Interior Design

(DN023) Design and Subculture

Assignment 1 – Subculture Case Study: Report

THE LANGUAGE OF IDENTITY

Les Sapeur: Culture, politics and values through fashion

Name

Stevanie Honadi

Lecturer

Seth Adams

Date

14 May 2015

Word Count

5037

i

Abstract

The use of clothing as an instrument to address issues such as politics, economy, and social is not a

new phenomena, as occurred in both Congo (Republic of the Congo and Democratic Republic of

Congo), whereby lower class men with limited economic prospects created their identities in

Congolese society through the adoption of high class clothing. Known as Les Sapeur, the movement

has become one of Africa’s most well-known subculture today. This paper analyzes the history of Les

Sapeur and its evolution from a movement into a subculture throughout the twentieth century colonial

period until the era of twenty-first century. It also depicts the core values, hold within these

immaculately dress men in their attempt to answer the complex questions of self identity. This study

is a mere analytical and individual perception based on an integrative research approach. In

doing so, the paper demonstrates how Les Sapeur is more than a mere sartorial subculture,

but rather a means by which fashion is mobilized as a tool to produce alternate identities that

defy circumstances and resist categorization.

Keywords: La Sape, sapeur, dandyism, transculturation, self-identity, politics, subculture

ii

Table of Contents

Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. i

Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................. ii

List of Illustrations ................................................................................................................................ iii

1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................ 1

2. OBJECTIVES ................................................................................................................................... 2

3. METHODOLOGY ........................................................................................................................... 2

4. THE HISTORY OF AFRICAN DANDYISM ................................................................................. 3

4.1. The Beginning........................................................................................................................... 3

4.2. The Rise of La Sape .................................................................................................................. 4

4.3. The Last Evolution .................................................................................................................... 5

5. POLITICS IN DRESSING UP ......................................................................................................... 6

6. FROM MIMICRY TO A CULTURE ............................................................................................... 8

7. CLOTHING: AN EXPRESSION OF IDENTITY ........................................................................... 9

8. CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................................. 13

Glossary ................................................................................................................................................ 14

References ............................................................................................................................................. 15

iii

List of Illustrations

Figure 1 – Andre Matswa (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from http://mediaafrik.com/wp-

content/uploads/2013/07) ........................................................................................................................... 4

Figure 2 – Papa Wemba, the icon of Kinshaha sapeur (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://mediaafrik.com/2013/07/page/2/) .................................................................................................... 4

Figure 3 – The hierarchy of La Sape (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from The political economy

of elegance: An African cult of beauty. (1994). Consumption and Identity. New Jersey: Harwood

Academic Publishers) ................................................................................................................................ 5

Figure 4 – Line chart comparing Republic of Congo & Democratic Republic of Congo GDP per

capita from 1970 to 2010 (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://www.tradingeconomics.com/republic-of-the-congo/gdp-per-capita) .............................................. 7

Figure 5 – Selected image from The Gentlemen of Bacongo (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://www.coolhunting.com/culture/gentlemen-of-bacongo) ................................................................... 8

Figure 6 – Not more than three colors (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://sabotagetimes.com/style/the-gentlemen-of-bakongo-and-their-cult-of-elegance) ........................... 10

Figure 7 – Christian Malala posing in front of his home in Bakongo (Source: retrieved May 7,

2015, from http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB) ............................................................................................ 10

Figure 8 – A sapeur and his cigar (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://www.messynessychic.com/2011/04/05/who-is-the-dandy-man/) .................................................... 10

Figure 9 – The darker/ post-punk style of Kinshasha sapeurs (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015,

from https://barbarabrownie.wordpress.com/tag/sapeur/) ......................................................................... 12

Figure 10 – The hierarchy of La Sape (Source: retrieved May 7, 2015, from

blog.thechapar.com/life/creative-sapeurs-a-short-documentary-by-guinness.html) .................................. 12

Figure 11 – A group of Brazzaville sapeurs with their colorful gentleman style (Source: retrieved

May 7, 2015, from https://messynessychic.files.wordpress.com/2011/04) ............................................... 12

1

1. INTRODUCTION

“In life we can’t always choose what we do, but we can always choose who we are”

–Guinness commercial 2014

The statement was declared as a campaign by one of the most successful beer brand

worldwide. It deploys the contradiction of human living condition, whereby there are people who are

lucky enough to enjoy a decent life, while there also exist a community whose reality urges them to

defy their circumstances.

Human reaction to reality differs from one to another. Some might accept the way it is and

carry their life forward with hope, one might not be able to accept, while others might try their best to

achieve whatever still possible to obtain a meaningful life. As Yacobi (2013, p. 209) said, “It is easier

to adapt illusions to individual desires and needs, unlike the reality that is indifferent to human

condition. But then what is the use of escape from reality through illusions? Life becomes a farce, full

of pretense. The search for truth about reality, provide some meaning to life.”

This is what happened in Republic of the Congo, whereby the phenomena of Sapeurs, a

subculture of extraordinarily dressed dandies first emerged. In the midst of their war-torn slums, these

men dress in tailored suits, elegantly smoke on their pipes and stroll the impoverished streets in

immaculate shoes. Dandyism or sapologie in this case, is not a fashion trend. In some of the farthest

corners of the earth where true dandyism exists, it serves as something closer to a philosophy, a code

of living.

Records of African dandies go back as far as early 20th century when slaves were given pre-

owned clothes by their European masters in order to fit in with their luxurious surroundings (Gondola,

1999, p.37). By the time the slave trade was abolished, liberated Africans had already begun to create

their own unique dandy style, even more surprising, doing it better than the Europeans had ever done

it. Dressing up for them is a way to address such statements: self identity, peace, honor and courtesy,

also creativity.

Using fashion as a tool to define such statements is not a new experience. The politics of

identity are closely associated with the clothing one chooses to wear. Clothes are important personal

system of visual communication, through which people may express their sexual orientation, social

affiliation, profession, lifestyle, ethnic identity and other personal attributes (Vrencoska, 2009).

Alexander McQueen once stated “–fashion is so indicative of the political and social climate

in which people live, what people wear will always be a symptom of their environment”(Slone, 2012).

Thus clothing, is the second skin of the wearer containing information present within their psyche

(Hussami, 2013). It is a tool to define a statement people choose to affirm their society and themselves.

It reflects personal taste, purchasing power, the role in society, aspirations, dreams, and core values.

2

2. OBJECTIVES

The paper is written with the intention to explain Les Sapeur subculture as well as examining

its profound meaning through research. The main purpose of the research is to analyze the statement

defined by Congolese sapeur in context with their ludicrous lifestyle and high class fashion style. The

analysis is done by briefly reviewing its history in regard to the theory of subculture, also by

exploring its core values.

3. METHODOLOGY

The research was accomplished by using an integrative research approach, combining

quantitative and qualitative method. Qualitative method is carried out through literature review using

electronic sources. Secondary data are gathered from scholarly resources and academic platforms, as

well as writings done by professionals from news organization, blogs, and related websites. The data

includes journals, theses, dissertation and articles that come from online resources.

The idea about fashion as a way to make statements about politics, society and self identity

are taken from fashion journals such as Immediations, Encyclopedia of Clothing and Fashion, and

Contemporary African Fashion, while history and background about Les Sapeur subculture are taken

from journal of African Studies Review. Other important data, analytical review about the subculture

as well as supporting images are sourced mainly from online articles.

3

4. THE HISTORY OF AFRICAN DANDYISM

Les Sapeur as it is known today is a sartorial subculture originated from Congo. Sapeur, from

the word se saper, meaning to dress elegantly, is a cultural phenomenon in which lower class men

with limited economic prospects from Brazzaville (capital of the Republic of Congo, formerly French

Congo) and Kinshasa (capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly Belgian Congo)

created their identities in Congolese society through the adoption of high class clothing (Kutesko,

2013, p.61). These men were members of La Sape (Society for Ambiences and Persons of Elegance).

The evolution of Les Sapeur subculture can be distinguished into 3 distinct periods: colonialism era,

post-colonialism era, and contemporary era.

4.1. The Beginning

There has been disagreement among scholars as to the true historical origins of Les Sapeur.

Some experts, such as Gondola and Martin, have linked the corresponding movement as it survives

today to the emergence of similar cultural and sartorial styles at the beginning of the 20th century

(Kutesko, 2013, p.62). In his paper published in the African Studies Review, Gondola (1999, p.26)

make an argument that the early history of Sapeur began during the post WWII years, as Justin-Daniel

Gandoulou has proposed, as inaccurate. He introduces the history of houseboys around 1910 and their

attempt to imitate their European masters during French colonialism in the Republic of Congo as the

beginning phenomena of Sapeur. Some masters did not hesitate to give their used clothing to their

houseboys, who then showed it off to enhance their master’s reputation and social status.

In Brazzavile during 1920s, Phyllis (1995, p.407) writes, “Men wore suits and use accessories

such as canes, monocles, gloves, and pocket-watches on chains. They found clubs around their

interest in fashion, gathering to drink aperitifs, and dance to Cuban and European music played on

the phonograph”. Around the same period, an increased visibility of anti-colonial effort happened in

both Congo (Brazzaville and Kinshasa). Andre Matswa (or Mastoua) was a Congolese activist from

Brazzaville who advocated for political and equal rights for all citizens of the French Congo. Living

in Paris, Matswa worked closely with other black activist from Caribbean, US, and liberal European

(Gondola, 2010, p.161). Matswa’s fashionable Parisian attire was perhaps one of the earliest examples

in the Congo of an African wearing European fashions while openly resisting colonial rule (Jorgensen,

2014, p. 14).

In 1930s, both Congolese in Brazzaville and Kinshasa was influenced by the arrival of popo

(coast man) who allowed them to redefine their relationship with modernity during the final stage of

colonization era. Popo or coast men are natives of African countries such as Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria,

and Sierra Leone who was enlisted by British companies to carry out subordinate task. They dressed

like Europeans, thus they were referred as mindele ndombi which translated into ‘white with black

4

skin’ (Jorgensen, 2014, p.16). It was during this period that houseboys were no longer satisfied with

their master’s secondhand clothing. Thus, they started to spend extravagantly to acquire the latest

fashions. Following in the wake of these houseboys, clerks, and then musicians competed to recreate

identities for themselves through clothing (Gondola, 1999, p.27).

4.2. The Rise of La Sape

The decade of the 1950s was marked with the rise of rumba music in Kinshasa. The music

movement takes great role in popularizing European dress among youth, leading to a differentiation

between Brazzaville and Kinshasa sapeurs going forward. Kinshasa sapeurs are known for being

much more performative, often using soccer stadium or street corners for their gatherings, while their

more conservative Brazzaville counterparts prefer meeting in cafes (Gondola, 2010, p.164).

In 1960s, Democratic Republic of the Congo was granted independence from Belgium.

Following nearly ten years of civil unrest-post independence, Mobutu, the new president of DRC

personally renamed the country as Zaire in 1971 in his attempt to create an authentic national identity.

During this period, Zaire was under severe economic crisis after years of corruption practice led by

Mobutu and his party (Jorgensen, 2014, p.22). It was in reaction to such unfair condition that the

rumba musician Papa Wemba popularizes La Sape in the early 1970s, undercutting Mobutu’s attempt

to homogenize Congolese culture by implementing a ban on western clothing. Wemba saw the

movement as a form of rebellion against poverty and the blues (Jorgensen, 2014, p.23). Gondola

(1999) stated this period as the second phase of sapeurism, the contours of which had already been

established in the early years of colonialism.

Figure 1 – Andre Matswa Figure 2 – Papa Wemba, the icon of Kinshaha sapeur

5

4.3. The Last Evolution

The term La Sape and sapeur are fully established in the early twenty-first century by

Congolese diasporic youth living in Western metropolises, predominantly Paris and Brussels

(Gondola, 2011, 137). In the twenty first century, it involves a compulsory trip to Europe (l’aventure),

in which a Sapeur devotes his time to the acquisition le gamme, a wardrobe of le griffe, clothing and

accessories produced by famous fashion designers, that he ritually displays at organized parties and

dance bar on returning home (Kutesko, 2013, p.61).

Contemporary sapeurs represents at least the third generation of Congolese dandyism.

Conscious of this heritage, some sapeurs defined La Sape as the result of a legacy and a proper

education (Gondola, 1999, p.27). Gondola referred the twenty-first century sapeurs as occupying the

third stage of Congolese dandyism, distinguished from their early twentieth-century counterparts by

migrant impulse, which requires them to travel to Europe as part of a broader and complex process of

identity formation.

In Brazzaville, one can begin to accumulate lower ranked clothing (non-griffes), copies and

ordinary ready-to-wear. The move to Paris (l’aventure), in order to accumulate a real haute couture

wardrobe (le gamme) is the beginning of the early transformation of the ordinary sapeur into a person

of higher status (Friedman, 1994, p.128).

Figure 3 – The hierarchy of La Sape

6

5. POLITICS IN DRESSING UP

As far as the history of Les Sapeur can be traced back during 1910s, it is undisputable that

politic plays a crucial role behind the rise of this movement. Based on the evolution history of the

sapeurs, it is apparent that there are three distinct political statements behind each phase of sapologie

evolution. Throughout the colonialism era, houseboys wore European clothing in their attempt to

enhance their master’s reputation and social status. There was still no significant statement behind

their wearing European clothing, as it did nothing to affirm neither what they believe nor what they

against, to the context that it was only a form of mimicry.

As in 1920s, the effort of anti-colonial campaign leads by Andre Matswa might have

influenced the way Congolese take European clothing into account. As Congolese historian Gondola

(2010, p.162) argues, “While Matswa cannot be credited with founding La Sape, he contributed to a

movement that politicized dress and elevated European dress from a form of mimicry utilizing it

instead as a tool with which to underscore political change.” Here it is explicit that Congolese began

to alter what was just a mere imitation into a statement against colonialism. As Gondola re-

emphasized his argument, to those Congolese living under French and Belgian colonial rule,

assimilation of European culture was reflected by dress and was promoted as a sort of justification for

political emancipation (Gondola, 2010, p.161.).

Passing through the colonial era, dressing up takes it way to the history of politics during the

period of post-colonialism. Following the independence of Democratic Republic of Congo in 1960,

the sapeur’s style has been mobilized as a means of resistance to the authoritative structure of the

Congolese state. In the Republic of Congo, the sapeur movement flourished amongst the Southern

Balaris as a means of opposition to the Northerners, in power since 1969, and accused by the South of

lavishly consuming the country’s wealth (Gondola, 2011, p.137). The motivations behind the sapeurs

borrowings and appropriations of Western tailoring might be understood as fundamentally socio-

political, rather than aesthetics, yet they utilizes forms that will allow them to communicate with their

specific audience, adopting the European dress codes worn in the first instances by the former

colonies, French and Belgium, in order to challenge the authoritative structures of Congolese society

(Kutesko, 2013, p.64).

Post-colonialism era marked the period whereby former colonies no longer become the only

enemy, but also the dictatorial government who then take control to rule. Thus, European clothing

takes it form as a dual instrument, making a statement to address both the former colonizer and the

unfair government. Gondola (2010, p.162) asserted that “La Sape is a movement laden with ‘powerful

political symbolism and ideologies’ that play out dramatically during post-colonial era. Dressing

elegantly is understood to be a revolutionary act, seemingly compliant at times–because it borrowed

its paraphernalia and lexicon from the colonizers and because of its proclivity for aesthetical display–

but nonetheless inherently subversive.”

7

Twenty-first century takes it period as the era of freedom, after years of colonialism and civil

wars, both Congo faces what then becomes the next colonizer: a harsh living condition under severe

economic development. Fashion journalist Elizabeth Kutesko (2013, p.63) stated that La Sape in the

twenty-first century is impartial and non-combatant, acting as a bridge between the two Congo and

the factions involved in the civil wars that took place throughout the 1990s. The modern sapeur no

longer carry out their statement towards the ruler. Instead, they begin to adapt the notion of

consumerism and its impact on the way society look upon them. As Friedman (1994, p.126) stated,

“One might be tempted to interpret this consumption pattern as an expression of the colonial complex,

but, at least in the Congolese case, it is more a question of complementarity in which a colonial

regime maps onto an already existing hierarchical praxis.”

As consumerism takes it way into Congolese in Brazzaville and Kinshasa, cultivating

lifestyles that emphasize clothing, fashion finally transform its meaning as a site of negotiation of

postcolonial identity and therefore as a tool of decolonization. The inherently hybrid identities

exhibited by sapeurs are at the heart of social change in postcolonial Congo, visually representing

alternate experiences that seem to defy the hopeless socio-economic conditions surrounding them. As

Jorgensen (2014, p.38) writes, ”While real freedom in this context may be an illusion, dressing in the

colonizer’s clothes allows sapeurs to imaginatively escape the poverty of the postcolonial state

through a conscious and significant negotiation of status.”

Italian photographer Daniele Tamagni documented sapeurs in 2009 in his book The

Gentlemen of Bacongo, which refers to the district of Brazzaville in the Republic of Congo where

sapeurs can be easily spotted (Naranjo, 2011). His documentation has become a relevant example to

depict the modern contemporary sapeur of the twenty-first century. As seen in figure 2, three sapeurs

wearing Western-style suits pose amidst a rubbish heap, their pristine outfit appears odd with the

violence, degradation, and urban poverty of their surroundings.

Figure 4 – Line chart comparing Republic of Congo & Democratic Republic of Congo GDP per capita from

1970 to 2010 (Courtesy of Trading Economics)

8

Making clear the contradictions of La Sape, by juxtaposing the brightly-colored,

conspicuously clothed sapeurs against a crumbling backdrop of Brazzaville’s detritus and ruinous

buildings, Tamagni encourage their Western tailoring to shine out even more brightly, the

connotations perhaps that ‘real’ fashion can emerge from anywhere, even a developing country such

as the Republic of Congo (Kutesko, 2013, p.72).

6. FROM MIMICRY TO A CULTURE

Looking back through the history, the idea that the phenomena of Les Sapeur evolved from an

act of mimicry into a subculture over a decade of centuries becomes such interesting subject to be

analyzed. Kutesko (2013, p.62) claimed that commentators such as Jonathan Friedman, Didier

Gondola, Justin-Daniel Guandoulou, and Phyllis M. Martin have pointed out the complexities in the

sapeur’s experimentation with European clothes, but a more nuanced understanding is reached by

drawing upon Cuban anthropologist Federico Ortiz’s notion of ‘transculturation’.

Ortiz introduced the notion of ‘transculturation’ which replicated the logic of colonialism by

explaining cultural contact from the perspective of the metropolis, in which subordinated groups

select and invent from materials passed on to them by a dominant culture (Ferguson, 2002, p.560).

Ortiz’s argument is indeed relevant to the concept of sapologie. A sapeur cannot control what

emanates from a dominant European culture, nor can he entirely control his representation by that

culture. Though, a sapeur can determine what he can absorbs into his own culture and how he uses it

for the purpose of self-fashioning and self-presentation. As Kutesko (2013, p.62) stated,

“Transculturation is not a static, deterministic state but a continually shifting process, meaning is not

inherent in a sapeur’s style, but is also constructed in the contexts through which a he is represented.

Representation thus emerged as a complex cultural process. A sapeur’s exuberant form of dress is his

means of self-expression within urban Congolese society.”

Figure 5 – Selected image from The Gentlemen of Bacongo, 2009.

(Photo courtesy of Danielle Tamagni)

9

A sapeur can be seen to adopt and re-write European fashions in a process that may at first

appear to be a practice of cultural assimilation, but on closer inspection, can be seen as an

appropriation of Western goods and signs within the terms of indigenous cultural logic (Ferguson,

2002, p.561). Ortiz uses the term ‘transculturation’ to denominate the transformative process

undergone by a society in the acquisition of foreign cultural materials. It requires both the diminishing

of a society’s native culture due to the imposition of foreign material, and the synthesis of the foreign

material itself to create a new, original, cultural product. The sapeur movement can be understood as

a hybrid fusion of two hitherto relatively distinct forms, styles, and identities, which shares elements

of both cultures but also differentiated from both (Kutesko, 2013, p.64).

The idea of ‘transculturation’ is then related to the definition of subculture itself. As Dowd &

Dowd (2003, p.22) define subculture as, “–a group that is part of the dominant culture but which

differs from it in some important respects.” They also noted that, when many sociologists describe the

concept of subculture, they tend to make an implicit characterization of subcultures as either deviant,

marginalized groups or heroic resisters against the hegemonic culture of global capitalism (Dowd &

Dowd, 2003, p.20). The definition is relevant to the concept of sapeur itself, as the movement was

created as a way to make a statement of freedom against political and social circumstances.

Inherence within this complex process of cultural transference is the agency of the subject

culture to select and invent from materials passed on to them by a dominant culture. By addressing the

subtle shifts and nuances of Les Sapeur, Ortiz’s theory allows for the sapeur’s display of Euro-

African fashion to be understood as a subversive and socio political action aimed at both the

authoritative structures of the Congolese state and the former colonizer, enacted when the subjugated

people take up the aesthetics code formally associated with the dominator (Kutesko, 2013, p.76).

‘Tansculturation’ has impacted Congolese culture, a feature that is central to this analysis of

Les Sapeur evolution from an act of mimicry into a subculture. Through the various phases of its

evolution, Les Sapeur becomes the new visual representations of postcolonial Congo inspired by local

and foreign influences. It takes form to address issues of politic, social, and economy. Jorgensen

(2014, p.3) stated that Les Sapeur is situated in the field of visual culture in order to assess its

influence across the Congolese visual field, the extent to which visual culture is embedded in a

Western worldview.

7. CLOTHING: AN EXPRESSION OF IDENTITY

After gaining their independence and conducting revolution, following the end of civil wars, a

third generation sapeur no longer carrying a political statement against the colonies or the authorities.

Fashion for the contemporary sapeur, is now a way to express his identity, his self-being, and his

beliefs. Fashion is more than property or the expression of one’s already existent self, or the

fulfillment of an imagined self. It is the constitution of self, a self that is entirely social. As Gondola

10

(1999, p.34) stated “The homo sapeur is not only a self as sign or a living icon. He discovers his

existence as a being and social factor, both for himself and for the other, through the identity that

appearances obtain for him. “

One might argue that by using fashion, sapeurs try to obtain a false identity. The act of

obtaining couture fashion seems too vague and absolutely no sense despite the severe poverty and

harsh circumstances that surrounds them. But here one can grasp the underlying meaning behind all

those attempts of dressing up. By using fashion, sapeurs hold firm their core values. Once interviewed,

Colonel Jagger, a prominent sapeur in Brazzaville explains,” –it’s not a question of money. It’s a

question of taste.” This distancing of wealth from taste seems paradoxical, considering sapeurs rely

on designer clothing to express their tastes. However it highlights the element of freedom that makes

fashion so appealing in an environment such as the Congo (Jorgensen, 2014, p. 51).

Despite their apparent affectation, the sapeurs respect certain codes of dressing. For example,

it is forbidden to combine more than three colors, an attention to detail is required, such as leaving the

bottom cuff button of a suit jacket undone and socks should be a certain height (Naranjo, 2011). But

their code refers also to their behavior. Despite most having witnessed first-hand the brutality and

horror of three civil wars, a sapeur is known as a non-violent person, respectful and considerate

towards others. They say that their morality is above reproach and, for example, are against drugs and

all forms of violence (Grall, 2011).

Some Congolese, though, see the sapeurs as the symbol of harmony. In his article published

in The Wall Street Journal, Tom Downey interviewed Alain Akouala Atipault, a powerful government

minister, who explained the reason sapeur movement has emerged in Congo. Atipault, a man whom

the sapeurs have crowned an honorary sapeur, was dressed in an elegant dark blue suit. "The Sapeurs

can only exist in peacetime," Atipault said. "To me they're a sign of better things: stability, tranquility.

They indicate that our nation is returning to normal life after years of civil war" (Downey, 2011).

Figure 7 – Christian Malala posing in

front of his home in Bakongo (Photo

courtesy of Jackie Nickerson)

Figure 6 – Not more than three colors

(Photo courtesy of Danielle Tamagni)

Figure 8 – A sapeur and his cigar

(Photo courtesy of Hector Mediavilla)

11

Sapeurs assume their life is not defined by occupation or wealth, but by respect, moral code

and an inspirational display of flair and creativity. What actually defines the sapeurs is their code of

conduct. Being a sapeur is not only about dressing and looking amazing, it is more about impeccable

manners and understands the real meaning of elegance. It is about creative style, it is about gestures

that differentiate a Sapeur from an ordinary fashionable person. A sapeur has to be respectful, non-

violent, well-mannered and an inspiration through their attitude and behavior. Sapeurs believe they

improve the morale of their community by being an example of couture and courtesy to others.

In Les Sapeur, dress provides more than shelter from the elements or a means of modesty,

acting instead as a powerful tool that bridges the gap between real and symbolic power. Style, or the

specific ways in which dress is assembled, becomes an inventive medium for shaping identity both as

an individual and as part of a group (Jorgensen, 2014, p.32). Thus it becomes clear that sapologie

does not just afford an identity, or reconfigure identity, or offer an intersectional identity, instead it

materializes an alternate identity. That is, sapeurs all have other identities, at home, or in their day

jobs that occupy the backstage of their lives. This clear division between being ‘in character’ and

everyday life allows sapeurs to make the imaginary world real through performance. As stated in The

Journal.ie (2014), “In their everyday lives, the Sapeurs are farmers, taxi drivers, carpenters and

laborers – ordinary working men. But after their day’s work, they transform. Within their local

communities, they are a source of inspiration and positivity.”

One possible argument comes up after grasping the real essence of being a sapeur. If what

they hold strongly within their belief is the true value of elegance and impeccable manners, why

would they strongly insist on wearing authentic designer brands? The answer perhaps, lies within the

practice of consumerism. As Martin (1994, p.411) expressed, “If the sapeur believes that clothing

makes the man, he also believes that griffes (designer products) make the clothing. Nothing, neither

his meager salary nor the exorbitant price of the griffe, inhibits his possessive frenzy. By acquiring

the griffe, which he will do at any cost, the sapeur buy himself the fragment of his dream.” Thus,

purchasing high class fashion is not about ego or status. It is instead, a way to fulfill their life’s desire.

Acts of consumption represent ways of fulfilling desires that are identified with highly valued

life styles. Consumption is a material realization, or attempted realization, of the image of the good

life. The goal of consumption might as well to define one’s social position or to achieve the

fulfillment by the creation of a life space, the enjoyment of the highly valued luxuries associated with

high status (Friedman, 1994, p.121). Consumption then, in the most general sense, is a particular

means of creating an identity, one that is realized in a material reorganization of time and space. As

such it is an instrument of self-construction which is itself dependent on higher order modes of

channeling available objects into a specific relation to a person (Friedman, 1994, p.122).

As Gondola (2010, p.166) stated, “Sapeurs attach great value to authentic designer pieces,

and when caught wearing knock-offs, members are publicly shamed, resulting in frequent trading and

sharing of pieces amongst friends.” Here lies the paradox, of what designer brands actually matters to

12

the sapeurs. Sapeurs dressed in luxury designer fashion derived from Europe and reinvented through

a local sense of aesthetics, they own value of self identity. They might use fashion to create a fake

image, but it is the essence of authenticity that they carry with pride. Sapeurs might dress up to fool

themselves in order to live their desire, but it is not in their realm of courtesy to fool other members of

their group. Being a sapeur means being authentic.

The ability of clothing to visually communicate belonging to certain social groups makes it an

ideal medium for asserting membership to any imagined community, as in the case of La Sape where

joining can be as simple as adopting designer-name clothing and learning the required etiquette. The

same motivation of upward social mobility that inspired 19th century dandies also applies to sapeurs,

who have faced social instability and systemic violence in the Congo and strive to participate in a

world order far removed from this reality (Jorgensen, 2014, p.37).

Figure 9 – The darker/ post-punk style of Kinshasha sapeurs

(Photo courtesy of Per Petterson)

Figure 10 – The sapeur Delagrace, also known as

the icon of beautiful colors, pose in front of his

slum house (Photo courtesy of Hector Mediavilla)

Figure 11 – A group of Brazzaville sapeurs with their colorful gentleman style (Photo courtesy of Hector Mediavilla)

13

8. CONCLUSION

Les Sapeur, with all its worshipper of elegantly dressed gentlemen, is indeed a subculture

laden with political elements and complex questions of identity. Through its history of evolution, the

movement takes it shaped in its attempt to address statement against colonialism during its first phase,

dictatorial government in its second phase, then against circumstances in its last phase of evolution.

As a culture that grows from the phenomena of mimicry, Les Sapeur is considered success in filtering,

adapting, and inventing a new form of culture adherent to the local taste and aesthetics originated

from its former European colonizers. As Congolese wear much the same clothing as their former

European colonies today, it is the way in which sapeurs perform their clothing, or their fashionability,

that sets them apart. The significant moral that one can perceive is that these men use designer label

fashion to signify the meaning of utter elegance, not in the context of ego.

A bigger picture takes form through this analysis: fashion as a form of engagement connects

individuals to other times, places, and imagined communities, producing an embodied experience of

alternate identity from within the codes and limitations of a static postcolonial background. The use of

fashion as strategies to undermine political agendas and cultural norms is further illustrated by the

choice of style that emphasizes the ambiguity of socially constructed categories such as: status,

occupation, and wealth. Sapeurs mobilize an intergenerational grassroots approach to identity that

provides not only an escape from the grip of everyday life and recent history in the Congo, but also

produces alternative ways of being. As Hector Mediavilla said, “This is simply a particular way to

leave a footprint in a remote corner of the world” (Sullivan, 2013).

14

Glossary

Dandyism – The practice of putting importance upon physical appearance, refined language, and

leisurely hobbies, pursued with the appearance of nonchalance in a cult of self among men.

La Sape – Abbreviation of Société des Ambianceurs et des Personnes Élégantes. An organization

consists of sapeurs as members.

Sapologie – The practice of dressing up with designer label brands and obeying certain rule of

conduct performed by a sapeur.

Sapeur – One who practice the movement of sapologie.

Se saper – Derived from French, meaning to dress elegantly.

Mindele ndombi – Derived from African language, meaning white with black skin. It is a term to

refer the native African coast men who worked under British companies and dressed in European

clothing.

Popo – Native African who worked under British companies during French colonization in Congo.

L’aventure – A trip performed by sapeurs to European cities such as Paris in their attempt to

purchase authentic designer clothing.

Le gamme – A collection of clothing and accessories produced by famous fashion designer.

Le griffe – Clothes and accessories produced by famous fashion designer

Non-griffe – A term to refer replica of designer label products. It also used to refer an ordinary ready-

to-wear collection of designer brands.

Transculturation – A phenomena where submissive groups select and invent a new culture from

materials passed on to them by a dominant culture.

15

References

Dowd, J. and Dowd, L. A. (2003). The centre holds: From subcultures to social worlds. Teaching

Sociology, 31(1), 20-37.

Downey, Tom. The beau brummels of Brazzaville. Retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424053111903927204576574553723025760

Ferguson, James. (2002). Of mimicry and membership: Africans and the new world society. Cultural

Anthropology, 17(4), 551-569.

Friedman, Jonathan. (1994). The political economy of elegance: An African cult of beauty.

Consumption and Identity. New Jersey: Harwood Academic Publishers.

Gondola, Ch. Didier. (1999). Dream and drama: The search for elegance among Congolese youth.

African Studies Review, 42(1), 23-48.

Gondola, Ch. Didier. (2010). La Sape exposed! High fashion among lower-class Congolese youth:

From colonial modernity to global cosmopolitanism. Contemporary African Fashion, 248,

161.

Gondola, Ch. Didier. (2011). Sapeurs. Encyclopedia of Clothing and Fashion, 3, 137.

Grall, Vanessa. (2011). Who is the dandy man? The Congo subculture uncovered. Retrieved May 7,

2015, from http://www.messynessychic.com/2011/04/05/who-is-the-dandy-man/

Hussami, Gida. (2013). The androgynous look: Gender identity as an aspect of identity formation

(Unpublished undergraduate thesis). Concordia University, Montreal, Canada.

Jorgensen, Kaja Erika. (2014). Sapologie: Performing postcolonial identity in the Democratic

Republic of Congo (Unpublished master thesis). OCAD University, Toronto, Canada.

Kutesko, Elizabeth. (2013). Problems and tensions in the representation of the sapeurs, as

demonstrated in the work of two twenty-first century Italian photographers. Immediations, 3

(02), 60-76.

Martin, Phyllis M. (1994). Contesting clothes in colonial Brazzaville. Journal of African History, 35,

401-426.

Naranjo, Jose. (2011). The style of the ‘sapeurs’. Retrieved May 7, 2015, from

http://guinguinbali.com/index.php?lang=en&mod=news&task=view_news&cat=2&id=1350

Slone, Isabel B. (2012). The nature of Alexander McQueen: The aesthetics of fashion design as a site

of environmental change (Unpublished undergraduate thesis). University of Waterloo,

Ontario, Canada.

Sullivan, Chris. (2013). The gentlemen of Bakongo and their cult of elegance. Retrieved May 7, 2015,

from http://sabotagetimes.com/style/the-gentlemen-of-bakongo-and-their-cult-of-elegance

Thejournal.ie. (2014). Meet the sapeurs – the men behind this story of style, honor & integrity.

Retrieved May 7, 2015, from http://www.thejournal.ie/guinnes-le-sapeurs-1258133-

Jan2014/

16

Vrencoska, Gordana. (2009). Political statements in conceptual fashion: The voice of national

sentiments as a self-reference in the ready to wear collections of Alexander McQueen and

Hussein Chalayan. EUA Annual Review 2, 867-883.

Yacobi, Ben G. (2013). The human dilemma: Life between illusion and reality. Journal of Philosophy

of Life, 13(3), 209.