international journal of creative research and studies · rites meant to interpret and bring out...

International Journal of Creative Research and Studies Volume-2 Issue-11, November-2018

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF

CREATIVE RESEARCH AND STUDIES www.ijcrs.org ISSN-0249-4655

SECULARIZATION OF FUNERAL RITUALS AMONG

LUO AND LUYIA PEOPLE OF WEST KENYA

Prof. Jude Julius Ongong’a

Professor of Religion, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies,

Kenyatta University

Nairobi, Kenya

Prof. Stephen Akaranga Ifedha* Associate Professor of Religion, Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies,

University of Nairobi

Nairobi, Kenya

*Corresponding Author

Abstract

Although thanatological investigation is mainly concerned with scientific interpretation of death, its rituals

and meaning; this paper discusses cultural rituals and contemporary existential activities which follow the

death of an adult Luo and Luyia person. Both the Luo and Luyia are traditionally known for elaborate funeral

rites meant to interpret and bring out their cosmological and ontological viewpoints associated with death as

a metaphysico-socio-phenomenon and the status of the dead person. The rituals therefore, underscore the

practitioners’ belief in the life after and reassures them of continuity. Generally, the observance and

performance of these funerary rites are similar among the two communities; granted there are some details of

differences in emphasis, interpretation and chronology of performances. Since, both the Luo and Luyia are

patriarchal communities, the rituals meant for men are more elaborate than those of women. The main

questions addressed are: Do Luo and Luyia funeral rites of adults still have the traditional religious impact?

What has changed? And why? To facilitate our discussion, the paper is divided into three main parts: Death

and its announcement; the burial ceremony alongside examples of secularization influences, and the re-

establishment of equilibrium disturbed by death. To contextualize the investigation, the discussion is based on

Sozzi (2009) conceptual observation that the current death rites are ineffective in meeting the need to mourn

and express the feeling of grief. And that, religion is not as influential as it was in earlier times. To verify our

discussion, we sampled six out of the eight counties currently occupied by both the Luo and Luyia in West

Kenya.

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International Journal of Creative Research and Studies ISSN-0249-4655


Key Words: Death rites/rituals; chief mourners; widow; ritual expert and social status.

1.1. Introduction

Religion, observes Bourdillon (1990) can help people maintain their cultural or ethnic identity since it serves

as a basis for classification of groups in society. In African tradition, and among the Luo and Luyia of West

Kenya as an example, religion and culture are inextricably interrelated. Culture assists religion to exist and the

later perpetuates culture. This is probably why religious beliefs and practices are an integral part of culture

which enables them to organize themselves and provide solutions to existential realities or circumstances. For

these two communities therefore, the authenticity of religion and its functions can hardly be questioned;

granted, complete adherence or its demand and efficacy in every occasion and circumstance, may not be

accommodated by everyone in this part of the century. That is, though the intellectual denial of religion

common in the west, has not taken complete root among the Luo and Luyia, the influence of the same is

gradually and effectively beginning to emerge as explained in this article.

This is because the scientific attack on the authenticity and relevance of religion advocated by the academic

disciples of the enlightenment in both the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is not foreign to both Luo and

Luyia intellectuals. In the eighteenth century, David Hume a British positivist argued for empirical knowledge

against religious knowledge (vide Karl Marx, 1975). His position was further developed and enhanced by a

French sociologist Auguste Comte and Karl Marx’s philosophical critique against religion. These apparent

opponents of religion emphasized the authenticity of analytical empirical scientific knowledge against

religious knowledge; which is commonly based on theological authority. Accordingly, many scholars felt that

the impact of enlightenment and its emphasis on science would facilitate the termination of religion from the

human society This however cannot be simply ignored by Luo and Luyia religionists; because, today many

ideas and explanations which are traditionally based on religious authority are explained by science. Again,

not every member of these two communities may believe in and readily accept mythological explanation of

the universe alongside the power of the spirits. They are like in other parts of the contemporary world, being

influenced by the process of secularization. Yet, the Luo and Luyia can hardly ignore the impact and authority

of religion in totality.

Bourdillon (1990: 291) in reference to Andrew Greely (1973) observes “…that notwithstanding the decline in

the explanatory value of religious beliefs, certain fundamental questions concerning morality, and the meaning

of life, remain largely outside the realm of science”. And for the peoples of west Kenya, such fundamental

moments are commonly realized on the occasion of death and in the funerary rites which follow. Death,

among these people, spells out their cosmological views and the depth of their traditional religious beliefs and

practices. The individual’s death is a meeting point of existential realities of life which bring out not only

sociological, political, economic, psychological and theological convictions or world view; but also attempts

to underscore the human dependence on metaphysical power and how to pacify and cope up with life after the

event of thanatos!

However, because both Luo and Luyia are patriarchal societies where the male’s power tends to dictate social

phenomena, our focus of funeral rites will be on the death of a male individual and presumably a polygamist.

This is because, more rituals are commonly associated with polygynous families. Where it is necessary, we

shall point out possible variations in other members of the two communities. For example, in both traditions,

the death of a murderer, a female divorcee who dies in her parents’ home an individual struck by lightning, or

a suicide victim and one who drowns are not accorded elaborate funeral rites. They are buried outside the

homestead, alongside the fence. It is believed that such unusual deaths are due to some mystical powers or

forces which must be considered and exorcised during the funeral rites. Today, however, such special cases

can be handled by burying the deceased in a public cemetery which is a good example of the impact of the




secularization process which does not put into consideration the traditional belief that one must be buried

within their own native land. This is probably why, Shorter and Onyancha (1997:13) observe that

“…secularization is rapidly becoming a more generalized phenomenon in the African continent, spreading

from a small circle of privileged individuals to a whole society which is undergoing spectacular evolution”.

This observation is indeed a common trend that is efficaciously challenging the traditional funeral rites among

the Luo and the Luyia. This strong association of cultural celebration of death rites with traditional religion

confirms why until now, the event of an adult’s death is such a spectacular social phenomenon among the Luo

and Luyia irrespective of challenges being caused by the global influence of secularization. Once more, the

apparent resistance to secularization is prompted by their deep traditional religious beliefs and practices.

Otherwise, these cultural rites and practices would hardly survive in the absence of such strong religious

commitment.

Religion, argues Armstrong (2009: xiii) is a practical discipline that teaches us to discover new capacities of

mind and heart. In fact, we may hazard an expression that human beings are not only rational, tool makers and

users, but are also religious animals homo religiosus! Bourdillon (1990:292) confirms this line of thought

when he observes that, “many people, even leading scientists, still believe in and practice religion”. This

however, does not contradict or undermine the concern about the danger of secularization in an African

context, where religion is part and parcel of the people’s culture and the basis of their interpretation and

explanation of existential conflicts. Funeral rites among the Luo and Luyia are examples of endangered socio-

religio –cultural practices which must be protected from foreign ideologies like secularization. To

contextualize this discussion and point out the areas of conflict, we may now turn to funeral rites guided by

the conceptual framework of Sozzi (2009), that, the current death rites are ineffective in meeting the need to

mourn and to express the feelings of grief. And that, religion is not as influential as it was in earlier times. The

last part of this conceptual framework indeed spells out the gist of our argument; namely that, contemporary

Luo and Luyia death rituals are gradually and effectively being affected by secularization.

This paper does not fully investigate thanatology as a discipline, but rather confines itself to the rituals which

follow after the event of thanatos. Accordingly, to effectively spell out the similarity and dissimilarity

between the two communities, we examine each of them before attempting a common discussion to

underscore the interpretations and significance of the said rites in order to acknowledge and emphasize the

religious content being challenged.

1.2. The Death of an adult Luo

The Luo are Nilotic people who occupy the area along the Nile valley and are among the twelve tribes who

migrated from Bahr el Ghazal region in the present day south Sudan (Alenyo (2009:12). These Kenyan Luo

are sometimes referred to as Southern Luo or Jonam because they are found around the shores of Lake

Victoria and parts of central Tanzania. They consider death and life to be like two sides of a coin. A person

can hardly speak of one, without acknowledging the existence of the other. Malinowski (1974:47), adds that,

“man has to live in the shadow of death, and he who clings to life enjoys its fullness and must dread the

menace to its end”. This is why, the Psalmist asks: “who can live and not see death or who can escape from

the power of the grave” (Ps.89:48)? The Luo therefore conceive death as part and parcel of stages of life that

all living beings must undergo. Once more, such ephemeral aspect of existence may explain the Luo cultural

and religious reactions whenever death occurs. The need for pacification and reassurance of life are of

paramount cultural and metaphysical concern. This however, does not negate their fear and suspicion

associated with almost every death of an individual, whether old or young, poor or rich, a Luo does not die by

accident. The death must be caused by an envious, jealous or rival competitive neighbour through mysterious

magical forces. If not, it may occur as a result of unsatisfied evil spirit of the dead or ancestors. Accordingly,




when one is ill, all efforts must be made to obtain various forms of healing and or treatment. The trials may

include conventional medication, Christian prayers or traditional medicine experts (cf.Magesa, 1997).

If however, there is no hope for improvement, an ailing polygamist is taken to his first wife’s hut for the final

moments. More often than not, elderly Luo people tend to suspect their last moments of life. A dying man

would thus demonstrate his courage by inviting his eldest son, a brother or uncle together with his wife or

wives to give them final instructions about his estate. Such instructions are commonly taken very seriously

and unlike the western form of will are never challenged. As Magesa (1997:155) acknowledges “…the words

a person utters at the moment of death have utmost significance”. This explains why a dying Luo individual

takes the opportunity to express his will and distribute his possessions accordingly. The distribution includes

land, livestock and leadership of the family, and the need to settle any pending debt and by whom. The family

members have to stay around the dying person who would give these instructions as he gasps for breath. The

female folk present would be already sobbing as the males sit by in deep thought. If married daughters have

not been informed, messengers are sent to notify them of the critical situation in the family.

A Luo man is not expected to die alone in isolation. The first wife has to be around to close the husband’s

eyelids, a mother to do the same to her daughter or child, if not an aunt or grandmother has to witness the last

moments of one’s life. After closing the eye lids, the arms are levelled along the sides, and the fingers are

cuddled. For a married man, the first wife announces her husband’s death as she wails and runs from the hut

to the main entrance of the homestead holding any one of the belongings of the late husband such as a spear,

walking stick or a hat. She is then joined by other wives and chief mourners comprising, parents, husbands,

widows, daughters and sons, sisters, brothers and aunts. And, within a short time, people from the

neighbouring homesteads would throng the home streaming in groups, both men and women leading their

herds into the homestead (cf. Ongong’a 1979:38).

Death as a final rite of physical and social separation for an adult Luo is commonly and traditionally,

announced between four and five in the morning. This is associated with the significance of the movement of

the sun in relation to their religious beliefs. The early morning hours signify the rising of the sun, and the

beginning of new life which the dead person is believed to start. It confirms the need for metaphysical

intervention to ensure a new beginning, a belief in continuity of life even after the disruption by death. It is

our argument that, such reassurance be traditionally contextualized to facilitate cultural and traditional

religious interpretations. Similarly, adults must be lowered in the grave late in the afternoon towards the

setting of the sun symbolizing the end of life. The Luo vigorously mourn their dead when they can still see the

body. When they are tired of walking from the bier to the entrance of the homestead, they simply sit, with

their eyes welling up with tears, rolling freely and uncontrollably down their cheeks. No matter who dies, poor

or rich, a baby or a child, tears must be shed to depict its impact, helplessness of the living before the death of

a relative or neighbour. Traditionally, even at marriage, tears are shed, especially by the bride for joy or

against separation from the known parental set up to the unknown setup of the bridegroom. The mother may

shed tears of joy or against labour pains when a baby is being born.

The critical moment of death however, starts with preparations for burial or interment and the rites that

instantaneously follow thereafter. It is important to point out that, not every deceased Luo is accorded the

same type of mourning funeral rites are subject to the type of death of an individual. For example, a person

who commits suicide, drowns, is struck by lightning or a wife who never gave birth at all cannot be accorded

the common funeral rites. A suicide victim is buried late in the night and people are not expected to mourn

loud and even the viewing of the body is selective. Only the immediate members of the family may participate

in the burial. A nubile girl is buried outside the fence of the homestead. It is believed that if she is buried in

front of the mother’s hut, her spirit would haunt the living for being buried like a child in front of her parent’s

hut. The Luo interpret the maturity and dignity of a female by being buried in a foreign locality, guided by the

principle of exogamy.




1.3. The Burial day

It is common nowadays for adults not to be buried soon after death. The body is kept in the mortuary for some

times to allow for preparations. Such plans include various responsibilities and allocation of duties and

contributions, who is to give which animals, pay for the coffin, buy the burial dress or a suit as may need be,

payment for the mortuary expenses and miscellaneous contributions for feeding mourners in general.

Meetings take place in front of the hut of the deceased unless death occurs in an urban area, then two separate

meetings may be arranged concurrently, one in the rural home and the other at the urban residence. The final

arrangements are done on the eve of the burial, both during the day and late in the evening to pave the way for

contemporary forms of activities which include Christian fellowship or prayers and disco matanga. Christians

may pray and sing hymns but, only in anticipation for the youth to take over. We may point out however, that,

the disco matanga played in Luo vigil of burial is different from the contemporary music thanatology intended

to help the grieved cope up with the reality of death. Some of the disco dancers come already drunk, survivors

of illicit drugs and the Nubian gin chang’aa which are carried into the homestead for potential customers to

buy. Such secular practices are foreign to the Luo burial arrangements.

Traditionally, no forms of entertainment were recommended prior to the actual burial. This is because,

celebrations whose contents depict joy and enjoyment undermine the respect of the deceased and trivialize the

loss and sorrow of the chief mourners. And, while in the past the grave would be dug in the morning of the

burial day, today, the grave diggers go on even as the disco matanga is in progress. In fact, those digging the

grave are given Nubian gin by the chief mourners as part of incentives for their work. This is a complete

contrast to traditional grave diggers who were never paid for their work. In the past, grave diggers only shared

a chicken killed in the evening following the burial gwend magenga which is roasted on the fire next to the

grave as a cleansing ritual. Today, very little attention is paid to this sacrificial and cleansing rite.

On the day of burial, from about ten o’clock in the morning, mourners gather in hired tents to listen to various

speeches given to praise and eulogize the deceased. Some of these repetitious speeches tend to be one sided

flattering the deceased person. The category of speakers include: friends, relatives, politicians, workmates,

where applicable and finally the chief mourners, not to forget church representatives. The politicians tend to

turn Luo funerals into a political rally where the Assistant chiefs, chiefs, sub-county and county

commissioners or county representatives, parliamentarians, members of the county commission assembly and

the county governor are expected to grace the occasion. They take this opportunity to peddle their ideas and

explain development activities in addition to the future plans to the congregation. The potential leaders

challenge and criticize the sitting leaders to prepare voters for themselves in the pending competitions. One of

these politicians may be asked to lead a spontaneous voluntary contribution of funds harambee to assist in

funeral expenses and for the support of the deceased’s dependents. Here too, the more an individual

contributes, the dearer s/he may be to the congregation. As the collection is going on, groups of mourners,

especially the in laws are led to different food serving tents which are set up as dining halls for the purpose.

Commonly, the outside catering providers serve the mourners, if not a local arrangement is made for the same

purpose. Unfortunately, such house arrangements are subject to criticism since outside catering service is the

in thing among the contemporary Luo. It is interpreted as an evidence of higher socio-economic status of the

deceased and their descendants. This is why, the chief mourners are expected to contribute several animals to

be slaughtered for the occasion. And, the more animals are slaughtered at a Luo adult’s funeral the better. It is

a proof of the economic viability of the deceased and their descendants. Indeed, a Luo funeral rite has become

a show off occasion. Not only are the visitors expected to be fed, but, every mourner, be they neighbours or

immediate relatives. The focus seems to be moving away from the loss and sorrow, to a feeding celebration.

This secularistic approach and interpretation of a funeral rite turns a funeral into a wedding occasion. No

wonder today, a female’s body is clothed in white and the head covered with a net! Indeed, marriage, like

death is a rite of passage; unfortunately, their exegetical interpretation is not the same.




Traditionally, a Luo funeral was characterized by solemnity and grief, especially until the body is buried. On

the burial day, no meals were provided to mourners before the body was laid to rest. Eulogies were brief,

controlled and left to one or two chief mourners. The mourners were in grief and people tended to talk quietly

in small groups. The chief mourners burst in howling and sobbing as the body is lowered in the grave and the

soil is poured back to the grave to cover the coffin. The silence is chilling, almost everyone is looking down,

and helplessness and ephemeral nature of life weigh down on everyone. Unfortunately, today, as this painful

and reality of death impresses itself upon those around the grave, some people would be eating, chatting and

laughing in a tent not very far from the grave. What a shame! A blasphemy against Luo traditional rite!

Immediately after the burial however, the painful and helplessness rendered by the process of death are

immediately minimized by rituals of acceptance and pacification of the occurrence of death. The attention is

then geared towards a complete separation of the spirit of the deceased from the living and reassurance of the

continuity of life even after the burial ritual process.

1.4. Attempts to re-establish the equilibrium disturbed by death

The Luo rituals for re-establishing the equilibrium disturbed by death are many and pretty detailed. In this

paper, we discuss those which are currently being challenged by the process of secularization. Traditionally,

from the evening following the burial, all chief mourners who include sons and wives, daughters, widows and

close agnates are expected to sleep in the hut of the deceased for three days until the rituals of sweeping the

grave yweyo liel and hair shaving liedo are performed. Since it was not practical to house everybody, the first

born son, lay on the mat first for a minute or so, followed by his brothers in the order of birth and went back to

their houses. But, the female members and the widows slept in the said hut or huts. During these three days of

mourning, none of the chief mourners was allowed to engage in any sexual relationship. The prohibition was

scrupulously observed that is why, the wives of the sons had to sleep in the huts of their mothers in law. Even

the unmarried close agnates were not free to ignore this obligation.

Again, within these three days, widows of the deceased are expected to wake up early in the morning at about

five thirty to weep, lament and sing funeral dirges about their husband, at least for about forty five minutes.

From the second day after the burial, tension and trepidation tends to decrease and almost all activities are of

festive character. Such activities are meant to accelerate and facilitate resignation and acceptance of the loss

caused by death. Today, most of these rituals and their significance are minimized or ignored altogether. For

some Luo people, they may be seen and interpreted as being aboriginal or paganism. And, instead of a widow

or a mother waking up early in the morning to mourn her husband or unmarried son, Christians may say a

prayer or sing a hymn to console the grieved widow or mother. Sons of the deceased and their families may

not attempt to lie on a mat in their mother’s house, let alone observing the ritual prohibition of sexual

relationship. How can it be scrupulously observed when some of the chief mourners are sleeping together with

their wives in their houses; while some of the unmarried sons and daughters may be enjoying entertainment

with disco matanga, probably under the influence of alcohol!

Among several rituals performed after the interment of a Luo person, shaving of the hair is the most integral.

Even when a baby dies, both parents have to get their hair shaven. For the Luo, this ritual is a sacramental

means of separation of the past from the present, of death from rebirth. It is believed that those who get

involved in the process of an individual’s death are ritually impure. And, the hair is seen as the store of such

ritual impurity in the sense that we involuntarily touch our hair after contact with the outside world.

Accordingly, when one is ritually shaven, it is believed that this disconnects them from the past and marks a

new beginning. The significance of the ritual is akin to the rites of initiation in which the initiate ritually dies

and the adolescent is transformed into an adult with new ethical obligations. This ritual shaving however is

performed by old ladies, those who are past child bearing age, and are themselves widows who have

epistemological significance of traditional rituals among the Luo. They are believed to be ritually pure,




probably because of their age and proximity to ancestors and are deemed metaphysical mediators for rituals of

pacification.

Even though, the society is patriarchal, when it comes to ritual leadership, observation and performance, Luo

men can hardly compete with women. A Luo female funeral leader nyamrerwa, is not only a ritual expert, but

a nurse as well. On the day of shaving, she first prepares a concoction made up of crushed herbs mixed with

water manyasi that is sprinkled on chief mourners and upon objects in the house of the deceased and a he goat

that is provided by the family, commonly from the deceased’s herd (vide Ongong’a, 1979:52). This ritual

ghost goat diendgut, is used to purify and separate the spirit of a dead man from his living family. The

separation is ritually acted out as the chief mourners, starting from the first born son kicks the goat followed

by the siblings according to their birth rank and finally the widows. The ritual leader then chokes the goat to

death by holding tightly its mouth and nostrils. After which, it is skinned and its meat prepared and eaten by

mourners (vide Mboya, 1983:116-117). This is one of the Luo funeral rites that has not only been challenged

by the process of western secularization, but is seriously condemned by Christian religion. The significance of

the ritual is to act out a process of separation of the living from the spirit of the deceased. The goat represents

the deceased and the ill and unusual treatment and killing of it is a demonstration of the new relationship

created by death. In the rite, the living are believed to be telling the deceased that he is no longer one of them

and should leave this physical world to join that of the dead.

Death therefore, has created a new relationship, while the deceased was alive, none of his family members

was expected to mistreat him, let alone kicking and chocking him to death. And, by consuming the goat’s

meat, family members are believed to be sharing the deceased’s power. This is why, the eldest son who from

hence on will take the leadership of the family kicks the goat first to be followed by his siblings. On the day of

killing the ritual goat, the widows, who until burial had not bathed leave very early to the river for washing led

by the first wife and avoid meeting anybody on their way to and from the river. The widows are ritually set

apart and before washing and shaving of hair, they are believed to be ritually dangerous to other members of

the community. When they are back from the river, the ritual leader nyamrerwa lines up all the immediate

chief mourners for shaving according to the principle of primogeniture. Like in the kicking of the ritual goat,

the eldest son leads the process of shaving. It is on this same day that the turo osuri ritual is conducted; where

a protruding stick osuri on top of a grass thatched roof is broken and left resting on the roof half way

indicating that the authority of the original owner of the house has been terminated. The osuri, for a Luo is

akin to a flag in the western world, just as a flag is hoisted half-mast when a leader dies, the Luo break osuri.

A new hut will then be built for the wife or wives by a new husband, with a new osuri.

Today, however, instead of having every chief mourner’s head shaven clean, some would simply prefer to

have their hair line trimmed by the ritual expert. For the widows however, after having their heads shaven

clean, the ritual leader anoints their necks with traditional ghee moo mabuo, then they are sprinkled with

sesame seeds sim sim (vide Ongong’a, 1979:53). The significance of anointment reminds them and the

community that they are now separated both physically, socially and ritually from their late husband.

Traditionally, in the eyes of the community, they are being proclaimed for marriage. Sesame seeds for the Luo

is a symbol of fertility and is often used in Luo customary wedding ceremony. The practice is akin to the use

of rice by the North Americans on their wedding ceremony. The Luo ritual, thus reminds and treats the

widows as brides after the death of their husband. It is from this occasion that daughters in law who have been

sleeping in the house of the deceased alongside other female chief mourners can now go back to join their

husbands. The ritual prohibition of sexual relationship is terminated. The chief mourners who until then were

ritually set apart are no longer categorized as such, granted the widows are not sexually free until after the

anniversary rite duogo. This final rite is festive in nature, where beer is drunk with one or two animals being

killed for the celebrants. With these preparations for the final rites which assume the belief that the deceased




has joined the world of Luo ancestral spirits; we can now examine the Luyia rites to appreciate the variations

among these two neighbouring communities.

2.1. The death of an adult Luyia

Most Luyia have diverse legends which explain the origin of death lukuzu. The babukusu and banyore for

example, associate death with either witchcraft or the mysterious nature and slow movement of the

chameleon (Haley, 1999: 30). The mention and occurrence of death is frowned upon because, it affects the

bereaved members emotionally and psychologically. It is the beginning of a new journey in which one

transcends from the physical to the spiritual world emagombe (Malusu, 1978: 2). There are diverse but

humble terms which pronounce that an individual is dead. These expressions are used to explain the nature

and state in which a person dies. They include, s/he has gone utsiye, is resting ahuuluki, has slept agoni, left

us akoleki or is on the sleeping mat aveye kukeseero.

In the traditional set up, all necessary precautions are taken to save an ailing person. A terminally sick old

man is expected to die from his elder wife’s hut where he is finally buried close to. A diviner or medicine

man or woman is invited to treat the sick with a concoction of herbs. But, if the sickness is so complex to be

treated or healed, a sacrificial animal, preferably a sheep is slaughtered to appease the death causing spirit. A

sick man often consents to slaughter one of his favourite bulls, a process which is overseen by one of his

brothers in the presence of kinsmen. The animal’s entrails are examined for any form of deformity to

ascertain fitness for consumption. The patient is then taken out from his hut and brought to the homestead’s

open yard mmugidzi to oversee this ritual. If he is still strong enough, he is given a few pieces of meat to

dedicate to the ancestors misambwa which he throws in all directions of his homestead as he chants

incantations against any potential witch trying to kill him, that should s/he eat of the animal's offal, they

should die. The dying man then summons his sons and instructs them on how to share out his wealth emiandu

which include land, cattle and who to inherit his wives. And that, should he die, then his elder brother or

cousin is expected to take the responsibility and authority over the process of succession to ensure proper

execution of the will.

The ailing patient is then taken back into the hut, while a brother distributes the offal, to everyone present

ensuring that each dips his or her piece in chyme obuse or bile kidzuuli and eats it right there in front of

everyone in the open yard. Anyone who either refuses to eat the offal or falls sick soon after the ritual, is

suspected to be responsible for the ailment or death of the person in question. This is why, attendance and

participation in the ritual by all close relatives and neighbours is obligatory. A close relative who deliberately

fails to attend this ritual can hardly exonerate himself or herself from the blame or suspicion of causing the

illness.

After everyone has eaten the offal, the meat is apportioned. Some of it is cooked and eaten by close relatives

and visitors while absolving themselves from the blame of causing the illness that is claiming the patient’s

life. The remainder of the meat is distributed and taken to be eaten by relatives who are far away and could

not participate in the ritual so as to ward off any negative suspicion. This ritual serves as a practical warning

against malicious persons who are prone to plotting for others’ death through magical spells. The ritual

however, is no longer common as in the past among the Luyia due to the contemporary western conventional

treatment and healing systems that require patients to go to hospital for treatment.

The Luyia, like their neighbours, the Luo are not expected to die in isolation away from other family

members. Accordingly, when it is clear that death is imminent, relatives are summoned and they gather

around the ailing patient to empathize and when possible to listen to his last pronouncements. When he

finally begins to kick kutatsana, women sob uncontrollably kwekuula, while men remain calm until the heart

completely stops to beat and the eyes acquire a transfixed stare. This practice of being present and near a

dying person is still a common phenomenon among the Luyia so much so that even, when a person is




terminally ill at the hospital, relatives and friends take turns to visit the patient to comfort him or her with the

hope that if it must be, then, he or she should die in their hands. This will enable his elder wife mukaye

mukulundu or brother to close his eyes and mouth which is symbolically believed to prevent his shadow and

soul from escaping the body. It is at this level that, both the wife and females who are around wail in chorus

to announce that death has occurred in the neighbourhood.

Today however, soon after death, the body is taken to a nearby mortuary for preservation. This gives

relatives and friends ample time for funeral arrangements and to hold meetings for fund raising. The

meetings can be held both at the residence of the deceased and in social halls in urban centres. And,

another contemporary method for raising funds is to create a mobile phone pay bill number, whatsapp

group and a temporary bank account number for those who cannot attend the said meetings to

electronically channel their contributions.

2.2. Mourning and burial preparations

The funeral rituals and ceremonies that follow the death of an individual depend on the age, gender and social

status of the deceased. For example, an older person with off springs has a more elaborate send off as

compared to a young child or youth. Among the Luyia, it is expected for old people to die at night before

sunrise. But, if he dies during the day, his death is not announced. Because, it is believed that an elder who

dies during the day can be transformed into a bad spirit kichieno which can haunt the living clan members. It

is the first wife mukaye mukulundu who starts wailing and is joined by other widows, relatives and

neighbours. She takes one of the tools used by her late husband and runs about in the homestead and to her

parents' home calling out the name of the deceased, wailing, lamenting and singing funeral dirges. Such loud

wails from the homestead not only express sadness, but also notify the people that death has struck one of the

homes. The widows are then joined in this run around by the deceased's brothers in proclaiming the message

to clansmen, while his sisters dash to their respective husbands' homesteads to break the news. Old men join

in this task by sounding a horn lwiiga/ ling’alla and beating a drum to spread the sad tidings far and wide

(Lihraw, 2010: 166). As they wail, female mourners hold out or place both hands on their heads while

wriggling or jumping about in sorrow. The bereaved members compose new songs or used old dirges,

modifying lyrics to suit particular characteristics of the departed individual.

All manual work is stopped on the farms in neighbourhood and not much substantive work is undertaken in

the hut where the corpse lies, such as cleaning or sweeping the floor. In the morning, an old widow from the

neighbourhood enters the hut and distributes various implements of the deceased mukudzu. The first wife is

handed his sleeping hide keseero, the second wife a machete lihalo or spear litimu, to the third his alcohol

straw loseke or stool endebe, until his personal objects are distributed to all his widows. After this ritual, the

senior widow leads the other wives to the nearest stream where they are rubbed with white riverine mud

ol’longo, beginning with the eldest wife. The widows then adorn their bodies with vine creepers malande and

return to the homestead wailing and singing dirges. As soon as they approach the homestead, the deceased's

sisters, relatives, and assorted women from the neighbourhood join and take turns to pull a sheaf of thatch

grass from the hut sometimes wantonly hacking down some banana plants in annoyance as part of the

mourning rituals.

As mourners troop to console the bereaved family members, a bonfire chotero is kindled in the open yard

mugidzi by the deceased’s elder brother using logs felled from the owner’s farm. The bonfire is kept burning

by clansmen and another one is lit inside the houses where women cook food for the mourners. It equally

keeps warm the male mourners who are expected to keep vigil in the cold during the entire funeral period

only to be extinguished after the hair shaving ritual lovego. It is also believed that the dead has feelings and

emotions just like the living contemporaries hence the bon fire continues to signify that the deceased is still

around his homestead and continues to warm himself (vide Bulimo, 2013:67). The bon fire is also used to

roast bananas, maize and chicken for both mourners and grave diggers bayabili.




In the olden days, a corpse stayed overnight in the hut with widows keeping vigil. They slept on one side of

their deceased husband, with the eldest wife sleeping on the right side next to him followed by the second and

third in that order. They turned the corpse on different sleeping positions so that the body does not stick on the

hide. In the contemporary society, however, this tradition is not necessary because, the body is kept in the

coffin until burial. Once more, funeral rituals depend on social status and the mode of death hence, not all the

deceased are accorded the honor of lying in state. For example, no honour or vigil is observed for a person

who commits suicide, drowns, is murdered or struck by lightning. They are usually buried on the left part of

the homestead alongside the fence lugaga and at night. In fact, their bodies are prohibited from viewing

except by very close family members.

Commonly, when death occurs early in the evening or at night, the body stays inside the house until the

following day when it is removed to lie in state. A male, is removed through the front door kyamugidzi and is

placed under the eaves of the house on a bedstead on the right hand side, while a woman is taken out of the

hut through the back door kyandangu and placed on the left of the hut. Children are equally placed to the left

side of the house irrespective of their gender. The body is however laid facing upwards with the arms either

straightened or made to rest on top of the body. In the past, a dead man was laid on his sleeping hide which

was anointed with ghee and heaps of sorghum, millet, beans and peas, while sesame seeds were thrown over

him. Today, either a temporary marquee lidili may be constructed using sticks or banana leaves or a tent may

be hired and pitched to the right or left in front of the house depending on the gender of the dead to keep the

corpse. At night, a kerosene lantern or pressure lamp is lit or an electric bulb is fitted near the corpse to enable

the mourners keep vigil.

One of the uniqueness of both the Luo and Luyia however, is the spirit of solidarity whenever an individual

dies. Every funeral is a communal affair because, whenever one dies, not only relatives, but even neighbours

freely come to empathize with the bereaved family. They may donate food, offer hospitality and shelter to

visiting mourners who have travelled from afar. Female mourners are normally emotional and often grieve

into tears, wailing loudly or singing dirges after viewing the body. They not only condole the bereaved and

mingle with others, but may either fetch water or cook food for other mourners. Men on the other hand gaze

in anguish and express their sympathy to the bereaved.

Nevertheless, both contemporary Luo and Luyia funerals are characterized by feasting where villagers and

relatives alike bring along basketfuls of maize and beans to be prepared and taken with tea by mourners.

Often, this situation poses an economic burden on a bereaved family notwithstanding neighbours’

contributions. Even the money contributed during funeral preparations is mainly used to feed mourners after

hospital bills have been defrayed; rarely do the contributions include the welfare of the bereaved family. But,

since funerals are communal and public affairs, the bereaved can hardly have personal control. After all it is

becoming a competitive affair in that, the more people eat at a given funeral, the better because it raises the

social and economic status of both the deceased and chief mourners.

On the eve of the burial day, however, the bereaved family and selected relatives visit and take the deceased’s

shadow kiniini to various homesteads of close relations kusioma to emphasize the continuation of kinship ties

with the spirit of the dead person. This ritual is preserved only for elderly people with upright reputation it is

not performed for children; adults without families, people who commit murder, suicide, drown, struck by

lightning or those associated with witchcraft practices. During these short visits, those bringing the shadow of

the departed basiomi carry a garment hide, stool or pot belonging to the deceased. Nowadays, they move

round with framed photographs of the dead and are expected to eat some food in every home they visit. In

cases where some close relatives live far from the homestead of the departed person, the ritual may be

postponed to be performed later after the burial.

Generally, while the corpse is still lying in state, it is not treated with any reverence because it is believed that




the deceased is still in a liminal stage among the living and has not become an ancestral spirit until after

burial. It is also assumed that s/he is watching events closely as they happen. In fact, mourners would talk to

him as if he is still alive and they may even admonish him for being anti-social, or praise him for being

sensitive and cooperative. It is the widows’ duty to look after the body of their husband while he lay in state

so that it is not swollen. They will take turns to clean and wipe any fluids oozing from the body by plugging

cotton wool in his ears and nose. Today, this may not be necessary, because, the dead body is often well

preserved from the morgue and sprayed with perfume to ward off any foul smell. At around midnight on the

day of burial, the dead body is removed from the eaves of the hut lusimbu/mwigama or marquee lidili where it

has been lying in state and is taken to the banana grove to be washed and groomed. It is then brought to the

hut and is carefully wrapped in a fresh bull’s skin or a cow’s skin for a female. The animal, a bull for a male

and a cow for a female is obtained from the deceased’s herd. It has to be a mono colour, healthy and approved

for the ritual. If it cannot be obtained from the deceased’s family, the elder brother is expected to offer it,

otherwise, it may be given by a sacrificial priest. It is strangled before skinning to prevent any spilling of

blood. And, when skinning it, the head faces north while the legs face south. The meat is then distributed

between the chief mourners and neighbours. Apart from the sacrificial animal, several chicken are equally

strangled to be eaten alongside the meat. Traditionally, this unique and elaborate burial rite was reserved only

for outstanding families and clan heads or individuals who commanded respect and recognition in the

community.

For a man, the unskinned head of the animal is placed on the roof of the hut, perpendicular to the front

entrance. In some cases, the body may be wrapped in banana leaves matu and draped in dried banana leaves

makoola. Today, however, instead of wrapping the body in the fresh skin of an animal, it is placed in a

hexagonal coffin lisandugu purchased ready made from dealers or is locally fabricated by a carpenter. All

those involved in the process of preparing the body for burial must clean themselves using clean water fetched

from a river by a young girl who has not reached adolescence.

2.3. Grave digging and burial ceremony

Among the Luyia, grave digging, is a communal affair and a ritual act because, the diggers bayabili have to

be offered a chicken to be roasted and eaten by the graveside as a cleansing ritual. The grave is dug at night

before burial in front of the house on the right hand side as you approach the homestead for a man and on the

left for a woman with the head position facing the gate or north in accordance with perceptions of ancestral

origin. If a woman dies first, she is buried to the left, but when the man dies, he is buried next to her on the

right side and vice versa. These requirements are supervised and confirmed by senior members of the clan.

And, the implements used in digging a grave ing'ani are ritually cleansed when the elder wife mukaye

mukulundu provides three pots which are rested on broken potsherds. Alcohol drinking straws tsiseke are

inserted in the two pots, and grave diggers pretend to pour alcohol into them. As they do so, they sing and

dance praising the traditional beer malwa. The elder wife then plucks a bunch of roofing grass from the

deceased’s hut while wailing and then breaks the pots scattering them into potsherds. A respected elder

sweeps and gathers them together and then deposits them in a safe spot in a nearby bush. This ritual

symbolizes a break with the past so that no other man could use the deceased's pots without incurring serious

ritual consequences. A burial chamber is dug at the bottom end of the grave which must be an exact fitting for

the body or coffin. Early in the morning, a group of clansmen bring thin poles tsisiimbu and bundles of fresh

banana leaves matu or lobembe grass which they have cut from the garden of the deceased and lay them

inside this chamber onto which the body or coffin will rest.

Commonly, the normal burial process for an adult takes place two days after death, but in a few cases, clan

elders and prominent people may stay up to one week before being buried. The ceremony normally takes

place at noon for young and middle-aged people and around 2:00 to 4:00 p.m. for elders and influential

people. This is partly due to the elaborate rituals associated with the latter group such as the cattle drive




kelemba and mock fights. The burial ceremony of elders for example attracts large crowds of mourners due to

the sheer size of their kinship network. It is preceded by inviting an elderly brother of the deceased or son to

give a brief history of the deceased. It is at this moment that any debts owed by the dead person are specified

and solutions for settlement are suggested. It is believed that, it is a taboo to make unfounded claims about a

dead person. So, any claims made at this time are taken to be genuine (vide Malusu, 1978: 6).

Before the body is carried to the grave side, it is first taken back to the hut where any adornments are removed

by either a brother or elder son. Today, the tie and shoes are removed and placed by the side of the body in the

coffin. If the man had a Christian marriage, the wedding ring is not removed and the body is stripped naked

before the coffin is lowered into the grave amidst wailing and shrieking cries by the chief mourners. The body

is then received by four men inside the grave to be placed in the chamber dug at the centre of the grave. A thin

layer of poles is arranged neatly and then covered with fresh banana leaves or grass to prevent direct contact

of the body or coffin with the soil.

The widow is given her husband's heirlooms which include the spear, shield, and leopard skin and is invited

to sit by the graveside. A clan elder then speaks directly to the deceased, imploring him not to turn into a bad

spirit as he throws a handful of soil into the grave. While still seated, the widow pushes some soil with her

feet in the grave and bids goodbye to the departed husband and walks away singing dirges. She is not

supposed to witness the soil piling on her loved one. Other family members and close relatives follow in

throwing some into the grave before it is filled up by the grave diggers (Sangale 2005: 68-69). If a widow

hesitates or refuses to throw soil, this is construed as a sign of unfaithfulness to her husband and carries the

same ritual dangers as looking at the corpse while lying in state. Because of the sensitivity of the matter,

serial adulterers often seek services of traditional herbalists who procure certain leaves or roots manyasi

which the widow hides in her handkerchief and participates in this ritual without fearing the repercussion of

ritual consequences. However, she must be careful not to give away the game plan lest she is accused of

wielding magic that could have killed her husband.

During burial, the head must face north or north east- Egypt, the direction in which the tribal ancestor is

thought to have come from. Elders and influential people are buried with some of their personal insignia and

weapons where these are not subject to patrimony. The grave of a dead Luyia family married man who has

sons is marked with sharp sticks hewn from the same type of wood used in roofing houses, while a dead

woman’s grave is marked with sharp soft shrub sticks masaazi. A young man or woman’s unmarried grave

is marked with a freshly cut hardy shrub lwuuvu. The grave digging tools are then deposited on the grave

where they stay for three days until after the hair shaving ceremony and ceremonial extinguishing of the

funeral bonfire now called mageenga.

After burial, grave diggers wash their hands and feet to cleanse themselves of any ritual impurities using

water specially brought from a fast-flowing stream by a trusted female relative. The remaining soiled water is

poured on the grave and a chicken is strangled, roasted, and then eaten by grave diggers by the graveside.

2.4. Post burial rituals and pacification after death

After burying a dead person, relatives, friends and neighbours keep vigil at the deceased's compound

mageenga for three to seven days consoling the bereaved till the hair shaving ceremony lovego. This ritual

has been probably borrowed from the neighbouring Luo ethnic group where the deceased’s property and

inheritance is determined and shared out proportionately among chief mourners. The age of the deceased and

the size of the family involved determines the duration of this ritual. The ceremony for a child or young

person takes a shorter time and involves a prayer or blessing for the family and eventually the shaving of the

heads of relatives. The relatives and friends would go to the deceased's close and nearby relatives to mourn

the dead. They are given raw banana bunches which they carry on their foreheads with the wider part

chaangavo facing the direction to where they are going, while the narrower part vuzuuzuuna faces where they




are coming from. The bananas are roasted and eaten at the vigil fire mageenga beginning with the wider part

of the bunch. At completion of these rituals, relatives of the deceased have their heads shaved clean to seal the

past and to demonstrate a new beginning after the event of death.

3.1. Common areas of the impact of secularization

From the foregoing discussion, we have pointed out that death rituals among the Luo and Luyia people reveal

their attitudes about death and how the deceased should be treated with dignity. The rituals indicate these

people’s traditional belief that death is a socio-religio- metaphysical phenomenon which is one of the greatest

mysteries and reality of life that cannot be avoided by all living things. Death is a compulsory trajectory that

all must navigate to the spiritual existence. This is why, when it occurs, it has to be treated with cautionary

rites believed to minimize its impact and to demonstrate the traditional belief about the duality of human

existence - physical and spiritual. Funeral rites are equally complex and dualistic. On one hand, they prepare

the dead person for a journey to the world of faith, and on the other hand, they act out people’s fear of death

and the need to separate the spirit of the deceased from the living and reassures the mourners that life will

always continue after the event of death.

The traditional emphasis on solemnity of funeral rites, alongside the need for solidarity and condolence with

the chief mourners is paramount. The rites themselves are culturally organized to distinguish between

moments of deep sorrow and time for celebrations of acceptance and reassurance of continuity of life. Today,

these culturally based death rituals among the Luo and Luyia are at the mercy of the impact of western

secularization process. It is almost common knowledge in Kenyan that funerals among Luo and Luyia

communities are occasions of feasting and economic competition. When any one of the adult member of these

two communities dies, the family does not only worry itself of how to plan for a normal and immediate burial,

but must concern itself with other almost unnecessary socio-economic challenges. This explains why, almost

every death of an adult Luo or Luyia is followed by several meetings meant to raise funds to comfortably

entertain and feed the mourners. Occasionally, such financial need may be necessary for settling hospital bills

or for ferrying the body to their rural home, if death occurs in an urban centre. Unfortunately, more than often,

money has to be collected for funeral expenses! The greatest of which are food, expensive coffin and

entertainment, all under the shadow of giving the deceased a respectful burial.

Today, a Luo and Luyia death is a very expensive event, not only because of loss of life, but it also prompts

socio-economic status attitude. The bigger and more expensive a coffin, the more tents and larger public

address machines, alongside electricity generator where there is no power to facilitate night vigil

entertainment disco matanga and Christian fellowships and excessive feasting, the better! Some of the disco

audience are commonly under the influence of illicit drugs and consumers of alcohol brought in the

homestead for potential customers. In the past, musical entertainment was allowed only after the body had

been buried. The disco matanga which is predominant among Luo and Luyia funerals has been outlawed in

some counties in Kenya. This may be due to anti-social behaviours of the participants. But, for traditional

rites, the entertainment is ritually unacceptable; in that under the influence of drugs and alcohol, some may

engage in sexual relations which is a taboo in a funeral home prior to burial and rites of separation and

pacification.

A Luo and Luyia funeral under the influence of global secularization, compares closely to a political rally. It

is as if some Luo and Luyia sitting and potential politicians look forward to a local funeral where they can

meet voters and or potential supporters! Mourners have to put up with long speeches from the assistant chiefs,

governors and parliamentarians or their representatives. And, Christians are not left behind. Some Luo and

Luyia people seem to prefer bishops to mere pastors to conduct the burial ceremony of their departed

members. Unfortunately, a good number of these clergy leaders seem not to have acquired the principles of

homology, and if they have, it is forgotten altogether before a captive audience; some of whom they never




meet in their church ceremonies. Accordingly, the church representatives tend to give very long sermons that

may be referred to as moralist homilies! They blame the audience for not being ethically up right and for not

attending and supporting the church. In this way, preachers become irrelevant to the grieving family. And,

while the speeches are going on, some mourners would be eating food in another tent or house. To have food

when the body is being prepared for the grave is entirely against the tradition of the Luo and Luyia. It takes

away the solemnity and dignity that is expected in the last moments of a burial ceremony. This is why, even

when there is a large crowd in a funeral, only a few people, mainly chief mourners and church leaders

accompany the body to the grave. Otherwise, people would be chatting in small groups or queuing up for

food. Such food would have been prepared by outside catering services, a contemporary trend believed to

confirm socio-economic status of the chief mourners. In the past, relatives and neighbours contributed and

prepared food for mourners, especially for those who came from far. Today, every mourner is expected to eat

in a funeral. And, when people do not have enough food the chief mourners are blamed and looked down

upon. This is why, the number of animals slaughtered in a funeral of an adult Luo and Luyia is a great

economic burden to the chief mourners. They may even be forced to borrow money in order to conduct an

outstanding funeral celebration.

Finally, even though the two communities are prone to publicly go for economically outstanding funeral

celebrations, they are nevertheless religiously syncretic. It is revealed that some of the traditional cultural

funeral rites are still being carried out away from the public eye. For example, a married woman who has been

cheating on her husband cannot customarily announce his death or even touch his dead body without a

cleansing ritual. And, death through suicide is till treated differently according to the demands of traditional

format. Our concern about the influence of western secularization, is still nevertheless valid, namely lack of

solemnity expected on a burial ceremony and too much emphasis on festivity vis-a- vis food and socio-

economic concerns. We believe that if the contemporary Luo and Luyia go back to the central tenets of

funeral rites, the present socio-economic challenges associated with Luo and Luyia burial rites would be

controlled. Death is already a sad phenomenon that may often result in economic and psychological lacunae.

Its process should not add more damage to the chief mourners. It is our argument that these communities be

more realistic and to return the funeral celebrations where they traditionally belonged. And, if possible learn

from the inhabitants of central Kenya where until now, funerals are not pegged to too much festivity and

socio-economic concerns.

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