting received, for example, testing

whether the potential alcohol abuse of an adolescent whose father is an alcoholic, can be

prevented by having an accepting relationship and good communication with the mother.

Furthermore, this study considers these relationships during the period of adolescence.

Because a change occurs during adolescence, in which adolescents attempt to

differentiate themselves from their parents in order to find their own identity (Shedler &

Block, 1990), this developmental stage provides the optimal conditions for teens to try to

separate themselves from the generations of problems that have preceded them.

The current study integrates data with respect to the intergenerational influences


of parenting and problem behavior in an attempt to provide a more detailed description

of the role parenting plays in the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors.

By considering protective effects of specific perceptions of parenting received, as well as

gender and family composition differences in the process whereby parenting provides

conditions conducive to problem behavior in adolescence, this work will attempt to

consolidate and enhance further the existing research on intergenerational effects of

parenting on the transmission of problem behaviors. The following hypotheses are

addressed:

1) There is a relationship between some self-reported problem behaviors of

parents and their adolescents, such as smoking, and alcohol and drug use, which

demonstrates intergenerational consistency.

2) There is a relationship between the representations (i.e., reported experiences)

of parenting received by parents and the representations of parenting received by

their adolescents which demonstrates cross-generational consistency in the

following areas: attachment, communication, acceptance (versus rejection and

alienation), trust, and encouragement of independence and autonomy (versus

overprotection).

3) There are specific representations of parenting behavior received, namely

attachment, communication, acceptance, trust, and overprotection, which

influence individuals' levels of engagement in problem behaviors.

4) There are specific representations of parenting behavior received which foster

vulnerabilities or which act as protective factors, distinguishing those adolescents

and their families who continue to engage in problem behaviors, generation after

generation, from those who do not.

In addition, the following research questions are also considered:


5) There are gender differences in the representations and effects of parenting

received across generations.

6) There are family composition differences in the representations and effects of

parenting received across generations.

Methods

Participants

135 adolescents and their families were recruited through the city and county

public school systems in Charlottesville, Virginia. The adolescents were selected to be

moderately at risk of future academic and social difficulties based upon the presence of

any of the following low-level risk factors obtained from school records: the presence of

one failing grade in one semester, 10 or more absences in one semester (regardless of

reason for absence), any grade retention in their educational history, or attendance at an

alternative school. These criteria are patterned after the characteristics of the "forgotten

half" of America's youth who are unlikely to advance beyond a high school education

level and so are at greater risk for unemployment and poverty as adults (W.T. Grant

Commission, 1988). These criteria are used to attain a population of youth who are

currently engaging in problem behaviors or who are currently at moderate risk to do so.

Although it was not assumed that all the youth in this study would ultimately be

engaging in problem behaviors, this group was selected to represent one which would

be easily distinguished and appropriately targeted by an intervention effort.

The average age of the 135 teenage participants was 16 years (SD = .74), with

a range from 14 to 18 years. Thirty-four percent were in ninth grade, 65% were in

tenth grade, and the rest in eleventh grade. Sixty-four were female; 71 were male.

Sixty-eight percent were white, 31% were African American and 1 was Native


American. Sixty percent of the adolescents' mothers were married (not necessarily to

the adolescents' biological fathers) at the time of the interview. The average age of the

adolescents' mothers was 42 years (SD = 5.39); the average age of the fathers was 45

years (SD = 7.19). Sixty-two percent of the mothers and 78% of the fathers were

white. Thirty percent of the mothers and 11% of the fathers were African American.

The remainder were Hispanic and Native American. Most fathers (49%) and many

mothers (28%) had college degrees or education beyond an undergraduate degree.

Only 15% of the mothers and 18% of the fathers had not graduated from high school.

Most of the mothers (56%) and many of the fathers (33%) had graduated high school

and had some college or technical training. The annual family incomes comprised a

wide range from $2,500 to $70,000 (M = $33,583, SD = $20,412).

Measures

Representations of Parenting Received

The Mother-Father-Peer Scale (MFP, Epstein, 1983) was used to assess parents'

and adolescents' representations of parenting received (See Appendix A). Participants

responded to 30 items using a five-point Likert scale to describe the extent to which

statements described their childhood relationships with each parent. The MFP Scale

measures the degree to which parents are reported to have been independence-

encouraging versus overprotecting, the degree to which parents have been reported to

be accepting versus rejecting and the degree to which offspring are idealizing by

unrealistically describing perfect parents (Epstein, 1983). Increasing scores indicate

memories of greater acceptance, independence-encouragement, and more idealization.

Test-retest reliabilities of these subscales (with a sample of college students) range from

alpha = .88 to .91. As previously discussed, external validity for the MFP Scale has

been shown by association with the Self-Esteem Inventory, the Primary Emotions and


Traits Inventory, Baron's Ego Strength Inventory, Eysenck's Neuroticism/Extroversion

Assessment, and the Guilford-Zimmerman Temperament Survey (Epstein, 1983).

The Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA, Armsden & Greenberg,

1987) was used to assess adolescents' affective/cognitive and behavioral representations

of their attachment relationships with their parents (See Appendix B). Participants

responded to 32 items about their relationships with each of their parents using a five-

point Likert scale. The IPPA evaluates attachment to each parent for degree of mutual

trust (with 10 items), quality of communication (with 10 items), and degree of anger and

alienation (with eight items). Increasing scores indicate perceptions of greater trust of

parents, better communication with parents, and more alienation from parents. Three

week test-retest reliability (with a sample of 18 to 21 year olds) of the composite

measure of attachment (which combines the subscales) was .93 (Armsden & Greenberg,

1987). As previously discussed, validity has been shown by association of IPPA scores

with scores on the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale, Bachman's Affective States Index, and

to most subscales from Moos' Family Environment Scale (Armsden & Greenberg,

1987).

Problem Behaviors

Potentially problematic alcoholism and drug use by parents was assessed by a

short, structured interview using the CAGE scale (Mayfield, McLeod & Hall, 1974,

cited in Smart, Adlaf, & Knoke, 1991). Participants were asked the four questions of

the CAGE (See Appendix C), which is a screening test used to identify alcoholics, plus

four more which were adapted for drug use. The questions are concerned with the

extent to which participants have tried to Cut down on drinking (or drug use), have

been Annoyed by criticism of their drinking, have ever felt Guilty about something they

did when they were drinking, and have ever used alcohol as a morning Eye-opener.


Two or more positive answers to the questions are believed to identify a heavy drinker

who consumes about four drinks per day (Smart, et al., 1991). The CAGE has

demonstrated validity by correctly identifying 89% to 97% of clinically defined

alcoholics in clinical samples, and significantly correlating with frequency of drinking (r

= .28, p < .001), and with frequency of consuming five or more drinks per day (r =

.45, p < .001) in general populations (Smart, et al., 1991). An ordinal variable for

parents' drinking was created from this scale by summing the number of affirmative

responses to each of the four questions regarding drinking, and another was created in

the same way for parents' drug use. Therefore, with greater values for each of these

variables, parents are reporting more problems associated with alcohol or drug use.

Parents' smoking was assessed by written responses to two questions subsumed

within a questionnaire about demographic characteristics. These questions were taken

from the annual National Institute on Drug Abuse survey of national trends of drug use

among high school and college students (Johnston, Bachman, O'Malley, 1979). The

first question distinguished ever from never and past smokers. The second question

established frequency of smoking. These two pieces of information were combined to

create an ordinal variable of parents' frequency of smoking during the past 30 days,

such that 1=not at all, 2=less than one cigarette per day, 3=one to five cigarettes per

day, 4=about one-half pack per day, 5=about one pack per day, 6=about one and one-

half pack per day, and 7=two packs or more per day. Adolescents' smoking was

assessed by written response to the second question, at the start of a questionnaire about

drug use. Sixty-eight percent of the mothers, 71% of the fathers and 63% of the

adolescents reported that they had never smoked during the past month.

The Adolescent Drug Use Questionnaire (ADUQ) is a self-report questionnaire

which assesses adolescents' previous and current alcohol and drug use (Moore, 1993).


It is based on the "Monitoring the Future" surveys of high school and college students

(Johnston, O'Malley & Bachman, 1987, cited in Moore, 1993). Johnston and

colleagues' survey has shown construct validity by relatedness of respondents' self-

reported drug use to their attitudes, beliefs and related behaviors (Moore, 1993).

Moreover, research has shown that when self-reports of problem behavior are collected

in a sensitive fashion, they significantly correlate with reports from independent

observers (Fagan, Langner, Gersten, & Eisenberg, 1977, cited in Patterson &

Stouthamer-Loeber, 1984). Adolescent respondents to the ADUQ answered questions

regarding frequency and quantity of alcohol and drug use, as well as alcohol and drug

dependence (See Appendix D). Several variables summarizing adolescent substance use

were examined. The variables examined include: whether or not a teen has ever

smoked cigarettes, or has ever used alcohol or marijuana; the number of occasions a

teen has used alcohol or marijuana during the past year; the total number of different

types of problems associated with alcohol or drug use; and the school grade during

which a teen first got drunk.

Procedure

Letters were sent home to adolescents and their families, by the school districts,

describing the study as being concerned with teenagers' development. The families

were asked to return a postcard, supplying their names, addresses and phone numbers,

if they were interested in participating in the study. Upon receipt of the postcards, the

family would be called and invited to come to the laboratory for their first of two three-

hour visits. Each family was paid $45 for their first visit ($30 in a check to the parents,

and $15 in a check to the teenager). Interviews were conducted at the University of

Virginia, in private rooms, by interviewers who were receiving graduate training in

psychology. At the start of the visit, the family sat together in one room where the


procedures of the study were explained. The interviewers assured the family of the

confidentiality of the information they were supplying, noting that parents would not

even be permitted access to any of their teenagers' information and visa versa. Parents'

and adolescents' informed consent was obtained, then interviewers took each member of

the family to a separate room. In their own private rooms, participants completed a

series of questionnaires, including the Mother-Father-Peer Scales. Interviewers offered

to read questionnaires to all participants so that literacy would not preclude participation

or comfort for some participants. Adolescents completed the Inventory of Parent and

Peer Attachment and the Adolescent Drug Use Questionnaire. Parents were

administered the CAGE. Participants were frequently reminded that they could refuse

to answer any question that made them feel uncomfortable.

Results

The general progression for the data analyses begins with an initial evaluation of

the psychometric characteristics of variables, followed by an examination of the

intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. Representations of parenting were

then considered as a mechanism by which problem behaviors are transmitted across

generations by: a) examining the potential intergenerational transmission of

representations of parenting; and b) evaluating the correspondence of representations of

parenting with problem behaviors. Finally, specific representations of parenting were

investigated as possible moderators or mediators to the intergenerational transmission of

problem behaviors.

The analysis of each hypothesis begins with descriptive correlational analyses of

parents' and adolescents' reports, and is followed by regression analyses to evaluate

intergenerational relationships. Since only sixty percent of the mothers in this sample

were married at the time of their interview (thus restricting sample size for analyses with

Intergenerational Transmission

24

fathers), mothers' influences on their adolescents were investigated primarily. However,

parallel exploratory analyses, regarding fathers' influences, were also conducted.

Exploratory analyses evaluating gender effects (i.e., the differential relationships

between the mother-daughter, mother-son, father-daughter, and father-son dyads as

described in the fifth hypothesis) and family composition influences were also performed

throughout the analyses.

Data Transformations

Independent and dependent variables were checked for normality and outliers.

Transformations were made on variables that were not dichotomous, had non-normal

distributions, and for which the scale metric was not intrinsically meaningful, in an

attempt to achieve greater normality (i.e., skewness and kurtosis below one). The

specific transformations used were selected to maximize the normality of the resulting

variable (Tabachnick & Fidell, 1989). Both teens' and mothers' frequency of cigarette

smoking during past month were log transformed. Fathers' frequency of smoking

during the past month was transformed by computing the inverse of its log. The

number of occasions teens used alcohol or marijuana during the past year was

transformed with the square root function. Fathers' reports of their mothers as

accepting versus rejecting was transformed by taking the log of the reflect.

Data Reduction

There were strong, significant interrelationships between mothers' drinking and

drug use behaviors; mothers' affirmative responses to the CAGE regarding drinking

correlated with those regarding drug use r=.54, p<.001. Therefore, the two items

were added together to construct a sum variable representing the total number of

affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drinking and drug use.

There were parallel, significant interrelationships between fathers' drinking and


25

drug use behaviors as there were with mothers' behaviors. Fathers' affirmative

responses to the CAGE regarding drinking correlated with those regarding drug use

r=.33, p<.01. Correspondingly, the two items were added together to construct the

same sum variable representing the total number of affirmative responses to CAGE

questions about drinking and drug use.

Adolescent problem behaviors were also strongly interrelated, with significant

correlations ranging from r=.35 to .70, p<.001. A sum variable representing whether

teens have ever tried alcohol or marijuana was constructed to afford data reduction

(these two variables correlate r=.35, p<.001).

To provide background regarding gender differences, a comparison of the

means, standard deviations, minima and maxima for male versus female teens' smoking,

drinking and drug use are shown in Table 1. T tests revealed that female teens reported

significantly more problems associated with drug and alcohol use than male teens did.

No significant differences were found between male and female teens' reports of

parenting received on the Mother-Father-Peer Scale or on the Inventory of Parent and

Peer Attachment (see Table 2).


26

Table 1 Descriptive Statistics for Male and Female Teens' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Teens' Reported Behaviors Mean (SD) for Males Mean (SD) for Females Minimum-Maximum for Males Minimum-Maximum for Females Ever smoked cigarettes* 63.08% 69.49% Summary variable: ever used alcohol or marijuana* 72.22% 76.19% Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems** 1.31 (1.87) 2.16 (3.02) 0 - 6 0 - 11 Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year 1.32 (1.03) 1.19 (0.99) 0 - 3.16 0 - 3.46 Frequency of cigarette smoking during past month 0.47 (0.63) 0.38 (0.55) 0 - 1.61 0 - 1.61 Grade during which first got drunk 2.48 (2.35) 2.62 (2.16) 0 - 6 0 - 6 *Percentages of participants engaging in problem behaviors, not means, are presented.

Table 2 Descriptive Statistics for Male and Female Teens' Representations of Parenting Received on the MFP and the IPPA Mother-Father-Peer Subscales Mean (SD) for Males Mean (SD) for Females Minimum-Maximum for Males Minimum-Maximum for FemalesTeen report of mother: as independence-encouraging 45.11 (7.27) 44.81 (7.39) 29 - 61 31 - 62 as accepting vs. rejecting 41.10 (7.35) 40.27 (8.50) 25 - 50 16 - 50 is idealizing in nature 21.51 (5.33) 20.38 (5.54) 9 - 30 7 - 34 Teen report of father: as independence-encouraging 49.00 (8.36) 43.88 (7.25) 26 - 62 27 - 64 as accepting vs. rejecting 39.31 (7.65) 36.71 (10.03) 25 - 50 12 - 50 is idealizing in nature 20.82 (5.96) 18.08 (7.31) 9 - 32 7 - 34 IPPA Subscales Teen report of mothers: degree of mutual trust 38.18 (9.13) 37.51 (8.59) 18 - 50 15 - 50


27

Intergenerational Transmission of Problem Behavior

Mothers' Effects

First, the existence of a relationship between the self-reported problem behaviors

of mothers and their adolescents was investigated. Descriptive statistics for mothers'

self-reported problem behaviors and teens' self-reported problem behaviors are shown in

Table 3.


28

Table 3 Descriptive Statistics for Mothers' and Teens' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Mothers' Reported Behaviors Mean (SD) Minimum-Maximum Frequency of cigarette smoking in past 30 days** 2.15 (1.80) 1.02 (0.49) 1 - 7 0.69 - 2.08 Ever used alcohol* 86.2% Ever used drugs* 43.9% Number of "yes" responses to CAGE questions re: alcohol 0.66 (0.93) 0 - 4 Number of "yes" responses to CAGE questions about drugs 0.28 (0.78) 0 - 4 Total number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drinking and drug use 0.93 (1.53) 0 - 8 Teens' Reported Behaviors Ever smoked cigarettes* 66.1% Ever used alcohol* 76.9% Ever used marijuana* 25.8% Summary variable: ever used alcohol or marijuana* 73.9% Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems 1.73 (2.50) 0 - 11 Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana, past year* 2.52 (2.95) 1.26 (1.01) 0 - 12 0 - 3.46 Frequency of cigarette smoking in past month** 0.84 (1.29) 0.43 (0.59) 0 - 4 0 - 1.61 School grade during which first got drunk 2.54 (2.25) 0 - 6 *Percentages of participants engaging in problem behaviors, not means, are presented. **Variable was not normally distributed, and thus was transformed before use in further analyses. Original means, standard deviations, minima and maxima are reported above with transformed versions below.


29

To investigate the existence of an intergenerational relationship for problem

behaviors between parents and their adolescents, correlations were examined between

mothers' and adolescents' problem behaviors. A matrix is presented in Table 4. The

only adolescent problem behavior significantly related to mothers' cigarette smoking for

the past month was adolescents' cigarette smoking for the past month, while several teen

behaviors were significantly related to mothers' reports of drinking and drug use.


30

Table 4 Intercorrelations of Mothers' and Teens' Substance Use --------------------------------------------------------- Mom cigarette Mom CAGE Teen ever Teen ever Teen drug- Teen alcohol Teen cigarette School grade smoking drinking & smoked a tried alcohol influenced or marijuana smoking when teen past month drug use cigarette or pot beh. problemsuse, past year past month first drunk --------------------------------------------------------- Mothers' Substance Use 1) Frequency of cigarette smoking in past 30 days -.- .14 .11 .10 .05 -.00 .21* .09 2) Total number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drinking and drug use -.- .11 .12 .30** .27** .18* .28** Teen's Substance Use 3) Ever smoked a cigarette -.- .52*** .40*** .44*** .52*** .35*** 4) Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or pot -.- .54*** .70*** .49*** .61*** 5) Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems -.- .59*** .45*** .50*** 6) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.- 7) Frequency of cigarette smoking during past month 8) School grade during which first got drunk Note: *p<.05 **p<.01 ***p<.001.


31

Regression analyses were used to examine the association of mothers' smoking,

drinking and drug use with several adolescent problem behaviors. Results are presented

in Table 5. The regression equations simultaneously admitted two independent

variables: mothers' smoking during the past month and mothers' number of affirmative

responses to the CAGE regarding drinking and drug use. The only significant effect of

mothers' smoking was seen in the equation for adolescent smoking (ß=.19, p<.05).

Mothers' number of affirmative responses regarding drinking and drug use was the

significant factor in models for all other teen drug use, save cigarette smoking. The

combined influence of mothers' smoking, drinking and drug use accounted for

approximately 7 percent of the variance in teens' smoking, frequency of alcohol and

marijuana use, drug-influenced behavioral problems, and the school grade during which

teens first got drunk. Thus, it seems that mothers' reports of smoking, drinking and

drug use behaviors are associated with adolescents' reports of smoking, drinking and

drug use behaviors.


32

Next, the impact of adolescents' gender on the association of mothers' and

Table 5 Simultaneous Regression Models Predicting Teens'

Substance Abuse from their Mothers' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Mothers' smoking Total Number of Mothers' R2 (df) during the past affirmative answers to CAGE month questions regarding alcohol ß and drugs ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana .09 .08 .02 (2,87) Ever smoked a cigarette .11 .08 .02 (2,113) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .02 .24** .06* (2,101) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.02 .26** .06* (2,109) Frequency of smoking during past month .19* .17 .07* (2,111) School grade during which first got drunk .06 .27** .08** (2,115) Note: Each row represents results from a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


33

adolescents' problem behaviors was examined. Mothers' smoking, drinking and drug

use were simultaneously entered into a regression equation with adolescents' gender,

and interactions of mothers' smoking by teens' gender and mothers' drinking and drug

use by teens' gender (see Table 6). As suggested by the T tests in Table 1 where

adolescent females reported more drug-influenced behavioral problems than did males, a

direct effect of gender was found for the equation examining the number of drug-

influenced behavioral problems (ß=.26, p<.01). The only significant interactions of

mothers' problem behaviors by teens' gender were for a model regarding adolescents'

use of alcohol or marijuana during the past year. For this equation, the interaction of

mothers' smoking during the past month with teens' gender was significant (ß=-.19,

p<.05) and accounted for 4% more variance than did the equation before the

interaction terms were added (R squared=.10, p<.05). Analyzing models separately

for girls and boys shows that mothers' smoking is inversely related to girls', but directly

related to boys', alcohol and drug use during the past year. However, as shown in

Table 7, neither effect of mothers' smoking during the past month significantly explained

boys' or girls' drug use, rendering this interaction difficult to interpret.


34

Table 6 Simultaneous Regression Models Predicting Teens' Substance Abuse from their Mothers' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use with Interactions by Teen Gender Mothers' smoking Total Number of Mothers' Teen Mothers' smoking during the past affirmative answers to CAGE Gender during the past month questions regarding alcohol ß month by teen ß and drugs gender ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana .08 .08 .06 -.06 Ever smoked a cigarette .10 .08 .13 -.04 Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems -.00 .26** .26** -.12 Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year .01 .24** .01 -.19* Frequency of smoking during past month .19* .17 -.02 .01 School grade during which first got drunk .05 .27** .09 -.04 Note: Each row presents results from a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 7 Simultaneous Regression Models Predicting Teens'

Substance Abuse from their Mothers' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use by Teens' Gender Mothers' smoking Total Number of Mothers' R2 (df) during the past affirmative answers to CAGE month questions regarding alcohol ß and drugs ß Teen Reports of: Boys: Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year .17 .16 .07 (2,57) Girls: Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.21 .33* .15* (2,51) Note: Each row presents results from a single regression equation. *p<.05.


35

Fathers' Effects

Although only 40% of our teen participants had participating fathers, the

influence of paternal problem behaviors on adolescents' problem behaviors was also

explored. Descriptive statistics for fathers' self-reported problem behaviors are shown

in Table 8.


36

Table 8 Descriptive Statistics for Fathers' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Fathers' Reported Behaviors Mean (SD) Minimum-Maximum Frequency of cigarette smoking in past 30 days** 2.16 (1.96) -0.52 (0.11) 1 - 7 -0.59 - -0.32 Ever used alcohol* 96.4% Ever used drugs* 45.3% Number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about alcohol use 1.55 (1.44) 0 - 4 Number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drug use 0.43 (0.95) 0 - 4 Total number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drinking and drug use 2.00 (1.98) 0 - 8 *Percentages of participants engaging in problem behaviors, not means, are presented. **Variable was not normally distributed, and thus was transformed before use in further analyses. Original means, standard deviations, minima and maxima are reported above with transformed versions below. Note: N ranges from 53 to 55.

Table 9 Intercorrelations of Fathers' and Teens' Substance Use Frequency of Fathers' Total number of affirmative cigarette smoking responses to CAGE questions during past month about drinking and drug use r r Fathers' Substance Use 1) Frequency of cigarette smoking in past 30 days -.- .26 2) Total number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drinking and drug use -.- Teen's Substance Use 3) Ever smoked a cigarette .26 -.10 4) Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or pot .05 -.01 5) Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems -.04 .03 6) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.12 -.15 7) Frequency of cigarette smoking during past month .12 .00 8) School grade during which first got drunk .08 .02


37

The existence of intergenerational influences on problem behaviors were further

investigated by examining fathers' and adolescents' problem behaviors, using simple

correlation and multiple regression analyses. Intercorrelations among fathers' and

adolescents' problem behaviors are presented in Table 9. The matrix shows a lack of

correspondence of fathers' reported behaviors to teens' reported problem behaviors for

our small group of 55 fathers.


38

Regression analyses also did not show significant paternal effects, as shown in

Table 10 Simultaneous Regression Models Predicting Teens' Substance Abuse from their Fathers' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use Fathers' smoking Total Number of Fathers' R2 (df) during the past affirmative answers to CAGE month questions regarding alcohol ß and drugs ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana -.05 .04 .00 (2,22) Ever smoked a cigarette .25 -.15 .06 (2,37) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems -.11 .07 .01 (2,30) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.09 -.11 .03 (2,34) Frequency of smoking during past month .08 .05 .01 (2,36) School grade during which first got drunk .07 -.06 .01 (2,37) Note: Each row presents results from a single regression equation.


39

Table 10. Since 20% of the participating males in father roles were neither biological

parents, nor adoptive parents of the adolescent participants, equivalent regression

analyses were run excluding these 11 fathers. Results correspondingly showed that the

biological and adoptive fathers' problem behaviors still had no relation to adolescents'

problem behaviors. Following the same pattern of analyses used for mothers and teens,

regression equations including interaction effects of gender were run in exploratory

fashion. No significant interaction effects were found, nor any direct effects of gender.

Repeated measures analyses also suggest the lack of influence of fathers'

problem behaviors on adolescents' problem behaviors. Equations which associated each

parents' problem behaviors with adolescents' problem behaviors indicated a significant

parent effect for parents' reported drinking and drug use problems, as shown in Table

11. This analysis confirms that maternal behaviors were significantly better predictors

of adolescent problem behaviors than were paternal behaviors.


40

Family Composition Effects

Next, family composition was considered as a potential influence in the

intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors from parents to adolescents.

Analyses were run comparing the two largest groups: single-parent families (biological

Table 11 Repeated Measures Analyses Predicting Parents' Drinking and Drug Use from Teens' Substance Abuse Wilks' Lambda Statistic F Statistic p (df) for Parent Effect of Total Number of affirmative answers to CAGE questions regarding alcohol and drugs Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana .93 2.40 .131 (1,30) Ever smoked a cigarette .88 6.05 .018 (1,43) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .82 8.52 .006 (1,38) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year .83 8.29 .006 (1,41) Frequency of smoking during past month .87 6.36 .016 (1,42) School grade during which first got drunk .78 12.22 .001 (1,44)


41

mothers living with their adolescents, N=70) and families in which biological mothers

and fathers live together with their adolescents (N=34). The former group will be

referred to as "mother-headed" families, and the latter group as "dual-parent" families.

Descriptive statistics for mothers' and adolescents' self-reported problem

behaviors are shown in Table 12 for both types of families. T-tests comparing means

show no significant differences between the two groups on any adolescent variables.

However, mothers who run their families alone reported significantly more problems

with alcohol and drugs than mothers who live with their adolescents' fathers.


42

Table 12 Descriptive Statistics for Mothers' and Teens' Reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use for Dual-parent and Mother-headed Families Mothers' Reported Behaviors Mean (SD) for Dual-parent Families Mean (SD) for Mother-headed Families Minimum-Maximum for Dual-parent Families Minimum-Maximum for Mother-headed Families Frequency of cigarette smoking in past 30 days 0.92 (0.43) 1.02 (0.49) 0.69 - 1.79 0.69-2.08 Total number of affirmative responses to CAGE questions about drinking and drug use** 0.79 (1.19) 0.94 (1.72) 0 - 6 0 - 8 Teens' Reported Behaviors Ever smoked cigarettes* 71.87% 56.72% Summary variable: ever used alcohol or marijuana** 79.17% 69.09% Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems 1.66 (2.55) 1.63 (2.50) 0 - 11 0 - 9 Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year


43

To further analyze whether or not family type affects the process whereby

mothers' problem behaviors influence those of their teenagers, regression equations

were constructed separately across family type as for those with gender above.

Mothers' smoking, mothers' total problem behaviors, family composition and

interactions of family composition with mothers' smoking and problem behaviors were

entered as independent variables with each of the adolescent problem behaviors as

dependent variables. None of the interactions with family composition were significant.

Intergenerational Transmission of Parenting Representations

Next, the potential for a cross-generationally consistent relationship between the

representations (i.e., reported experiences) of parenting received by parents and those of

their adolescents was investigated.

Descriptive statistics for parent and adolescent reports on the Mother-Father-Peer

Scale (MFP) and the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA) are shown in

Table 13 and Table 14, respectively.


44

Descriptive Statistics for Parents' and Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received on the Mother-Father-Peer Scale Mother-Father-Peer Subscale N Mean (SD) Minimum-Maximum Teen report of mother: as independence-encouraging 121 45.19 (7.15) 29 - 62 as accepting vs. rejecting 122 40.71 (7.86) 16 - 50 is idealizing in nature 122 20.69 (5.73) 7 - 34 Teen report of father: as independence-encouraging 101 46.40 (8.22) 26 - 64 as accepting vs. rejecting 101 37.29 (9.44) 12 - 50 is idealizing in nature 101 19.30 (6.90) 7 - 34 Mother report of grandmother: as independence-encouraging 114 41.22 (9.83) 13 - 61 as accepting vs. rejecting 113 35.68 (10.87) 10 - 50 is idealizing in nature 113 16.30 (6.62) 7 - 33 Mother report of grandfather: as independence-encouraging

Table 14 Descriptive Statistics for Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received on the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA) IPPA Subscale Mean (SD) Minimum- Maximum Teen report of mother: degree of mutual trust 38.20 (8.56) 15 - 50 quality of communication 33.95 (8.55) 14 - 50 extent of anger and alienation 18.60 (6.42) 8 - 37 overall attachment 90.77 (19.23) 36 - 125 Teen report of father: degree of mutual trust 37.02 (9.84) 10 - 50 quality of communication 30.84 (10.62) 10 - 50 extent of anger and alienation 18.68 (7.24) 8 - 36 overall attachment 86.50 (23.06) 30.21 - 125


45

Mothers' Effects

Correlational analyses. There was inter-individual consistency in teens' and

mothers' reports across measures as shown in the correlation matrix in Table 15. Teens

who demonstrated an idealizing quality in responses about their mothers, had mothers

who were idealizing in their reports of parenting received from grandmothers and

grandfathers. Mothers' idealizing reports about grandmothers were also inversely

related to adolescent characterizations of angry and alienating relationships with their

mothers. Other inverse relationships between mothers' and teens' reports of parenting

received were revealed as well. Mothers' reports of independence-encouraging

grandfathers were inversely related to teens' mutual trust with mothers and with their

overall attachment to mothers. Thus, mothers who perceived grandfathers as having

promoted their independence, had teenagers who perceived their mothers less positively.


46

Table 15 Intercorrelations of Mothers' and Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received ------------------------------------------------------------- Subscale 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ------------------------------------------------------------- Inventory of Parent & Peer Attachment Teen report of mother: 1. degree of mutual trust -.- .82*** -.66*** .94*** .40*** .66*** .60*** -.14 .10 .15 -.20* -.02 .05 2. quality of communication -.- -.70*** .93*** .27** .60*** .49*** -.19 .08 .11 -.16 -.01 -.01 3. extent of anger and alienation -.- -.81*** -.33*** -.49*** -.42*** .01 -.14 -.26** .17 -.09 .02 4. overall attachment -.- .37*** .64*** .57*** -.15 .10 .18 -.20* .01 .01 Mother-Father-Peer Scale Teen report of mother: 5. as independence-encouraging -.- .38*** .20* -.11 -.13 -.13 -.15 -.07 -.07 6. as accepting vs. rejecting -.- .62*** -.10 .06 .05 -.08 -.02 .01 7. as idealizing in nature -.- .01 .18 .23** .13 .17 .28** Mother report of grandmother: 8. as independence-encouraging -.- .36*** .31*** .47*** .28** .16 9. as accepting vs. rejecting -.- 10. as idealizing in nature Mother report of grandfather: 11. as independence-encouraging 12. as accepting vs. rejecting 13. as idealizing in nature Note. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001.


47

Regression analyses. Next, the association of adolescents' representations of

parenting received with that of their mothers' was examined. First models which

considered a "global" representation of parenting were constructed. The "global"

grouping of variables suggests that representations of parenting are an aggregate of

thoughts and feelings. Thus, mothers' reports of parenting received from grandmothers

in each of the domains measured on the Mother-Father-Peer Scale (MFP:

independence-encouraging, accepting versus rejecting and idealizing) were

simultaneously entered as independent variables with adolescent reports of parenting

received from mothers as dependent variables. Results are shown in Table 16. Nearly

ten percent of the variance in adolescents' reports of alienation from mothers and overall

attachment to mothers is accounted for by the global model. Similarly, as seen in Table

17, mothers' global views of parenting received from grandfathers accounted for

approximately ten percent of the variance in adolescents' reports of alienation from

mothers and adolescents' idealizing reports of mothers. However, these two tables also

show that in more than half of the regression equations examined, mothers'

representations of parenting were not associated with their adolescents' representations

of parenting.


48

Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from that of Their Mothers Acceptance Independence-encouraged Idealization from Grandmother by Grandmother of Grandmother ß ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Mother .08 -.14 Independence encouraged by Mother -.06 -.07 Idealization of Mother .06 -.07 Degree of Mutual Trust with Mother .06 -.22* Alienation from Mother .04 .12 Communication with Mother .10 -.26** Overall Attachment to Mother .05 -.23* Note: Each row presents results from a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01. Table 17 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from that of Their Mothers Acceptance Independence-Encouraged Idealization of from Grandfather by Grandfather of Grandfather ß ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Mother -.01 -.09 .06 .01 (3,100) Independence encouraged by Mother .05 -.16 -.04 .02 (3,99) Idealization of Mother -.12 .06 .35* .09* (3,100) Degree of Mutual Trust with Mother .05 -.28* .14 .06 (3,102) Alienation from Mother -.43** .33** .20 .10* (3,101)

Table 18 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from that of Their Mothers Idealization Idealization R2 (df) of Grandmother of Grandfather ß ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Mother .09 -.03 .01 (2,98) Independence encouraged by Mother -.08 -.03 .01 (2,97) Idealization of Mother .15 .22* .10** (2,98) Degree of Mutual Trust with Mother .18 -.04 .03 (2,100) Alienation from Mother -.35** .16 .09** (2,99) Communication with Mother .13 -.07 .01 (2,100) Overall Attachment to Mother .21 -.08 .04 (2,100) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


49

Next, a different grouping of representations of parenting was explored to

determine whether it better explained intergenerational associations of parenting

perceptions. Models were constructed which accounted for both grandmothers' and

grandfathers' influences within the same domain. The domain specific grouping of

variables would show whether mothers' reports of parenting received from

grandmothers and grandfathers on each of the subscales of the Mother-Father-Peer Scale

was more closely associated with adolescents' reports about mothers on that same

subscale. Such domain specific models were constructed and tested.

A strong relationship was shown between mothers' idealizing reports of

parenting received from grandmothers and grandfathers, and adolescents' idealization in

their reports of parenting received from their mothers (see Table 18). However, these

independent variables also accounted for nine percent of the variance in adolescents'

reports of alienation from mothers, a finding which does not support a domain

specificity postulate. Neither the domain specific model regarding mothers' reports of

acceptance from grandmothers and grandfathers, nor the domain specific model

regarding mothers' reports of independence-encouraged by grandmothers and

grandfathers accounted for a significant amount of variance in adolescents' reports of

parenting received from their mothers in any domain.

Nevertheless, associations were found between mothers' reports of parenting

received from grandparents and three of seven adolescent reports of parenting received

from mothers. Thus, the results of these analyses do indicate the existence of

intergenerational transmission for some representations of parenting.

Gender effects with respect to mothers. Next the influence of adolescents'

gender on the association of mothers' and teens' representations of parenting was

examined. First the global model of parenting received by mothers from grandmothers


50

was examined: mothers' reports of acceptance from grandmother, independence-

encouraged by grandmother and idealization of grandmother were simultaneously

entered into a regression equation with adolescents' gender, and interactions of mothers'

reports of parenting received from grandmother by teens' gender. None of the

interaction terms significantly contributed to models which explain a significant amount

of variance in teens' reports of parenting received. Secondly, a global model of

parenting received from grandfathers was examined which included teens' gender as an

independent variable, as well as interactions of mothers' reports of parenting received

from grandfathers by teens' gender (see Table 19). A significant interaction term

(mothers' idealization of grandfathers by teens' gender) contributed toward explaining a

substantial amount of variance in teens' reports of mutual trust with mothers and teens'

overall attachment to mothers. Examination of separate regression equations by gender

(see Table 20), revealed that only boys' reports of trust with mothers was significantly

influenced by their mothers' idealization of grandfathers. Mothers' acceptance from

grandfathers demonstrated a trend toward significant association with girls', but not

boys', overall attachment to mothers.


51

Table 19 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from their Mothers' Global View of Parenting Received from Grandfathers with Interactions by Teen Gender Acceptance Independence- Idealization of Teen Acceptance Independence- Idealization of R2 (df) from Encouraged by Grandfather Gender from Encouraged by Grandfather Grandfather Grandfather ß ß Grandfather Grandfather with Teen ß ß with Teen with Teen Gender Gender Gender ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Mother -.04 -.10 .05 -.13 .17 -.12 -.15 .04 (7,100) Independence encouraged by Mother .08 -.17 -.06 -.02 .01 -.13 -.04 .04 (7,99) Idealization of Mother -.14 .06 .33* -.13 .07 .10 -.14 .11 (7,100) Degree of Mutual Trust with Mother .03 -.27* .08 -.11 .29 -.03 -.38** .14* (7,102) Alienation from Mother -.43** .34** .24 .19* -.12 .02 .23 .16* (7,101) Communication with Mother .13 -.22 -.06 -.05 .22 -.02 -.34* .09 (7,102) Overall Attachment to Mother .16 -.30** -.03 -.12 .26 -.04 -.36* .13* (7,102) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 20 Simultaneous Regression Models Predicting Teens' Representations of Parenting Received from their Mothers' Global View of Parenting Received from Grandfathers by Teens' Gender Acceptance Independence- Idealization R2 (df) from Grandfather Encouraged of Grandfather ß by Grandfather ß ß Teen Reports of: Boys' Mutual Trust with Mother -.20 -.24 .44** .14** (3,52) Girls' Mutual Trust with Mother .40 -.31 -.32 .11 (3,49) Boys' Overall Attachment to Mother -.07 -.27 .33 .11 (3,52) Girls' Overall Attachment to Mother .49** -.32 -.40 .14* (3,49) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.08. **p<.05.


52

Finally, the influence of teens' gender on the domain-specific model for

idealization, which demonstrated significance above, was examined. The model was

modified by adding adolescents' gender and interactions of adolescents' gender by

mothers' idealizing reports of parenting received from grandmothers and grandfathers.

Although the equation examining teens' idealizing reports of mothers remained

significant, neither of the interaction terms was significant, nor was the direct effect of

gender. However, mothers' idealization of grandmother by teen gender significantly

explained a substantial amount of variance in the models regarding teens' mutual trust

with mothers and teens' overall attachment to mothers. This interaction contributed an

additional 10 percent of explained variance to the model examining adolescents' overall

attachment to mothers, and an additional 12 percent of explained variance to the model

examining adolescents' mutual trust with mothers (see Table 21).


53

As shown in Table 22, separate analysis of models for girls and boys showed

Table 21 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from a Domain-Specific View of Idealizing Parenting Received by their Mothers with Interactions by Teen Gender Idealization Idealization Teens' Idealization Idealization R2 (df) of of Gender of of Grandmother Grandfather ß Grandmother Grandfather ß ß with Teen with Teen Gender Gender ß ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Mother .10 -.07 -.11 -.22 .02 .06 (5,98) Independence encouraged by Mother -.09 -.03 -.01 -.08 -.07 .02 (5,97) Idealization of Mother .15 .19 -.11 -.16 .02 .13* (5,98) Degree of Mutual Trust with Mother .19 -.08 -.09 -.33** -.03 .15** (5,100) Alienation from Mother -.35** .19 .20* .16 .02 .16** (5,99) Communication with Mother .14 -.10 -.03 -.27* -.04 .09 (5,100) Overall Attachment to Mother .22* -.12 -.09 -.29** -.03 .14** (5,100) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


54

that mutual trust with mothers and overall attachment to mothers are significantly

associated with mothers' idealization of grandmothers for boys, but not for girls.

Fathers' Effects

Correlation analyses. To further explore the intergenerational transmission of

representations of parenting, the influence of fathers' representations of parenting

received on adolescents' representations was also examined. Intercorrelations of teens'

and fathers' reports of parenting received are presented in Table 23. Notably, teens'

reports of parenting received on the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment (IPPA)

Table 22 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from a Domain-Specific Model of Parenting Received by Their Mothers by Teen Gender Idealization Idealization R2 (df) of Grandmother of Grandfather ß ß Teen Reports of: Boys' Mutual Trust with Mothers .50** -.06 .22** (2,50) Girls' Mutual Trust with Mothers -.16 -.11 .05 (2,49) Boys' Overall Attachment to Mothers .53*** -.10 .23** (2,50) Girls' Overall Attachment to Mothers -.09 -.15 .04 (2,49) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001.


55

did not significantly correlate to any of their fathers' reports on the Mother-Father-Peer

Scale (MFP). However, teenagers' reports of independence-encouraged by fathers, did

significantly inversely relate with fathers' idealizing reports of parenting received from

grandmothers. Thus, the only notable correspondence of fathers' and teens'

representations of parenting was one which is consistent with associations between

mothers' and teens' representations of parenting; fathers who idealized in their reports

on their parents (i.e., the grandparents) had adolescents who perceived the fathers more

positively.


56

Table 23 Intercorrelations of Fathers' and Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received ------------------------------------------------------------ Subscale 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ------------------------------------------------------------ Inventory of Parent & Peer Attachment Teen report of father: 1. degree of mutual trust -.- .86*** -.64*** .95*** .59*** .55*** .46*** .12 .13 -.02 .04 2. quality of communication -.- -.65*** .95*** .44*** .59*** .48*** -.03 .02 -.03 -.17 3. extent of anger and alienation -.- -.78*** -.43*** -.59*** -.55*** .12 .04 .05 .16 4. overall attachment -.- .54*** .61*** .53*** .01 .05 -.04 -.10 Mother-Father-Peer Scale Teen report of father: 5. as independence-encouraging -.- .40*** .27** .06 .00 -.40** .18 6. as accepting vs. rejecting -.- .71*** -.07 -.18 -.13 -.21 7. as idealizing in nature -.- -.18 -.13 -.01 -.26 Father report of grandmother: 8. as independence-encouraging -.- .58*** .29 .53*** 9. as accepting vs. rejecting -.- .41** .41** 10. as idealizing in nature -.- .36* Father report of grandfather: 11. as independence-encouraging -.- 12. as accepting vs. rejecting 13. as idealizing in nature Note. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001.


57

Regression analyses. The association of adolescents' representations of

parenting received with that of their fathers' was evaluated. First models which

examined a global representation of parenting were constructed. The global grouping of

representations of parenting examines the impact of perceptions of parenting as an

aggregate. Fathers' reports of parenting received from grandmothers on each of the

MFP subscales (independence-encouraging, accepting versus rejecting and idealizing)

were simultaneously entered as independent variables with adolescent reports of

parenting received from fathers as dependent variables. Consistent with correlational

data in Table 23, the only global model which was significantly associated with

adolescents' reports of parenting received was that regarding independence-encouraged

by fathers (see Table 24). Twenty percent of the variance in adolescents' reports of

independence-encouraging fathers was explained primarily by fathers' idealization of

grandmothers (ß=-.48, p<.01). Models depicting fathers' global views of parenting

received from grandfathers were not significantly associated with any adolescent reports

of parenting received from fathers.


58

Next, paralleling the statistical analysis for mothers, models were constructed

which accounted for both grandmothers' and grandfathers' influences within the same

domain of the Mother-Father-Peer Scale. There was no support found for the domain

specificity postulate for the reports of fathers and their adolescents; none of the domain-

specific models was significantly associated with teenagers' reports of parenting received

Table 24 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from a Global View of Parenting Received by their Fathers from Grandmothers Acceptance Independence- Idealization R2 (df) from Encouraged by of Grandmother Grandmother Grandmother ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Father -.17 .03 -.07 .04 (3,40) Independence encouraged by Father .13 .11 -.48** .20* (3,40) Idealization of Father -.06 -.16 .06 .04 (3,40) Degree of Mutual Trust with Father .12 .08 -.09 .03 (3,42) Alienation from Father -.06 .15 .03 .02 (3,42) Communication with Father .07 -.06 -.04 .00 (3,42) Overall Attachment to Father .09 -.03 -.07 .01 (3,42) Note: Each row represents a separate regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


59

from fathers.

The single strong relationship of fathers' idealizing reports of grandmothers and

teens' reports of independence-encouraging fathers further supports the existence of

intergenerational transmission of representations of parenting. However, six of the

seven adolescent representations of parenting received were not associated with fathers'

representations of parenting. Therefore, although there was indication of the

transmission of representations of parenting, there was also indication that

intergenerational transmission of representations of parenting is not absolute, as most

adolescent reports of parenting received were unrelated to those of their fathers.

Gender effects with regard to fathers. As with the analyses for mothers, the

influence of adolescents' gender on the intergenerational transmission of representations

of parenting was examined. Neither main effects for gender, nor interaction effects by

gender were found when adolescents' gender was added to the global models of reports

of parenting received from grandmothers. Likewise, for analogous global models of

reports of parenting received from grandfathers, no direct effects or interaction effects

by teens' gender significantly influenced adolescent reports of parenting received from

fathers.

Although there were no significant main effects for the domain-specific models

with the sample of fathers, analyses analogous to those conducted with the sample of

mothers were performed. The interaction of fathers' idealization of grandmothers by

teens' gender significantly contributed to a model examining teens' reports of

independence-encouraged by fathers (ß=-.48, p<.01) (see Table 25). Analyzing

models separately for boys and girls revealed that the significant association of

independence-encouraged by fathers was found only for girls (see Table 26). There

were no other domain-specific models where interactions by adolescents' gender


60

substantially explained variance in teen reports of parenting received.


61

Table 25 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from a Domain-Specific View of Idealizing Parenting Received by their Fathers with Interactions by Teen Gender Idealization Idealization Teens' Idealization of Grandmother of Grandfather Gender of Grandmother of Grandfather ß ß ß with Teen Gender ß Teen Reports of: Acceptance from Father -.43* .29 .18 -.53** Independence encouraged by Father -.37 .37* -.17 -.48** Idealization of Father -.09 -.08 .08 -.14 Degree of Mutual Trust with Father -.14 .26 .01 -.54** Alienation from Father .22 -.29 .14 .53** Communication with Father -.18 .29 -.05 -.51** Overall Attachment to Father -.20 .30 -.05 -.55** Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 26 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from a Domain-Specific Model of Parenting Received by Their Fathers by Teen Gender Idealization Idealization R2 (df) of Grandmother of Grandfather ß ß Teen Reports of: Boys' Independence Encouraged by Fathers .10 .35 .14 (2,19) Girls' Independence Encouraged by Fathers -.87** .39 .43* (2,15) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


62

Family Composition Effects

The influence of family composition on the intergenerational transmission of

representations of parenting was examined. Again, analyses were run on the two

largest groups: "mother-headed" and "dual-parent" families.

Descriptive statistics for mothers' and adolescents' reports of parenting received

on the Mother-Father-Peer (MFP) Scale and the Inventory of Parent and Peer

Attachment (IPPA) are shown in Tables 27 and 28 for both types of families. T-tests

comparing the means show dual-parent families' teens idealized more in their reports on

their fathers. However, mothers from dual-parent families tended to idealize less in their

reports on grandfathers than did those from mother-headed families. There were no

significant differences between the two groups on any of the adolescent reports on the

IPPA.


63

Table 27 Descriptive Statistics for Parents' and Teens' Reports of Parenting Received on the Mother-Father-Peer Scale for Dual-parent and Mother-headed Families Mean (SD) for Dual-parent Families Mean (SD) for Mother-headed Families Minimum-Maximum for Dual-parent Families Minimum-Maximum for Mother-headed Families Teen report of mother: as independence-encouraging 44.91 (8.53) 44.99 (6.65) 31.42 - 62 29 - 58 as accepting vs. rejecting 39.91 (8.11) 41.08 (7.84) 25 - 50 16 - 50 is idealizing in nature 20.83 (5.33) 21.01 (5.28) 9 - 30 7 - 34 Teen report of father: as independence-encouraging 46.33 (8.65) 46.46 (7.96) 27 - 64 26 - 62 as accepting vs. rejecting 39.31 (7.80) 37.14 (9.64) 21 - 50 12 - 50 is idealizing in nature* 20.23 (5.28) 18.92 (7.59) 9 - 32 7 - 34 Mother report of grandmother: as independence-encouraging 42.18 (10.86) 40.93 (9.82) 13 - 61 20 - 59 as accepting vs. rejecting 36.31 (11.33) 36.43 (10.51) 14 - 50 10 - 50 is idealizing in nature

Table 28 Descriptive Statistics for Parents' and Teens' Reports of Parenting Received on the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment for Dual-parent and Mother-headed Families Mean (SD) for Dual-parent Families Mean (SD) for Mother-headed Families Minimum-Maximum for Dual-parent Families Minimum-Maximum for Mother-headed Families Teen report of mother: degree of mutual trust 36.37 (9.02) 38.58 (8.70) 21 - 50 15 - 50 quality of communication 31.79 (8.65) 34.88 (8.44) 19 - 49 14 - 50 anger and alienation 18.71 (6.08) 18.37 (6.79) 9 - 37 8 - 36 overall attachment 87.05 (19.42) 92.00 (19.53) 47 -120 36 - 125 Teen report of father: degree of mutual trust 35.97 (10.98) 39.49 (8.34) 10 - 50 19 - 50 quality of communication 28.52 (10.48) 34.39 (9.22) 10 - 47 10 - 50 anger and alienation 19.76 (7.06) 15.98 (6.47) 9 - 33 8 - 33 overall attachment


64

Regression analyses. Next, regression analyses were conducted to further

examine the influence of family composition on the association between mothers' and

teens' representations of parenting. There were no significant main effects of family

type, nor interactions of mothers' reports of parenting received by family type, for the

global model of parenting received by mothers from grandmothers and for the global

model of parenting received from grandfathers.

Associating Problem Behaviors with Parenting Representations

The hypothesis that there are representations of parenting behavior received

which influence individuals' levels of engagement in problem behaviors was examined.

First the problem behaviors of parents and adolescents were correlated with their own

reports of parenting received. Correlation matrices for adolescents, mothers and fathers

are shown in Tables 29, 30 and 31, respectively.


65

Correlational Analyses

As seen in Table 29, for adolescents' reports on the Inventory of Parent and

Table 29 Intercorrelations of Teens' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received with their Self-reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use ------------------------------------ Teen Problem Behavior Ever tried Ever Drug- Alcohol Cigarette School Alcohol or Smoked influenced and Smoking Grade Marijuana a Behavioral Marijuana During Past First Cigarette Problems Use Past Year Month Drunk ------------------------------------ Inventory of Parent & Peer Attachment Teen report of mother: degree of mutual trust -.16 -.18* .04 -.13 -.11 .01 quality of communication -.09 -.10 .01 -.07 -.08 -.03 anger and alienation .21* .16 .25** .21* .15 .13 overall attachment -.15 -.16 -.07 -.13 -.12 -.03 Teen report of father: degree of mutual trust -.09 -.20* -.02 -.03 -.20 -.09 quality of communication .05 -.14 .11 .07 -.06 .01 anger and alienation .05 .08 .14 .05 .15 .09 overall attachment .01 -.17 .02 .03 -.14 -.05 Mother-Father-Peer Scale Teen report of mother as: independence-encouraging .01 -.17 .00 .07 -.08 .17 accepting vs. rejecting -.05 -.12 .07 .02 -.09 -.01 idealizing in nature -.15 -.14 -.18 -.12 -.14 -.08 Teen report of father as: independence-encouraging .11 -.13 .02 .09 -.11 .09 accepting vs. rejecting -.10 .05 .10 .01 .08 -.03 idealizing in nature -.09 -.03 -.07 -.06 .04 -.17 Note. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 30 Intercorrelations of Mothers' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received with their Self-reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use ------------------------------------ Problem Behavior Mothers' Cigarette Total Number of Mothers' Smoking affirmative answers to During Past CAGE questions regarding Month alcohol and drugs ------------------------------------ Mother-Father-Peer Scale Mother report of grandmother: as independence-encouraging .04 -.18* as accepting vs. rejecting .00 -.23* is idealizing in nature -.00 -.29** Mother report of grandfather: as independence-encouraging .04 -.28** as accepting vs. rejecting .04 -.28** is idealizing in nature .15 -.19* Note. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 31 Intercorrelations of Fathers' Reported Experiences of Parenting Received with their Self-reported Smoking, Drinking and Drug Use ------------------------------------ Problem Behavior Fathers' Cigarette Total Number of Fathers' Smoking affirmative answers to During Past CAGE questions regarding Month alcohol and drugs ------------------------------------ Mother-Father-Peer Scale Father report of grandmother: as independence-encouraging -.06 .08 as accepting vs. rejecting .13 .09 is idealizing in nature -.00 .12 Father report of grandfather: as independence-encouraging -.33 -.10 as accepting vs. rejecting -.20 -.17 is idealizing in nature -.08 .06 Note. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001.


66

Peer Attachment (IPPA), extent of anger and alienation toward mothers was related to

alcohol and marijuana use, as well as the number of self-reported drug-influenced

behavioral problems. Having ever tried a cigarette was negatively related to mutual

trust with mothers and mutual trust with fathers. No significant relationships were found

between the subscales of the Mother-Father-Peer Scale (MFP) and adolescent problem

behaviors.

As shown in Table 30, all of the MFP subscales regarding mothers' reports of

parenting received from grandmothers and grandfathers were significantly related to

mothers' reports of drinking and drug use on the CAGE, but were unrelated to their

reports of cigarette smoking. Alternatively, fathers' reports of smoking, drinking and

drug use were unrelated to any of the subscales of the MFP for grandmothers or

grandfathers, as shown in Table 31.

Adolescent Problem Behaviors

Global regression models. Next, regression equations were constructed to

determine the relationship between representations of parenting received and various

problem behaviors for teens. The representations of parenting received from mothers

on each of the MFP subscales was incorporated into a global model of parenting. The

number of drug-influenced behavioral problems reported by teens was significantly

explained by this global model (see Table 32 for details). Adolescents who idealized

more in their reports of parenting received from their mothers were likely to report less

drug-influenced behavioral problems, whereas teens who reported feeling more

acceptance than rejection from their mothers were likely to report more drug problems.


67

The analogous global equation for parenting received from fathers was

constructed and tested. Reports of parenting received from fathers were not associated

with any teen problem behaviors.

Table 32 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Self-reported Problem Behaviors from a Global View of Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from their Mothers Acceptance Independence- Idealization R2 (df) from Mother Encouraged of Mother ß by Mother ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana .07 .03 -.20 .03 (3,92) Ever smoked a cigarette -.01 -.15 -.10 .04 (3,116) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .28* -.03 -.34** .08* (3,104) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year .09 .07 -.18 .03 (3,114) Frequency of smoking during past month .01 -.06 -.13 .02 (3,114) School grade during which first got drunk .01 .19 -.13 .04 (3,119) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


68

In a similar manner, each of the subscales from the IPPA regarding mothers was

entered as an independent variable to make another version of the global model. Again,

only the number of drug-influenced behavioral problems reported by teens was

significantly explained. Table 33 shows that teens who reported more anger and

alienation toward mothers and better quality of communication with mothers reported

higher numbers of drug-influenced behavioral problems. This global model explained

almost twice as much variance as did the model which utilized the MFP subscales.


69

The analogous global equation for IPPA reports of parenting received from

fathers was examined. As shown in Table 34, approximately ten percent of the

variance in adolescents' reported number of drug-influenced behavioral problems and

Table 33 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Self-reported Problem Behaviors from a Global View of Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from their Mothers Degree of Extent of Anger Quality of R2 (df) Mutual Trust and Alienation Communication with Mother toward Mother with Mother ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana -.20 .27 .27 .06 (3,96) Ever smoked a cigarette -.29 .12 .22 .05 (3,120) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .03 .52*** .35* .14** (3,107) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.12 .28* .22 .06 (3,118) Frequency of smoking during past month -.11 .15 .12 .03 (3,118) School grade during which first got drunk .16 .24 .01 .03 (3,123) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001.


70

their frequency of smoking during the past month was explained by this equation. As

with mothers, alienation from fathers was directly related to adolescents' reports of

drug-influenced behavioral problems. Quality of communication with fathers was

directly related to teen reported smoking and drug problems, whereas degree of mutual

trust with fathers was inversely related to frequency of cigarette smoking.


71

Domain-specific models. Domain-specific models were examined as well. Each

of the subscales of the MFP for mothers and for fathers was entered as an independent

variable into an equation (e.g., teens' reports of acceptance from mothers and from

fathers). None of these domain-specific models was significantly associated with teen

Table 34 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Self-reported Problem Behaviors from a Global View of Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from their Fathers Degree of Extent of Anger Quality of R2 (df) Mutual Trust and Alienation Communication with Father toward Father with Father ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana -.31 .11 .39 .04 (3,72) Ever smoked a cigarette -.31 -.06 .09 .05 (3,92) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems -.30 .29* .55** .11* (3,82) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.33 .11 .43* .05 (3,90) Frequency of smoking during past month -.48* .12 .42* .09* (3,90) School grade during which first got drunk -.33 .11 .36 .04 (3,94) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


72

problem behaviors. Then each of the subscales from the IPPA for mothers and for

fathers were similarly entered into domain-specific equations; they also were not

associated with adolescent smoking, drinking or drug use. Thus, the domain-specific

grouping of representations of parenting failed to improve upon the explanations of teen

problem behaviors provided by global models.

The above analyses seem to show that there are some representations of

parenting received which are associated with adolescent problem behaviors. However,

the majority of the models tested were only significantly associated with adolescents'

reports of drug-influenced behavioral problems, with virtually no models explaining

frequency of drug use, or timing of drug use. Thus, while there is some indication of a

relationship between representations of parenting and adolescent problem behaviors, it is

noticeably limited.

Gender effects on adolescent problem behaviors. Next, we examined the

influence of adolescent gender on the association between representations of parenting

received and problem behaviors. First teen gender and interactions of each subscale of

the MFP Scale for mothers by gender were entered into the global model. Neither main

effects for gender, nor significant interaction effects were found. Similarly, no gender

effects, nor interaction effects were found in global models for subscales of the MFP for

fathers. Global models constructed from the subscales of the IPPA for mothers, and

global models comprised of the IPPA subscales regarding fathers, also showed no

significant influence of interactions and direct effects of teen gender on adolescent

problem behaviors.

Although the domain-specific models did not show a significant relationship

between adolescents' representations of parenting received and their problem behaviors,

models were constructed which examined the influence of adolescent gender on this


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potential relationship. Reports about mothers and fathers on the same subscales of the

MFP were entered into equations with teen gender and interactions of the subscales by

teen gender. None of these models presented a significant main effect, nor any

interaction effects, for gender. In the same way, subscales of the IPPA regarding

mothers and fathers were entered as independent variables along with adolescent gender

and interactions of the subscales with gender. The amount of alcohol and marijuana

teens used during the past year was negatively related to an interaction of alienation

towards mothers and teen gender (see Table 35). As seen in Table 36, separate

regression analyses by teen gender shows that boys', but not girls' alcohol and

marijuana use during the past year is directly related to anger and alienation toward

mothers. Thus, there was very limited influence of teen gender on the relationship

between representations of parenting received and problem behaviors.


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Mothers' Problem Behaviors

Global models. Regression equations were constructed to determine the

association between representations of parenting received and various problem behaviors

Table 35 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Self-reported Problem Behaviors from a Domain-Specific View of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received on the Alienation Subscale of the IPPA Anger Anger Teen Anger Anger R2 (df) toward toward Gender toward toward Mother Father ß Mother Father ß ß by Teen by Teen Gender Gender ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana .25 -.08 -.05 -.10 -.03 .06 (5,72) Ever smoked a cigarette .08 .02 .16 -.13 .02 .05 (5,91) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .21 .03 .10 -.19 .04 .10 (5,81) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year .25* -.03 -.06 -.25* -.03 .13* (5,89) Frequency of smoking during past month .07 .13 -.09 -.20 -.05 .09 (5,89) School grade during which first got drunk -.01 .11 .03 -.27** -.00 .08 (5,93) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 36 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Problem Behaviors from their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received in a Domain-Specific Model of Alienation by Teen Gender Alienation Alienation R2 (df) toward Mother toward Father ß ß Teen Reports of: Boys' number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during the past year .47*** .00 .22** (2,50) Girls' number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during the past year -.02 -.07 .01 (2,38) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001.


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for mothers. The representations of parenting received from grandmothers on each of

the MFP subscales was entered to create the first global model of parenting. Like

adolescents, mothers' number of affirmative responses about drinking and drug-

influenced problems on the CAGE was significantly explained by this global model.

However, this global equation did not explain mothers' smoking during the past month.

The analogous global equation for parenting received from grandfathers was also

significantly associated with mothers' number of affirmative responses to the CAGE, but

did not account for smoking during the past month (see Table 37).


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Table 37 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Mothers' Self-reported Problem Behaviors from a Global View of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from Grandmothers Acceptance Independence- Idealization R2 (df) from Encouraged by of Grandmother Grandmother Grandmother ß ß ß Mothers' Reports of: Smoking during the past month -.00 .04 -.01 .00 (3,105) Total number of affirmative responses to the CAGE regarding drinking and drug use -.04 -.10 -.23 .10** (3,109) Acceptance Independence- Idealization R2 (df) from Encouraged by of Grandfather Grandfather Grandfather ß ß ß Mothers' Reports of: Smoking during the past month -.17 .00 .28 .03 (3,98) Total number of affirmative responses to the CAGE regarding drinking and drug use -.22 -.17 .04 .10* (3,101) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


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Domain-specific models. Next, domain-specific models where mothers' reports

on each of the subscales of the MFP for grandmothers and for grandfathers was entered

as an independent variable into an equation were examined. As shown in Table 38,

each of these domain-specific models was significantly associated with mothers' number

of affirmative responses to the CAGE, yet again, none were associated with amount of

smoking during the past month.


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Table 38 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Mothers' Self-reported Problem Behaviors from Domain-Specific Models of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from Grandmothers and Grandfathers Independence- Independence- R2 (df) Encouraged Encouraged by Grandmother by Grandfather ß ß Mothers' Reports of: Smoking during the past month .11 -.01 .01 (2,97) Total number of affirmative responses to the CAGE regarding drinking and drug use -.11 -.23* .09** (2,100) Acceptance Acceptance R2 (df) from from Grandmother Grandfather ß ß Mothers' Reports of: Smoking during the past month -.02 .04 .00 (2,96) Total number of affirmative responses to the CAGE regarding drinking and drug use -.16 -.24* .11** (2,99) Idealization Idealization R2 (df) of Grandmother of Grandfather ß ß Mothers' Reports of: Smoking during the past month -.09 .19 .03 (2,96) Total number of affirmative responses to the CAGE regarding drinking and drug use -.24* -.09 .08* (2,99) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.


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Fathers' Problem Behaviors

Global models. In parallel fashion, regression analyses were conducted to

determine the relationship between representations of parenting received from

grandmothers and grandfathers and various problem behaviors for fathers. A global

model was created using the representations of parenting received from grandmothers on

each of the MFP subscales as an independent variable. Unlike mothers and teens,

neither fathers' smoking during the past month, nor their number of affirmative

responses about drinking and drug-influenced problems on the CAGE was significantly

explained by this global model. The analogous global equation for parenting received

from grandfathers also did not significantly explain fathers' number of affirmative

responses to the CAGE, nor smoking during the past month.

Domain-specific models. Domain-specific models, where fathers' reports on

each of the subscales of the MFP for grandmothers and for grandfathers were entered as

independent variables, were examined. Again, none of the domain-specific models

significantly explained fathers' number of affirmative responses to the CAGE, nor

amount of smoking during the past month.

Family Composition Influences

Regression analyses were conducted to examine the influence of family

composition on the association of adolescents' representations of parenting received to

their problem behaviors. Again, analyses were run on the two largest groups: "mother-

headed" and "dual-parent" families.

The global model of parenting comprised of teen reports about mothers on each

of the subscales of the MFP was revised to include family composition as an independent

variable, along with the interactions of family composition and each of the subscales of

the MFP about mothers. An interaction effect of family composition and teens'


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idealizing reports about mothers was directly related to the frequency of adolescent

cigarette smoking during the past month (see Table 39). Analyzing equations separately

by family composition showed that adolescents' cigarette smoking during the past month

was explained by this global model for teens from dual-parent households, but not for

teens from mother-headed households (see Table 40).


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Interactions and direct effects of family composition were added to the global

model of parenting received from mothers on of the IPPA subscales. Again, the

Table 39 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Problem Behaviors from a Global View of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from Mothers with Interactions by Family Composition Accept Indep- Ideal Family Accept Indep- Ideal R2 (df) from Enc by of Type from Enc by of Mother Mother Mother ß Mother Mother Mother ß ß ß with with with Family Family Family Type Type Type ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana .06 .01 -.23 -.13 .15 -.30 .28 .10 (7,74) Ever smoked .01 -.14 -.11 -.12 .06 -.08 .23 .10 (7,93) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .24 -.07 -.32* -.00 .13 -.30* .04 .13 (7,85) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during the past year .07 .06 -.19 -.12 .09 -.25 .15 .07 (7,93) Frequency of smoking during past month .01 -.05 -.20 -.19 .19 -.23 .32* .17* (7,91) School grade during which first got drunk .08 .12 -.20 -.02 -.12 -.08 .29* .10 (7,96) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05.

Table 40 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Problem Behaviors from a Global Model of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from their Mothers by Family Composition Acceptance Independence- Idealization R2 (df) from Mother Encouraged of Mother ß by Mother ß ß Teen Reports of: Frequency of smoking during past month for teens in dual-parent families .31 -.30 -.59* .27* (3,29) Frequency of smoking during past month for teens in mother-headed families -.16 .08 .03 .02 (3,61) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05.


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frequency of adolescents' cigarette smoking during the past month was related to an

interaction of family composition; this time family type interacted with adolescents'

mutual trust with mothers (see Table 41). Separate regression analysis by family type

showed, once again, that frequency of adolescent cigarette smoking was only

significantly explained by the IPPA global model for teens from dual-parent families (see

Table 42).


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Table 41 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Problem Behaviors from a Global View of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from Mothers with Interactions by Family Composition Mutual Anger Comm Family Mutual Anger Comm R2 (df) Trust toward with Type Trust toward with with Mother Mother ß with Mother Mother ß ß ß Mother Mother with with with Family Family Family Type Type Type ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Summary variable: teen has ever tried alcohol or marijuana -.35 .13 .28 -.14 .22 .09 -.16 .09 (7,78) Ever smoked cigarettes -.28 .03 .14 -.13 .11 .32* .21 .13 (7,97) Total number of drug- influenced behavioral problems .17 .50** .13 -.00 .14 -.06 -.17 .13 (7,88) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana during past year -.12 .34* .27 -.13 -.07 .01 .21 .11 (7,97) Frequency of smoking during past month -.02 .17 -.03 -.17 .53** .13 -.22 .19** (7,95) School grade during which first got drunk .14 .27 .05 -.03 .22 .06 -.03 .06 (7,100) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 42 Simultaneous Regression Analyses Predicting Teens' Problem Behaviors from a Global Model of their Reported Experiences of Parenting Received from their Mothers by Family Composition Trust Anger Communication R2 (df) with toward with Mother Mother Mother ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Frequency of smoking during past month for teens in dual-parent families -.71* -.02 .26 .25* (3,30) Frequency of smoking during past month for teens in mother-headed families .38 .30 -.20 .08 (3,64) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05.


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Although the analyses for our small sample of fathers did not show the same, the

analyses for adolescents and mothers did show that there were some representations of

parenting received which were associated with problem behaviors. However, only

reports of problems associated with alcohol and drug use tended to be associated with

representations of parenting for mothers and for adolescents. Amount of cigarette

smoking, alcohol consumption, soft drug use, as well as initiation behaviors were not

generally related to perceptions of parenting received. Thus, although representations of

parenting demonstrated some relation to problem behaviors, this relationship was quite

limited.

Parenting Preventing Problem Behaviors

Finally, the hypothesis that there are specific representations of parenting

received which influence the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors from

one generation to the next was investigated. Since father's problem behaviors

demonstrated no association with adolescents' problem behaviors, only the

intergenerational influence of mothers' problem behaviors was tested with the effects of

parenting behaviors on teens' problem behaviors.

Moderator Effects

Fathers' parenting as a buffer. First, the ability of fathers' parenting behaviors

to inhibit the influence of mothers' problem behaviors on teens' behaviors was

examined. Interaction effects where teens' representations of parenting received from

fathers influenced the transmission of mothers' problem behaviors to adolescents were

examined. Regression equations were developed such that the global model of

parenting received from fathers on the Mother-Father-Peer Scale along with mothers'

self-reported problem behaviors and interactions of mothers' problem behaviors with

reports of parenting received from fathers on the MFP subscales were entered as


85

independent variables with teen problem behaviors as dependent variables. The six

interaction terms were tested in one block. No blocks of interaction effects of mothers'

problem behaviors with teens' representations of parenting received from fathers were

significantly related to adolescents' problem behaviors. Analogous models for mothers'

problem behaviors and teens' reports of parenting received from fathers on the

Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment were examined. Again, no significant blocks

of interaction effects were found. The association of mothers' problem behaviors with

teens' problem behaviors were not statistically influenced by representations of parenting

received from fathers in this study.

Mothers' parenting as a buffer. Next, the potential for positive relationships

with mothers to influence the intergenerational transmission of their own problem

behaviors to adolescents was considered. Global models were constructed from teens'

responses to the subscales of the MFP regarding mothers, along with mothers' problem

behaviors and interactions of mothers' problem behaviors and the MFP subscales.

Again, no significant blocks of interaction effects were found. Similarly, for the

comparable model associating teens' reports of parenting received from mothers on the

IPPA subscales along with mothers' problem behaviors, no blocks of interaction effects

significantly affected adolescents' problem behaviors.

This examination of interaction effects showed that representations of parenting

received do not seem to moderate the intergenerational transmission of problem

behavior. Neither adolescents' representations of mothers, nor their representations of

fathers interacted with mothers' problem behaviors to statistically influence adolescents'

problem behaviors. Since a moderator effect was not supported by these analyses, a

potential mediator effect was examined.

Mediator Effects


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Another potential role that representations of parenting may play in the

intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors is as a mediator. Since some

maternal problem behaviors have been related to adolescents' problem behaviors, and

since some indication of a relationship between representations of parenting and problem

behaviors was found, there is also indication that perceptions of parenting may play a

mediating role. To examine whether representations of parenting completely mediate the

intergenerational relationship between mothers' and adolescents' problem behaviors,

teens' representations of parenting were added to the models which demonstrated

significant associations.

First, global groupings of adolescents' responses about mothers on the Mother-

Father-Peer (MFP) scale were added to the models where mothers' smoking, alcohol

and drug reports were independent variables and teens' problem behaviors were

dependent variables. If representations of parenting completely mediate the effects of

mothers' problem behaviors on adolescents problem behaviors, mothers' problem

behaviors should no longer significantly be associated with teens' problem behaviors in

these new models. As shown in Table 43, for the two models that remained statistically

significant, mothers' problem behaviors were significantly associated with teens'

problem behaviors. Consequently, adolescents' representations of parenting received

from mothers as reported on the MFP did not appear to mediate the transmission of

problem behaviors from mothers to teens.


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Table 43 Testing Mediating Effects of Representations of Mothers as Reported by Adolescents on the MFP on the Intergenerational Transmission of Problem Behaviors Mothers' Indepen- Acceptance Idealization R2 (df) Total number Encouraged from of Mother of drug and by Mother ß alcohol problems Mother ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems .26** -.13 .31** -.30** .15** (4,96) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana in past year .25* -.00 .08 -.14 .08 (4,104) Frequency of smoking during past month .19 -.13 -.03 -.09 .07 (4,104) School grade during which first got drunk .26** .10 .07 -.14 .11* (4,108) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01.

Table 44 Testing Mediating Effects of Representations of Mothers as Reported by Adolescents on the IPPA on the Intergenerational Transmission of Problem Behaviors Mothers' Mutual Alienation Communication R2 (df) Total number Trust from with of drug and with Mother Mother alcohol problems Mother ß ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems .23** -.03 .47*** .33* .18*** (4,99) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana in past year .30*** -.20 .25* .23 .15*** (4,108) Frequency of smoking during past month .19* -.21 .12 .12 .07 (4,108) School grade during which first got drunk .29** .09 .18 -.05 .12** (4,112) Note: Each row represents a single regression equation. *p<.05. **p<.01. ***p<.001. Table 45 Testing Mediating Effects of Representations of Fathers as Reported by Adolescents on the IPPA on the Intergenerational Transmission of Problem Behaviors Mothers' Mutual Alienation Communication R2 (df) Total number Trust from with of drug and with Father Father alcohol problems Father ß ß ß ß Teen Reports of: Total number of drug-influenced behavioral problems .23* -.29 .32* .54** .15* (4,73) Number of occasions used alcohol or marijuana in past year .16 -.33 .14 .48* .08 (4,79)


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The other two groupings of representations of parenting received which showed

some association with adolescents' problem behaviors were the global grouping of

representations of mothers reported on the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment

(IPPA) and the global grouping of representations of fathers as reported on the IPPA.

Representations of parenting received from mothers on the IPPA were thus added to the

models examining transmission of problem behaviors. As shown in Table 44, mothers'

problem behaviors remained highly significant in all equations that showed an

association with adolescents' problem behaviors. Similarly, when the global grouping of

representations of parenting received from fathers as reported on the IPPA were added

to models examining transmission of problem behaviors, mothers' problem behaviors

continued to show a strong relationship with adolescents' problem behaviors (see Table

45).

From these analyses, it can be seen that adolescents' inheritance of their parents'

problem behaviors does not seem to be completely mediated by their representations of

parenting. However, the association found between adolescents' problem behaviors and

their representations of parenting implies that it may have a partial mediating effect.

Discussion

The purpose of this project was to integrate three areas of research to better

explain the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. First, was a probe for

evidence of the heritability of problem behaviors that many other researchers have

found. This project found indications of an intergenerational transmission of smoking,

drinking and drug use from mothers to adolescents. Next, was an investigation of

whether the intergenerational transmission of representations of parenting may serve as

one possible mechanism by which problem behaviors are transmitted. Adolescents'

representations of parenting received were found to relate to some of their parents'


89

representations of parenting received. Furthermore, for both mothers and adolescents,

representations of parenting received were significantly related to problems with alcohol

and drug use. Finally, was an examination of whether relationships with parents may

moderate or mediate the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. No

support for a moderator role was found, but evidence implying that representations of

parenting received may play a partial mediating role was found. However, when

representations were examined as completely mediating the intergenerational

transmission of problem behaviors, substantial unmediated effects remained.

Intergenerational Prediction of Problem Behavior

The first endeavor was to replicate the findings of numerous other studies which

have demonstrated the heritability of cigarette smoking, alcohol and other substance use

(Cadoret, Troughton and O'Gorman, 1987; Carmelli, Swan, Robinette & Fabsitz, 1992;

Collins, 1990; Devor & Cloninger, 1989; Hughes, 1986; Rowe, Chassin, Presson,

Edwards & Sherman, 1992; Sigvardsson, Cloninger and Bohman, 1985).

Mothers' Effects

Between second and third generation mother and adolescent participants in this

study, both homotypic continuity in smoking behaviors, and heterotypic continuity in

reports of drug use and associated problems were detected. Thus, reports of the

participants replicated those found in many other studies.

Mothers' reports of problems related to their alcohol and drug use, such as

feeling guilty about something they had done while drinking, were associated with

reports of adolescent drinking and drug problems, but not with reports of teen initiation

to drug use (i.e., whether or not adolescents have ever smoked a cigarette, or tried

alcohol or marijuana). Specifically, mothers' smoking during the past month and

mothers' affirmative responses regarding problems with alcohol and drug use on the


90

CAGE questionnaire were associated with adolescents' total number of drug-influenced

behavioral problems, adolescents' frequency of alcohol and marijuana use during the

past year, adolescents' frequency of smoking during the past month, and the school

grade during which adolescents first got drunk. It is interesting that intergenerational

relationships were found only between mothers' and teens' problems with alcohol and

drugs, but not between mothers' problems with alcohol and drugs and teens' initiation to

smoking and drug use. Kandel (1980) also found that parents' use of alcohol and drugs

did not predict adolescents' initiation to drug use. Perhaps mothers' responses to the

CAGE reflect a construct which differs from simple drug use behavior; instead, it might

indicate an ability to recognize the negative effects associated with alcohol and drug use

that is transmitted intergenerationally. Or maybe the relationship between mothers'

problems with drugs and teens' drug use initiation was not found simply because the

effects were too weak to be significantly demonstrated among the participants in the

study.

Finding that mothers' smoking was associated with teens' smoking, and not with

their alcohol or drug use problems was unusual, since teen smoking was correlated with

teen drug use in this study, and since research has consistently shown the relation of

smoking to other drug use (Collins, 1990). However, since the intergenerational

transmission of smoking and alcohol use have generally been studied separately, it has

not been determined that smoking behavior generalizes to other drug using behaviors

across generations. Nevertheless, since evidence of an intergenerational transmission of

problem behaviors was shown in this group, further investigation of the role of

representations of parenting on this transmission of problem behavior was conducted.

Gender differences with regard to mothers' problem behaviors. The only

differences found in the transmission of problem behaviors from mothers to daughters


91

versus mothers to sons was for the amount of soft drug (alcohol and marijuana) use

during the past year. Mothers' reports of problems with drinking and drugs was only

significantly associated with boys' soft drug use during the past year. This gender

difference is similar to one seen throughout the literature on the heritability of alcohol

abuse. Devor and Cloninger's (1989) review of the research on the heritability of

alcoholism discussed how similar to their parents, serious, Type II alcoholism is usually

seen only in the male children of alcoholics. Alternatively, females tend to demonstrate

unusually high levels of low-frequency somatization disorders. Thus, the finding of the

influence of mothers' problems with drug use only on sons' marijuana and alcohol use

was consistent with previous research on the intergenerational transmission of problem

behaviors.

Family composition effects. No effects of family composition on the

intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors were found. However, mothers in

single-parent families reported more problems associated with drug use than mothers in

dual-parent families. One possible explanation is that the stress of handling multiple

family responsibilities alone may cause these mothers to engage in more drug and

alcohol use, and consequently to have more alcohol and drug-related problems, or to

simply perceive their alcohol and drug use as more problematic. Since parents were not

asked for an estimate of quantity of drug use, this study cannot determine the existence

of an actual discrepancy between the drug use of mothers in dual- versus single-parent

households, consequently, this issue remains for future studies to explore.

Fathers' Effects

The exploratory analyses with participating fathers did not show the same

intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors to their adolescents. This null

finding may be due to the limited number of participating fathers (only 40% of the


92

families had participating father figures), or the actual lack of influence of these father

figures. Twenty percent of the men in these "father" roles were neither biological

parents, nor adoptive parents of the adolescents in this study. Thus, it was conjectured

that these men's actual parental influence over the adolescents as "mothers' partners"

might be truly limited. However, examination of biological and adoptive fathers'

problem behaviors and adolescents' problem behaviors continued to show a lack of

association. This finding is consistent with other research that has shown fathers'

influences on their children's behavior problems to be more limited in comparison to

maternal influences (Tschann, Johnston, Kline & Wallerstein, 1990).

General Conclusions Regarding Heritability of Problem Behaviors

As in other studies, this examination of the problem behaviors of mothers and

their adolescents indicated the existence of intergenerational transmission. Given that

indication of heritability of problem behaviors was demonstrated by these participants,

next, evidence was sought that representations of parenting might provide a mechanism

by which problem behaviors are passed from one generation to the next. First

heterotypic or homotypic continuity in representations of parenting received between

parents and adolescents was investigated, then the relationship between representations

of parenting and exhibition of problem behaviors was appraised. The existence of these

two connections would provide support for the idea that representations of parenting

may act as a mechanism by which problem behaviors are passed between generations

(although it would not actually prove the existence of such a mediating role for

representations of parenting).

Intergenerational Prediction of Parenting Representations.

This investigation of the intergenerational transmission of representations of


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parenting showed indication of such a transmission: some representations of parenting

received by parent participants were related to those of their adolescents. However, not

all representations of parenting received demonstrated transmissibility. Therefore,

although indication of the intergenerational transmission of representations was found, in

general, such a process may not always be effectual.

Mothers' Effects

Three specific representations of parenting received by mothers from

grandparents were measured: acceptance versus rejection, independence-encouragement,

and idealization. Seven representations of parenting received by adolescents from

mothers were reported: acceptance vs. rejection, independence-encouragement,

idealization, trust, anger and alienation, quality of communication, and overall

attachment. Regression analyses associated a global grouping of all the representations

of parenting received by mothers from one grandparent to individual perceptions of

parenting received by their adolescents.

Three of the total seven representations of parenting received by adolescents

were related to mothers' representations of parenting received from grandparents:

adolescents' anger and alienation toward mothers, idealization of mothers and overall

attachment to mothers. Associations of mothers' and teens' perceptions of parenting

received were found across measures. Mothers' reports on the Mother-Father-Peer

(MFP) scales regarding grandmothers were associated with adolescents' reports of

alienation and overall attachment to mothers reported on the Inventory of Parent and

Peer Attachment (IPPA). Specifically, mothers who idealized in their perceptions of

grandmothers were likely to have adolescents' who did not report anger and alienation

toward their mothers. Mothers' reports regarding grandfathers were associated with

adolescents' reports of alienation and idealization of mothers. Specifically, mothers who


94

idealized in their reports of grandfathers had teenagers with idealized perceptions of

their mothers. Mothers who reported feeling more acceptance than rejection from

grandfathers had teenagers who did not report feeling anger and alienation toward their

mothers.

Analyses also indicated some unusual relationships regarding independence-

encouragement. For example, mothers who described grandmothers as encouraging

their independence had teenagers who did not report close attachments to their mothers.

Teenagers who reported feeling anger and alienation toward their mothers had mothers

who perceived grandfathers as encouraging their independence. At first glance the

direct relationships between independence-encouragement and negative reports of

parenting received appears perplexing. One possible explanation is that the items which

form the independence-encouragement subscale may in fact be tapping parenting

behaviors which discourage proximity-seeking behavior in offspring, and thus conveys

instead a cold, aloofness rather than warmth and support (See Appendix A for specific

examples). This type of relationship is consistently demonstrated throughout the

analyses, as described below.

The intergenerational relationships found between mothers' and adolescents'

reports of parenting received are consonant with attachment research and theory. While

attachment researchers have found that mothers' attachment classifications predict those

of their young children, this study extended this relationship to relate mothers'

perceptions of the parenting that they received from their parents (i.e., from the

grandparent generation) to those of their adolescents. Although mothers' internal

working models, as assessed by how their thoughts and feelings regarding attachment

are organized, were not examined in the present study, it may be that similar thoughts

and feelings about parenting received were being accessed by the measurement scales


95

employed.

In 1991, Fonagy, Steele and Steele found significant association between

mothers' internal working models of relationships and infants' security of attachment.

By comparing mothers' and adolescents representations of parenting received, a similar

intergenerational link was sought here. For example, the following theoretical

explanation of the association found between mothers' idealization of grandfathers and

teens' idealization of mothers is provided by attachment theory. Dismissing states of

mind regarding attachment, which are characterized by idealization of parents,

derogation of attachment relationships, and lack of recall regarding attachment

relationships, have been postulated to stem from rejection and insensitive parenting in

infancy and early childhood (Main & Goldwyn, in press; Main, Kaplan & Cassidy,

1985). A dismissing state of mind employs denial of the need for attachment, so

mothers with dismissing states of mind regarding attachment may similarly deny their

children's needs for attention, may be insensitive to their needs and may reject them

(Fonagy, Steele & Steele, 1991), advancing the cycle another generation. This

transmission of dismissing states of mind also explains why mothers with idealized

perceptions of grandmothers were unlikely to have teenagers who reported feeling anger

and alienation toward them. If mothers' dismissing states of mind were carried on to

their teenagers, then the teenagers would also idealize in their reports of parenting

received and thus would be unlikely to report anger, alienation, or other negative

feelings about their mothers. The other intergenerational relationships found are also

consistent with theories about transmission of states of mind and adults' models of

attachment as described by Main and Goldwyn (in press).

Individuals with secure models of attachment are unlikely to have memories of

their parents rejecting them, and therefore are unlikely to have a preoccupation with


96

anger at them (Main & Goldwyn, in press). When considered intergenerationally,

mothers who are not rejected, and are not angrily preoccupied with grandparents,

behave in sensitive ways toward their children, who are then likely to feel accepted and

unlikely to maintain angry states of mind regarding their parents. The inverse

relationship found between mothers' acceptance from grandfathers and teens' anger and

alienation is in accord with this theory.

If independence-encouragement is interpreted as parenting which tends to

discourage proximity seeking behaviors, it is reasonable that mothers' who have

working models of relationships with grandparents that discourage such proximity

seeking, are likely to behave in similar ways with their children, which should ultimately

result in the teenagers' alienation and insecure attachments to their mothers. Thus,

mothers with independence-encouraging grandparents should have teenagers who do not

feel strong affectional bonds to their mothers, as was found for the participants in this

study. Then, although attachment classifications of adults and teenagers have not been

examined, the results of this study which associate the representations of parenting

received by parents and adolescents seem to coalesce with the research and theory

regarding states of mind and working models of relationships described by attachment

theorists. This study also extended research within this tradition that had not previously

examined the intergenerational transmission of representations from parents to their

adolescents.

However, more than half of adolescents' representations of parenting received

were not associated with that of their mothers. One possible explanation for this

deficiency in transmissibility is that some representations of parenting received are

transmitted, while others are not, depending on their intensity. That is, more intense

memories may be more salient in one's life, and thus predominate upon one's behaviors


97

in interactions with subsequent generations. Therefore transmission of anger, love and

idealization are found, but not transmissions of acceptance, encouragement, trust, and

communication. Alternatively, maybe the measures used in this study simply were not

as sensitive in measuring some representations as they were with others.

There were further null findings of an intergenerational transmission of

representations of parenting depending upon grouping of variables. Two different

groupings of independent variables for intergenerational models were examined:

domain-specific and global. The global models, described above, suggest that

representations of parenting are an aggregate of thoughts and feelings, thus combinations

of each of the specific representations of parenting received by mothers was regressed

with adolescents' perceptions of the parenting they received. For the domain-specific

model of parenting, single representations of parenting received by mothers from

grandmothers and grandfathers were postulated to best predict adolescents' reports about

mothers for that same specific representation of parenting received. The domain-specific

results showed that mothers' idealizing reports of grandmothers and grandfathers were

associated with adolescents' idealizing reports of mothers. However, these idealizing

reports of parenting received from grandparents were almost as strongly associated with

adolescents' reports of alienation from mothers. Thus, a solely domain-specific model of

intergenerational transmission of representations of parenting was not supported. In

fact, the results from the domain-specific grouping of variables were very similar to the

global grouping, and therefore did not improve upon an understanding of the

intergenerational transmission of representations.

Gender differences with regard to mothers' representations of parenting.

Representations of parenting received by mothers showed only limited interaction effects

with teen gender. Mothers who idealized in their reports of grandparents, had sons who


98

reported more positive relationships with their mothers. Specifically, boys trust and

overall attachment to mothers was related to mothers' idealizing reports of grandmothers

and grandfathers. Thus, boys' positive reports of parenting received relate to maternal

idealizing representations as was described above.

Alternatively, it may be that the mothers who idealize grandparents use this

idealization to avoid thinking about attachment relationships, and behave in ways which

distance themselves from thinking about and engaging in affectionate relationships (like

those that might exist with their adolescents). Adolescent boys may perceive this

estrangement in a positive way, i.e., as their mothers exerting little control, and

permitting for their autonomy and their identity exploration. Positive outcomes for boys

have been related to provisions for autonomy (Allen, Hauser, Bell & O'Connor, in

press; Allen, Aber & Leadbeater, 1990; Gecas & Schwalbe, 1986). For example,

Gecas & Schwalbe (1986) found that boys' self-esteem was promoted when parents did

not inhibit their sons' autonomy by exerting too much control over their lives. It is

possible that the boys participating in this study perceive their mothers' idealization of

grandparents and their distancing nature as providing space for self-exploration and

autonomous development; consequently, these boys' perceptions of parenting received

from mothers were positive.

Mothers' representations of parenting received from grandfathers was also

associated with daughters' greater affection for their mothers. That is, girls' overall

attachment to mothers was related to mothers' accepting representations of parenting

received from grandfathers. This relationship of girls' affinity for their mothers to

maternal representations of acceptance from grandfathers is consistent with the

description of secure models of attachment described above.

Family composition effects. Although there were some mean differences in


99

reports of parenting received between different family types, no influence of family

composition on the intergenerational transmission of representations of parenting was

found. That is, there were no interactions which significantly contributed to models

predicting adolescents' reports of parenting received from their mothers' representations

of parenting received. This means that the reported intergenerational transmission

findings apply equally well to adolescents from dual-parent and mother-headed families.

Fathers' Effects

Further evidence of an intergenerational transmission of representations of

parenting was sought by regressing domain-specific models and global models of

parenting received by fathers against adolescents' reports of parenting received from

their fathers. Only fathers' reports of parenting received from grandmothers were

associated with adolescents' reports of parenting received from fathers. Specifically,

fathers who idealized grandmothers had adolescents who were less likely to report that

their fathers were independence-encouraging. These findings are similar to the findings

regarding independence-encouragement found for mothers and adolescents above where

connections were found between the MFP questionnaire items regarding independence-

encouragement and negative representations of parenting behaviors. This suggests that

the interpretation of adult attachment theory applied to maternal intergenerational

transmission of parenting representations may also apply to paternal transmission.

Grandparents' insensitive parenting may lead to fathers' avoidance of attachment, which

in turn, may lead to adolescents' denial and idealization of attachment relationships.

These idealizing adolescents are then unlikely to report that their fathers were

discouraging their proximity-seeking behaviors.

Gender differences with regard to fathers' representations of parenting. The

only gender difference found in the transmission of fathers' representations of parenting


100

to sons' versus daughters' representations of parenting was for the domain-specific

model regarding idealization. Specifically, fathers who idealize in their reports of

parenting received from grandmothers have daughters, but not sons, who are unlikely to

report independence-encouragement (i.e., discouragement of proximity-seeking) from

their fathers. These findings regarding independence-encouragement are again

consistent with those found for mothers. The finding that fathers' idealizing

representations only affect their daughters is consistent with studies that show parents are

more responsive to their same-sexed child (Furman & Buhrmester, 1992). It may be

that fathers' increased sensitivity to their sons could counterbalance the effect of fathers'

idealizing, dismissing states of mind regarding attachment; whereas with daughters, their

dismissing states of mind lead to discouragement of proximity-seeking behaviors. Thus,

evidence of continuity in insecure attachments between opposite sex generations is more

likely to be found than in same-sex generations.

General conclusions regarding heritability of representations of parenting

The results of this study showed some associations between the representations

of parenting received for parents and their adolescents, however not all representations

demonstrated transmissibility among this study's participants. The findings of

intergenerational relationships between parents' and adolescents' reports of parenting

received were consistent with attachment theory. While research has shown the

correspondence of mothers' attachment classifications to those of their young children,

this study augmented this relationship to relate mothers' perceptions of the parenting they

received from grandparents to their adolescents' representations of parenting received.

Prediction of Problem Behaviors from Parenting Representations

In order for representations of parenting to act as a mechanism by which

problem behaviors are transmitted from parents to children, not only must


101

representations of parenting be transmitted between generations, but they must also show

an association with problem behaviors. To determine the existence of this final

connection, parents' and adolescents' problem behaviors were regressed on their reports

of parenting received.

Predicting Adolescent Problem Behaviors

Teenagers' perceptions of parenting received were associated with their reported

drug-influenced behavioral problems. However, representations of parenting received

were not related to adolescents' initiation of smoking, alcohol or drug use, nor

frequency of alcohol or drug use, nor the grade during which teens first became

inebriated. Thus, representations of parenting were generally unrelated to quantity of

drug use (save a single finding regarding perceptions of trust with fathers and

adolescents' cigarette smoking), while they were related to problems with drugs.

The global model of parenting received from mothers on the Inventory of Parent

and Peer Attachment (IPPA) was associated with the total number of drug-influenced

behavioral problems reported by adolescents. For this model, adolescents who reported

more anger and alienation toward mothers also reported more drug-influenced

behavioral problems. Adolescents who reported more anger and alienation toward

fathers also reported more drug problems. Alienation is a characteristic Shedler and

Block (1990) attribute to "frequent drug users". They believe these heavy users fall into

a vicious cycle where "feeling troubled and inadequate, these adolescents withdraw from

work and relationships, and alienated from work and relationships, they feel all the more

troubled and inadequate" (1990, p. 626). These adolescents attempt to "numb out"

their feelings of hopelessness with drugs, ultimately becoming frequent users.

Brook, Whiteman and Finch (1993) provide an alternative explanation why

adolescents who feel anger and alienation toward parents may report more drug


102

problems. These authors believe that affinity to parents promotes adolescents'

identification with parental values, which inhibits teens from using drugs or engaging in

unconventional, antisocial behaviors. Therefore, the present adolescent participants,

who reported feeling anger and alienation toward their parents, would be unlikely to

adopt their parents' values, and might, in fact, rebel by engaging in drug using

behaviors, resulting in increased problems with drugs.

Teens who idealize in their reports of their mothers were likely to report less

problems with drugs. Much like individuals with dismissing states of mind regarding

attachment who idealize in their perceptions, Shedler and Block (1990) found that

teenagers who abstained from drug use led lives characterized by omission; they were

prone to deny themselves gratification from warm relationships and fulfillment of

personal potentials to contain feelings of vulnerability. Perhaps then, the adolescent

participants in this study, who idealized in their perceptions of parenting received, were

less likely to report drug-related problems, because they were abstaining from drug use.

Alternatively, teens' idealization of mothers may simply be persisting when they report

less drug-related problems.

Adolescents who perceived their mothers as more accepting reported more

problems with drugs. The global model of parenting received from mothers as reported

by adolescents on the Mother-Father-Peer scale was significantly associated with the total

number of drug-influenced behavioral problems reported by teens. Similarly, Shedler

and Block found that "experimenters" (adolescents who used no more than one drug

other than marijuana, and who used marijuana nor more than once a month) had

mothers who were warm, responsive, encouraging and accepting. Therefore, the teens

who felt more accepted than rejected by their mothers, and who were likely to report

more problems with drugs, may simply be experimenting with drugs in what Shedler


103

and Block believe to be a normative part of adolescent development.

Experimenters' warm, responsive mothers are likely to have relationships with

their teens which are characterized by warm, open communication. The global model

of parenting received from mothers on the Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment

(IPPA) showed such a direct relationship between adolescents' communication with

mothers and teens' drug-influenced behavioral problems. As with mothers, quality of

communication with fathers was directly related to the number of adolescent reported

drug problems as well. Quality of communication with fathers was also directly related

to teen frequency of cigarette smoking. Thus, the direct relationship of communication

with parents to teens' cigarette smoking and drug problems may be attributed to the

explanation for "experimenters".

Cigarette smoking was also inversely related to mutual trust with fathers. Why

adolescents with more trusting relationships with their fathers would smoke less is

illustrated by Brook, Whiteman and Finch's (1993) proposal that teenagers who have

positive relationships with their parents are likely to internalize parental values and to

behave in parentally accepted ways. Accordingly, adolescents who share a trusting

relationship with their fathers are likely to accept paternal perceptions that smoking is

hazardous to health, and so will smoke less. An explanation of how representations of

parenting differ in their ability to predict cigarette smoking and general measures of drug

use may be found in the general conclusions for this section.

Representations of parenting were again analyzed in two separate ways. As

reported above, the global grouping of each of the specific representations of parenting

received demonstrated some associations with adolescents' problems with drugs,

however no domain-specific models significantly predicted adolescent drug use.

Gender differences. The only gender differences found in the prediction of


104

adolescent problem behaviors from their reports of parenting received are for the

domain-specific model of alienation from parents. The number of occasions on which

boys, but not girls, used alcohol or marijuana during the past year is directly influenced

by anger and alienation toward mother. Since problem behavior literature has shown

that, in general, boys are more vulnerable to family stressors than are girls (Rutter,

1985), it is logical that boys' drug usage would be more likely influenced by poor

relationships with parents than would girls'.

Family composition effects. Literature regarding the effects of divorce on

adolescent drug use generally shows that teenagers engage in drug use only when

parenting skills are lacking, regardless of family composition (Brody & Forehand, 1993;

Forehand, Middleton & Long, 1987; Patterson, DeBaryshe & Ramsey, 1989; Selnow,

1987; Tschann, Johnston, Kline & Wallerstein, 1990; Velleman, 1992). Although no

differences in the intergenerational transmission of drug use by family composition were

found, and no differences in the intergenerational transmission of representations of

parenting by family composition were found, there were significant differences in the

influence of representations of parenting on teen drug use by family composition.

Adolescents' idealizing reports about their mothers were inversely related to

frequency of cigarette smoking during the past month for teens from dual-parent

families, but not for teens from single-parent families. Frequency of cigarette smoking

during the past month was negatively related to mutual trust with mothers only for

adolescents from dual-parent families. Both positive and negative perceptions of mothers

from dual-parent families, but not mother-headed families, seemed to influence teens'

smoking behaviors. Perceptions about mothers from dual-parent families may have

more influence over adolescents' smoking behaviors because research shows these

mothers monitor their children more, while mothers in single-parent families allow their


105

children more autonomy and responsibility (Hetherington, 1989). Thus, mothers'

increased monitoring in dual-parent families may influence their adolescents' perceptions

of them, making them a more pronounced influence on their adolescents' behavior.

Consequently, teens' representations about parenting received from these mothers would

show relationships to their cigarette smoking behaviors. The family composition effects

found in this study substantiate this view.

Predicting Parents' Problem Behaviors

Further support for the influence of representations of parenting on problem

behavior are found in the second generation of mothers, but not fathers. Mothers'

global models of parenting received from grandmothers and from grandfathers, and all

domain-specific models were associated with mothers' problems with alcohol and drug

use. On the other hand, no models were able to predict mothers' smoking during the

past month, or any of the fathers' smoking, alcohol or drug problems.

General Conclusions Regarding Prediction of Problem Behavior

Why the global models of parenting received only predict the number of

reported problems with alcohol and drugs and not just drug use in both generations is an

interesting question. Earlier in this discussion, parents' responses to the CAGE

questionnaire and adolescents' number of drug-influenced problem behaviors were

proposed to represent constructs which differ from simple drug use behavior. They

were postulated instead, to indicate an ability to recognize negative effects associated

with alcohol and drug use. Such abilities would suggest a construct related to social

development and functioning, rather than to simple drug use. Since parental functioning

is also related to personality development and psychological well-being (Belsky, 1984),

the relationship found between representations of parenting and problems associated with

drugs may be tapping into a common construct regarding social development. Thus,


106

this study generally associated representations of parenting with reported drug-influenced

behavioral problems, but not with general measures of quantity of cigarette smoking or

drug use. Finding this final link, and finding some indication of an intergenerational

transmission of representations of parenting, implies that perceptions of parenting play a

part in the transmission of problem behaviors between generations.

Parenting preventing problem behaviors

One possible role that representations of parenting might play in the

intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors is that of a buffer. The notion that

poor relationships with parents foster drug use, or positive relationships may inhibit drug

use in adolescents with a heritable predisposition toward drug use, was explored.

Teens' perceptions of parent-adolescent relationships had no interactive, moderating

effects in the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. This result is

consistent with Brook, Whiteman and Finch's (1993) postulation that good relationships

with parents foster identification with that parents' values. If adolescents' parents are

drug users, then teens' identification will only serve to promote drug use, not to shield

them from this behavior. Thus, representations of parenting did not seem to play a

buffering role in the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors.

Another possible role that representations of parenting might play is a mediating

role. Indication that some parents' problem behaviors are intergenerationally

transmissible to their adolescents was found. Some representations of parenting received

by adolescents were also found to be associated with adolescents' problem behaviors. If

the transmission of parents' problem behaviors to adolescents was completely mediated

by representations of parenting received by adolescents, then when teens'

representations of parenting were added to models predicting adolescents' problem

behaviors, parents' problem behaviors would no longer be statistically significant


107

predictors of adolescents' drug-influenced problem behaviors (Darlington, 1990).

However, the effects of parents' problem behaviors on adolescents' problem behaviors

were still significant, therefore the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors

from parents to adolescents may only be partially mediated by teens' representations of

parenting. This finding is consistent with research and literature on the etiology of

problem behavior which report that heritability of smoking, alcoholism and drug use is

due, in part, to genetic influences. Therefore, representations of parenting received by

adolescents should not have demonstrated a comprehensive mediating effect.

Limitations and future directions

This investigation provided insight into the role of parent-adolescent relationships

in the intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors. Indication of an

intergenerational transmission of smoking, drinking and drug use from mother to

adolescent participants was found. Evidence of an intergenerational transmission of

representations of parenting which corresponds to those described by attachment theory

was uncovered. A relationship between representations of parenting received and

perceptions of problems associated with smoking, drinking and drug usage was also

found in two generations. It was determined that representations of parenting received

do not play a buffering role, nor a comprehensive mediator role, in the intergenerational

transmission of problem behaviors. However, representations of parenting received by

adolescents demonstrate evidence of a partial mediating effect in the intergenerational

transmission of problem behaviors.

This study's data cannot support causal interpretations since it was cross-

sectional. Specifically, direction of the relationships found between parents' and

adolescents' reports cannot be determined. That is, the intergenerational associations

revealed may be the result of adolescents' influences on parents, rather than parents'


108

influences on adolescents. Findings are also limited by self-reporting of parents' and

adolescents' drug use. The investigation of the association of representations of

parenting received with problem behaviors is further limited by having the same source

report on the independent and dependent measures. Furthermore, it is unknown

whether the association of parents' and adolescents' representations of parenting is due

to actual parenting behavior experienced or to other explanations (e.g., genetic

transmission of proclivity for recalling and describing parents in certain ways).

Therefore, interpretation of representations of parenting as constructs associated with

parenting behaviors is limited.

Future research should examine developmentally longitudinal data, so that

parents' drug use when they were teenagers could be compared with their adolescents'

drug use, regardless of what parents' present day behaviors are. Huesmann, Eron,

Lefkowitz, and Walder (1984)'s study on the continuity of aggression showed the best

indicator of children's aggression ratings to be parents' scores obtained when they were

their children's age, regardless of parents' present dispositions. By accounting for a

developmental trajectory for aggressive behavior in their research design, Huesmann

and colleagues found that, although the age-specific manifestations of aggression might

change with development (Bell, 1986), the problems continued throughout the lifespan

and into future generations. More research needs to examine the precursors of problem

behaviors, considering that they might change in form and amount with age, to reveal

ultimately the pathways on which problem behaviors are developed, cultivated, and

transmitted to affect later generations.

Future research regarding intergenerational transmission of problem behaviors

should also consider for participant selection that not only adolescents, but parents as

well, must be "at risk". Most of the participating parents had no or only a single


109

problem with drugs or with alcohol, thus there were few problems for their children to

inherit. This investigation also would have benefitted by questioning parents for an

actual amount of alcohol and drug use with which to compare to their teenagers.

Furthermore, because the adolescents were selected for their "at risk" status to assist in

the development of interventions, the findings are not generalizable to the common

population.

Finally, having more comprehensive descriptions of parenting received, such as

that available on the Adult Attachment Interview, would profit future research so that

truly idealizing responses may be distinguished from actual positive reports of parenting

received.

The evidence found for the intergenerational transmission of representations of

parenting and the association of representations to substance use necessitates that

research examining the influence of parenting representations on problem behaviors

continue. Only a preliminary understanding of the influence of parenting representations

on problem behaviors exists at present. Further understanding of why some

representations may be transmitted while others are not, and the specific role parenting

representations play in the transmission of problem behaviors would benefit intervention

efforts attempting to break the intergenerational cycles of alcoholism and drug abuse that

cost billions of dollars. By integrating these topics of research, this study has shown that

parenting representations are important to the transmission of smoking, drinking a drug

problems. Why and how they are influential has yet to be learned.


110

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Appendix A: Epstein's Mother-Father-Peer Scale MFPF (Youth-13) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # Target ID Use the scale provided to indicate the extent to which the following statements describe your childhood relationship with the adult female indicated below. Strongly Somewhat Uncertain Somewhat Strongly

Disagree Disagree About Agree Agree

with with Statement with with

Statement Statement Statement Statement WHEN I WAS A CHILD, : 1) encouraged me to make my own decisions. 1 2 3 4 5 2) helped me learn to be independent. 1 2 3 4 5 3) felt she had to fight my battles for me when I had a disagreement with a teacher or a friend. 1 2 3 4 5 4) was close to a perfect parent. 1 2 3 4 5 5) was overprotective of me. 1 2 3 4 5 6) encouraged me to do things for myself. 1 2 3 4 5 7) encouraged me to try things for myself. 1 2 3 4 5 8) had not a single fault that I can think of. 1 2 3 4 5 9) did not let me do things that other kids my age were allowed to do. 1 2 3 4 5


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WHEN I WAS A CHILD, : Strongly Somewhat Uncertain Somewhat Strongly



Statement Statement Statement Statement 10) sometimes disapproved of specific things I did, but never gave me the impression that she disliked me as a person. 1 2 3 4 5 11) enjoyed being with me. 1 2 3 4 5 12) was an ideal person in every way. 1 2 3 4 5 13) was someone I found very difficult to please. 1 2 3 4 5 14) usually supported me when I wanted to do new and exciting things. 1 2 3 4 5 15) worried too much that I would hurt myself or get sick. 1 2 3 4 5 16) was never angry with me. 1 2 3 4 5 17) was often rude to me. 1 2 3 4 5 18) rarely did things with me. 1 2 3 4 5 19) didn't like to have me around the house. 1 2 3 4 5 20) and I never disagreed. 1 2 3 4 5 21) would often do things for me that I could do for myself. 1 2 3 4 5 22) let me handle my own money. 1 2 3 4 5 23) could always be depended upon when I really needed her help and trust. 1 2 3 4 5


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WHEN I WAS A CHILD, : Strongly Somewhat Uncertain Somewhat Strongly



Statement Statement Statement Statement 24) gave me the best upbringing anyone could ever have. 1 2 3 4 5 25) did not want me to grow up. 1 2 3 4 5 26) tried to make me feel better when I was unhappy. 1 2 3 4 5 27) encouraged me to express my own opinion. 1 2 3 4 5 28) never disappointed me. 1 2 3 4 5 29) made me feel that I was a burden to her. 1 2 3 4 5 30) gave me the feeling that she liked me as I was; she didn't feel she had to make me over into someone else. 1 2 3 4 5


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Appendix B: Armsden & Greenberg's Inventory of Parent and Peer Attachment IPPAF (Youth-12) Subject ID Interviewer Visit# Target ID Interviewer: Please have the teen fill this out for his/her mother figure. This section asks about your feelings about your relationship with . Please read each of the following statements and put a circle around the response that best describes how you feel about .

NEVER TRUE

SELDOM TRUE

SOMETIMES TRUE

OFTENTRUE

ALMOST ALWAYS TRUE

1. She respects my feelings.

never seldom sometimes often almost always

2. I feel she is successful as a parent.


3. I feel alone or apart when I am with her.


4. I wish I had a different parent.


5. I try to keep to myself when I am upset.


6. She accepts me as I am.


7. I have to rely on myself when I have a problem to solve.



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8. I like to get her point of view on things I'm concerned about.


9. I feel it is no use letting my feelings show.


10. She senses when I'm upset about something.


11. Talking over my problems with her makes me feel ashamed or foolish.


12. She expects too much from me.


13. I get upset easily when I'm with her.


14. I get a lot more upset than she knows.


15. When we discuss things, she considers my point of view.


16. She trusts my judgement.


17. She has her own problems, so I don't bother her with mine.


18. She helps me to understand myself better.


19. I tell her about my problems and troubles.



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20. I feel angry with her.


21. I don't get much attention when I'm with her.


22. She encourages me to talk about my difficulties.


23. She understands me.


24. I feel as if I don't know whom I can depend on these days.


25. When I am angry about something, she tries to be understanding.


26. I feel like what she doesn't know won't hurt her.


27. I trust her. never seldom sometimes often almost always 28. I feel as if she doesn't understand what I'm going through these days.


29. I can count on her when I need to get something off my chest.


30. I feel that no one understands me.



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31. If she knows something is bothering me, she asks me about it.


32. I feel I need to be in touch with her more often.



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Appendix C: CAGE Interview CAGE (Adult-8) Subject ID# Interviewer Visit # Introduction: These are some questions about your use of alcohol and other drugs.

Please keep in mind that these questions, like all the others you have answered today, will be kept confidential. Your name is not attached to your answers, only a subject code is used to identify you. Please circle the answer to each question.

1. Have you ever used alcohol at all? Yes No (If NO, go to number 6) 2. Have you ever felt the need to cut down on your drinking? Yes No 3. Have you ever been annoyed by criticism of your drinking? Yes No 4. Have you ever felt guilty about something you've done when you've been drinking? Yes No 5. Have you ever had a morning eye-opener (a drink to get you going in the morning)? Yes No 6. Have you ever used any drugs at all? Yes No (If NO, stop here) 7. Have you ever felt the need to cut down on your drug use? Yes No 8. Have you ever been annoyed by criticism of your drug use? Yes No


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9. Have you ever felt guilty about something you've done when you've been high on drugs? Yes No 10. Have you ever taken drugs first thing in the morning to get going, or to treat withdrawal symptoms? Yes No


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Appendix D: Adolescent Drug Use Questionnaire


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135


136


137


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