international journal of nusantara islam vol 01 no 01

I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l o f N u s a n t a r a I s l a m

I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l o f

NUSANTARA ISLAM

Vol. I No. 01 ISSN-2252-5904

October 2012-March 2013

Collaborative Publication Between Postgraduate Program at State Islamic University Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung and

Postgraduate Program Academy for Islamic Studies University of Malaya


INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF NUSANTARA ISLAM

Editorial Board : Ruzman Md Noor (University of Malaya Kuala, Lumpur) Zulkifli Mohd Yusoff (University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor (University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) Khadher Ahmad (University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) Azyumardi Azra (UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta) Kamaruzzaman Bustaman Ahmad (IAIN Arraniry, Banda Aceh) Mohd Feissal Mohd Hassan (Nanyang University, Singapore) Nabil Chin Kwan Lin (Taiwan University, Taiwan) Janet Mclntyre (Flinders University, Adelaide) Melanie V. Nertz (University of Freiburg, Freiburg) Martha Caterine Beck (Lyon College, Arkansas) Editor in Chief: Rudy Heryana Editors: Munir Bambang Qomaruzzaman Ajid Thohir Staffs: Wawan Gunawan Dadi Rubadi Dede Koswara Evi Erawan Komariah Cover Design: Dzarin Gifarian K Faizal Rahman H


International Journal of N U S A N T A R A I S L A M

International Journal of Nusantara Islam is a biannual journal of Islamic studies. This journal constitutes a collaborative publication between Postgraduate Program at State Islamic University Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung and Postgraduate Program Academy for Islamic Studies University of Malaya under the MoU article (2) paragraph (1) point (ii) dated on January 24, 2011. This collaborative journal was also supported by the Secretary General of the RI Ministry of Religious Affairs written in a formal note resulted from the Coordination Meeting of UIN Sunan Gunung Djati in Pangandaran West Java Province held from 1st to 3rd of April 2011 at which we decided to publish a scientific publication in the form of international journal.

International Journal of Nusantara Islam is focused on Islamic studies related to its teachings resources, thoughts, history, law, politics, economics, education, culture, Islamic propagation, communication, psychology, and science and technology available in the Nusantara territories i.e. Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippine, and Timor Leste. This journal also covers contemporary Islamic issues emerging in the Nusantara territories or countries.

International Journal of Nusantara Islam invites and appreciates writers who write any Arabic or English scientific work in the form of both research report and significant opinion on Islamic studies and issues mentioned above. Any work published in this journal does not represent this journal editorial board’s opinion and perspective, but merely its writer’s findings and thought. For this reason, it is essential that the writer be fully responsible for whatever he or she wrote.


EDITORIAL

Sciences world always faces changing issues because of not only, theoretically, the development of paradigms, but also practically, the changing phenomena of world life. Consequently, Islamic studies also changes from focusing only on its basic issues to the different areas of social, politics, economy, education, culture and any other contemporary aspects.

The changing direction of those realities can be seen in different phenomena. Firstly, the appearances of social issues of ummah (Muslims society) which escalate broadly while their theoretical Islamic studies basis has not been found. Euthanasia, cloning, and breaking through territorial border by using internet and global penetration are examples for this first phenomenon. Additionally, practical must to review old principles that has brought about urging the Indonesian Council of Ulama (MUI) to produce fatwa (Islamic advice) has lately been more massive since five years ago. The fatwas issued by the MUI indicated the existence of transformation efforts of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) in order to be modern and in accordance with the reality of nowadays life. This, academically indicated that there are many efforts to make the issues contextual and innovative by, for examples, doing deconstruction or merely reconstruction of theory, of concept, and of Islamic religious belief, dogma.

Secondly, the emergence of ghirah (Mulims spirit) that tends to be back to the ideal Muslims society formation as it was in the Islamic golden ages. The ghirah appears in the form of developing khilafah (classical Muslims country and government) idea and radicalism as well. In its negative form, radicalism accompanied by being angry with modern disorder civilization existed in the shape of what Westerners called terrorism. In its positive form, the ghirah resulted in Islamic economic system as an alternative for changing conventional one that has been felt as a system which is getting more inhumane.

Thirdly, there is a tendency of the same changes of reality in many countries. The two issues previously mentioned in many aspects do not happened only in Indonesia (as a Muslims country) but also in many countries in which Muslims live. The similarity of problems faced might possibly bring about different perception depending on perspective used and surrounding context. These differences may become starting points for world people to reflect and consider solving their problems contemporarily encountered. In line with this, we need to establish an in common specific model, cooperation, and dialog with other Muslims community in different territories or countries.

In relation to the existing situation, we, the editorial board of International Journal of Nusantara Islam, are aware of the importance of Islamic sciences in order to perceive and criticize what is happening and changing among the communities. Then, we make every possible effort to extrapolate any Islamic theory and concept concerning fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), tarbiyah (education), kalam (Islamic theology), philosophy and the like with the intention of following changes that happens rapidly.

With regard to this, International Journal of Nusantara Islam editorial board formulate a policy to accept a number of academic works that consist of enthusiastic response to the tendency of social changes as mentioned in 1st and 2nd predisposition above. Meanwhile, related to 3rd predisposition International Journal of Nusantara Islam editorial board intend to make the journal a good place for sharing knowledge of Islamic studies from Islamic scientists across ASEAN countries and from those live in any other countries who have good attention and knowledge about Islam in Nusantara. We, International Journal of Nusantara Islam editorial


board wish to make this joint publication a media for the renaissance of Islam and Muslims in the world begun from South East Asia countries.

***


Content

1 Syariah Courts in Malaysia and the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan

Mohd Hafiz Jamaludin and Ahmad Hidayat Buang

12 The Roles of the Institution of Pesantren in the Development of Rural Society: A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia

Mohamad Mustari

35 The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration

Suhaili Sarif, Nor ‘Azzah Kamri, Azian Madun

52 Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim at Tasikmalaya, West Java

Yadi Janwari

69 Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)

M. Anton Athoillah

82 New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies

Erni Haryanti

94 Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity

Melanie V. Nertz

م)1965الشيخ وان إمساعيل بن وان عبد القادر (ت 100 وجهوده يف جمال علم العقيدة اإلسالمية

جماهد مصطفى #جت مأسيدي سايل بن صاحل

الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي ونفوذها يف األرخبيالملاليوية: 110 منوذج يف إندونيسيا

عباس منصور متام

135 Index

Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence: The Study of Istihsan

I n t e r n a t i o n a l J o u r n a l o f N u s a n t a r a I s l a m 1

Syariah Courts in Malaysia And the Development of Islamic Jurisprudence:

The Study of Istihsan

Mohd Hafiz Jamaludin1*, Ahmad Hidayat Buang2

1Shariah and Law Department, Academy of Islamic Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

2Shariah and Law Department, Academy of Islamic Studies, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

*Corresponding Author, E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Malaysia is among the countries, which have very close relations with Shafi'i madhhab in term of Islamic Law. This can be seen from the provisions of Syariah Law in Malaysia where the opinion of the Shafi'i madhhab is preferred than other madhhabs. However, the current situations and issues cause that the other opinions from the other madhhabs are also used and practiced in order to provide the best solutions. This is also true in respect on the use of sources of Islamic law, such as Istihsan, Istislah and Qawl Sahabi, which are rejected by the Shafi'i madhhab. Therefore, this study attempts to analyze the development of Islamic law, particularly in the application of the concept of Istihsan in the Syariah Courts in Malaysia. This study has examined a number of cases reported in the Jurnal Hukum issued by the Syariah Judiciary Department of Malaysia (JKSM). The result of this study found that in several cases, the judges have applied indirectly the concept of Istihsan in their judgment. It is also found that it is actually the provisions of the law that allows the Shariah judges to indirectly apply this concept.

Keywords: Shariah Court, Islamic Jurisprudence, Religious Edict (Fatwa), Court Judgment, Interpretation of Legal Texts, Public Interest, Malaysia.

A. INTRODUCTION

Interpretation of legal texts or law statutes is inevitable in any legal system given the fact that the wording of the law should be flexible to deal with changing circumstances. But at the same time the law should not be too specific that will make its implementation or enforcement difficult or rigid. Many factors may contribute to understanding of the meaning of the law, principally the intention of the legislature. In most legal system, the court of law is given the task to interpret the law when there is a dispute as to its meaning arisen or even when in the case there is now statutory provisions of the law. Although the general perception that Islamic law is destined to be eternally fixed in its provisions because its religious and doctrinaire character, close examination shows that its detailed provisions have constantly been subject to changes and modifications of social and political undercurrents. This process continues up until today even in the field of family law, which is the last bastion of the Islamic Shari’ah par excellence.

Muslim society and state always have the passion to demonstrate their loyal observance to the Shariah Law as expounded by the past scholars as a sign of religious continuity and spirit of a single community or ummah. As in case of Malaysia as well as in Brunei the school of Shafi‘i and



the theological doctrine of Ash‘ari is declared to be official and no other interpretation is allowed particularly the latter to be disseminated among the Muslim public, although it is not an offence to practice other than the above school and doctrine in private. As such in Malaysia the use of ijtihad or fresh interpretation of the text is rare and attempt of doing it is met with strong criticism however elegant and subtle the exercise may be. Nonetheless behind the scene, the effect of fresh interpretation of the text from time to time appears to substitute the teaching of the past scholars.

The school of Shafi’i is largely ignored in the field of Islamic banking and finance in Malaysia and it is only used whence the expedience presents itself and this is also true in other sphere of law namely family and social relations and habits. The means and mechanic to achieve this is not necessarily ijtihad, as it will be discussed below but rather through methods which are hitherto considered unacceptable in the Shafi‘i school are employed to achieve the resultant effect of fresh interpretation (Professor Anderson in his Law Reform in the Muslim World). The use of these methods can be seen in the legislations and also in the decision of the courts. Using examples from the judgment of the Shariah Courts in Malaysia, this article aims to demonstrate the changing facets of Shariah law as decided by the Shariah judges in Malaysia.

B. METHODOLOGY

Type of research is a qualitative research. Qualitative research is a study only describes the state of the object associated with the object under study are discussed in the study. This type of research is used to examine the condition of natural objects (as his opponent is an experiment).

C. RESULT AND DISCUSSION

1. Juristic Preference or Istihsan in Islamic Law

Istihsan is one of the sources in Islamic law that is accepted by most of schools of law, but is strongly opposed by al-Shafi'i (d.820). The concept of Istihsan is formulated by the supporter of this concept in order to avoid the total dependency on the explicit understanding of the texts or Zahir al-Nas either from the Qur’an, Sunnah or Ijma‘ (Consensus). It is also developed to avoid the excessive use of Qiyas (analogy) that can upset the principle of Maslahah (public interest) in the application of a particular law. The word Istihsan from the language point of view is an Arabic word derived from the word al-husn which means good which is the opposite meaning of al-qubh which means bad. The word is used to express of decorating or improving or considering something to be good (Al-Razi, Zayn al-Din Muhammad bin Abi Bakr bin ‘Abd al-Qadir 1995). There is however a disagreement among the scholars as to its technical definition which is due to their disagreement on the acceptance of Istihsan itself as a source of law. For scholars who reject the validity of Istihsan, consider it as free reasoning without the guidance from the texts which is prohibited.

Naturally the supporters of Istihsan rejected this by maintaining that it is a comparison among the sources of Islamic law with the objective to choose the much stronger in authority and most beneficial to mankind. This definition is offered by Hanafi jurist al-Karkhi (d.952) and was recognize d by most of the scholars as the best and the most comprehensive definition of Istihsan (Al-Tufi, Sulayman bin ‘Abd al-Qawi bin al-Karim, 1987, Abd al-Wahhab Khalaf, 2005, Mustafa Ahmad al-Zarqa’. However, al- Karkhi’s definition does not include Maslahah which is the main reason for scholars to use Istihsan as indicated by Maliki jurist al-Shatibi (d.1388) (Al-Syatibi, Abu ’Ishaq Ibrahim bin Musa, 1997). Combining between Karkhi definition and Maslahah of Shatibi the technical meaning of Istihsan can be best described as an effort to arrive at a legal solution which is different through the use of Qiyas because there is a stronger case or evidence to relieve or to avoid hardship. The effect of this definition in substance is not uncommon to the Shafi‘is as



avoidance of hardship is a core and centre of the Shariah principles. What that is objected here to the Shafi’is is to discard of Qiyas or legal analogy in favor of reasoning based on Istihsan. To the Shafi’is a relief from the provision of the Shariah law based on hardship is permissible not because of reasoning but of the texts which provide an exception to the rule of law. As such the basis for such legal solution ultimately must be from the authority of the texts.

2. Cases Reported in the Jurnal Hukum For The Year 2005-2009

Following the example of the Civil Courts which maintain law report as a source of unwritten law, the Shariah Courts in Malaysia also started to compile its judgment officially since 1980 in a Journal known as Jurnal Hukum (or Law Journal). The reporting of cases having Shariah issues tried in the Civil Court has actually been made by the Malayan Law Journal (MLJ) long before the Jurnal Hukum was published since British colonial times. Nevertheless, reports of the MLJ were used solely for the purpose of the Civil Courts and only acquired attention of the Shariah judges off late. The purpose of this compilation of cases decided in the Shariah Courts in the Jurnal Hukum, in contrast to law reports in MLJ, is not to make these reports as an authoritative source of law that is binding to the Shariah Court since in the Shariah, a judge is free to decide as according to the merit of the case even though there was precisely the same case in fact and law in the past. The compilation or reporting of the Shariah court judgments was rather for the purpose of education, training and research both for the junior Shariah judges and academics. It is this sense quite similar to the legal system of European countries and most of the Arab countries. Overtime the reports also serve as guidance for the lower Shariah courts, especially decision coming from the Shariah Appeal and High Court.

In Malaysia the practice and culture of the Civil Courts have a very strong influenced upon the Shariah Courts especially in terms of procedures, court manners and ethics. Even the Chief Justice of the Civil Court once made a remark that the Shariah Court has been civilized by the Civil Court. Because of this trend, reports of Shariah Courts decision are also published by professional law reports such as Malayan Law Journal in a special edition known as Syariah Law Reports. It is also published by publisher Current Law Journal known as the same. The current article will only use law reports from the Jurnal Hukum since it is the oldest and official publication of the Shariah Courts. The authors have selected the cases reported in the Jurnal Hukum by limiting the judgments made by Appeal and High Shariah Court judges from the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, Penang and Negeri Sembilan. The reason for limiting the cases from these four states as for representative purpose of the whole cases reported.

From statistical point of view eighty reported cases reported were selected from the time span of February 2005 to June 2009. Out of these cases, thirty one cases were from the Federal Territory of Kuala Lumpur, twenty one from Selangor, nine from Penang, and nineteen from Negeri Sembilan. Out of 80 cases examined, only eight cases were discovered to have judgments applying the principle of Istihsan, which represents ten percent of the total cases. Of these eight cases, three were from Negeri Sembilan, two from Penang and Selangor respectively and one from Federal Territory. Table 1 below shows the distribution of cases by state and information about the cases using Istihsan.

Table 1: Reported Cases Using Istihsan

NO. STATE NUMBER

OF CASES EXAMINED

NUMBER OF CASES USING

ISTIHSAN CASE DESCRIPTION USING ISTIHSAN

1 Negeri Sembilan 19 case 3 case

Radziah binti Ibrahim versus

Peter R.Gottschalk



(Application for an ex-parte order to obtain temporary custody)

Noraishah bt Ahmad versus

Omar bin Jusoh and six others (Claimation of jointly acquaired property)

Sabariah binti Md Tan versus

Busu bin Md Tan (Claimation of jointly acquaired property)

2 Pulau Pinang 9 cases 2 cases

Zarina Hashim versus

Jamaluddin bin Saidon (Claimation of child custody, child maintenance and jointly

acquaired property) Ibrahim bin Hj. Ishak and

one other versus

Anuar bin Ahmad and two others (A request from plaintiffs to visit and bring the daughter and

grandchildren home twice a week)

3

Selangor 21 Cases 2 Cases

Maryam binti Abdullah versus

Hithir bin Rashid (Claiming to reverse the previous court order of child custody

and child maintenance) Mustapha bin Ismail claiming the distribution of the

inheritance property of the deceased Che Fatimah binti Abdul Razak.

(Compulsory Will)

4 The Federal Territory of

Kuala Lumpur 31 Cases 1 Case

Mazitah binti Hussin versus

Rahiman bin Selamat (Application to extend the interim order of injunction)

Total 80 Cases 8 Cases Source: Jurnal Hukum Volume 19 Part I & II; Volume 20 Part I & II; Volume 21 Part I & II; Volume 22 Part I & II; Volume 23 Part I & II; Volume 24 Part I & II; Volume 25 Part I & II; Volume 26 Part I & II; Volume 27 Part I & II; Volume 28 Part I & II.

3. Analysis The Cases Of Istihsan

The judgments in the above eight cases did not state explicitly that the concept of Istihsan was used. This is well understood as the judges are trained in Shafi‘i school will avoid using Istihsan in his judgment. Nevertheless reading through the justification of the judgments made one cannot escape but to conclude that the principle of Istihsan was used. For the purpose of expediency the issues in the judgments have been categorized into six topics for analysis. These topics are (a) judgment in the absence of the defendant or ex-parte, (b) child maintenance, (c) jointly acquired property during marriage, (d) obligatory bequest, (e) visitation’s rights and (f) injunction order.

a. Judgment in the Absence of the Defendant and the Ex-Parte Judgment

Judgment or decision of the court must in full presence of both plaintiff and defendant. This is the rule in the Shariah law based on the hadith of the Prophet narrated from 'Ali bin Abi Talib (d.661) that instructed a Muslim judge to hear arguments from both disputing parties before dispensing judgment (Al-Mubarakfuri, Abu al-‘Ala’ Muhammad bin ‘Abd al-Rahman,1963). Nevertheless in another hadith the Prophet was reported to give judgment to Hind bint ‘Utbah, wife of Abu Sufyan in the latter’s absence (Ibn Hajar, Ahmad bin ‘Ali al-‘Asqalani, 2006). It was reported that Caliph ‘Umar and Caliph ‘Uthman decided the same (Al-Khatib, Syams al-Din Muhammad bin al-Khatib al-Syirbini, 1997). It was later a settled law that the judge is permitted to declare judgment in the absence of defendant. The basis of this is Istihsan based on the hadith. The permissibility of this



judgment is also based on Qiyas or analogy whereby jurists agree that judgments can be made for a minor or a deceased as well as against an absconded defendant in their absence. In addition, through reasoning if the judge is not permitted from making a judgment in the absence of the defendant while the plaintiff has produced all the necessary evidence to support the claim, the situation can be considered as denying the rights of the plaintiff. It is also contrary to the responsibilities of a judge to grant and protect the rights of a citizen (Al- Khatib).

In Malaysia the permission to declare judgment in absentia is already provided in the Shariah Civil Procedure Law as will be shown below. Nevertheless it is quite interesting to see grounds made by the court to permit such a judgment. Thus in the case of Zarina bt Hashim versus Jamaluddin bin Saidon (Zarina bt Hashim vs Jamaluddin bin Saidon, 2007) involving the claims of child custody, child maintenance and jointly acquired property, the defendant failed to appear in all of the proceedings. The court decided to proceed with the trial by referring to section 121 (1) (b) Penang Shariah Court Civil Procedure Enactment No.6/2004. In addition to this provision of the law, the court was of the view that if the summon was fully served to the defendant and by refusing to attend or answer the claims shall indicate that the defendant had admitted to the allegations put to him. This is based on the maxim of Islamic jurisprudence that silence in the matter that a person must speak is a confession (Ahmad bin Muhammad, 1989). The court also refers to the Shafi‘i’s manuals of I'anah al-Talibin (Abu Bakr ‘Uthman bin Muhammad Syata al-Dimyati al-Bakri, 1995) and Mughni al-Muhtaj (Al-Khatib) that permit the court to make judgments to the defendant who is absent on condition that the plaintiff has to produce evidence for each allegations and claims. The judge also stressed that the court is a place to obtain the rights by disputing parties. Therefore, the court shall perform its inherent responsibility to declare judgment in the interest of justice (Zarina bt Hashim vs Jamaluddin bin Saidon, 2007).

The same argument was also presented in the case of Maryam binti Abdullah versus Hithir bin Rashid (Maryam binti Abdullah vs Hithir bin Rashid, 2005) involving application to change previous court order on child custody and maintenance. However in contrast to the above case, the defendant was not present in the early stage of the proceedings. The judge initially postponed the case due to incomplete process of serving the summon to the defendant. After this had been satisfied the Court proceeded with the trial without the presence of the defendant by referring to section 121 (1) (b) of the Selangor Syariah Court Civil Procedure Enactment No.4/2003. The court also refers to Shafi‘i manual I'anah al-Talibin (Abu Bakr). The judge maintains that the decision to proceed with the trial is consistent with the maxim of Islamic jurisprudence ( ررر (االضررر ال يیزاالل بالض(Salih bin Ghanim, 1996) which means the harm cannot be eliminated by causing harm to others and the maxim ( ررريین which means implementing one of (Salih bin Ghanim, 1996) (ٱٱررتكابب أأخف االضthe lesser harm (Maryam binti Abdullah vs Hithir bin Rashid, 2005).

A similar position is also expounded in the case of Radziah binti Ibrahim versus Peter R. Gottschalk@Yusuff bin Abdullah (2009). In this case, the applicant applied from court an ex-parte order for temporary custody of a child. The applicant requested that this case must be heard quickly because the she was worried that the respondent would take away her daughter from her based on intimidations and threats made by the respondent. When judgment was made, the judge has stated in advance that any dispute shall be heard from both sides, so that, each party can give their evidence to ensure fairness to all. However, there are exceptions from this principle if there is element of hardship (masyaqqah) or harm (darar) that may occur if the original law was to be followed. The judge in this case allowed the ex-parte application based on two principles of masyaqqah and darar which allowed the obligation to be exempted (Salih bin Ghanim). Based on these principles, the original rule of law was set aside to remove the hardship or harm to human being. In this case, it was further reasoned by judge that there exists element fears for the safety



of child, as there were threats from the respondent to bring back his daughter overseas at any time and addition to the allegation by the applicant that the respondent is not a practicing Muslim. All these claims form a basis for a potential harm to the child (Radziah binti Ibrahim vs Peter R.Gottschalk@Yusuff bin Abdullah, 2009). The reasoning of this judgment is similar to that of Istihsan.

b. Child Maintenance as a Debt

The Shariah law prescribes that a father has the responsibility to provide maintenance to his children as provided in the Quran (Al-Qur’an 65:6). The verse also indicates the duty of a father to compensate his wife for service of breastfeeding to his children and this also true to other ancillary payment as required by the children (Al-Khatib). In addition to the verse, the hadith allows the child’s mother to take the property of her husband for the purpose child maintenance if the father failed to do so as shown above in the case of Hind bint ‘Utbah. However, the duty of the father to provide maintenance to his children is dependent on his ability to provide such maintenance. This is based on the hadith of the Prophet narrated from Jabir (d.697) (Muslim, Abu al-Husayn Muslim bin al-Hajjaj al-Naysaburi, 1998). Nevertheless, if the child owns property or capable of earning on their own, a poor father will not be asked to maintain his child. This is also based on the hadith which enjoins Muslim to provide adequate means of livelihood to oneself and his family as to best of his abilities (Ibn Hajar). However the flexibilities of the law are usually taken advantage by some irresponsible father and thus resulting in the mother to suffer the burden of providing the needs of the children. As rule once maintenance is paid to a child from whatever source it may be, normally by the wife, the father is no longer liable to pay them. To maintain this rule will make wife suffers and releasing the father from his responsibility on the grounds of poverty. Thus it is in the interest of the wife and the children that any payment made by wife or other sources should be considered as a debt to the husband. In this situation, a judge can order the father to pay the maintenance of his children. If the father still does not perform this obligation, the maintenance will be considered as a debt and is due to be claimed in the court by a competent plaintiff.

Thus in the case of Zarina bt Hashim versus Jamaluddin bin Saidon (2007), the plaintiff claimed to the court for child maintenance amounting to RM12,000 (or USD4,000) from the defendant. The plaintiff had earlier obtained an interim order for custody of the child and the maintenance order amounting to RM300 (USD100) per month. However, the defendant had ignored the order and cause the plaintiff to bear all expenses of the children, which should be the duty of the defendant. After the court satisfied with the arguments and documents submitted by the plaintiffs, it was declared that the amount of RM12,000 of unpaid maintenance is a debt owed by the defendant to the plaintiff. The defendant was ordered by the court the pay such amount. The power to make an order is actually contained in section 70 of the Penang Islamic Family Law Enactment 2004, which provides that the maintenance can only be considered as debt and can be claimed if there is an order from the court. In addition to the provision of the law the court referred to Shafi‘i manual Mughni al-Muhtaj and comparative fiqh book al-Fiqh 'ala al-Madhahib al-Arba'ah which state that the maintenance cannot become debt until after the judge made compulsory the maintenance or the father himself allow the maintenance to be owed (Al-Jaziri, 1990).

c. Jointly Acquired Property or Harta Sepencarian

The rule in the acquisition of property in the Shariah law is through recognized means such as sale contract, gift, inheritance etc based the verse of the Quran (Qur’an 1:275) and hadith (Qur’an 1:275). Islamic Shariah does recognize the principle of contract sanctity of which no third party is allowed to claim. The Malay custom of Harta Sepencarian on the other hand allows spouse, upon



divorce or death of either party, to claim property acquired during their marriage, although they are not directly involved in the acquisition of the property as a co-purchaser or co-sharer etc. Many discussions have been made by scholars to justify the permissibility of this customary practice (Ahmad Ibrahim, 1999, M. B. Hooker, 1984). It has been maintained that the practice is analogous to the topics of mata‘ al-bayt (home appliances) or mal al-zawjayn (property of husband and wife) discussed in the fiqh manuals (Suwaid bin Tapah, 1996). The issues discussed under these topics are related to a dispute by the spouse to properties acquired during marriage of which the ownership is not properly determined. Thus Shafi'i in his al-Umm discussed dispute between husband and wife on the ownership of house appliances in which they have lived. To solve this problem, Shafi'i was of the opinion that the appliances shall be divided equally between them (Al-Syafi‘i, Muhammad bin ’Idris, 1983).

In other schools of law, on the other hand, view the division of the property should be based on the nature and type of the property. Thus according to Malik (d.796), as quoted in al-Mudawwanah, if the property is more suitable to be owned by a man, it is given to the husband and vice-versa (Malik bin Anas, 2003). This opinion was also agreed by Abu Hanifah (d.767) and Muhammad Ibn al-Hasan (d.805), as quoted by al-Sarakhsi (d.1056) in his al-Mabsut with the provision that both husband and wife are still alive. If both or either one is dead, the rights to the property will be returned to both heirs (Al-Sarakhsi, Muhammad bin Ahmad Syams al-A’immah, 1986). Ibn Qudamah also solves the dispute in the same manner with the exception for a property that is suitable to be owned by both parties where he views that the property should be divided equally between husband and wife and not solely belongs to the husband alone (Ibn Qudamah, ‘Abdullah bin Ahmad Muwaffaq al-Din, 2004). The writer of the Shafi’i manual Bughyah al-Mustarsyidin of the eighteen century Southeast Asia while following the view of Shafi‘i maintains that the ownership of the property should be withheld until the real owner can be determined based on the evidence or confession of the party. If the evidence is not forthcoming the property will be divided equally between husband and wife (Ba‘lawi, ‘Abd al-Rahman bin Muhammad, 1998).

It is obvious that above discussions of the jurists is different from the Malay customary practice of Harta Sepencarian, as they were in relation to the mixed property between husband and wife in which both claims to acquire it through recognized legal means. Nevertheless the legislature and Shariah courts in Malaysia, since the colonial time up to present date, as well Islamic scholars consider Harta Sepencarian as part of the Islamic Family law under the principle of ‘adat (Salih bin Ghanim) or custom as it is beneficial to the spouses and generally consonant with the verse of the Quran which states that both men and women are equally rewarded for what they have earned (Qur’an 4:32). Thus the Negeri Sembilan Islamic Family Law Enactment 2003 in section 2 (1) defines jointly acquired property during marriage or known in local as Harta Sepencarian as a property acquired by husband and wife either directly or indirectly during the marriage period in accordance with the conditions specified by Shariah. Under the law both husband and wife has the right to claim Harta Sepencarian upon divorce or death of either partner. The task of the court is discovering whether there is evidence of contribution by both parties either directly or indirectly towards the acquisition of the property.

Thus in the case Sabariah binti Md Tan versus Busu bin Md Tan (2009), plaintiff claimed, among others for a declaration of a house and two parcels of land as a jointly acquired property. Plaintiff also claimed that any benefit obtained from the land and monthly pensions paid by the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) is to be equally divided. The court agreed with the claims and found evidence of direct and indirect contributions on part of the plaintiff in the property. Among the contributions made by the plaintiff on all the assets acquired by the defendant was through the joint participation of defendant and plaintiff's in the FELDA program. All the lands and



the house were acquired by the defendant after they were both accepted to participate in FELDA, as marriage is a condition set by FELDA for acceptance to participate in this program. Plaintiff also performed her household duties such as taking care of the children, the needs of husband and doing other outside jobs to increase the family income. All these were considered by the court as an indirect contribution from the plaintiff in helping the defendant to obtain the assets.

In the case of Noraishah bt. Ahmad versus Omar bin Jusoh and six others (2008), the plaintiff requested the court to declare the property or the value of the property listed by the plaintiff in the assets of the deceased as jointly acquired property. Defendants are the legal heirs of plaintiff former husband who is a deceased. Although the case was settled as the defendants agree to the claim, the court still requires evidence from the plaintiff to support her claim. Among of the evidence presented is that the plaintiff had made several loans for the convenience and comfort of the deceased, such as a hire purchase agreement to purchase a car, a housing loan and monthly payment on the use of credit card for the convenience and needs of their households.

Based on the above cases, the findings of the court on the indirect contribution of the plaintiffs which is non-contractual can be considered as the basis of co-ownership of a property in marriage. However, the principles of Shariah on the acquisition of property are not taken into account in order to appreciate the Malay customary practice of Harta Sepencarian. Although the court and the legislation have not specifically justified their reasons based on Istihsan, the result speaks for the use of Istihsan by 'Urf or custom.

d. Obligatory Bequest

Under the Shariah, it is a settled law by the majority of Muslim jurists that making a bequest to family members who are not legal heirs, within the permitted one third of the estate, is recommended and not compulsory (Wahbah al-Zuhayli, 1985). It was however obligatory in early Islam in but it was then abrogated (Ahmad, Abu ‘Abdillah Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Hanbal, 2001). Because of this, there was a debate among Islamic jurists on the status of bequest in Islam to argue that making bequest is compulsory in the Shariah. Taking this dissenting opinion, through legislation in Muslim countries starting in Egypt in 1943 provision was made to provide orphaned grandchildren who are excluded from the inheritance receiving maximum one third of the deceased estate through a bequest which is presumed obligatory on part of the deceased to have been made to the benefit of the grandchildren. This kind of bequest is technically known as Wasiyyah Wajibah. The rational of this kind of bequest as being discussed elsewhere is the fear that these orphaned children after being excluded from the inheritance will be left without support and thus becoming poor and destitute (‘Abd al-Ghaffar Ibrahim Salih, 1987). Such a provision has been adopted in Malaysia in section 27 (1) (2) (3) Selangor Muslim Wills Enactment No. 4, 1999.

Thus in case of Mustapha bin Ismail in the distribution of the inheritance of the deceased Che Fatimah binti Abdul Razak (2009), the Kuala Lumpur Shariah High Court after decided the legal heirs to the estate made an order of obligatory bequest to grandchildren whose father predeceased the deceased as provided by the Selangor Muslim Will Enactment No.4/1999. The court in support of the law justified that jurists like Sa'id ibn al-Musayyab (d.715), Hasan al-Basri (d.728), Ishaq bin Rahawaih (d.853), Dawud al-Zahiri (d.883), Ibn Jarir (d.923), Ibn Hazm (d.1064) and others are of the view that making bequest to close family members who are excluded from the inheritance is mandatory based on the verse of the Quran as quoted above. Although it is against the view of majority but the ruler or government based on the principle of public interest can decree to the reverse (Al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman bin Abi Bakr). Again as mentioned above this justification is producing the law based on Istihsan.



e. The Right to Visit Children and Grandchildren

Islam strongly encourages good relation among family members and relatives so that life will be more comfortable and pleasant as enjoined in the Quran (Qur’an 4:36). There are also many hadith from the Prophet relating to the duty of preserving this relationship (Muslim, 1383) and stern warning for those who trying to destroy it (Muslim, 1383). Good relationship among relatives means doing good to close family members in matters that are permitted by Islam. This includes looking after the family members and visiting them. It is wrong and prohibited for any Muslim who tries to prevent this relationship especially of meeting or visiting one’s child or grandchild (Ibn Hajar, 1690). Nevertheless, there were instances where the Court made an order preventing certain family members to visit child and grandchild for the interest of family unity. Thus in the case of Ibrahim bin Hj. Ishak and one other versus Anuar bin Ahmad and two others (2005) the court rejected application by plaintiffs to visit their daughter and granddaughter. Plaintiff’s daughter is defendant’s wife and the granddaughters in question are defendant’s children under his custody. The court based on two police reports submitted and evidence from the witnesses found that the first plaintiff had attacked defendant at his work place and his house was thrown with stones, wood and steel.

In justifying the decision, the court was of the view that plaintiff’s application to see and take his daughter and grandchildren back home in a tense mood should not be allowed. There is no intimacy between the plaintiff and the defendant and even more, the plaintiff wish to take revenge against the defendant. On this basis, the court decided to reject the application submitted by plaintiff. The court is of the view that the decision is to avoid quarrels and hostilities that will divide this family. The court considers that the defendant is entitled to defend his right for not to obey the plaintiff to ensure that the good family relationship will be return to normal. This decision is issued, as asserted by the court, based on Maslahah for the benefit of defendant in preserving his family and reframing greater harms if the conflict continues.

f. Application for Injunction Against the Husband

Relation between husband and wife in Islamic law is based on certain rights and obligations. A husband is enjoined by the Quran to treat his wife with kindness whether by action or by speech (Qur’an 4:19). A similar message is also reported in the hadith which says “The best among you is the best to his family and I was the best to my family” (Ibn Majah). Among the husband’s obligations towards his wife, as quoted by al-Qurtubi (d.1273) when interpreting the above verse is to pay dower and maintenance to his wife, not frowning his wife for no reason, not speaking to his wife in a harsh manner and not to disclose his tendency to other woman other than his wife (Al-Qurtubi, Muhammad bin Ahmad, 2003). For these duties, Islamic jurists using the Quranic verse (Qur’an 4:34) consider husband as the leader of the household to his wife and children (Wahbah al-Zuhayli, 1997). This also means that the husband has full access and authority over his family and no one has the right to deny it. In fact one who prevents the husband from performing his responsibilities is committing a great sin.

This is the law that needs to be held by all parties when there is no urgent or pressing matter to change it. The decision of the Shariah court is otherwise. Thus in the case of Mazitah binti Ibrahim versus Rahiman bin Selamat (2008), the court allowed an application to extend the validity of ex-parte interim order, previously obtained by the applicant, to refrain the respondent from trespassing, forcing and acting with hostility against the applicant. The respondent is also ordered to refrain from doing a list of things which among other from approaching the applicant within 100



meters while their divorce proceeding is in progress. Nevertheless the court rejected application that the respondent will observe the same to the children and their maid.

Legally speaking, the court has discretionary power to grant any interim order on any terms as it deems fit based on section 197 (a) of the Shariah Court Civil Procedure (Federal Territories) Act 1998. As such it is matter of establishing the facts to the case that warrants such an order that the court needs to do. It is has been accepted and argued in many places in Malaysia that ex-parte interim injunction order is based on necessity or darurah (Ghazali Jaapar, 2005) in order to avoid harm or darar (Ibn Majah). This power is also provided in section 107 of the Islamic Family Law (Federal Territories) Act 1984 whereby the court can grant an injunction or prohibition order to parties of whom their divorce proceedings is in progress. Although there is no specific mentioning that the power to grants such an order is based on Istihsan, it is obvious that the original law that the husband should not be prevented from living with his family members especially wife and children is disregarded. This is indeed a hallmark of Istihsan, which can be categorized as Istihsan by Maslahah.

D. CONCLUSION

The results of the studies on the cases reported in the Jurnal Hukum show that the principle of Istihsan is directly employed in the judgments of the Shariah Courts in Malaysia. As much as the court desires to apply the principles of Quran and Sunnah as against the rules discussed in the fiqh manuals, which a noble effort in itself, these are only incidental to the articles of the law which provide for such an application as it has been shown above. This is hardly a case of innovation and reinterpretation of texts of the law as some researcher may want to argue (Ramizan Wan Muhamad, 2009).

It is therefore the farmers of the legislation, which incorporate the application of these principles who are actually the innovator. The courts in all instances of the cases observed above are merely establishing the facts of the cases so that these principles can be properly applied. From the theoretical classification of Istihsan¸ all of the cases, except two, employed what that is known as Istihsan by Maslahah or public interest. However, it should be noted here that Maslahah alone is not sufficient to abandon the original law. Other evidence either from the Quran or the Sunnah must support it, even though in general and this is duly observed by the Shariah Courts. The rest of the classification is by Sunnah and ‘Urf or custom.

The latter is probably the most notable contribution of the Malaysia Shariah law as it is cannot be found elsewhere outside the Malay Archipelago (M.B.Hooker, 2008), although numerous customary practices are absorbed to become part of the Shariah law in the rest of the Muslim world. In conclusion, the findings of the above discussion can portray a general impression that the use of Istihsan was accepted indirectly in the Islamic judicial system in Malaysia and this actually support the claim that the Shafi‘is finally yielded to the practical solution offered by Istihsan albeit indirectly.



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The Roles Of The Institution Of Pesantren in The Development of Rural Society: A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia


The Roles of the Institution of Pesantren in the Development of Rural Society: A Study in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, West Java, Indonesia

Mohamad Mustari1

1Faculty of Education, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur

E-Mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Pesantrens are the oldest non-formal and traditional Islamic educational institution in Indonesia. These boarding institutions are uniquely Indonesian phenomenon, not found in other parts of the world. Nowadays, there is a widespread misjudgment that the pesantrens are said to train terrorist groups, promote Islamic fanaticism, and propagate conservative culture. Hence, some of the pesantrens are changing their paradigm, that is, from conservatism to modern-progressivism, while some others prefer to remain the same. The purpose of this study was to make an in-depth systematic analysis of the roles and contributions of pesantrens in the development of rural villages in Java, particularly in Tasikmalaya district which by itself had 761 pesantrens. This study employed the multiple case-study method. The cases were three large pesantrens and three small pesantrens, all located in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya. The pesantrens were in three categories: traditional, modern, and combination. Interview, observation, and document analysis were used to collect data. Face-to-face interviews were based on a standard check list developed for the study. The findings showed that pesantrens developed and implemented their own development plans, both for their own development and for rural development, as most pesantrens located in the rural areas.

Keywords: Pesantren, development, rural society

A. INTRODUCTION

Indonesia is populated by various ethnicities, cultures, languages, and religions. But the majority of the inhabitants, around 85 percent, embraces Islam (BPS, 2004). Islam had spread in Indonesia in the 12th century; and at the same time, there were mushroomed non-formal Islamic education in Indonesian society in such institutions as mosques and pesantrens. The position of the religion and Islamic institutions in Indonesia had spread widely and strongly through educational institutions such as pesantren covering until all of 33 provinces. This institution of pesantren has now 16,015 by its various kinds in throughout districts in di Indonesia (Departemen Agama, 2006).

Generally, this institution of pesantren has a philosophy that education is an effort to form a perfect human being, and not only to develop human capital or to build up an ordinary human resource. A perfect human being is being a comprehensive human covering those aspects as spiritual, intellectual, vocational, social, physical, cultural, and emotional, and this can be trained by such institutions as mosques and pesantrens. By this, there is ideological conflict of education in Indonesia: based on Islamic philosophy on the one hand and based on Western capitalist utilitarian philosophy on the other having influenced by Dutch colonial administration in the 16th century (Abdullah, 1986).



Etymologically, “pesantren” and the original word “santri” comes from Tamil meaning “religious teacher”. Another source says that the word is coming from Indian “shastri” from the original “shastra” meaning “sacred books”, “religious books”, or “books on knowledge”. Outside Java island, this educatonal institution is called by other names such as surau (in West Sumatra), dayah (in Aceh), and pondok (in other areas) (Ensiklopedi Islam, j. IV, 1994). In the usage of Indonesian today two terms of “pondok” (Arabic: barrack or hotel) and “pesantren” mostly can be interchangable, even can be merge into “pondok pesantren” which usually can be shortened into “ponpes” (Mansurnoor, 1990).

According to Dhofier (1983), the word “pesantren” comes from the word “santri” itself, being added by prefix “pe” and sufix “an”, meaning public house for the santri (students). In short, pesantren is a public house or a place for the students of religious learnings (Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia, 1995).

Based on the data by the Ministry of Religious Affairs year 2005/2006, there are pesantrens in every province of the Republic of Indonesia. The amount of the pesantrens are 16,015 with 3,190,394 santri (students) and 276,223 ustaz (religious teachers) and 44,450 kiyais (religious leaders). The amounts of pesantrens in every province are varied between 12 until 3684 pesantrens (Depag, 2006).

Kabupaten Tasikmalaya which has 39 sub-districts (kecamatan) and 351 villages (desa/kelurahan) has more than one pesantren in almost every village. Hence, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya sufficiently can be called as “kota santri” (santri town). Among big pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, that is the biggest and populated by more than 500 santris, are: Pesantren Cipasung in Singaparna; Pesantren Miftahul Huda in Manonjaya; and Pesantren Suryalaya in Ciawi.

B. METHODOLOGY

This research takes account of social development which is a program of prosperity or aid for the poor through the fulfillment of their necessities, covering not only opportunities to get a job, but also accesses to public services, such as education, health, housing, transportation, water, etc. (Korten and Alfonso, 1981). Hence, the conception of development here is the conception of “integrative development”.

Here, then, besides using indicators of development made by the government, especially by the Board for Central Statistics (Badan Pusat Statistik/BPS), this study also used public opinion survey to gain the data on the impact of the pesantrens to the development of the villages.

To gather the data, this research conducted some methods as follow:

1. For comprehensive study to the pesantrens being researched, this study used in-depth interview and observation.

2. For getting information on environmental data, especially the physical one, this study used secondary data, especially from such governmental institutions as district, provincial, and central government.

Therefore, this study used two categories of instruments: interview and observation. This directly made sure of the reliability of data and the findings by way of triangulation.



Population is defined as a group of potentials the result of which will be generalized (Salkind, 2000) or all groups which will be studied (Chua, 2006).

Population of this research is the pesantrens in Kabupaten (District) Tasikmalaya, West Java, around 761 pesantrens. The samples of this population are pesantrens regarded as representatives of the title of this research. In this context, pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya are divided into three categories: Modern (khalafi), Traditional (salafi), and Combination (the combination between the Modern and Traditional). Quantitatively, pesantrens can also be divided into two kinds: Big pesantrens (have more than 300 santris) and Small pesantrens (have less than 300 santris). From about 761 pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, six pesantrens are picked up to represent the above categories, those are:

1. Pesantren Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya representing Big Traditional pesantrens. 2. Pesantren Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong representing Small Traditional pesantrens. 3. Pesantren Al-Furqon, Singaparna representing Big Modern pesantrens. 4. Pesantren Persis, Rajapolah representing Small Modern pesantrens. 5. Pesantren Suryalaya, Pagerageung representing Big Combination pesantrens.. 6. Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari representing Small Combination pesantrens.

The choice of pesantrens is done purposively, i.e. the choice based on information-rich cases (Patton, 2002). Quantitatively, the above six pesantrens cannot be properly appropriate to represent 761 pesantrens existed and listed in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya. But because of most pesantrens in Tasikmalaya are categoriezed as the same conditions and characteristics, such case taking should not necessarily based on the formula of 20% of the population. The choice of cases is rationalized to get representative variation.

Besides, a list of question is also used to get a general picture of the conditions of pesantren and to fulfill the triangulation of the data. The respondents for this list of question are divided into three main groups:

1. Pesantren insiders: kiyai, santri and ustaz. 2. General society including formal leaders (head of the village and head of the sub-districts),

informal leaders (public figures) and ordinary people (farmers, workers, retailers, employees, etc.).

3. Pesantren-related society: pesantren alumni and santri’s parents.

The sum of respondents can be seen in the following table:

Table 1. Respondents of the List of Questions Group Kinds of Respondents Amount

Respondents Group

Pesantren Insiders Kiyai Ustaz Santri

4 4

10 18

General Society Formal Leader Informal Leader Ordinary People

4 2 3

9

Pesantren-related Society Parent Alumni

10 5

15

Amount of respondents every sub-district 42 42 Total amount of respondents (6 sub-districts) 252

Respondent’s taking based on the method of “quota”, that is, the choice of the subjects is based on the categories existed in the population (Chua, 2006) based on the signs given by the formal and informal leaders of the society.



1. Problems of Study

Theoretically, the main problem of this study is to see how far the validity and application of the theory of dualism and modernization theory, theory of social change, and leadership theory of development by the kiyais in the contexts of roles and functions of pesantrens in the development of rural societies in Indonesia. Until this time previous studies on pesantrens are not being able to give theoretical description on the rationale of the development of pesantrens, its activities and roles in the development of rural societies.

By focusing more attention to the cases of pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, the problems of study can be formulated in such question of research as the following: “Syntethically, what is the variety of roles and participation of the pesantren from the facets of economic, social, religious, cultural, and vocational training in the development of rural societies?”

2. Objectives of Study

This study has the following main objectives:

1. To investigate the conditions of the management of the pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

2. To get social views on the relevance and image of the pesantrens. 3. To describe analytically the roles and potentials of the pesantrens and their environments,

in relation to the possibility of the roles of pesantrens as an institution or agent of social change in rural areas, which can be able to be independent as well as to be participated in the development of the villages.

3. Findings from the Pesantrens in Tasikmalaya

a. General Description of the Pesantrens in Tasikmalaya

Tasikmalaya, as the location of this research, is one of the 25 kabupaten/town within the administration of West Java Province, Indonesia. This district is located more or less 90 km from the province capital (Bandung) to the southeast, or around 380 km southeast of Jakarta. To the north this region faces Kabupaten Ciamis and Kota Tasikmalaya, to the south there is Indian Ocean, to the west there is Kabupaten Garut, and to the east there is Kabupaten Ciamis. The capital of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya is Singaparna. This district of 2,712,52 km2 is a mountainous area with its peak at Mount Galunggung and Mount Talagabodas (Atlas Provinsi, 2006).

The population of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya in 2007 is 1,686,633 souls with its density of 615 souls/km2 (Kabupaten Tasikmalaya Dalam Angka, 2008). For making their living most of the population worked on farming sectors and husbandry; the others worked in such other sectors as merchandise, services, public service, non-government business, etc. The unique thing of Tasikmalaya is the fact that there are so many cottage industries producing clothes, embroidery, wood sandals (kelom), and handy craft (Pikiran Rakyat, 15 April 2009).

Based on the demographical data of 2007, the religious adherents of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya are 99.97% Muslims (1,686,098); the others are Christians, 149 souls (0.001%), Catholics 246 souls (0.014%), Hindus 91 souls (0.005%), Buddhists 8 souls (0.0005%), and others 41 souls (0.002%). Based on this data, Tasikmalayan people are religious people. This is helped by the fact that there are so many religious (Islamic) educational institution, i.e. pesantren.



If we make a classification, those pesantrens are rightly different in their stories. Some pesantrens come from the charisma of kiyai such as Pesantren Miftahul Huda, Asy-Syahidiyah, Ar-Riyadh, and Suryalaya. Some others come from socio-religious organizations such as Pesantren Al-Furqon of Muhammadiyah and Pesantren Persis.

Mostly, however, those pesantrens are founded first before formal schools of the government. Such is because pesantren is a manifestation of effort of socialization of education to the young generation by previous generation accentuating religious studies and Islamic culture. And such effort is not limited into the facilities. Hence, activities of Islamic learning had been done before the pesantren being established. Having a pesantren been established, then schools or madrasahs were also founded within the pesantren.

Nevertheless, there are some pesantrens founding system of school within the pesantren at the very beginning. Hence, pesantren and school are slightly identical. This happens in such modern pesantrens as Al-Furqon, Singaparna. The difference is that in a school the students come back to their homes, while in a pesantren the santris do not come back to their homes but live in the pesantren and continue the programs of the pesantren.

There is another thing in this tradition of pesantren, i.e. the tradition of following the maternal pesantren. Here the first pesantren is a model for the next pesantren. It means that when a santri felt that he is able to establish a pesantren, he will found it in another area, such as in his home town by taking the pesantren he learnt in as the model. This, for example, was done by alumni of the Pesantren Miftahul Huda. Unsurprisingly, then, if Pesantren Miftahul Huda admitted that there are around 1000 pesantrens produced out of it. According to one of its ustaz, the characteristics of pesantren modeling to the Miftahul Huda is that there always be some name of ‘Miftah’ in the beginning of the next pesantren, such as ‘Miftahul Ulum’, ‘Miftahul Jannah’, etc. Or there is some label of ‘Huda’ in the last name of the next pesantren, such as ‘Manbaul Huda’, ‘Thoriqul Huda’, etc. Or even there are some pesantrens taking the name of the original name of ‘Miftahul Huda’ themselves.

Such thing as ‘follow the leader’ is admitted by other pesantrens. Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, for example, admitted that there are 70 pesantrens established by its alumni. Pesantren Asy-Syahidiyah also acknowledged that there are some 40 pesantrens founded by its alumni.

Yet, not all pesantrens had the same way in the pesantren ‘breeding’. Pesantren Suryalaya, for instance, had no alumni made pesantren. Such is because the focus of education of Suryalaya is not to produce religious leaders (ulama) mastering religious studies and being pesantren managers. The focus of Suryalaya is to spread its religious doctrines, i.e. Tariqat Naqsabandiyah Qodiriyah (TNQ) with its product of therapy such as for curing drugs’ addicts, named ‘Inabah.’ Hence, something which can be traced is in the facet of Suryalaya’s propagation, that is, the establishments of tariqat adherent groups (Talqin) and Inabah in many areas in Indonesia, even until outside the country such as in Singapore, Malaysia, Brunei, even Australia.

The tradition of ‘follow the leader’ did also not happen in such modern pesantrens as Al-Furqon and Persis. Such is because here the loyalty of the santri is not to certain pesantren, but to the doctrines embraced by the organizations. The model, here, is not the pesantren, or kiyai, but the organization itself. For instance, even though there is a tradition of ‘follow the leader’, but owing to the spirit of egalitarianism of the Persis’s members, ‘follow the leader’ to the pesantren is not a matter of course. This also happened to the Muhammadiyah’s members.



Table 2. Comparison of the Samples of Pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

Subject Salafi Khalafi Combination Big Small Big Small Big Small

Name Miftahul Huda

Asy-Syahidiyah Al-Furqon Persis Suryalaya Ar-Riyadh

Year Founded 1967 1960s 1992 1979 1905 1930s

Founder KH. Choer Affandy

KH. Syuhada Al-Murtazi Muhammadiyah Persis Syech Abdullah

Mubarok KH.

Fachruddin

Present Kiyai KH. Asep Maoshul Affandy

KH. Alfaryzant KH. Asep Hidayat, Lc.

Ust. Cece Syamsudin

KHA. Shohibulwafa

Tajul Arifin

KH. Asep Bakhtiar Rifai

Amount of Santri 2500s 20 356 250-an 2175 400s

Amount of Teacher 89 1 60 50 172 100s

Amount of School - - - 1 3 1

Amount of Madrasah - - 3 1 3 1

Amount of Higher

Education 1 (Ma’had

Aly) - - - 2 -

Amount of University

Student 100s - - - 684 -

Amount of Lecturer 10 - - - 152 -

Cooperation Exist - - - Exist - Workshop Exist - - - Exist Exist Rice Field Exist Exist

Radio Exist Exist Aid of

Government Exist - Exist Exist Exist Exist

4. Roles of Pesantren in the Development of Village

a. Kinds of Development

Not all kinds of development can be done by the pesantrens. Such is because there are things outside the abilitiy of pesantren to do. Political development is an example. The current stream of political situation of the Republic of Indonesia gave no chance for pesantrens to do political development. Euphoria of Reformation paved the way to political liberties. To play political role will bring the religious adherents (ummah) into conflict. Again, talking about politics today is a taboo, moreover if it is talked by a religious institution like pesantren which is appropriately neutral.

It is clear in the field being research that there is no one can say about politics and pesantren whether it is said by the government, the pesantrens, even the santris. To interview respondents on political topics is an unfruitful business.

As a result, beside that all people denied to be interviewed on politics, a list of question being offered to the respondents is responded by ‘cold’ responses. To the question no. 41, saying “How is pesantren’s role in the development of politics in rural areas?”, the majority of the answers is rightly even, i.e. average (123). The answers of positive and negative are not really significant to be compared for it is precisely the same if it is combined between the positive (72) and the negative (57) answers.



So also in the development of ideology. Here pesantren has no active role. Such is because Indonesian national situation is not really stable. There are so many popular resistances to the government’s flatforms. Still being Indonesians, it is may be the rest of ideological development. Everybody is thinking about himself, it is what happening here. And the pesantren side stutterly followed the time in changing.

Nevertheless, in a matter of safety, pesantren is still a safest place to live in. Many still believed in pesantren, although the West regarded that pesantren is the nest of the terrorists. Belief in the safety of the pesantren is seen from so many people asked the pesantrens to reconcile their conflicts. It can be seen from the answer to the Question No. 61 saying, “How is pesantren’s participation in reconciliation of social conflict?”, the majority of answer is positive answer, that is 163 (very big 55 and big 108). While negative answers are only 44, slightly the same as neutral answer, that is, 45.

Something which can be traced to the roles of pesantren in the development is to the areas of education, social, cultural, and eonomics. Beside those areas, pesantren had limitations to play significantly their roles.

b. Educational Development

The existence of pesantren in the middle of the community has a strategic meaning, for it can fit itself with the development of time and the need of the community. Pesantrens today open the schools (under the guidance of the Ministry of National Education, MONE) or madrasah (under the guidance of the Ministry of Religious Affairs, MORA). In Tasikmalaya, the pesantrens of combination like Pesantren Suryalaya had founded schools for a long time so that there are schools like SMP (Sekolah Menengah Pertama, Junior High School), MTs (Madrasah Tsanawiyah, Islamic Junior High School), MA (Madrasah Aliyah, Islamic Senior High School), SMK (Sekolah Menengah Kejuruan, Vocational High School); and Pesantren Ar-Riyadh Leuwisari had founded MTs and SMK. Meanwhile, a modern pesantren like Pesantren Al-Furqon Singaparna since the very beginning had provided madrasah (Islamic school), i.e. MTs and MA. A small modern pesantren like Persis Rajapolah which in the beginning had MTs, is now also has SMA Plus (Sekolah Menengah Atas Plus, Senior High School Plus). About how a pesantren established schools, the following is a result of an interview with the leader of the Pesantren Ar-Riyadh.

Mulai tahun 1972 pesantren ini dipimpin oleh saya. Karena dirasakan adanya perkembangan zaman, bahwa masyarakat lebih memilih sekolah daripada pesantren, saya pun membuat sekolah-sekolah formal: TK, Madrasah Diniyah, MTs, dan SMK. Dengan demikian ada yang ikut dengan Depag, ada pula yang ikut dengan Diknas. Alhamdulillah pesantren ini masih banyak santrinya. Sekarang yang mondok ada 120an santri. Kalau dihitung yang sekolah mah banyak.

[Beginning in 1972 this pesantren was led by myself. Because that there was a development of time, that society chose more to the schools than to the pesantrens, so I built formal schools: Pre-School, Religious Islamic Elementary School, Islamic Junior High School, and Vocational High School. So that there are some follow the MORA, and some follow the MONE. Praise be to God, this pesantren has still more students. Now, the students live in the pesantren are around 120s. But if we count the students study in the schools are much more double than that]. (Interview Code: F-1; Recorded Code: Written).

Traditional Pesantren like Miftahul Huda and Asy-Syahidiyah basically did not refuse such systems of school or madrasah, even though they did not found schools or madrasahs in their



pesantrens. To anticipate, both pesantrens allowed their santris to follow National Test for Study Group (Kejar, Kelompok Belajar) to get the certificate of SMP (Kejar Paket B) or to get the certificate of SMU (Kejar Paket C). The existence of systems of madrasah, school and packaged study group in a pesantren like that proved that appreciation of modern phenomena is also answered by the pesantren itself. For that modernity is an undeniable transformation process. The following is an interview with one of the leaders of Pesantren Miftahul Huda.

Dina dasarna nu masantren di dieu lulusan sakola. Aya anu lulusan SD, SMP, bahkan aya oge anu lulusan SMA. Namung kecenderungan ayeuna seueur anu lulusan SMP. Janten atos sarakola di dieu mah. Tah kangge santri-santri anu teu acan gaduh ijazah formal, tiasa ngiringan penyetaraan ngangge Kejar Paket A, B, atanapi C. Modernisasi memang teu tiasa dihindarkeun. Da ti darieu oge seueur anu jadi caleg (calon legislatif), anu tangtos peryogi ijazah formal kangge daftarna.

[Basically, the students live in this pesantren are school graduation. Some are graduated from SD [Sekolah Dasar, Elementary School], SMP, and even also SMA graduation. But the trend is the students graduated from SMP. So, the santris are school graduation. Here, for the santris who had no formal certificate, can follow equalization by way of Package Study Group A, B, or C. Modernization cannot be denied. Because here there are people who become caleg (calon legislative, the next legislative member), which then need the certificate to be listed as valid]. (Interview Code: A-1; Recorded Code: PIC_0614-0615.AVI).

Modernization can be more apparent in a pesantren which has a higher education such as Pesantren Suryalaya having an IAILM (Institut Agama Islam Latifah Mubaraqiyah, Latifah Mubaraqiyah Institute for Islamic Studies) and STIELM (Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Ekonomi Latifah Mubaraqiyah, Latifah Mubaraqiyah Academy for Economics). It also done by Pesantren Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya. Even though Pesantren Miftahul Huda has only three year diploma for Islamic Studies (called as Ma‘had ‘Aly) and not nationally standardized, but it is rightly an effort for educating its santris. Modernization through higher education is also admitted by the local government.

Sebetulnya modernisasi pesantren banyak juga yang dilakukan oleh pesantren sendiri. Sekarang ini mulai banyak pesantren yang menyelenggarakan pendidikan formal, baik sekolah atau madrasah. Bahkan ada juga pesantren yang sudah mendirikan perguruan tinggi seperti Suryalaya dan Cipasung. Dan ini pun sudah menambah, bahkan mungkin merupakan sebahagian besar perguruan tinggi di Kabupaten Tasikmalaya adalah berbasis pesantren.

[Actually, modernization of pesantren is also done by the pesantren itself. Now, there are a lot of pesantrens open formal educations, whether it is a school or a madrasah. Even there are also pesantrens such as Suryalaya and Cipasung which established higher education. And it adds, and even the most part of higher education in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya is based on the pesantrens.] (Interview Code: G-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1101-1102.AVI).

In general, the main role of pesantren is exactly in the area of education. It is said that one pesantren can produce tens, hundreds, or even thousands other pesantrens by way of established by the alumni. Here it is clear that pesantren can be participated in literacy and national program of education. The following is an interview with an alumnus who himself now becomes Pesantren Leader and also is Deputy Chief of Local Parliament of Kota Tasikmalaya.



Jadi awal ceritanya, ayah saya, pendiri Pesantren Bahrul Ulum, yang bernama K.H. Bustomi mondok di Pesantren Sukamanah, pahlawan nasional K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. Ketika ayah saya dengan K.H. Ruhiyat Cipasung mau ikut ke medan juang, tiba-tiba dilarang oleh K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. Mereka berdua disuruh untuk membina masyarakat. Akhirnya keduanya sama-sama kembali ke daerah. … Nah Uwa Choer Affandy yang berguru ke ayah saya juga mau berangkat ke Jakarta untuk bisnis. Ayah saya dan Uwa beristikharah dulu, hasilnya jangan. Maka Uwa pun mendirikan pesantren di Manonjaya. Saya pun mesantren di Uwa. Saya pun meneruskan pesantren ayah saya. Jadi tradisi pesantren adalah tradisi turun menurun dari guru ke murid dalam memerangi kebodohan.

[The story begins with my father, the founder of Pesantren Bahrul Ulum, named K.H. Bustomi studied in Pesantren Sukamanah, led by the national hero K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. At that time, my father with K.H. Ruhiyat Cipasung would go for struggle for the Independence, suddenly prohibited by K.H. Zaenal Mustofa. They both are commanded to preach the society. Finally, they both came back to their hometown…. So Uwa Choer Affandy who studied to my father and wanted to go to Jakarta for making money… My father and Uwa prayed for the choice given by God (istikharah) first, and the result was not to go. Then, Uwa established a pesantren in Manonjaya. I also studied in Uwa’s pesantren. And then I was commanded to continue my father’s pesantren. Hence, pesantren is a genealogic tradition from teacher to student in making war to foolishness]. (Interview code: H-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1120.AVI).

A local government for National Education viewed pesantren as a potential for subject of nine year compulsory education. The following is an interview with Head Section of Junior High School of the Office of Education of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

Kami di sini, di Dinas Pendidikan Kabupaten Tasikmalaya ini ada mempunyai program Penyelenggaraan Kelompok Belajar Paket B setara SMP pada Pesantren Salafiyah. Sasarannya adalah usia wajib belajar Sembilan tahun, yaitu 13 sampai 15 tahun. Tetapi tidak menutup kemungkinan yang 18 tahun pun diambil sebagai murid. Gurunya juga kami rekrut dari kalangan pesantren sendiri. Dana pun kami sediakan untuk honor tutor dan alat tulis. Program ini kami namakan sebagai program wajar santri ‘wajib belajar Sangkan anak ngarti Terampil Religius Islami.’

[We, here, in this Office of Education of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya have a program for conducting Study Group Package B equivalent Junior High School to Traditional Pesantrens. The targets are the children in the age of compulsory education, that 13 until 15 years old. But there is also a possibility that someone at the age of 18 is also taken as a student. The teachers are recruited from the pesantrens. The funds are also provided for the allowances of the tutors and for the stationaries. This program is named as the program of WAJAR SANTRI (wajib belajar Sangkan anak ngarti Terampil Religius Islami, compulsory education in order that the children understand, skillful, religious, Islamic)]. (Interview Code: G-3; Recorded Code: PIC_1103-1106.AVI).

It is admitted by the pesantrens of combination, that by providing formal education and using various languages such as Bahasa Indonesia, Arabic, or English, would bring to elevate santri’s achievements. The following is a quotation of an interview with the leader of Pesantren Bahrul Ulum who is an alumnus of the Pesantren Miftahul Huda.

Di sini dulunya salafi, terus ada sekolah, yaitu SMP Islam. Ayah saya melihat masa depan. Sekarang ada TK, SMP, Tsanawiyah, bahkan Aliyah. Sekarang ada ide untuk mendirikan perguruan tinggi. Prestasi pesantren ini sekarang adalah juara ketiga tingkat nasional membaca



kitab. Kalau se-provinsi kalah Miftahul Huda. Mohon maaf, karena memang kita mengajarkan pelbagai bahasa, Bahasa Indonesia, Inggris dan Arab. Di Miftahul Huda kan masih dominan bahasa Sunda, bahasa lokal.

[Here [this pesantren] for the first time was traditional, and then there was a school, i.e. Islamic Junior High School. My father had future outlook. Now there are Pre-School, Junior High School, Islamic Junior High School, and even Islamic Senior High School. Now there is an idea of establishing a university. The achievement of this pesantren today is the third position of national championship on reading Arabic text. In the provincial tournament, Miftahul Huda was beaten by us. Excuse us, because we teach many kinds of languages here, such as Bahasa Indonesia, English, and Arabic. In Miftahul Huda the dominant language is Sundanese, a vernacular.] (Interview Code: H-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1120.AVI).

By viewing an expanded development to the combinative pesantrens it is showed that the responses of the society to pesantren-with-school or pesantren-with-madrasah were very good. In turn, the community was felt that today pesantrens can give appropriate answer to modernity, i.e. life skill combined with happiness life (in religion). Concerning this, the following is a saying of an officer at the Office of Religious Affairs Department of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

Terhadap pesantren, Depag telah mengadakan program beasiswa santri untuk melanjutkan ke perguruan tinggi. Jadi mereka yang berprestasi di pesantren yang ada sekolah SMA atau Aliyahnya, yang rankingnya 1, 2, dan 3 bisa mendapatkan beasiswa ke universitas-universitas negeri. Kemudian ada lomba membaca kitab kuning. … Nah untuk kasus Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, pesantren-pesantren yang mendapatkan beasiswa atau menjuarai lomba-lomba tersebut biasanya mendapat apresiasi lebih dari masyarakat, banyak santri baru yang berdatangan, meningkat secara signifikan.

[To the pesantrens, MORA had a program of scholarship for the santris to continue further education to universities. So, they are who have achievements in the pesantrens which have Senior High School or the Islamic one, who the ranks are 1, 2, and 3 can get scholarships to public universities. Then, there is also a tournament of reading Arabic text…. And for the case of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, the pesantrens which can get scholarships or became the champions of the tournaments were usually appreciated much from the society, to this there would be coming more students, significantly raised.] (Interview Code: G-4; Recorded Code: PIC_1107-1111.AVI).

Beside with the way of formal education such as schools or madrasahs, pesantren were also known as non-formal vocational education. This kind of education is not only for the students live in there, but also for the community around it. Hence, the society had not only been taught by religious doctrines, they had also been trained by vocational things. The following is the response of the Chief of Sub-Section of Religious Affairs of the Government of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

Selain kepada santri, pesantren juga mendidik masyarakat dengan cara majlis ta’lim, remaja mesjid, dan sebagainya. Ada yang mingguan, ada yang bulanan. Ada yang malam diselenggarakannya, ada yang siang. Untuk program-program pelatihan ketrampilan, pesantren biasanya bekerja sama dengan pihak lain, dengan pemerintah atau lembaga swadaya masyarakat. Dengan pemerintah juga ada yang dengan dinas pertanian, dinas peternakan, dinas pemberdayaan masyarakat, atau dinas-dinas lainnya.

[Beside to the santris, pesantrens also taught the society by way of religious-learning circle, mosque youth, etc. Some activities are weekly, some others monthly. There are also evening



activities and day activities. For vocational training programs, pesantrens are usually cooperated with others, with the government or other social institutions. With the government there are offices of agriculture, of empowering society, or any other offices.] (Interview Code: G-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1101-1102.AVI).

The most significant thing to educate rural society done by pesantrens is to liberate the society from illiteracy. It is seen how pesantrens play big role (152: very big 51 and big 101) in respondent’s answer to the Question No. 74 saying, “How is the role of Pesantren in eradicating illiteracy (Packaged Study Group A, B, etc.)?” Whereas the answers undermining the meaning of pesantren in this sense is not significant, i.e. only 48, lesser than neutral answers (52).

c. Economic Development

Pesantrens being studied here, not only bring Tasikmalaya into “santri town,” but also can give economic life of the society around them, by establishing a cooperation or even a financial institution such as Baitul Mal wa Tamwil (BMT, the House of Treasury) giving much help to the society. Moreover, pesantrens also became the centers of economic life of the society. There are a lot of people taking advantage economically to the pesantrens. Book shops, food shops, boutiques, etc. mushroomed around the pesantrens. This, for example, is happened in Suryalaya. Every 11th of Hijriyah months there is a Manakiban (praying together). At that time pesantren’s circumstances were massively presented by retailers. The following is a result of an interview with the Head of the Secretariat of Pesantren Suryalaya.

Sekarang ini masyarakat dari segi ekonomi banyak warung, belum yang kejut, setiap bulan ada manakiban, ini sepanjang jalan berbagai pedagang. Belum tenaga kerja yang terserap. Tasawuf yang diajarkan dengan demikian tidak membuat masyarakat mundur. Kami telah membuktikan bahwa zuhud itu adalah mengalahkan dunia. Katanya zuhud tetapi bangunan batu semua. Tetapi bahwa zuhud itu tidak kalah dengan kekayaan.

[Today, economically society has more shops, not even the sudden ones, every month there is manakiban, along this road are the retailers. Not even the workers are absorbed here. The theosophy which is taught, then, not bring the society into backwardness. We prove that zuhud can beat the mundane life. We say it zuhud, but you can see that all the building are made by the rocks. We prove that zuhud is not beaten by wealthy.] (Interview Code: E-1; Recorded Code: PIC_0377.AVI).

This is also admitted by the Head of the Village around Pesantren Miftahul Huda. The following is his opinion.

Dengan adanya pesantren memang bermunculan tukang dagang, jadi semakin ramai. Masyarakat bisa berjualan hasil-hasil kebun, pisang goreng, pecel, yang tadinya nganggur bisa berjualan. Demikian juga tukang ojek bisa lebih sibuk kalau ada pertemuan-pertemuan pesantren. Kalau satu Muharram, apalagi, Miftahul Huda suka membuat acara. Orang-orang pesantren biasa konvoi.

[By the emergence of the pesantren there are also emerged retailers, so here is busier than before. The society can sell their farming products such as bananas, vegetables, so those who usually had no jobs, can regularly be the sellers. So also the motorist taxi can be busier if there are pesantren meetings. On the first of Muharram, is much more, Miftahul Huda usually has a



program. Pesantren’s people are convoy around the village.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code: PIC_1115-1118.AVI).

Beside to commercial sector, pesantrens also help the society in service sectors. Pesantren insiders acknowledge that when they built schools or madrasahs there were many workers absorbed, from the plumbers, cleaning service, cooks in the kitchen, until the most important employee in the learning processes, i.e. the teachers. Thus, the more the pesantren built a new school, the more workers were absorbed by the pesantren. Here is a quotation from an interview with a manager of Pesantren Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari.

Ketika pesantren ini buka sekolah, banyak guru yang datang, tukang-tukang batu, dan para pedagang bermunculan. Mereka pada datang sendiri. Bukan hanya yang dekat, yang jauh juga ada. … Di sini ada juga masyarakat yang menjadi ibu-ibuan para santri, yang menjadi tempat mereka makan. Karena santri sekarang sudah tidak sempat lagi masak sendiri. Kalau kita para pengelola, kiyai dan ustaz ya cari sendiri. Dari ceramah-ceramah, begitu. Jadi sekolah ini bukan untuk mencari untung, tetapi untuk memakmurkan pesantren, memakmurkan Islam.

[When this pesantren opened schools, there were many teachers coming, plumbers, and retailers were also coming. They came by themselves. Not even the nearer of the pesantren, the farther were also coming…. Here there were some of the inhabitants who became the mothers of the students, where the santris eat. For the santris today had no time anymore to make their food by themselves…. We are the managers, kiyai, and ustazs should make our living by ourselves. From the sermons, so to speak. So, this school is not for searching benefits, but for making the pesantren busy, for empowering Islam.] (Interview Code: F-2; Recorded Code: PIC_0299-0301.AVI)

Economic enhancement of the society through cooperation built by the pesantrens is an evidence of pesantrens’ participation, especially in economic development of the society, whether it is for the interest of pesantrens’ insiders or for the society around them. It can be seen by the emergence of cooperations of pesantrens (Kopontren, koperasi pondok pesantren) existed in the pesantrens in Kabupaten Tasikmalaya, like what happened in Pesantren Suryalaya.

In order to fulfill the needs of santris and pesantren insiders, Pesantren Suryalaya founded a cooperation called Koperasi Putera Bhakti in 1973. The management was run by the santris. 1979 the cooperation changed the name into Kopontren Suryalaya HIDMAT (Koperasi Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya Hidup Masa Thoreqat). From such a change, cooperative scope was extended whether it is for the students or the tarekat’s followers living in the rural areas.

The units of cooperation built within the Kopontren HIDMAT are:

1. Merchandising Unit: Retail shop, Taylor. 2. Cooperative Unit: Post and Telecomunication Shop, Agent of oil/LPG gas, Electric bill

service, Gas station, credit for moving retailers, radio making. 3. Social Business: Project for Sheep Breeding, Social Fund (From Satu Abad Pondok

Pesantren Suryalaya, 2005).

How big the interest of pesantren insiders and the community to elevate economic life, there is an effort to establish a House of Treasury (Baitul Mal) of Suryalaya, working on credit enterprise, permanent donator, zakat (poll tax), and charities like infaq and waqf. This was also the case of



Pesantren Miftahul Huda cooperated with the government of West Java. All these proved how big the pesantrens take parts in advancing the economy of the society.

Nevertheless, more or lesser the impact of the pesantrens to the economy of the society was not the same. It can be seen from the open or not the pesantren was. For instance, in a closed pesantren like Al-Furqon, all about food of the santris were organized by the pesantren. There was also a semi-open pesantren, meaning that pesantren only managed meals twice a day, the rest was given to the students for buying to the retailers around the pesantren. It happened in Pesantren Miftahul Huda and Persis Rajapolah. There was also offered totally to the students to cook for themselves, such as what happened in Pesantren Asy-Syahidiyah. There was also a pesantren submitting the problems of food to the society and students themselves.

From the size of the pesantren, it is clear that each pesantren has its own potentials to give economic impact on the society. The bigger the pesantren gives the more job opportunities to the community. Such is because there always be more additional rooms, beds, school buildings, etc. Something hoped by the society, then, is that the pesantren would always give the jobs for the community around it. The following is the opinion of the Head of the Village closed to Pesantren Miftahul Huda.

Dari dulu Uwa selalu bilang, tolong bantu Pak Kuwu….Saya pun selalu minta bantuan kepada para kiyai untuk memasyarakatkan kewajiban pajak. Saya pun selalu berpesan, kalau ada proyek-proyek tolong libatkan masyarakat. Karena tidak enak kita hidup dengan masyarakat, tetapi tidak mempekerjakan mereka. Jadi kita saling bantu, begitu. Biar bagaimanapun kami ini penduduk asli sini, kalau santri kan banyaknya orang jauh, mereka hanya di sini untuk mesantren. Jadi harus kerja sama, begitu.

[Since the very beginning Uwa had said, please help the Head of the Village…I always ask to the kiyais to socialize the obligation to pay taxes. I also ordered, if there are some projects, please involve the society. Because it is not healthy to live with the community, but at the same time not involving them in the works of the pesantren. So that we help each other, like that. Whatever we are, we are indigenous people. Santris came mostly from faraway, they were in here to study. So that we should cooperate each other, so to speak.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code: PIC_1115-1118.AVI).

Although the participation of pesantrens in the economy of the community was not big enough, but the existence was there, felt by them. To the Question No. 51 saying, “How is the participation of the pesantren in elevating economic life of the society?” the majority of the respondents answered positive (126: 35 very big and 91 big). While they who answered negative were only 38 respondents (25 less big and 13 not big), smaller in number than those who answered neutral (88).

d. Social Development

In 1971 Pesantren Suryalaya helped government’s program in rehabilitating drug addicts and juvenile delinquency. That effort was in line with government’s code of Bakolak Inpres No 6 year 1971. The rehabilitation was through praying with the method of sufí order of Tariqat Naqsabandiyah Qadiriyah (TNQ) in order to get the youth back to the true way. This program was institutionalized in 1986 named as Youth House of “Inabah” (meanig ‘getting back’). The continuation and extensivication of the doctrine were done through Suryalaya’s branches of sufí orders and through the preachers coordinated by the branches.



Such is one of the products of the pesantren to the young generation. Other pesantrens gave also their attention to the youth. By making them busy in good conducts, pesantren had eradicated the bad of juvenile delinquency. In fact, some santris, like those of Miftahul Huda, often swept to the places where bad habits were coming like pubs, bars, etc. This action is called as a manifestation of the concept of ‘jihad’ (meaning ‘considerable struggle’, Prophet Muhammad mentioned this for war against infidelity, including the passion). Perhaps it is an extreme action of the santris, for Indonesia is not an Islamic State. But possibly it is a mirror of political liberty in Indonesia. It is said by a student of Miftahul Huda, as follow.

Sweeping ke masyarakat untuk kemaksiatan memang suka ada di sini, untuk minuman keras, untuk yang tidak puasa. Itu program kita di sini. Tahun 2005, 2006, 2007, sebelum menginjak bulan Ramadhan, santri senior dan dewan kiyai merazia ke daerah Tasikmalaya, Manonjaya. Tahun 2008, yang kemarin, itu langsung ke pemerintah, ke polisi, tolong dirazia, kalang enggak, santri akan turun. Polisi langsung turun ke jalan. Tapi kalau tahun depan polisi tidak turun, santri yang akan turun. Ini bagian dari jihad. Kan kalau dibiarkan disebutnya dayus, membiarkan. Kalau tidak Allah akan murka. Pertama kan peringatan dulu, tidak semena-mena terus merazia.

[Sweeping to the society for eradicating bad habits were likely done here, for those who drink liquor, they who do not fast [within the month of Ramadan]. That is our program here. In 2005, 2006, 2007, before entering the fasting month, senior students and some kiyais boards swept to Tasikmalaya, Manonjaya. In 2008, the last one, we directly went to the government, to the police, saying, please remove bad habits on the streets, if not we will go down to sweep. And the police directly went to the streets. But if next year the police won’t go down, the santris will. It is part of the jihad (struggle). For if we let them go it is dayus, ignore. If it is not done God will be angry. The first step is a warning, not directly grab, like that.] (Interview Code: A-4; Recorded Code: PIC_0606-0610.AVI)

To the Head of the Village, the concept of jihad with directly go down to the streets is not really agreed. Such is because it will invite a horizontal conflict. The following is an interview with the Head of the Village.

Dulu suka ada sweeping memang. Kalau tidak puasa diambilin. Tetapi biar bagaimanapun juga kami ini penduduk asli sini, tanah kelahiran. Kalau santri kan kebanyakan tamu, jadi harus menghargai. Jangan sampai terjadi bentrok fisik. Biar bagaimana juga tetap itu harus dijaga. Karena kita bagaimanapun juga penduduk asli. Jadi harus bisa menitipkan diri. Saya juga kalau merantau harus menitipkan diri. Jadi kalau kita mau gaya-gayaan ya pasti akan ada yang mukul.

[There were often sweepings really. They who did not fast were taken. But whatever we are, we are indigenous people here, this village is our hometown. The santris were mostly outsiders, so that they should admire us. Don’t make a declaration of war. Whatever it is, it should be kept in mind. Because we are here native people. So the santris should be able to place themselves. I was myself if I went to outside of my hometown should be able to place myself. So, if we extreme ourselves there would be people who fight us.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code: PIC_1115-1118.AVI).

For Pesantren Al-Furqon Muhammadiyah, the concept of ‘jihad’ means the necessity to struggle in doing good conducts, in learning activities, for instance, or in any other positive activities. It is not surprising if from such a pesantren there were emerged national athletes, Olympic math and science, and any other achievements. Here is a quotation from an interview with one of managers of the Pesantren Al-Furqon.



Seperti waktu bulan puasa, ada pesantren-pesantren yang keluar mencari orang-orang tidak puasa. Sweeping, gitu. Jihad, katanya. Kalau di sini kan tidak begitu ya. Ya biarkan saja. Kita juga heran apa yang dipelajari di sana. Pada prinsipnya pesantren sana juga sama, sebagai lembaga pengajaran. … Jihad di sini ya belajar secara bersungguh-sungguh. Kita tidak merasa terpanggil untuk melakukan penyerangan-penyerangan. Perubahan yang diinginkan tidak harus secara radikal. Kita cari ilmu aja jihad. Ambil kotoran aja jihad. Kita berbakti kepada masyarakat juga jihad.

[Like in the fasting month, there are some pesantrens go outside searching the people who do not fast. Sweeping, like that. Jihad, they say. Here is not like that. Just let it go. We are surprised what is exactly learnt there [in such pesantrens]. In principle, those pesantrens are also same [with us], as a learning institution. … Jihad here is to study seriously. We are not invited to do some offences. The idea of change should not be done radically. We search for knowledge is also jihad. Taking garbage from the street is also a jihad. We serve the community is a jihad too]. (Interview Code: C-3; Recorded Code: PIC_0358-0364.AVI).

Activities for women were also existed in the pesantren, even in a smallest pesantren as Asy-Syahidiyah. The activities are especially religious learning for women, but such women groups could be more than learning groups. As an example, we can see what is done by a women group in Pesantren Suryalaya which is called Ibu Bella. ‘Bella’ is the short from ‘Beres Laku Lampah’ (good conduct). This organization was founded on 6th of September 1966. It worked on social field. Among the activities were: served the orphans, elder people, child rearing, mass circumcision, gave presents to the workers, complemented kitchen stuffs, educated pre-school children, founded cooperation, and gave hands to the unfortunate. (Satu Abad Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya, 2005).

Pesantren Miftahul Huda was also known for its charity to the community. Here is a quotation from an interview with the Head of Village Kalimanggis, Manonjaya.

Sosialnya bagus pesantren Miftahul Huda. Pesantren itu membagi-bagikan ke fakir miskin, karena mungkin dia sumbangannya lebih besar mungkin, saya tidak tahu. Bantuan-bantuan dari pusat disalurkan kepada masyarakat seperti hewan kurban, ke panti jompo, itu bagus. Jadi yang tidak mampu itu banyak dibantu oleh pesantren.

[Pesantren Miftahul Huda’s social work is very good. The Pesantren gave to the poor, maybe the charity it had is bigger, I don’t know. The aid from the central [government] was given to the society like the meat of Ied al-Adha, to elder people, that’s good. So, the unfortunate was helped by the Pesantren.] (Interview Code: G-5; Recorded Code: PIC_1115-1118.AVI).

Here pesantrens was really viewed as a social institution. For even an unfortunate could study in a pesantren. Here is a quotation of an interview with the Head of Sub-Division of Religious Affairs, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya.

Santri itu diasramakan, dipondokkan. Tetapi kadang-kadang ada santri-santri yang tidak mampu. Itu beratnya pesantren. Dari mulai makan dan menginap kan ditanggung pesantren. Karena sifatnya beramal, ikhlas beramal, ya dijalani juga. Ya kalau sekolah di perguruan tinggi kan kalau tidak bayar ya tidak bisa belajar. Tetapi kalau di pesantren ya sepanjang dia mau ya masih bisa belajar. Di situlah nampak jelas bahwa pesantren sebagai lembaga sosial.



[Santri are barracked, lived in pesantrens. But there are some unfortunate students. That is the difficulty of pesantrens. From eating to living they are guaranteed by pesantrens. Because its nature of charity, sincere charity, pesantrens are go on. It is clear that in a university if you have no money you can’t go to study. But in pesantrens, you can live there as long as you can if you want to study. Here then it is clear that pesantren is a social institution.] (Interview Code: G-2; Recorded Code: PIC_1101-1102.AVI).

Another thing to be cited in the participation of pesantren to the environment is about cleanliness. Of the Question No. 56 saying, “How is the participation of pesantren in cleaning the environment?” there were positive answers as the majority (128: 31 very big, 97 big). Negative answers were very small (59: 35 less big and 24 not big), smaller than the neutral answers (65).

e. Cultural Development

Pesantren is a place where the talents of the youth grow up. Because they lived and grew in pesantren, their talents sprang like mushroom in the winter. Here is clear that pesantren can be a development agent. Among the developed things in cultural development are contest of the Qur’an, religious songs and music, and any other contests.

Santris who are talented in religious affairs very often participated in the Qur’anic contests celebrated by Indonesian government nationally, regionally, even locally. In such activities the talented students in tarannum (musicalities) of reciting the Qur’an can be participated in the contest of Qira’at al-Qur’an; they who clever in understanding the Qur’an can be participated in the contest of Tafhim al-Qur’an; they who can memorize the Qur’an can be active in the contest of Tahfiz al-Qur’an; they who are talented in calligraphy can follow the contest of Calligraphy of the Qur’an; they who are great in reading Arabic text can also follow the contest; and so on.

In the world of entertainment such as singing, traditional and combination pesantrens had usually groups of Arabic music (Qasidah). Modern pesantrens, on the other hand, had Arabic song (Nasyid) groups or even a band.

In turn, all talents can give Islam more shining in many places. Musicalities of the Qur’an are done by santris before an opening of a program; calligraphy is usually made to adorn mosques and other places; Qasidah and Nasyid are frequently showed in the end year of the study for santri’s farewell party or in the ceremony of marriage, or in any other programs. In Pesantren Persis there is always a humor show combined with bamboo music, named ‘calung’. For such pesantrens with radio station as Pesantren Suryalaya and Miftahul Huda, the show is everyday, for they should have time for various programs, whether they are religious, educational, or even entertaining programs. For instance, Radio Inayah FM of Suryalaya had percentage of programs as follows: Dangdut songs (30%), Western Pop songs (10%), Indonesian Pop songs (25%), Ethnic (10%), Religion (20%), and Information (5%). (From Satu Abad Pondok Pesantren Suryalaya, 2005).

The function of radio for Pesantren Suryalaya is especially for the mission of propagation to various places in West Java. Such is because not everyone can come to the pesantren for listening to the kiyai’s sermons. The same rationale was uttered by an announcer of Rasimuda (Radio Siaran Miftahul Huda, Miftahul Huda Radio Station) FM. The difference is the percentage: Entertainment (10%), News (20%), Religious Studies (70%) (From an interview with an announcer of Rasimuda, Interview Code: A-3. Recorded Code: PIC_0716-0719.AVI).



In essence, Radio Rasimuda was directed to channelize communication between the pesantren and the Muslims, especially whose who symphatized with the pesantren.

In short, through their programs, pesantrens had helped rural society in advancing its educational, economic, social, and cultural development. All that is based on the qualities the Muslims should have, that is, being the servant of God (Abdullah) and the caliph of God. Hence, every Muslim can do good and right to the Creator (hablum minallah) and to the humans (hablum minannas).

D. CONCLUSION

There are some statements to be concluded from this study:

1. Pesantrens had less their roles in the developments of ideology, politics, and safety of the community of the villages. For they are optional. Here pesantrens only gave their participation to pesantren insiders, and not to the outsiders.

2. For development of education, pesantrens had given many roles to be considered, for it is in essence an educational institution. So, everything educational, pesantrens can give its roles as hard as it can. For they who are ready to learn, pesantrens established madrasahs, schools, pre-school, and universities. For they who only wanted to get certificate, pesantrens also had the program of package study group (A, B, and C). For they who wanted to continue to a higher education, pesantrens provided such scientific activities as discussion, seminar, workshop, etc. For they who did not come to pesantrens, pesantrens were ready to send their kiyais, ustazs, or their santris to teach or to preach. So also, some pesantrens had published magazines; and so on.

3. Even though pesantrens were not economic institution, but it is not denied that pesantrens had been participated in economic development. That is, for example, pesantrens can make livings to the teachers, managers, technical workers; can absorbe plumbers; can produce retailers (food, books/religious books, stationery, clothes, etc.); can found cooperation; can build gas station, can give a hand in capital for small scale enterprise, etc.

4. Pesantrens are not only an institution of education, but they are also social institutions. For social development, pesantrens had struggle for the orphans and elderly people; performed mass circumcision; scholarship for the unfortunate students; gave hands to the least advantage; gave health services; provided rehabilitation of drug addicts; cooperated with the society for societal needs such as providing irrigation, bathroom, toilet; doing cleanliness; etc.

5. As a subculture, pesantrens also took part in developing culture. Here, pesantrens provided training and contest of the Qur’an (musicalities, memorizing, understanding, calligraphy, etc.); voice art (nasyid); Arabic music; traditional and modern music; established radio, etc.

6. Religious matters are really obligation for pesantrens to solve. Here such social programs as natality, mortality, and marriage should be help by religious institutions like pesantrens. Besides, pesantrens were also always ready to send their teachers to religious sermons regularly, on special occasions, or on social/family parties. Religious guidance is not only based on religious books but also based on experience. Here, then, pesantrens were ready to serve courses of pilgrimage (hajj) and umrah.

7. Vocational trainings were also done by the society. Such is because pesantrens had places and funds for vocational education. Such vocational trainings are performed especially for agriculture and small industry. Vocational trainings on agriculture are, among others, training for cultivating great rice, sheep breeding, cultivating jarak tree for



biodiesel, etc. In industrial field, vocational trainings such as sewings, embroidery, production of tahu/tempe, and extracting oil of tree were done by pesantrens for the society to develop economic life of rural society.

Table 3. Role and Participation of Pesantren in Rural Development No. Role Participation

1. Education * formal school * higher education * non-formal package of education * religious school

2. Economy

* job (teacher, plumber, etc.) * agriculture product (rice, fish, etc.) * merchandise * small scale industry * shop * capital

3. Social

* orphanage * serve elder people * child rearing * mass circumcision * scholarship * fund for dissaster * health service * serve people coming to pesantren * drug addict rehabilitation * give side dish before fasting * give presents in the celebration of Ied al-Fitri * give meat in the celebration of ied al-Adha * work together with the society * preserve irrigation/water supply * preserve bathroom, for washing, and toilet * keep the environment clean

4. Religious

* regular teaching * admonition in a party * aid for the dead people * preaching in Islamic feast calendar * training for pilgrimage (hajj) and umrah

5. Cultural

* contest for the Qur’an (reciting, memorizing, understanding, calligraphy, etc.) * voice art (nasyid) * Arabian music * traditional and modern music * radio

6. Vocational Training

* sheep breeding * socialization of great germ of rice * socialization of jarak kitchen * job training * agriculture training * training for producing tahu/ tempe * training of applied technology

1. Implication of Study

Pesantrens as community development are not new phenomena. For a long time pesantrens were known as agents for developing rural areas. Pesantrens are community based schools. The difference is that today the kind of advancement carried by pesantrens is more modern. And pesantrens showed that modernity is not a disaster, it is blessing. Everything is religious if it is touched by pesantrens, including development.



This study shows that Boeke’s opinion (1942) that there was ’dualism’ which cannot be roughly combined but separated diametrally with economic life in Indonesia, that is, tradisional and modern; was not happened in pesantrens.

It is better to study pesantrens with transitional (from traditional to modern) society as said by Abraham (1991) or ‘prismatic’ society as mentioned by Riggs (1985). Such is because that in pesantrens today, various functions which firstly centered in one hand were now diverged into specialization, heterogenous, and overlapping. The potrait of the society in pesantrens is transitional potrait: towards modernity without letting the tradition down.

2. Suggestion

Based on above conclusion and implication, there are suggestions here to elucidate:

1. For the sake of optimalization of functions and roles of pesantrens in the development, there should be exploratory effort or even formulated the pattern of modern management which can be applied for developing pesantrens. This is needed especially to anticipate the development of society which is going to be globalized.

2. Willingness and openness of the pesantren leaders (kiyai) and managers to empower all existing potentials in their environment, especially through the elevation of quality of human resources in order to play more role in developing the community to the just and prosperous society.

3. Connected to the above point (2), it is needed to promote the more open climate to accept all positive and constructive inputs for developing pesantrens, both in building their qualities and constructing their institutional roles.

4. Pesantrens were involved in the processes of development of society, especially in rural areas. There should be training and guidance for knowledge and managerial skill whether it is for pesantrens’ leadership, institutional development, or for the interest of the society.

5. The pattern of recruitment of leadership which is usually internal, taking from insiders, should be expanded to outsiders as long as it is not opposed to the main mission of the pesantrens themselves.



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Attachment

Codes of Interviews

No. Code of Interview Recorded Code Respondents Position Place/ date of interviews

1. A-1 PIC_0614-0615.AVI and PIC_1676-1699.AVI

KH. Asep Tohir Sh. Kyai Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 18 Oktober 2008 and 1 Mei 2009

2. A-2

PIC_0744-0746.AVI and PIC_0759-0760.AVI And PIC_1700-1707.AVI

Wawan Al-Farisi Santri, Vice President Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 19 Oktober 2008 And 1 Mei 2009

3. A-3 PIC_0716-0719.AVI Rasyid, Ricky Santri, Radio Announcer Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 18 Oktober 2008

4. A-4 PIC_0606-0610.AVI Ricky Ahmad Taufik Santri, Ma’had ‘Aly Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya,

18 Oktober 2008

5. A-5 PIC_0782.AVI Santri eating porridge Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 19 Oktober 2008

6. A-6 PIC_0743.AVI Santri, Regiment (Muharrik) Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 19 Oktober 2008

7. A-7 PIC_0773.AVI Santri eating at cafeteria Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 19 Oktober 2008

8. A-8 PIC_0747-0751.AVI Agus Rahmat Hidayat

Santri, Head of Section of Education

Miftahul Huda, Manonjaya, 19 Oktober 2008

9. B-1 Written Kyai Al-Faryzant Kyai Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong, 19 September 2008

10. B-2 PIC_0530-0535.AVI Kyai Al-Faryzant Kyai Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong, 18 Oktober 2008

11. B-3 PIC_0473.AVI Uyun Wahyudin Santri Senior / Ustaz

Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong, 18 Oktober 2008

12. B-4 PIC_0472.AVI Kamal Santri


13. B-5 PIC_0474.AVI Eka Santri


14. C-1 Written KH. Asep Hidayat, Lc. Kyai Al-Furqon, Singaparna, 19

September 2008

15. C-2 PIC_0243-0246.AVI Ustaz Iqbal Headmaster, MTs Al-Furqon Al-Furqon, Singaparna, 15 Oktober 2008

16. C-3 PIC_0358-0364.AVI Pak Deddy Head of Administration Pesantren Al-Furqon

Al-Furqon, Singaparna, 17 Oktober 2008

17. D-1 PIC_0327-0334.AVI Ustaz Yuyu Wahyu Headmaster, MTs Persis Rajapolah Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008

18. D-2 PIC_0573-0574.AVI Ustaz Taimullah As-Sabieq, S.Th.I.

Vice Headmaster, SMA Plus Muallimin Persis Rajapolah, 18 Oktober 2008

19. D-3 PIC_0578-0582.AVI Ustaz Abdul Aziz Al-Fadhol

Headmaster, SMA Plus Muallimin Persis Rajapolah, 18 Oktober 2008

20. D-4 Written Dra. Yayah Siti Aisyah Headmaster, TK Persis Rajapolah Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008

21. D-5 Written Dedi Alumni Pesantren Persis Rajapolah Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008

22. D-6 Written H. Dandi A son of Muwakif Pesantren Persis Rajapolah Rajapolah, 16 Oktober 2008

23. E-1 PIC_0377.AVI K.H. Baban Ahmad Jihad

Secretary of Pesantren Suryalaya

Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 17 Oktober 2008

24. E-2 PIC_1598-1608-.AVI K.H. Zaenal Abidin Anwar Suryalaya, Pagerageung,

30 April 2009

25. E-3 PIC_1613-1608-.AVI Shop owner of photocopy Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 30 April 2009

26. E-4 PIC_1635-1636-.AVI Taylor of Pesantren Suryalaya Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 30 April 2009

27. E-5 PIC_1637-1644-.AVI Pak Nana Heryana Secretary of Cooperation Khidmat Pesantren Suryalaya

Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 30 April 2009



28. E-6 PIC_1647-1660.AVI Hj. Otin Director of Ibu Bella Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 30 April 2009

29. E-7 PIC_1665.AVI Pak Jujun Pesantren worker and shop owner Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 30 April 2009

30. F-1 Written K.H. Asep Bakhtiar Rifa’i Kyai Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 19

September 2008

31. F-2 PIC_0299-0301.AVI Ajengan Uen Juwaeni Ustaz of Pesantren Ar-Riyadh Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15

Oktober 2008

32. F-3 PIC_0251 and 0253.AVI Supriatman Santri and teacher Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15

Oktober 2008

33. F-4 PIC_0371.AVI and 0375.AVI Dedi Supriadi Santri and student of university Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15

and 17 Oktober 2008

34. F-5 PIC_0371.AVI Irfan Santri and vocational student Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 17 Oktober 2008

35. F-6 PIC_0371.AVI Heri Hermawan Santri Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 17 Oktober 2008

36. F-7 PIC_0376.AVI Farid A son of Kyai Ar-Riyadh, Leuwisari, 15 and 17 Oktober 2008

37. G-1 PIC_0575-0577.AVI Pak Caca Slamet Supervisor of High Education of North Tasikmalaya

Rajapolah, Tasikmalaya, 18 Oktober 2008

38. G-2 PIC_1101-1102.AVI Pak Agus Sutisna Head of Sub-section of Religion and Welfare, Local Government of Kabupaten Tasikmalaya

Kantor Pem. Kab. Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember 2008

39. G-3 PIC_1102-1106.AVI Pak Ucu Hermawan

Head of Section of Junior High School, Office of Education, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya

Kantor Dinas Pendidikan Nasional, Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember 2008

40. G-4 PIC_1107-1111.AVI Pak Agus Abdullah Section Staff of Departement of Religious Affairs, Kab. Tasikmalaya

Kantor Depag Kab. Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember 2008

41. G-5 PIC_1115-1118.AVI Pak Hedi Nugraha Head of Village, Kalimanggis, Kecamatan Manonjaya, Kabupaten Tasikmalaya

Manonjaya, Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember 2008

42. H-1 PIC_1112-1114.AVI KH. Ruhiyat

Effendy

Alumni, Kyai of Pesantren Miftahul Huda III

Cibeureum, Kota Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember 2008

43. H-2 PIC_1120.AVI KH. Cecep Ridwan,

S.Ag.

Alumni, Kyai of Pesantren Bahrul Ulum; Vice President of DPRD Kota Tasikmalaya

Cibeureum, Kota Tasikmalaya, 23 Desember 2008

44. H-3 PIC_0523-0524.AVI Pak Oto Alumni, farmer Asy-Syahidiyah, Cisayong, 18 Oktober 2008

45. I-1 PIC_1590- 1597.AVI Pak Surwan, S.Pd. Santri’s parent, teacher Sumedang, 29 April 2009.

46. I-2 PIC_1665.AVI Pak Junud Junaedi Santri’s parent, pesantren’s worker

Suryalaya, Pagerageung, 30 April 2009

47. I-3 PIC_1666- 1675.AVI Drs. H. Muzakir Santri’s parent, teacher Kalangsari, Kota

Tasikmalaya, 30 April 2009

The Impact of Malaysian Islamic Revivalism on Zakat Administration



Suhaili Sarif1*, Nor ‘Azzah Kamri2, Azian Madun3

1Department of Shariah and Management, Academy of Islamic Studies,

University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. 2Department of Shariah and Management, Academy of Islamic Studies,

University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur. 3Department of Shariah and Management, Academy of Islamic Studies,

University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur.

*Corresponding Author, Email: [email protected]

Abstract

The development and advancement of zakat institution in Malaysia has been through time influenced by the changing social, political and economic situation of the country. An important phenomenon which shaped the institution is Islamic revivalism. Consequently, zakat has been one of the institutions which government keened to enhance. Another factor merits to be considered is the introduction of economic policies in which the government affirmatively inclined towards Malay Muslims enabling them to compete economically with other wealthier races. Within the spirit of the policies together with the direct influence by the emerging factors resulted from the revivalism phenomenon, the government has introduced corporatization of zakat institution, a modern way of zakat management. This article aims to survey the development of zakat in Malaysia which reflects the continuous process of Islamic revivalism in the nation. As we shall see throughout the discussion, the role of zakat institution has been through time expanded to be one of the national economic tools.

Keywords: zakat administration, Islamic revivalism, Malaysia

A. INTRODUCTION

Islamic revivalism which swept Malaysia since 1970-s is an important subject in the discussion of religious development in Malaysia. The phenomenon is to certain extent associated with the change of Muslims behaviour and the shift of government perception towards Islam. In general, the ambiance of the revival period features among other the proliferation of religious groups who call society and government for more Islamic observance. On top of that, the general outlook of Muslims in Malaysia has also gradually changed with religious practices were more observed than ever before.

As a reaction to the revival challenge, the government has initiated Islamization projects which included the improvement and modernization of zakat institution. As a result of an improved attention given by the government, zakat collection in terms of volume has consistently increased.

From government perspective, zakat is a strategic fund merits to be explored and developed, so that it can be used to improve the economic condition of Muslims. The government in this aspect has used the institution in accordance to national inspiration which clearly outlined in economic policies that Muslim Malays should be helped to be competitive against other races. Thus, zakat in this aspect, has been in such a way moulded towards achieving such objective. This indicates that zakat has been perceived as not merely a religious piety, but an important policy in state



economy. In attracting payment, zakat authorities has been using propagation approach in which Muslim society is seemed to be more willing to respond. This indirectly shows that the approach introduced earlier by religious groups has been slowly accepted and adopted by the government.

This paper aims to survey the general phenomenon of revivalism and its manifestation towards zakat institution. To achieve its objective, this paper discusses the brief development of zakat in Malaysia which reflects the gradual change of the institution alongside the backdrop of Islamic revivalism and other socio political changes in the nation. As we shall see throughout the discussion, zakat institution, apart from its fundamental role as religious duty for individual Muslims, has been through time transformed to be one of the national economic tools. Pertaining to this particular subject, although a few publications have very briefly noted the advancement of zakat as one example of the government Islamization program, none of them has put the institution into special context. For this reason, the present paper is, among other purposes, trying to fill the gap.

B. METHODOLOGY

This paper aims to survey the general phenomenon of revivalism and its manifestation towards zakat institution. To achieve its objective, this paper discusses the brief development of zakat in Malaysia which reflects the gradual change of the institution alongside the backdrop of Islamic revivalism and other socio political changes in the nation. As we shall see throughout the discussion, zakat institution, apart from its fundamental role as religious duty for individual Muslims, has been through time transformed to be one of the national economic tools. Pertaining to this particular subject, although a few publications have very briefly noted the advancement of zakat as one example of the government Islamization program, none of them has put the institution into special context. For this reason, the present paper is, among other purposes, trying to fill the gap.


1. Islamic Revival

a. Catalysing A Broader Role of Islam

The phenomenon of Islamic revival has been characterised by, among others, the proliferation of religious organizations and the significant increase in religious awareness among Muslims. There were many Islamic movements in operation at that time, most notably Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), Jamaat Tabligh and Darul Arqam.

ABIM was established in 1971 by several alumni of the National Association of Malaysian Islamic Students (PKPIM) which mainly provided rooms for graduates and young professionals who were initially active in university student associations (Judith Nagata, 1980). Since its formation, the movement has received strong support mainly from youth in higher institutions where both have strong relations and similar aspirations (Jomo K. Sundaram & Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988). Another movement was Darul Arqam which was established in 1968 by Ashaari Muhammad (Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid, 1998). Both groups- ABIM and Darul Arqam- eagerly attempted to solve the nation’s problem through Islam. The latter despite having a more or less similar orientation with the former, initially showed no interest in politics and less in challenging the ruling party. Darul Arqam grew by setting up private communities in Sungai Penchala, Terengganu,



Penang and many others where the followers tended to show a certain standard of attire such as wearing robes and turbans (Mohamad Abu Bakar, 1981).

The Jamaat Tabligh is another well-known group in Malaysia. It was a missionary movement working on a grass roots level of community which originated from Delhi, India and was founded by Muhammad Ilyas, a Deoband alumnus in 1926 (Peter Mandaville, 2009). The group practically emulates the practice of its Indian forebearer of travelling in specially dispatched missionary groups. Making local mosques their makeshift headquarters, a group of missionaries will visit local Muslims on a door-to door basis and invite them to the daily prayer congregation in the nearest mosque where further sessions of ta’lim (imparting of knowledge) and bayan (lectures on the necessity and nature of the Tabligh’s work) will then be delivered (Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid 2009).

The emergence of these religious groups has been a challenge to the government in many aspects. For example, ABIM has given political pressure to the government by aligning itself with an opposition Islamic party. Showing their support to the Pan Islamic Party (PAS), a few ABIM members ran for PAS candidature in the 1978 general election. Besides launching campaigns to support PAS, three of ABIM’s top leaders campaigned on the PAS’s ticket. As a direct result from the collaboration, the societal support for PAS was dramatically growing, especially in urban areas, where the party was initially the least popular (Jomo K. Sundaram & Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988).

Apart from that, the organization was also aiming at the formation of Islamic state. This actually contradicted with the existing role of Islam in the nation. In this particular context, although Islam is stipulated as official religion in Malaysian constitution, the draft commission clearly reported that the position of Islam does not imply that the state is a religious one. The provision was merely intended to fulfil the ceremonial role of solemnization (Joseph M. Fernando 2006). While the government was strongly of the view that Islam should remain as it was, the Islamic groups on the other hand called for further and deeper Islamization towards the ultimate formation of a complete Islamic state (Chandra Muzaffar 2008, Chandra Muzaffar 1989).

However, the views of each organization with regard to political or state matters may vary. ABIM, in this regard, for instance held that declaring Islam as the nation’s official religion was inadequate. They demanded a clear avowal of a complete Islamic state where the state law must be based on Sharia. Besides that, the state economy must be freed from any element of interest or usury with a complete implementation of zakat replacing the existing taxation system (Jomo K. Sundaram & Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988). Meanwhile, Al-Arqam, amidst having similar aim with ABIM, have introduced a rather a different way of Islamization. In achieving its objective, the group has set up its own villages all over Malaysia in which its members tried to strictly observe the Islamic principles in their daily life. In this context, they initiated an Islamization process beginning from individual level and small group of people by building a “miniature model” of truly Muslim community with the belief that a successful model can be replicated later by Muslim society at large (Mohamad Abu Bakar, 1981).

Darul Arqam used to criticize all Islamization programs initiated by the government and other religious organizations. According to them, those programs tended to merely rhetoric, slogans and seminars rather than the effort and struggle to establish a truly Islamic state (Jomo K. Sundaram & Ahmad Shabery Cheek, 1988). It is unfortunate however that the movement was totally banned by the government in 1994 as a result of allegations of deviancy due to the observation of Aurad Muhammadiyya (a systematic chanting of dhikr as practiced by sufis) together with the fanaticism



of the members towards their leader Ashaari, and amid accusations of threats to national security (Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid, 1998). Such an action strongly indicated that the government is not hesitant to do whatever it takes to get rid of any threatening element of political stability of the nation and the interest of its party’s survival.

Besides the proliferation of religious groups, the revival phenomenon was also clearly expressed through the gradual change of the landscape of Muslim practices. It was widely observed that more and more Muslims returned to mosques and surau (prayer houses) (Hussin Mutalib 1990). Friday prayers, religious lectures and other events are now a regular part of the youth social scene (Judith Nagata,1980). The Islamic garb (the apparel which covers majority of female body part) has been widely chosen by a majority of Muslim females. Muslims have also become considerably concerned over their dietary rules by only consuming whatever they have been assured to be halal (Ahmad Fauzi bin Abdul Hamid 1998). All of these features gradually became norms and as we could currently see that they are now considered embedded attributes in general Muslims in Malaysia.

Responding to the phenomenon, government has shown more concern over Islam. The government, gradually over time, has introduced its own Islamization projects in order to deter the majority Muslims from being attracted by opposition appeals. Since 1980-s, the government accordingly has introduced Islamization programs such as formation of Islamic banking, establishing International Islamic University and also empowering zakat institution. In this context, the government brilliantly recognized the potential link between development and Islam through which in many instances Islamic institutions have been strengthened and empowered. In the government’s view, Islam should bring a better life for Muslims in particular and all Malaysians in general.

One might think why the government came to the point of such projects. In this regard, we should look into historical context of Malaysian economic background prior to 1970s. It is worth mentioning that being ethnically multiracial, a clear dividing line of economic imbalance across ethnic groups has culminated in the 1969 racial riot. The majority ethnic Muslim Malays were economically less fortunate. Looking at the national statistics in early 1970s for example, the Malays had the lowest average household income of RM 172 per month as compared to the other two dominant races, Chinese and Indian, who respectively secured RM394 and RM304. In addition, the Malays also constituted 65% of the total poor in the country (Firdaus Abdullah, 1997).

As an immediate response to the riot, the government initiated an economic policy which affirmatively inclined the Malays towards the belief that political stability and national unity could only be attained if the majority received a fair allocation of the nation’s wealth (Government of Malaysia, 1971). The New Economic Policy or NEP (1970-1990) which covered four 5-year Malaysian plans was not merely an economic program. It was also a socio-political agenda to ensure equitable distribution among ethnic groups, to promote national unity and maintain political stability (Firdaus Abdullah, 1997). The spirit and overriding objective of the NEP have been continuously maintained by the subsequent two policies, the National Development Policy (1990-2000) and National Vision Policy (2001-2010). Each of these covered two 5-year plans (Economic Planning Unit, Prime Minister’s Department 2004). In this regard the government, in realizing that racial harmony is a key element of the national wellbeing, has done what was required to restore and sustain such a positive situation.

The national historical and socio economic background as mention above, can give us a brief picture regarding the reason why the government introduce such projects. Being the fact that



Malays are also Muslims, any improvement in Islamic institutions especially which have economic potential will directly help improving their economic welfare. Consistent with this approach, the government has introduced a broader definition of Islamization encompassing all aspects of Muslims life especially in economic perspective. The Prime Minister himself is of the opinion that the Islamic state does not merely implement Sharia; rather, he bases his account of government success on how well it upholds economic development, gender equality, social justice and cultural Islamization (Chandra Muzaffar 2008).

As far as zakat is concerned, the government has initiated the improvement of the zakat institution which to that end, the element of better fund management has been introduced. As the new management of zakat institution approach has been extremely well carried out and adopted, the institution has been gradually driven towards complementing national aims of empowering Malays. The evolving process and the interesting pattern of its institutional development will be predominant in the subsequent sections.

2. Limited Development of Zakat in Malaysia - Pre Islamic Revivalism

As Malaysia is a federation, the power to govern matters pertaining to Islam has remained in the hands of the individual states, with the federal government dominant in the handling of many other issues such as security, external and internal affairs, economics and civil law (Refer to the Federal List of Power, Constitution of Malaysia). It is, however, still a duty of federation within the federal territories (Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and Putrajaya) to administer Islamic matters such as providing religious institutions, including zakat, with the necessary bureaucratic support and infrastructure.

As the paper surveys the impact of revivalism towards the development of zakat, it is important for us to briefly understand about the pre revivalism condition of zakat. In this section, although the renewed interests in Islam could be traced as early as 1970s, its significant effects towards zakat could only be seen by the end of 1980s and 1990s. Hence, the details and related statistics shown in this section, although dated until 1980s, are still considered as part of prior revival practice. As such, this paper considers the process of corporatization, a new type of zakat management started in early 1990s, as a marking demarcation between two phases. Such a process will be thoroughly discussed in the next section.

The zakat institution in Malaysia has formally evolved since the early twentieth century in conjunction with the establishment of state religious councils (Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab, 1995). Previously, zakat was a purely personal matter, the proceeds of which were mostly directed towards eligible recipients based on personal preference (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad, 1993). The process of incorporating the religious practice under state administration began as early as 1916 in Kelantan, followed by the adoption of similar systems in other states such as Perlis in 1930, Johor in 1934, Kedah in 1936, Selangor in 1952, Pahang in 1956, Pulau Pinang and Melaka in 1959 and Federal Territory in 1974 (Ahmad Ibrahim, 1965). The system of collection and disbursement of zakat has been respectively stipulated in individual states’ religious laws, which vary slightly from one to another (Ahmad Ibrahim 1965).

The development from the early 20th century until the end of the 1980s was generally unsatisfactory. Revenue collected during this phase was mainly from two sources; zakat al-fitr, the due that the majority of Muslims had long since performed without fail, and also zakat on cereal (particularly unhusked rice) (Aidit bin Ghazali, 1991, Aidit bin Ghazali 1988). Contributions from other types of wealth were relatively inconspicuous. The pattern of collection of zakat al-fitr within the total collected zakat fund can be observed in the combined records from several states (The



collection and disbursement of the fund at the time were not properly recorded by Religious councils. This resulted the study regarding the institution has failed to unveiled the complete data pertaining to its administration), as follows:

Table 1: Zakat al-Fitr Collection in Proportion to Total Collection in Malaysia (in RM mil) (The data are confined to the collection in West Malaysian States which include Federal Territory, Selangor, Pahang,

Perak, Johor, Penang, Negeri Sembilan, Melaka, Perlis, Kelantan, Kedah, Terengganu) Year Zakat al-Fitr Collection Total Zakat Collection Percentage 1984 10.09 19.81 51 1985 10.48 24.31 43 1986 11.97 27.69 43 1987 12.58 29.34 42 1988 12.28 23.63 52

Source: Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab et.al (1995), “Case Study: Malaysia in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimension and Implication” in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimensions and Implications. Jeddah: IDB; Aidit Ghazali (1991), “Zakat Administration in Malaysia” in The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, Mohamed Ariff (ed). Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

In agrarian states such as Kedah and Perlis, the zakat on cereal had been the most sought-out source (Ismail Muhd Salleh and Rogayah Ngah 1980). This was the wealth that caught the immediate attention of the government for monitoring, as rice cultivation (paddy) was a main contributor to the then rural economy. It also represented an obvious continuation of customary practice whereby, prior to the inception of the formal zakat institution, farmers handed over their harvest to the traditional religious leaders, to show the former’s appreciation towards the latter.

The following table 2 clearly shows the large contribution of paddy to the zakat fund in the two mentioned states:

Table 2: Zakat on Cereal in the States of Kedah and Perlis in Proportion to Total Collection from 1983 to 1986 State 1983 1984 1985 1986

RM (mil) % RM (mil) % RM (mil) % RM (mil) %

Kedah 1.29 100 1.63 100 1.66 100 2.03 100

Perlis 0.43 62 0.74 66 0.61 64 0.75 67 Source: Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab et.al (1995), “Case Study: Malaysia in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimension and Implication” in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimensions and Implications. Jeddah: IDB; Aidit Ghazali (1991), “Zakat Administration in Malaysia” in The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, Mohamed Ariff (ed). Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

It is undeniable that other types of wealth such as property and business also contributed to the zakat collection. It is unfortunate however; these types of zakat were not given much attention by religious councils. In this respect, the payment was merely based on self-assessment and had to be made directly to the district zakat institutions. Unlike zakat al-fitr and zakat on cereal, which were closely monitored by local collectors, most states were unauthorized to collect payment from other than the two main sources (Aidit bin Ghazali 1991).

As for the disbursement side, the pattern of zakat spending in this period was not predominantly directed towards the Muslims’ economic improvement. The major portion of the collected fund went on administrative expenses and to other religious developments, such as the building of mosques and funding for Islamic propagation activities under the name of ‘amil (zakat collector) and fi sabilillah (in the cause of God) (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad, 1993). With limited funding from government, the religions councils are forced to turn to zakat for their main financial support, apart from religious financial sources such as waqf (Islamic Trust) and voluntary charity (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad 1993).



Table 3: Disbursement Based on Eligible Recipients by Selected State in 1986 (in RM)* State Miskin* Faqir* Amil* Muallaf* Ibn al-Sabil* Fi Sabilillah* Gharimin* Riqab* Perlis 129,895 268,115 10,265 279 440,223 - -

Kelantan 505,774 362,486 26,776 2,857 1,738,197 - - Perak 758,500 262,635 126,002 3,475 577,563 - -

Selangor 416,245 388,113 252,000 305,500 160,363 263,594 287,280 155,819 Federal Territory 200,080 569,660 114,360 179,480 2,850 527,220 38,400 - Negeri Sembilan 150,345 127,095 5,868 964 435,740 - -

Melaka 77,897 78,012 85,192 2,560 810 20,910 - - Johor 312,198 331,345 429,271 92,796 5,248 - 1,925 - Kedah 47,710 220,548 16,122 - 215,965 900 -

Source: Mohamed bin Abdul Wahab et.al (1995), “Case Study: Malaysia in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimension and Implication” in Institutional Framework of Zakah: Dimensions and Implications. Jeddah: IDB; Aidit Ghazali (1991), “Zakat Administration in Malaysia” in The Islamic Voluntary Sector in Southeast Asia, Mohamed Ariff (ed). Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. *List of eligible recipients (Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad, 1993, Aidit bin Ghazali 1991, Yusuf al-Qardawi, 1999):

1. Miskin : poor 2. Faqir : needy or poorest 3. ‘Amil : zakat collector 4. Mu’allaf : those whose hearts are to be reconciled or converts 5. Ibn Sabil : wayfarer 6. Fi Sabilillah : in the cause of God (includes good deeds and religious propagation

activities in the interest of Islam) 7. Gharimin : debtors 8. Riqab : slaves (includes socials problems creating bondage for Muslims such as drug

abuse, illiteracy and prostitution) The allocation for the poor and needy, as shown in table 3, was usually less than the amount received by fi sabillilah and ‘amil except in a few states such as Selangor, Federal Territory and Kedah. Given the fact that in the decade of the 1980s there was still an abundance of poor and needy, the allocation was obviously far from sufficient. In this connection, the fund was normally disbursed only once a year, especially when Muslims were about to celebrate ‘eid al-fitr (first day of Islamic calendar of Syawal). The poor and needy hence received a sum that was often barely enough to meet their basic needs. In the 1980s, for example, each poor and needy person received respectively only RM60 and RM100 in Kedah, RM120 and RM327 in Selangor, and RM40 and RM60 in Pahang (Mohd Ali Baharom, 1989, Abdul Fatah Khalid, 1988)). Such a disbursement practice was plainly ineffective in eradicating poverty, let alone improving the people’s living conditions.

Based on the retrospective overview of zakat provided in this section, it appears that the administration of zakat in Malaysia was merely facilitating the fulfilment of religious duty by Muslims. Most of the time, the fund was used for religious administration and Islamic propagation in the country. With the limited amounts collected, little improvement of Muslims’ economic condition was achieved. In sum, it could be inferred that the zakat institution was then merely perceived as a religious duty with the spending merely within the boundary of religious council’s scope of authority, far removed from a close association with the national economy.



3. The Impact of Islamic Revival on Zakat Institution

The significant shift in zakat administration was only materialized in early 1990s. The encouraging improvement of the institution since then could be seen as a manifestation of revivalism. It was one of Islamization projects sponsored by the government towards a new effective way of zakat management called corporatization. As reflected from earlier discussion, it was indeed a reaction of the government towards the national religious revival. We however should aware that the new administration and infrastructure alone are not sufficient without full cooperation from Muslim society. Hence, in this context it can also be considered that the willingness of Muslims to surrender their payment is showing that the spirit and process of revivalism is continuously in place. This evolving situation could be detailed as follows.

a. Modernization through Corporatization - A Good Start from Government and Great Reaction from Society

The first concrete effort towards better management of zakat was begun in 1991. The new technique of fund management was introduced under the federal government through religious affairs operation in the Federal Territory. The close interrelation between federal government and religious administration in Federal Territory led to the improvement of religious administration in this area easier to implement here than in the other states.

The concept of zakat corporatization was the brainchild of Abdul Rahim Abu Bakar, a former Chief Minister of the state of Pahang, with strong support from Mohd Yusof Noor, the then Minister overseeing religious affairs in the Prime Minister’s Department. The process started with a discussion between both individuals on 11 May 1989, during which the former voiced his opinion to the latter on how to improve the zakat collection system (Abd Rahim Bin Abu Bakar, 1991). Through a feasibility study of the proposed new mechanism, it was estimated that in Federal Territory alone, the collected zakat fund should reach around RM60 million ringgit as compared to the then actual collection, which was merely around RM7 million. The meagre collection strongly suggested that the institution was extremely undermanaged at the time (Abd Rahim Bin Abu Bakar, 2007).

Corporatization is a new model of zakat collection, achieved through the establishment of a company or corporate organization, which manages the fund, replacing the traditional personal zakat collector and direct administration by state religious councils. A corporate zakat collector, being a company or organization, is responsible for the complete range of activities such as planning, organizational setup, hiring and training of staff and publishing annual and monthly reports, as well as being accountable for all costs and activities involved in zakat collection (Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP 2003). To ensure that the organization can run viably, it must collect a sufficiently large amount of zakat on behalf of its parent organization (the State Religious Council), and in return it receives the collector’s portion at a maximum of one eighth of the total collected sum (Kikue Hamayotsu 2004).

The performance of the new organization under the name of Zakat Collection Center of Federal Territory (Pusat Pungutan Zakat, hereafter referred as PPZ) has indeed been encouraging. Since its inception, the meteoric increase in the collection has exceeded expectations, more than doubling in the first year and rising consistently since then. The collection records from its inception through 2008 are as indicated in the table below.



Table 4: Zakat Collection in Federal Territory from 1991 to 2008 Year

Zakat al-Mal Zakat al-Fitr Amount

(in RM mil) 1991 13.5 1.73 15.23 1992 20 2.14 22.14 1993 25.6 1.3 26.9 1994 33.1 1.32 34.42 1995 32.3 1.38 33.68 1996 41.3 1.62 42.92 1997 50.6 2.25 52.85 1998 43.6 2.17 45.77 1999 33.6 2.41 36.01 2000 56.1 2.82 58.92 2001 70.3 2.59 72.89 2002 80.8 3.73 84.53 2003 92.9 3.48 96.38 2004 106.7 3.93 110.63 2005 126.7 3.39 130.14 2006 143.3 5.55 148.8 2007 169.2 5.4 174.6 2008 206.3 4.1 210.9

Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Tahunan, various issues. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.

The corporatization of zakat in Federal Territory has inspired other states to follow suit. Consequently Penang, Selangor and Pahang ended by adopting a similar model a few years later (Harian Metro 1992, Ab Rahim Zakaria 2007). More recent developments have shown that only a few states (Kelantan, Terengganu, Perlis, Kedah and Johor) still retain the collection directly under religious councils. However, they too have benefited from the development by introducing some changes, especially use of the comprehensive computerized system; with some new collection practices being gradually adopted (Baitulmal Negeri Perlis, 2009). The pattern of increase in the fund collection signified the effectiveness of the new organization and its acceptance by the Muslim populace. Table 5 below portrays the achievement of the zakat institution from 2000 whereby the collection has reached more than RM one billion in 2008, a tremendous jump from the barely-achieved RM 30 million annually at the end of the 1980s.

Table 5: Zakat Collection by State from 2000 through 2008 (in RM mil) State 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008

Federal Territory 58.92 72.89 84.5 96.38 110.63 130.14 147.59 173.82 211.36 Selangor 46.26 61.43 78.72 86.20 108.83 133.12 159.83 202.19 244.41 Penang 14.83 17.55 20.1 21.32 23.29 28 30.59 37.08 41.77 Pahang 14.43 16.62 18.38 20.61 22.92 31.03 35.97 41.49 57.94

Negeri Sembilan 10.62 13.23 15.02 16.52 19.04 23.09 25.82 29.36 37.41 Melaka 8.44 12.03 12.34 13.04 14.24 17.69 19.46 22.07 26.91 Sabah 6.99 5.33 6.18 5.1 7.78 11.31 16.65 17.51 23.8

Kelantan 15.67 16.58 16.88 18.14 22.44 29.37 35.64 40.2 58.17 Terengganu 20.76 28.25 32.98 40.06 36.15 40.37 42.87 51.44 66.2

Perlis 3.32 3.72 6.16 6.57 6.41 6.56 11.87 16.69 23.13 Kedah 11.86 12.49 18.27 18.56 22.21 30.19 35.23 36.69 53.2 Perak 16.36 20.47 20.8 21.7 25.72 27.54 33.85 41.28 57.12 Johor 28.03 31.45 29.73 33.96 38.05 49.36 54.73 73.32 100.74

Sarawak 4.95 8.32 13.81 10.26 15.57 15.3 20.55 23.13 36.1 Total 261.44 320.37 373.92 408.43 473.26 573.08 670.64 806.28 1038.26

Source: Syawal Kasam (2008), “Governing Zakat as a Social Institution: The Malaysian Perspective”, in Southeast Asia Zakat Movement, M. Arifin Purwakananta et.al (eds). Jakarta: Forum Zakat, p. 114; Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat, various issues. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.



Besides the greater achievement in the amount collected, the type of wealth contributing to the total sum of the fund also changed its pattern. In contrast to the period prior to corporatization, the main source of the zakat is now no longer zakat al-fitr and cereals; rather the current greatest contributors are personal income as well as business earnings. For example in 2008, from the over a billion total national zakat collection, zakat al-fitr contributed only RM 83.87 million, indicating that the new type of zakat management has successfully encouraged Muslims to pay more zakat al-mal. As far as the type of wealth constituting zakat al-mal is concerned, table 6 clearly shows that the 2008’s zakat from personal vocations and business are the two largest sources of wealth for the collection.

Table 6: Contribution from Personal Income and Business Income to Total Zakat Collection in 2008 (in RM mil) State Personal

Income (A) Business

Income (B) A+B Total

Zakat al-Mal Federal Territory 137.57 28.7 166.27 206.26 Selangor 130.7 46.11 176.81 232.13 Penang 22.16 3.95 26.11 37.82 Pahang 17.98 24.29 42.27 50.64 Negeri Sembilan 14.27 9.05 23.32 33.8 Melaka 10.3 7.17 17.47 23.97 Sabah 4.84 10.25 15.09 16.42 Kelantan 21.09 18.6 39.69 50.15 Terengganu 23.27 20.47 43.74 60.75 Perlis 12.28 4.37 16.65 22.3 Kedah 26.0 16.17 42.17 49.45 Perak 24.41 23.77 48.18 49.41 Johor 27.76 33.37 61.13 89.18 Sarawak 15.91 11.94 27.85 31.93 Total 488.54 258.21 746.75 954.22

Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat 2008. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.

The interesting phenomenon revealed by the above table is that personal earnings provided the most wealth collected in the majority of states. Some states, however, recorded that business earnings surpassed the collection from personal income. Although the trend of payment needs to be investigated further, simple observation could indicate that the change in sources of wealth as compared to previous decades reflects the shift in economic activities of Muslims in Malaysia and the economic progress of the country.

The growth in collection however, has posed a challenge to the zakat institution to distribute the fund more effectively. As far as the disbursement aspect is concerned, the greater portion has gone to poverty eradication. The general trend of fund disbursement after the corporatization can be observed in the following tables showing the disbursement statistics for 2000 and 2008.

Table 7: Zakat Disbursement by State in 2000 (in RM mil) State Miskin Faqir ‘Amil Mu’allaf Ibn al-Sabil Fi Sabilillah Gharimin Riqab

Federal Territory 11.75 3.75 8.16 0.91 0.11 20.5 0.32 - Selangor 4.34 1.99 4.37 2.15 0.12 12.8 1.46 - Penang 2.21 0.75 2.35 0.27 0.05 5.31 1.01 - Negeri Sembilan 1.66 1.24 0.66 0.06 1.59 3.86 - Melaka 1.42 2.11 1.16 0.42 0.06 1.83 - - Sabah 1.07 0.08 0.34 0.02 - - - - Kelantan 2.8 1.05 0.3 0.09 5.54 0.01 Terengganu 7.05 2.6 0.87 0.49 0.06 1.97 0.23 0.02 Perlis 1.01 0.31 0.93 0.16 0.01 2.93 - - Kedah 4.62 0.77 0.26 0.07 2.06 0.02 - Perak 6.47 1.62 1.24 0.28 6.44 0.21 - Johor 4.65 4.83 2.01 0.03 10.8 0.12 -



Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat 2000-2001. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.

Table 8: Zakat Disbursement by State in 2008 (in RM mil) State Miskin Faqir ‘Amil Mu’allaf Ibn al-Sabil Fi Sabilillah Gharimin Riqab Federal Territory 20.51 22.67 31.64 5.65 0.4 85.04 1.65 - Selangor 51.17 11.39 30.39 11.67 0.69 63.6 18.98 1.08 Penang 2.19 20.3 5.45 0.76 0.14 15.72 1.02 - Negeri Sembilan 12.24 4.68 2.67 0.27 6.05 1.37 9.53 Melaka 6.21 1.17 4.25 1.42 0.006 7.64 0.012 - Sabah 4.56 6.58 2.47 1.53 0.020 4.17 0.0004 - Kelantan 10.11 9.56 1.78 0.79 0.003 3.04 0.012 - Terengganu 13.54 3.24 9.42 1.05 0.013 8.2 0.06 0.15 Perlis 4.08 0.84 1.38 0.18 0.004 9.35 0.005 - Kedah 17.62 1.85 5.841 1.01 0.22 15.59 0.002 - Perak 19.19 6.4 1.82 0.46 9.07 0.13 - Johor 16.8 6.68 11.37 5.43 0.13 32.07 1.79 -

Source: Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP, Laporan Zakat 2008. Kuala Lumpur: PPZ.

The tables 7 and 8 show that in the majority of states, the fund went mostly to four groups of recipients, namely faqir, miskin, ‘amil and fi sabilillah. The former two grants reflect the allocation for poverty eradication, while the latter two imply the religious institutions’ expenses in every state including zakat itself. As the spending for all these groups has been increasing consistently along with the rising collection, it could be inferred that poverty eradication and financing Islamic institutions are the two aspects of greatest concern in the recent zakat disbursal approaches.

Since Islamic institutions are the responsibility of the state religious councils to finance, it is unsurprising to find that most of the time, the allocation for fi sabilillah and ‘amil are among the highest in the majority of states. In the year 2000, as table 7 clearly shows, the provision for these groups is significantly higher than that for the miskin and faqir combined in the majority of states except three, namely Sabah, Terengganu and Kedah. This pattern, however, changed in 2008 when five of the 12 states in the table 8 distributed more of the fund towards poverty eradication. Such a pattern indicates the increasing concern of the zakat institution and religious authorities about the poverty problem in their respective states.

In addition to the higher disbursement of zakat, various programs have been also introduced under the heading of faqir and miskin for providing the recipients with financial and also non-financial support. In Selangor and Federal Territory, zakat authorities for example have outlined more than 20 programs for each faqir and miskin group, ranging from monthly allowances to business aid. Overall, the distribution approach has been shaped in such a way as to raise the living conditions of the recipients (Jabatan Wakaf Zakat dan Haji 2007).

Apart from the initiatives stated above, another improvement in the disbursal approach is that the fund is now distributed for permanent relief of the poor. To achieve this aim, zakat is now disbursed for the purpose of income generation, not merely giving the poor a financial allowance but also providing them with necessary skills so that they can become permanently independent. In this context, Selangor, Federal Territory and Kedah are among states actively offering such a program. Federal Territory and Selangor in 2008 alone spent more than RM three million and RM five million respectively.

Besides the active role of the government in improving its management, it is worth mentioning that the encouraging development was also, to certain extent, induced by the constant growth in Islamic consciousness among Muslims. The PPZ in this respect, based on its own observations, openly admitted the contribution of such factor. This also reflected the direct and indirect impact of



religious movements, as earlier listed. Although the statement was never systematically proven and merits further investigation, it cannot be totally rejected, in as much as the number of religious movements has continued to increase. ABIM, for example, has 65000 members currently, and actively cooperates with zakat management in various states, especially with the PPZ and Zakat Board of Selangor.

Another interesting element worth to mention is pertaining to the way the corporatized zakat organization operates whereby they prefer to use the approach of persuasion more rather than merely through coercive legal enforcement. As the propagation of Islamic teachings is one of important elements used by religious groups back in 1970s, such a practice clearly indicates that the similar approach is seemed effective to be put into practice in modern zakat administration.

In this particular aspect, it was clearly stated in its objective that the PPZ was also determined to improve the awareness of the population pertaining to their obligation of zakat (Pusat Pungutan Zakat 1994). The commitment was accordingly delivered through the organization’s policy of spreading the words pertaining to zakat all over Malaysia. In the early years of its inception for example, the PPZ’s officers have delivered up to 600 talks annually all over Malaysia (PPZ has organized 607 zakat talks in 1991, 417 in 1992, 140 in 1993, 116 in 1994 and 154 in 1995. Please refer to zakat reports in the respective year). There were also many discussions and briefings provided by the PPZ regarding the new system for any interested parties. The organization was open to share their expertise with any interested parties – particularly with other states’ religious councils. This shows the genuine motive of the PPZ by the fact that it could not manipulate or attract other people who resided outside federal territory to submit their payment to them.

b. Converging Zakat into Malaysian Economic Policy

The excellent record of collection has induced a positive response and further change in fund management practice in at least two other related aspects: greater federal government interest in zakat administration through improvement of coordination between states, and ultimately, the incorporation of the institution within broader national development policies by means of national plans. The government though time has tried to assert further their power in the institution by trying to initiate a nationally coordinated zakat (This initiative although has been voiced in the 1980-s, the concrete move was only evident on 1992, two years after the corporatization). In 1992 for example, Minister of Finance, together with ministers in the Prime Minister Department, have frequently voiced the government’s aspiration of coordinating zakat management in Malaysia (Azhar Mohd Nasir, 1999, Kikue Hamayatsu 2004). On top of that, during the tabling of the 1993 Federal Budget, Finance Minister officially announced that zakat would be collected nationally by Internal Revenue Department (IRD), a federal department collecting taxation (Azhar Mohd Nasir (1999), Berita Harian (1992), “Kutipan Zakat Perlu Rancak”, 1992). Through a number of very productive seminars, IRD has also shown its readiness to collect zakat along with other secular taxation (Berita Minggu (1993), Berita Harian (1993), “Boleh Bayar Zakat di JHDN”, 1993). These efforts, however, remained as political statements without getting positively accepted by the Rulers Council (Majlis Raja-raja), the highest body, who it was hoped would give a final nod of relinquishing the individual ruler’s power over zakat to federal government. Regularly, however, the constitution was made a scapegoat for their reluctance to subscribe to the suggestion (Azhar Mohd Nasir (1999), The Sun (1996), “Special Agency to Collect Zakat From Firms”, 1996). The silent rejection of the rulers suggested that they will not easily hand over their power to the federal government, and in the matter of the advancement of religious institution, the cooperation between federal and state is more welcomed rather than solely taken over by the federal.



From a broader economic development perspective, zakat has also been increasingly seen as a potential tool in poverty eradication, complementing other, secular approaches implemented by the government. The federal government, with regard to this aspect, since early 2000 has been gradually incorporating the fund into national economic plans, something that has never happened before. In 2001, for instance, zakat was included in the Malaysian Prospective Plan (2000-2010), a strategic plan indicating the economic direction of the decade, so that it could be used for the development of Malay Muslims (Government of Malaysia, 2001). This aspiration was again spelt out in the Ninth Malaysia Plan (2006-2010), a more specific economic program expanding the earlier one. The later plan stated that the fund should be directed towards poverty eradication, in the way that the zakat institution in many states is currently inclining. As for effective management, it was recommended that the Zakat Collection Center of Federal Territory should be replicated and corporate management adopted. Additionally, the plan stipulated that the Department of Waqf, Zakat and Hajj, a new established federal department, would be responsible for monitoring the development and would stimulate cooperation between states (Government of Malaysia, 2006, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, 2006, Dewan Rakyat, 2006). This obviously shows recognition of the huge potential of the fund in the economy and provides a starting point for a more serious convergence between zakat and other economic institutions. The plan makes it explicit that zakat is increasingly a focus of governmental attention, which is undeniably good for its further advancement. It also conveys an implicit view that the government needs to venture on a lucrative source of funding to help achieve its long-term objective, namely, empowering Malays economically against non-Malays.

From the discussion, it could be concluded that the introduction of corporatization has been a revolutionizing factor leading to the increased collection and advancement of the zakat institution since the 1990s, and ultimately to greater fund distribution. Since the fund has the potential for poverty eradication, it can also be suggested that the institution should play a greater part in economic development beyond its original role as an expression of religious piety.

D. CONCLUSION

As has been self-evident throughout the discussion, the Islamic revivalism in Malaysia has considerably changed the overall practice of zakat. The religious groups which ploriferated during that period have called society and government for greater commitment towards Islam. In addition, there was also a significant change in the outlooks of Muslims in general where they tend to show greater observance towards the Islamic duty and rituals. The phenomenon consequently has given a tremendous political and social pressure to the government in which it must accordingly respond. As a response, the government has then become more concern over Islamic institutions. In this aspect, the government has to reconcile between the demand of increasing Islamic awareness and the existed national economic agenda by creatively opting for Islamization through which Islam and Muslim is empowered economically.

As far as the zakat institution is concerned, the government has initiated corporatization, a modern way of managing the fund. In this aspect, there are elements of revivalism could be observed in the newer practice of zakat administration signifying the influence of the phenomenon in the institution. For example, the new zakat administrations prefer to use propagation approach to persuade payment and do not focus on legal enforcement. On the other hand, Muslims also have shown a better reaction by gradually increasing their payment to the level that never been happened before. Ultimately, the government through time has slowly embraced the zakat institution into the broader national economic plan. All of these features denote a continuous manifestation of evolving process of revivalism in the nation.



In sum, the revivalism has changed the perception of society and government towards zakat. From a broader context, the institution is no longer perceived as merely a religious duty but also as part of national tool of economic development. The government in particular and Muslims in general are gradually aware of the importance of the fund in helping them to achieve national development goal, far beyond its earlier role as a fund to only show appreciation towards religious people or to help running religious institutions. Should we look into the current development we will find that any improvement in the institution is definitely heading towards the similar direction.



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Entrepreneurship of Traditionalists Muslim At Tasikmalaya, West Java



Yadi Janwari1

1Faculty Sharia and Law, State Islamic University Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung.

E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

The difference of religious understanding does not have a significant relationship with economic behavior, especially entrepreneurship. The difference of religious understanding to traditional understanding and modern understanding becomes no longer significant to be associated with economic behavior. This means that the study of economic behavior associated with the difference of religious understanding to traditional understanding and modern understanding is very biased. This is because the most decisive variable in understanding the flow of economic behavior is not religious understanding, but rationality in economic decisions taken based on traditions, values, and straightforward arguments. This study have different conclusion with finding of Max Weber, Robert N. Bellah, David C. McClelland, and Clifford Geertz theories, in the context of socio-economic disciplines which states that there is a correlation between modern religious understanding and economic behavior. Their conclusion were not true base on is the fact that people who have an understanding of modern religious relate to economic behavior. In fact, based on this research, religious understanding that relates with economic behavior is precisely traditional religious understanding. Variables that determine the flow of economic behavior is not a religious understanding, but the rationality in economic behavior. Therefore, the emphasis of the conclusions formulated by Max Weber, Robert N. Bellah, David C. McClelland, and Clifford Geertz is not in its modern religious ideas, but in the rationality held by economic actors. Their conclusion may be justified if there is any further explanation that the modern religious understanding is rational and has implications for other aspects of life, including the aspect of economic activity. Besides, their finding could not generalized and gone into effect to other place owning different characteristic.

Keywords: entrepreneurship, economic behavior, modernist mouslim, traditionalist mouslim, rationality

A. INTRODUCTION

In the effort to fulfill the life world of the necessities of life, Islam has provided the basic principles of economics. The basic principles of economics is intended as a basic guide to men in carrying out their economic activities do not violate the terms of religion and could create the ultimate human benefit. Thus, Islam as a religion has a significant relationship with economic behavior. This means that religious belief has relationship with it parishioners entrepreneurial. In implementation, Muslims entreprenership linked to the religious understanding of Islam.

Sorting of Islamization understanding today is traditional Islamic (traditionalists Muslim) and Modern Islamic (modernist Muslim). Sorting both Islamization understanding is based on notion of differences in viewpoints and methods of thinking used by both understanding. During its development, the school of thought has relationships with other variables, such as political, economic, social, and cultural. In the study of economics shows that the flow of thought in Islam



have a relation with economic behavior, including what happened in Indonesia. Clifford Geertz, for example, had put forward a thesis that there are relationship between religious beliefs - modernist-puritanical Muslim and economics behavior among Muslims in Mojokuto (Cliford Geertz, 1968).

However, thesis is advanced Geertz can not be generalized to all regions, especially the development of understanding of the Islamization that occurred in Indonesia today has undergone such assimilation. In addition, the variables that affect economic behavior may have been amended in line with the changing times, which currently allows very varied. Therefore, in fact it could be modern Islam does not have a significant relationship with economic behavior, or on the contrary, traditional Islam has a significant relationship with economic behavior. The concept of grace (berkah), according to Bambang Pranowo, dominated much Islamic community. In fact, the concept of berkah is not only a monopoly of Islamic societies, but also occurs in the community of successful entrepreneurs, such as the Chinese (M. Bambang Pranowo, 1999).

Tasikmalaya, West Java Province, Indonesia, has a different indications with thesis is advanced by Geertz. On one hand, Islam is growing in Tasikmalaya is traditional Islam; but on the other side, entrepreneurship is growing rapidly. Be categorized as traditional Islam because the Muslims in Tasikmalaya still adhere to local Islamic tradition, in addition to the theologically inclined on theocentric followers and found boarding is based on Salafiyah, of course, was founded by Kyai who tend to maintain and preserve the old traditions.

While Tasikmalaya is expressed as an area with entrepreneurship a highly developed, in Tasikmalaya is found a variety of economic activities engaged in various fields, such as industry, cooperatives, trade, and agricultural technology. Based on the results of preliminary studies show that currently there are around 10 454 in Tasikmalaya business units engaged in the industry, 571 cooperatives, 19 299 UKM, 40 microfinance institutions, and 15 BMT. Empirical data is much higher compared with the statistical data held elsewhere in West Java.

From the background of this issue, then major question that will be answered in this paper is, whether there is a significant relationship between religious beliefs with economic behavior? However, the issue of religion is still considered very large, then there should be restrictions and then focused on the flow of religious understanding, more specifically an understanding of traditional Islam. From the main problem is formulated the question more specifically as follows: is there a significant relationship between traditional religious understanding with entrepreneurial spirit?

Studies that correlate between religion and economic behavior, actually is not a new study. Since end of the 19th century the study of these themes have emerged to surface. Max Weber has initiated studies on this theme with the title of "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism". According to Weber, Protestantism ethics that developed in the 18th century in the West Erofa is a philosophy that gives cultural basis for the development of capitalism and the industrial revolution. Renewal of Christian ethics that produce behavior is required for the growth of capitalism. Thus, according to Weber, there was an effective affinity between religious beliefs among ascetic Protestantism and the spirit of rational modern capitalism in West.

In addition to Max Weber, also founded a similar study conducted by Clifford Geertz around 1953-1954. In the book "Peddlers and Princes: Social Change and Economic Modernization in Two Indonesian Towns" stated that the business community leaders in Mojokuto is largely reformers Muslim. Geertz found most business leaders of textile, tobacco, and a number of shops and



businesses is dominated by modernist-puritanical Muslim. Therefore, Geertz concludes that Islamic reformism, in its puritan Muslim, is doctrine of majority merchants.

Weber and Geerzt findings were strengthened by Kenneth E. Boulding. According to Boulding, religion also influence decision-making regarding the types of commodities produced, the formation of economic institutions and practices of economic behavior. In the 16th and 17th century the Protestant Lutheran, reformer and episcopal, greatly affect to "commercial revolution" in Britain, Netherlands, Germany and Scandinavia. In 18th and 19th century role of Protestantism, especially Methodist and Quakers church, increase in "industrial revolution". Religion serves as a prophetic religion and act as a revolutionary force that stirred human thought and feeling of routine, so as to encourage progress (Kenneth E. Boulding, 1970).

James L. Peacock (1978) in "Muslim Puritans: Reformist Psychology in Southeast Asian Islam" states that during 600 years trade and Islam have been united in Southeast Asia, and for 75 years trade united with the reforms (Islam) (James L. Peacock, 1978). These Peacock`s findings seem to confirm a thesis who suggested a correlation between entrepreneurship spirit with reformist-puritan Muslim in Indonesia. In "Purifying the Faith: the Muhammadijah Movement in Indonesian Islam" Peacock proves tendencies reformist-Puritan Muslim oriented to work achievement.

In context of other religions, Robert N. Bellah in "Beyond Belief: Essays on Religion in the Post Traditional World" states that Takugawa religion provide clues about economic behavior. Some values are taught, through formulation of a new theology, have an impact in the work ethic. Thus, Takugawa religion is one factor that contributed to birth of capitalism in Japan (Robert N. Bellah, 1991).

David C. McClelland stated that the ethics of Protestantism can be formulated as a "desire to achieve". However, this symbol of desire to achieve can also be mixed from other religion. With U Test Mann-Whitney (a non-parametric statistical method), McClelland can obtain conclusion that supports Weber`s theory, that by year 1950, states that Protestant majority, is more advanced than Catholic countries (David C. McClelland, 1961).

In addition to above some studies, it found too few books that describe relation of religion to economic behavior, especially in Indonesia. Among these books are Alfian (1970): Agama dan Masalah Perkembangan Ekonomi (Religion and Problem of Economic Development), Taufik Abdullah (1978): Agama, Etos Kerja, dan Pembangunan Ekonomi (Religion, Work ethic, and Economic Development), M. Dawam Rahardjo (1990): Etika Ekonomi dan Manajemen (Ethics of Economics and Management), and Fatah Nanat Nasir (1999), Etos kerja Wirausahawan Muslim (Work Ethic of Muslim Entrepreneurs). The fourth book concludes that Islam teaches work ethic. Islam has a close relationship in an effort to foster work ethic of its adherents. Religion, work ethic, and economic growth are variables that are interconnected and influence each other.

From above description of literature review, in general studies and authors explain that there is a significant relationship between the modern understanding of religious with economic behavior. While traditional understanding of religious has a negative relationship with economic behavior. But today, correlation between segregation of religious understanding with economic behavior is more dispersed. This is due to variables that determine to economic behavior more varied. Therefore, religious understanding just being one of the variables that determine economic behavior from religion follower.



Variables that determine economic and entrepreneurial behavior is not a modern religious understanding but rationality of economic behavior and entrepreneurial. Rationality in this study is that economic behavior is based on rational considerations in economy. According to Robert H. Frank, rationality in economic behavior that consists two types, self interest rationality and present-aim rationality (Robert H. Frank, 2003).

This study is one part from social economic studies in economics called institutional economics. Institutional economics is study of structure and function of the development of relations between people associated with provision of material goods and services to satisfaction of human needs. Institutional economics is study of cultural relationships patterns changing that associated with creation and sale of scarce goods and services by individuals and groups in personal views and common purpose (Warren J. Samuels, 1988).

B. METHODOLOGY

This study is one part from social economic studies in economics called institutional economics. Institutional economics is study of structure and function of the development of relations between people associated with provision of material goods and services to satisfaction of human needs. Institutional economics is study of cultural relationships patterns changing that associated with creation and sale of scarce goods and services by individuals and groups in personal views and common purpose (Warren J. Samuels, 1988).


1. Entrepreneurship and the Theory of Rationality in Economic Behaviour

Entrepreneurship means courage, virtue, and courage in meeting the needs and life problems solving with power that is within oneself (Wasty Sumanto, 1984). Entrepreneurs are people who are able to combine nature, labor, capital and expertise, so as to produce something useful for public good. In addition to emphasis on aspect of productivity, Shumpeter add an element of risk takers. This opinion is in line with Savary`s opinion (1973) which states that entrepreneurship is to buy goods at fixed prices, although he did not know at how much price the goods (or to economy) that will be sold later (Suhardi Sigit, 1980).

With this description, it is understood that entrepreneurship includes a dynamic process, a process of creation by adding value to something that is achieved through hard work and time to estimate the funding support, physical and social risks, and will receive a reward in profits and satisfaction and personal independence. On understanding of entrepreneurship, it appears there is a difference because there are differences in emphasis of attention and emphasis. Schumpeter emphasizes entrepreneurship as an attempt to run a combination of new activities (Joseph. A. Schumpeter), Kirzner emphasizes entrepreneurship as an exploration of various opportunities (Israel Kirzner, 1979), Knight emphasizes entrepreneurship as an attempt to deal with uncertainty (Frank Knight, 2006, William B. Greer, 2000), and Say emphasize entrepreneurship as a joint effort to obtain the factors of production (Jean Baptista Say, 1816, Buchari Alma, 2009).

From above description, it is understood that entrepreneuship is essentially an person's spirit, attitude, behavior, and ability to handle business or activity that leads to search, create, and implement a new way of working, technologies and products to improve efficiency in order provide better service and earn greater profits. Entrepreneurship is an independent attitude and behavior



that can incorporate elements of creativity, taste, and work or is able to combine elements of creativity, challenge, hard work and satisfaction to achieve maximum performance.

There are several theories related to entrepreneurship. First, neo-classical theory which views the company as a technological term, in which management only know company costs and revenues, and calculated mathematically to determine optimal values from decision variables (Martin A. Carree and A. Roy Thurik, 2006). Second, Schumpeter's theory which states that to achieve the balance necessary actions and decisions from economic actors who have repeated the "same way" to achieve balance (David A. Reisman, 2004). Third, Austrian School theory which states that economic problems include social mobilization from hidden knowledge that is fragmented and scattered through interaction of the entrepreneur competition (Sandye Gloria, 1999). Fourth, Kirznerian theory which declared that "knowing where to look for knowledge" (Israel M. Kirzner, 1993), which means that only utilize this knowledge an entrepreneur can produce satisfaction and profits.

In addition to above theories, there is also called entrepreneur theory from perspective of individual, namely: (1) life path change which states that not all entrepreneurship is born and developed following a systematic and planned pathways, but was born through a natural process and even drastically birth (A. Shapero and L. Sokol, 1982), (2) goal directed behavior which states that entrepreneurship is born as motivated to achieve certain goals (Benjamin B. Wolman, 1973), and (3) Outcome expectancy which states that entrepreneurship was born as a consequence conviction will be accepted after performing certain actions (A. Bandura, 1986).

2. Rationality in Economic Behaviour

Rationality in economic behavior is defined by the conventional economic is materialistic-individualistic (Umer Chapra, 2000). Person economic behavior is considered a rational if that behavior can bring in immaterial profits. In the concept of "rational economic man", all economic action is always oriented towards use values and personal interests (Fiona E. Leach and Angela W. Little, 1999). Personal interests (self-interest) is core of the concept of "rational economic man" which was developed in the conventional economy. According to Edgeworth, first principle of economics is that all economic actors driven by self-interest (F. Y. Edgeworth, 1932). This is in line with Adam Smith, the founder of capitalist system, which advocated a laissez fire in which individuals are motivated by self-interest. According to Smith, self-interest is a controlling force for individual to resolve economic activity (Robert B. Ekelund, JR. and Robert F. Hebert, 1983).

Besides supported by rational economic man, rationality in economic behavior is also supported by rational expectations theory. The emergence of this theory is based on premise that economic situation is going to happen in future, among others, depend on what is expected by economic actors themselves. Rationality itself in rational expectations theory is defined as actions that can provide benefit, advantage or a satisfaction maximum with lowest cost (William A. McEachern, 2009). In other words, rationality of economic behavior will be determined by how big profit margin of cost for manufacturer or how much did scarcity of cost for consumers.

In addition to rational economic man theory and rational expectations theory, in view of the rationality of economic behavior is also supported by rational choice theory. This theory is a framework to understand and demonstrate social and economic behavior. Moreover, this theory is also dominant theoretical paradigm in microeconomics (Humberto Barreto, 1989). In rational choice theory, 'rationality' means that a person making a judgment before taking action to balance



costs and benefits before taking action (Mark Irving Lichbach, 2003). Thus, in rational choice theory, all decisions is taken by a rational process by considering costs and benefits.

From above description, it can be concluded that study of rationality in economic behavior can be used three main theories, namely rational economic man theory, rational expectations theory, and rational choice theory. The third theory of economic behavior can be seen using a different viewpoint. Rational economic man theory considers that human economic behavior is rational when considering benefit and self-interest. While rational expectations theory view economic behavior is rational when making predictions about economic variables that will happen in the future by using a variety of information that have been and are being, as well as the case may be. Rational choice theory view economic behavior is rational when considering cost incurred with benefit and profit to be received.

3. Traditional Islam in Tasikmalaya

Islam arrived in Tasikmalaya at this region was ruled by Prabu Surawisesa from Pajajaran. Prabu Surawisesa government began forced by Islamic empire movement that is spearheaded by Cirebon and Demak. Since 1528 Sunan Gunung Jati around to entire Tatar Sunda to preach Islam. When Pajajaran getting weak, his authority areas especially those located in eastern part try to escape. Thus, it is certain that Islam began to get into Tasikmalaya occurred at beginning 16th century through route Cirebon.

At time Islam came in Tasikmalaya, Islamic struggle with local culture is not inevitable. In early days Islam came in Tasikmalaya - and perhaps to this day, Muslims still strongly believe at sacred objects, sacred tombs, shaman divination, and ghosts (Edi S. Ekadjati, 1984). Muslims don`t only make Islamic as source of guidance in his life, but also hold on a local tradition that has been passed down from generation to generation.

Another most interesting, Tasikmalaya religious life of community in relation to local culture is a religious ritual. Institution's most popular religious ritual in Tasikmalaya society today is lebaran, marhabaan, yasinan, tahlilan, and slametan (Nur Syam, 2005). This religious ritual tradition appears to reflects contiguity between "mainstream" Islam with tradition and culture that emerged in local community. Because, however, ritual traditions are not visible on religious content is delivered by Muhammad Saw, but this is culture of local community as a area where Islam is growing and developing.

Thus, although Islam came in Tasikmalaya long time, does not necessarily mean that people's life and religious character Islam completely. In everyday life, mystical practices that are based on local traditions and doctrine of ancestors are still held by public. The majority of Muslims still maintain ancestral religion that is still ongoing. In fact, efforts to preserve this ancestral religion has given rise to a separate community, which they call their religion "Sunda Wiwitan".

Tasikmalaya community pragmatic acceptance to Islami can not be separated from context of economy political at the time. Commercialization current has become economy mainstream in Sunda, especially since opening of plantations at end of seventeenth century has created its own mechanism that is built on basis of economic networks that cross borders (Nugroho Notosusanto, 1993). Ability to survive in this economic mechanism can only be owned by people who understand economics network and able to utilize this network for its economic interests. In this context, Islam is option most likely to enter network of indigenous entrepreneurs, in midst of competition with European businessmen who have political support from colonial state.



Therefore, when Sheikh Abdul Muhyi spread Islam in Tasikmalaya at end of seventeenth century, role is given by Regent of Tasikmalaya, RT Wiradadaha III, in process is not only personal, but it involves institutional instruments. Regent totally support Islamization that is led by Sheikh Abdul Muhyi. As a result of strong relationship between ulama and rulers of Islam makes Tasikmalaya easily accepted by society. However, from here shows that Islamization of Tasikmalaya, even from the beginning, is a process that is spread from the "top down". Role of the ruler is not just to spread Islam, but also about the kind of Islam that must be disseminated to public. Islamic types are generally offered Sunni, which ruler occupies a strong position in people.

From above description, it is understood that traditional Islam appear in Tasikmalaya with the arrival of Islam to this area. Because, when Islam arrived in this community is growing and evolving traditions that express animism, dynamism, and even Hinduism and Buddhism. Therefore, it is natural that later in the course of Islam will wrestle with these tradisions, which is often called by local religious culture.

This understanding situation goes on and it still feels very strongly today in some places in Tasikmalaya. The struggle between Islam to local culture continues to this day. In early days of Islam came in Tasikmalaya - and even to this day, Muslims are still strongly believe in sacred objects, sacred tombs, shaman divination, and ghosts. The fact of understanding and practice of Islam tune with what is delivered by Charles Kurzman. Kurzman said some indicators of traditional Islam (Islamic customary), namely: understanding that combines Islam with local traditions, respect for sacred character, believe to ghost, belief to things that are unseen and places considered sacred (Charles Kurzman, 1998).

4. The History of Entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya

The seeds of entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya have started to emerge since the end of 17th century (Simon Philpott, 2003). The indication, at this time had found merchants who can meet necessity of community. Only, the entrepreneur who emerged at this time more form of traders, that economic activity only includes buying and selling activities. Economic activities which include production, distribution, and circulation that is run by an entrepreneurial unit at this time did not seem to surface.

Entrepreneurship in this period is generally dominated by two race descent, ie descendants of Arab and Chinese descent entrepreneurs. Entrepreneur of Arab descent are usually engaged to trade clothing and other household items, while Chinese entrepreneurs are usually engaged to trade staples such as rice, fuel, and side dishes. Entrepreneurs Sunda let alone identified as Muslim entrepreneurs have not looked at this time. Sundanese people a lot more work as laborers, especially in remote rural farm workers. However, there are also some Sundanese who plays as a "skipper land", especially in remote villages in Tasikmalaya.

Institutionalization of entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya supposedly comes with the emergence of Islamic Trade Unions (Serikat Dagang Islam - SDI) at beginning of 20th century. Mentioned in the history that establishment of SDI is motivated by idea to raise Muslims entrepreneurial (Badri Yatim, 1997). The economy was dominated by non-Muslims, particularly ethnic Chinese (M. Dawam Rahardjo, 1990). As socio-economic movements, SDI trying to build institutionalization and economic networks among Muslims and indigenous peoples, particularly indigenous in Tasikmalaya. Since then emerging entrepreneurs engaged in trading.



In the next development, trade is no longer the only entrepreneurship field to society. Society will begin to look other business field with regard to potential local funding, particularly natural resources, so then born entrepreneurs engaged in handicrafts, such as bamboo crafts, sandal wood crafts, pandanus craft, and mendong craft. Establishing entrepreneurs in crafts field is expected to take place sometime in 1930s.

However, there are data describing entrepreneurship in embroidery field that have emerged at 1920s. Entrepreneurship in embroidery field for first time introduced to small entrepreneur at 1925 when her village headman learned Dutch singer sewing process in Jakarta. After his marriage he returned to his village and went on his expertise to his friends. In recent years, these skills have been scattered from their homes to other places where they set up small businesses.

Entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya was later institutionalized in small and medium businesses that continue to experience growth. That is why Tasikmalaya used as a developed area as an area of small and medium industries. These developments in turn have entrepreneurship contributes to Tasikmalaya economic growth. From year to year this small industry continues to experience significant growth and progress.

From above description, it can be concluded that the historical development of entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya can be divided into several periods. The first is seeds of entrepreneurship period that appear hand in hand with economic movements made by Trade Union of Islam (Serikat Dagang Islam - SDI). The second period is period that marked institutionalization of entrepreneurship with establishment of small businesses on craft industry. The third period is period in which entrepreneurship becomes a major factor in moving the economy. During this period, entrepreneurship growth rapidly, and become foundation for community life. At the same time, entrepreneurship in this period is characteristic economy growth is compared with other areas in West Java.

5. Factors Affecting Entrepreneurship

Based on data found, there are several factors that determine development of entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya. These factors include: (1) human resources (labor), (2) natural resources, (3) tradition of entrepreneurship, (4) investment network, and (5) organizational of entrepreneurs.

In matters of employment, entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya is not found a problem, because amount of labor relatively is large. Although entrepreneurship in Tasikmalaya requires much labor, but until now still be met. Until end 2009, small and medium industrial sector in District of Tasikmalaya could accommodate labor as much as 234.756 people, while in the City of Tasikmalaya could accommodate labor as much as 21.502 people. In fact, there are a any labor that can not be placed in jobs. By end 2009 there are labor and as many as 12.306 people in District of Tasikmalaya and 12.213 people City of Tasikmalaya.

Entrepreneurship - especially small and medium industries - is largely determined by availability of resources. In entrepreneurship development, availability of natural resources is crucial for its development. This means that available of natural resources as a source of production, it will be growing entrepreneurial. Natural resources is conducive to entrepreneurial development.

Socio-cultural factors, such as existence of ethnic, religious or family groups, have an influence on how entrepreneurship relationship was developing. The most powerful network systems among entrepreneurs is case in family groups. Built by family business can create success together. This



is an implementation from an entrepreneurial tradition that handed down from one generation to other generation and one generation to the next.

Entrepreneurial tradition is one factors that decisive to growth and development of entrepreneurship. Therefore, entrepreneurship achievement can not be instant but it takes a long process through struggle that faced with various obstacles and hindrances. The process of a long journey is then referred to the tradition. Historically, entrepreneurship has been running in long term, even difficult to determine when entrepreneurial appeared in the area.

Network investment is very important, because without an extensive network and strong, then entrepreneurship not be able to thrive and survive until today at Tasikmalaya. Thus, investment network is one factor that will determine whether or not to develop entrepreneurship. Investments network development, in level of implementation, depending on ability of entrepreneurs themselves.

Another factor that affects to development of entrepreneurship is entrepreneurial organizational factors. Among these organizations are Cooperatives, Indonesian Chamber of Commerce (Kamar Dagang Indonesia – KADIN), enterprises of small and medium (Usaha Kecil dan Menengah – UKM), and Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Himpunan Pengusaha Muda Indonesia – HIPMI). Entrepreneurial organizations are instrumental in advocating for entrepreneurs in accordance with objectives of each organization.

From above description, it can be concluded that there are several factors that influence development of entrepreneurship. The main factor is human resources (labor), natural resources, entrepreneurial tradition, network investment, and entrepreneurial organizations. Another factor is dominantly government policies that conducive to development of entrepreneurship. This factor is a cumulative factors and not a alternative factors.

6. Understanding of Religious and Entrepreneurship

a. Understanding of Traditionalist Muslim Entrepreneurs on Entrepreneurship

In general, entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya motivated by an entrepreneurial tradition that passed down from one generation to other generation from one generation to the next. As his parents is an entrepreneur, then later his son follow his parents as an entrepreneur (Robert D. Hisrich dan Michael P. Peters, 2002). Areas of business that was involved was exactly the same line of business that was involved by her parents. Therefore, development of entrepreneurship had great development, because they are more concentrated effort to wrestle for it has been running.

However, the situation is inversely proportional to their understanding on the concept of entrepreneurship itself. Most entrepreneurs were limited to just understand entrepreneurship what is and they are living. Thus, an understanding on entrepreneurship more based on experience in running an entrepreneurial, not based on scientific knowledge. Entrepreneurial in their perspective is ability to run a business in order to remain effective and not to go out business. More about science and theory of entrepreneurship, they do not much understand it.

Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs were not familiar with scientists who formulated entrepreneurship concept and theory. They did not know Joseph A. Schumpeter, M. Casson, Israel Kirzner, Frank Knight, or David C. McClellen. Thus, they also have never read the book and did not understand their main frame of mind. Though above figures are pioneers who have



formulated entrepreneurship concept and theory. In fact, when mentioned term of entrepreneurs, any traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs do not understand it. Some entrepreneurs had ever heard this term, but did not understand its meaning. Though this term is a profession term that sensibly given to them, namely as an entrepreneur, people who cultivate entrepreneurship.

An entrepreneur theoretically must have characteristics of creativity, dedication, determination, flexibility, leadership, enthusiasm, confidence, and intelligence (William B. Gartner, 2004, Justin Gooderl Longenecker dan Thomson Gale, 2006, Suharyadi et al, 2007). Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs are not so many know these characteristics, but substantively, they recognize that they need such characteristics as economic actors.

In general, traditionalists Muslim do not know concept of entrepreneurship theoretically. They do not understand terms, concepts, and theories that exist in the study of contemporary entrepreneurship. They also do not know certain theories of entrepreneurship and framers of this such theories. Traditionalist Muslim know entrepreneurship more from his experience in running entrepreneurship. In addition, knowledge of entrepreneurship also be obtained through continuous communication and dialogue with other entrepreneurs who known.

b. Comparison between Traditionalist Muslim and Modernist Muslim on Entrepreneurship

In addition to focusing on traditionalist Muslims entrepreneurship, this study also included some modernist Muslim entrepreneurs as a comparison. Study results are expected to explain, if different understanding of the religious implications and implementation of entrepreneurial attitudes. Therefore, the results of studies that have been done show that modern religious understanding is correlated with economic behavior (Max Weber, 1989, Robert N. Bellah, 1991, Clifford Geertz, 1963). However, this study actually found opposite in fact, where traditionalists Muslim more advanced in entrepreneurship when compared with Muslims who claim as modern religious understanding. Today, majority modernist Muslim is not tendency to wrestle on entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurship is not a major choice in their worldly life. In general, their motivation to develop profession as an entrepreneur is relatively low.

There are several reasons why they do not tend to move at world of entrepreneurship. First, the modernist Muslim need leisure time for various missionary activities and religious organizations. Second, modernists Muslim believed that his life purpose is to serve as much as possible and do good (fastabiq al-khayrat). In the meantime, if they take other professions have a great chance to do maximumly to preach and serve people. However, based on study results also found a small portion of modernist Muslims who cultivate entrepreneurship. But, they do not come in entrepreneurship field which has been hailed by traditionalists Muslim in Tasikmalaya.

There are some similarities and differences between them. Similarities between them lies on looking entrepreneurship as part of sunnah Rasulallah Saw, where his life ever undergo profession as an entrepreneur. In fact, they agreed that Muhammad`s profession is just entrepreneurship. This is very visible, especially when Muhammad before being appointed prophet and messenger. While most striking difference between traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs with modernist Muslims entrepreneurs lies on entrepreneurship focus and concentration. Traditionalists Muslim seem to be more focus and concentration in running entrepreneurship. It contrast to modernist Muslim entrepreneurs, which entrepreneurship is not only discourse that dominates their thoughts, words, and deeds.



c. Rationality of Traditionalist Muslim Entrepreneurship

As discussed previously that religious understanding of Muslims entrepreneurs tend to traditional understanding and yet, at the same time they also have potential entrepreneurship. This fact is different from results of previous studies that religious understanding that relate to economic behavior is a modern religious understanding. Max Weber`s study stated that parties who relate to capitalism in Europe was Protestants, while the Protestant is a modernization from Catholicism. Robert N. Bellah stated that parties who relate to capitalism in Japan is Tokugawa adherents, while Tokugawa is modernization from Shinto. Similarly, Clifford Geertz` study stated that parties who relate to economic behavior is a modern community of students not traditional community of students.

From this statement, then major question arises, why traditional religious understanding - Tasikmalaya traditionalists Muslim - have a relationship with entrepreneurship. To answer this question and analyze is used three main theories, namely rational economic behavior theory, rational choice theory, and rational expectation theory. The first and second theories are widely used in micro-economic studies, especially socio economic studies (Deliarnov, 2006, Humberto Bareto, 1989), whereas the third theory, rational expectations theory, widely used in studies to refine micro theoretical foundations and models of free market mechanisms into analysis of macro, that is called rational expectations equilibrium approach to macroeconomic theory (Warren Young et al., 2004).

Rationality of economic behavior means to prioritize self-interest and consistent with choice based on objectives to be achieved, which can be quantified to maximizing general welfare (Jennifer J. Halpern and Robert N. Stern, 1998). Advancement of entrepreneurship is a key priority for an entrepreneur, while other elements to support main priorities for it realization. In certain circumstances, public interest can be sacrificed for interest of entrepreneurship. However, Muslim entrepreneurs are able to balance between self-interest with public welfare, so that there is a balance between private utilities with an altruistic attitude (M. Umer Chapra). Typical characteristics of an rational entrepreneur is consistency in the choices made by an emphasis on achieving set target.

Rationality of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs describes two main types, namely rationality of self-interest and rationality is based on objectives to be achieved. In first type, an entrepreneur implement entrepreneurship driven by self interest from entrepreneurs themselves. However, self interest to be achieved by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs not only oriented to increase wealth alone, but also oriented to achieve prestige and self-actualization. In second type, an entrepreneur will choose a rational economic action in order to achieve goals already set.

When using Syed Omar Syed Agil`s formula (Syed Omar Syed Agil, 1992), a form of rationality from traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs can be divided into three forms, namely: (1) egoistic rationality, (2) bounded rationality, and (3) altruism rationality. Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs that can be classified to first form is an entrepreneur implement entrepreneurial driven by self interest alone, which profit serve as main priorities and objectives (Uskali Mäki, 1993). Traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs that can be classified to bounded rationality is an entrepreneur does not have or know information that can lead optimum choice. While traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs that can be classified at altruism Rationality is an entrepreneur who tried to balance between fulfillment of self-interest with society altruistic.



Sorting traditional Muslim entrepreneurs to above three forms of rationality are consistent with John C. Harsanyi`s sorting rational behavior. According to John C. Harsanyi, theory of rational behavior contains three branches, namely: utility theory, game theory, and ethics theory. At utility theory, entrepreneur satisfaction lies in effort to profit as much as possible. On game theory, an entrepreneurs are faced with rationality clash between own right and other entrepreneurs right.. theory of rational behavior that is most visible in majority traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs are ethics theory. Implementation of this theory explicitly appear in accommodating a variety of utility in society (Syed Omar Syed Agil, 1992).

Preference should be taken by a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs is many alternatives. Entrepreneurs are required to be able to choose among alternative preferences to maximize customer satisfaction and profits. Before vote, an entrepreneur will set priorities various from alternative options. At rational choice, each individual knows many information about alternatives and he has ability to develop priorities according to their preferences. Rational action undertaken by traditionalists Muslim entrepreneur seem in tune with meaning of rationality according to Roger LeRoy Miller. Miller stated that rationality is human action in meeting needs of his life in a way that maximizes profits driven by common sense and do not act intentionally make decisions that could harm (Roger LeRoy Miller, 1997).

There are some axioms awakened from economic behavior rationality of the entrepreneur Muslim traditionalists, including axiom of completeness, the axiom of transitivity, the axiom of continuity, and the axiom of the more is the better (B. N. Mandal, 2009). The first axiom formulated as an entrepreneurs determine the most preferred one of two things happens (B. N. Mandal,). While the axiom of transitivity occurs when entrepreneurs faced with three choices or more (Ibid). The axiom of continuity are faced with two choices and entrepreneurs are required to determine a choice (Barry R. Weingast and Donald Wittman, 2006). When the option is specified, then the entrepreneur was consistent with his choice and even the choice that will affect to subsequent choices. While the axiom of the more the better is based on assumption that the more goods produced and sold in the market, more satisfied and it rational entrepreneurs (M. A. Mian, 2002). Last axiom is the most widely held and guided by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya.

From above description, it appears that from perspective of rational behavior theory, entrepreneurial activity of traditionalists Muslim tend to be rational. In entrepreneurship implementation, an entrepreneurs make careful consideration before making a decision. Aspects considered by an entrepreneur in making decisions to balance between production costs and benefits is received. This means that traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs can be viewed as rational economic behavior whenever decisions always consider costs associated with benefits to be received. Economic decisions taken by an entrepreneur is a decision that is based on idea difference between benefits and costs.

In the perspective of rational choice theory, an tradisinalis Mulism entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya also tend rationality because there is attempt to maximize usefulness and benefits of entrepreneurial activity (Karl-Göran Mäler and Jeffrey R. Vincent, 2005). An entrepreneurs decide how best to achieve a choice, providing a range and choice available. However, economic behavior rationality of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs are not oriented solely to benefit of the end. Economic behavior rationality of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs have a tendency to balance between self-interest and altruistic.



In addition to using rational behaviors theory and rational choices theory in economic activity, this analysis used rational expectations theory. The main premise of this theory states that every person expectations is rational when expectations are identical to prediction model. There are two assumptions underlying rational expectations theory, namely (1) all economic activities actors behave rationally, knowing ins and outs of economic activity and have complete information on economic events and (2) price level and wage rates can be easy to change (Walter J. Wessels, 2000).

In the first assumption, traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs necessarily predict economic growth will occur in the future. Predictions made by an entrepreneur is, of course, very simple and not complicated such as state predict world economy in the future (N. Gregory Mankiw, 2007). In harmony with rational expectation theory, every entrepreneur actively expectations that based on his information. Therefore, information about possible economic circumstances that will occur in the future be very meaningful to every entrepreneur.

In the second assumption, an entrepreneur try to get information about market developments (Sawidji Widioatmodjo, 2005). Information can be obtained from public information that is spread evenly among traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs, who are usually delivered by government or other relevant instusi. However, if this information is obtained to the maximum, then traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs will observe and analyze their own about price fluctuations that occurred in the past to predict future prices.

From above description, it is understood that traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya have ability to think and formulate a rational expectations about what will happen in the future. These expectations are based on information about economic events that have been and are going. These events, in turn, serve as foundation by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs to formulate expectations. Thus, expectations of a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs can be considered rational because it is based on a variety information related to various economic events are already happening in the community.

When connected between religious understanding and economic behavior of Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya, it can be concluded that it could be a entrepreneur religious understanding is likely traditional, but at economic behavior is likely rational. Entrepreneur religious understanding is strongly influenced by tradition that developed in society. In fact, majority entrepreneurs only understand religion as a rule governing the relationship between man and God (`ibâdah mahdhah). They do not understand that many religions also regulate the relationship between man and another man (mu`âmalah), including a set of economic problems.

Charles Kurzman`s state about "customary Islamic" seems at religious behavior of majority of Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya (Charles Kurzman, 1998). First, there is a combination between Islam and local traditions. Every important event in human life, from birth until death, there syncretic between local religious traditions that developed in society. Ritual ceremony or slametan always accompany life's journey traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya. At the time of pregnancy, there is a slametan seven monthly. At the time of birth, there is slametan marhabaan. At the time of circumcision and marriage, there is a celebration of circumcision and marriage. At the time of death, there is tahlilan.

Secondly, respect for figures that are considered sacred and influential spiritually. There are some people that are considered sacred by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs. They hold Tharekat Qadariyyah wa Naqshbandiyya have figure or guardian highly purify them, he is Sheikh Abdul



Qadir Jaelani and they embrace Tharekat Satariyah have characters that are considered sacred, namely Sheikh Abdul Muhyi. In fact, past the tomb of the saint who has become a complex of obtaining religious visit that sacred Muslim community, including tradisonalis Muslim entrepreneurs.

For entrepreneurs, pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Abdul Muhyi can provide spirit to developing their entrepreneurial. On his return from pilgrimage, an entrepreneurs have a strong passion to implement entrepreneurship. In fact, they stated that presence at the shrine could provide a solution to the difficulties faced in implementing entrepreneurship. This solution usually they are received through inspiration who suddenly come in hearts and minds, and give heart to make a determination of attitude in solving problems.

Pilgrimage to the shrine at certain times has become a routine. In the days of Islam almost, all traditional Muslim entrepreneurs do pilgrimage to the tombs of those whom he considered sacred. It not only made his pilgrimage to the shrine of Sheikh Abdul and Sheikh Khatib Muhyi Muwahid in Pamijahan, but they visit to the tomb of Sunan Gunung Jati and Datuk Sheikh Kahf at Cirebon, even to the tomb of Sheikh Asnawi and Sheikh Yusuf in Banten. Thus, the cult of saints has become one hallmark of a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya.

Third, believe to ghosts and local convidence. This indication is not very visible in the life of a traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs. However, there are some entrepreneurs who still believe in supernatural forces behind their things. Goods owned strength is rings (batu ali) and isim. Batu ali is usually given by shaman (dukun), while isim usually is bonded by ajengan. Therefore these two items are considered to have supernatural powers, it is usually considered as sacred, so that when come in dirty or unclean place to be removed or stored shall be first. In addition, there are some Muslims entrepreneur who still believe on ghosts that haunt. Some places are considered to be "haunted" and sinister to be occupied by ghosts which they usually is called "nu ngageugeuh". In this places that is prohibited acts that are unethical, such as words are rough and dirty, showing pride and behave arrogantly, urinate, or pass by without permission. They believe that if there are people who behave it, they would be penetrated by ghosts possession or "nu ngageugeuh" in place. Way to cure her, but with echoes verses of al-Qur'an also petitioned against to ghosts.

Even from aspect of religious understanding tend to traditional, but at economic action of traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs tend to rational. The indication that any traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs to understand exactly objective of entrepreneurial activity, namely achievement in profits and prestige. The decisions making is always based on consideration of traditions, values, and have clear reasons and arguments. Any decision making based on gains and losses calculation, so that final goal can be achieved. Production implementation has always adhered to principles of efficiency and avoid personal sentiment or traditional values that can not be calculated in monetary units. Reaching satisfaction based on self-interest to make socially useful goods for society welfare. Economic behavior alternative taken by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs is implemented with reasons based on economically rational.

Thus, this study results yield different conclusions with conclusions resulting Weberian researchers who claim that religious understanding that relate to economic behavior is modern religious understanding. While traditional religious understanding does not relate significantly to economic behavior. This means that Weberian study was valid only at their research location and cannot be generalized to other locations.



D. CONCLUSION

Based on above description and analytical results, it can be concluded that religious understanding is not significantly correlated to economic behavior. Sorting religious understanding to traditional religious understanding and a modern religious understanding is not significantly associated to economic behavior. This means that study on economic behavior associated with sorting of religious understanding to traditional religious understanding and modern religious understanding to be very biased.

The conclusion of this study is different from results of previous studies on correlation between religious understanding and economic behavior. Max Weber states that Protestant have a relationship to economic behavior, while Catholics have not relation to economic behavior. Protestantism is a form of modernization from Catholic religious thought in Western Europe, particularly in Germany. Similarly, Robert N. Bellah states that Tokugawa believers have a relationship with economic behavior, while Shinto believers have not relation to economic behavior. Tokugawa is a form of modernization from Shinto religious thought in Japan. Clifford Geertz states that students of modernist (santri-modern) have a relation to economic behavior in Java, while traditional students (santri tradisional) have not relate to economic behavior.

This means that study results conducted by Weber, Bellah, and Geertz can not digeralisir. The findings this study apply only to location who examined and does not apply in other locations. Therefore, this study results shows that religious understanding does not relate to economic behavior. Sorting of religious understanding to traditional understanding and modern understanding is no longer associated significantly to economic behavior. When referring to Weber study, Bellah, and Geertz, it is supposed to relate to economic behavior is a Muslim modernist. But in fact, traditionalists Muslim relate to economic behavior in Tasikmalaya.

In general, economic actors tend to traditional religious understanding. Therefore, traditional Islamic criteria formulated Charles Chuzman met entirely by entrepreneurs, which combines understanding of Islam ang local traditions, respect to sacred character, believe in ghost, and believe in things that are unseen and places which is considered sacred. Understanding of traditional Islam itself has emerged as the entry of Islam into Tasikmalaya. This is because Islam which are automatically run syncretic with confidence that had appeared earlier. At this time, has occurred between Islamization understanding and local beliefs.

Even entrepreneur religious understanding tends to traditional religious understanding, but it turns out they have characteristics of entrepreneurs that are reliable. They have spirit, attitude, behavior and ability to handle business or other activities that lead to efforts to find, create and implement a way of working, new technologies and products to improve efficiency in order to provide better service and earn greater profits. The main indicator, they are engaged to the entrepreneurial sector of small and medium businesses can survive and thrive to this day. Therefore, it can be concluded that although religious understanding of Muslims entrepreneurs in Tasikmalaya tend to traditional, but they have a entrepreneurship mental very high.

Such circumstances are very different from modernist Muslim state, Muslims who do not meet criteria of Charles Chuzman as traditional Islam. Modernist Muslims are not much involved in entrepreneurship, but they prefer profession of bureaucrats (civil servants), politician, or profession other than as an entrepreneur. Based on study results indeed found some modernist Muslims who work as entrepreneurs. Modernist Muslims wrestle entrepreneurial sector does not hailed by traditionalist Muslim entrepreneurs, such as handicrafts typical Tasikmalaya.



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Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty (Indonesian Case)



M. Anton Athoillah1

1Sharia and Law Faculty, UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung.


Abstract

This paper describes more clearly about the charity as an instrument of poverty alleviation. Said to be more pronounced because zakat is not only described from the aspect of Islamic law, but also from the aspect of Islamic Economics. Starting from the idea of a content analysis of two professors of Economic Development, Prahalad and Yuyun Wirasasmita, this paper reveals the fundamental aspects of the causes of poverty, namely culture, alienation and exploitation. In this paper, the charity manages to pack in a comprehensive manner to a complementary instrument, whether Islamic law, and even Islamic Economics. Among the novelties in this paper is a substantive interpretation of zakat which is connected with the theory of economic development, comparated with tax and economic-mathematical analysis to find a charity to further its position in the study of economics. As for other things that were outlined in this paper is the normative aspects of zakat, as where explicit, as an instrument of poverty alleviation for various sectors, as seen from its usability goals.

Keyword: zakat, poverty, cultural alienation, exploitation, utilization

A. INTRODUCTION

When Prahalad proposes his idea that the unfortunate people are not viewed as the victim (of economic injustice) or burden (Discussing on poverty as global economic burden could be seen in Mudrajat Kuncoro) in the process of economic development; rather they should be perceived as powerful entrepreneur and have considerations to elevate their own welfare (Prahalad 2005), the first question raised is, “how could such idea as Prahalad’s be performed?”

As mentioned by Wirasasmita, that there are three main causes of poverty in a state: poverty culture, alienated condition, and exploitation. Connected to Prahalad’s idea as mentioned above, “poverty culture” is the main cause why it is hard to perform such idea. The unfortunate, in their daily life, are trapped in the culture of poverty. So, they do not make some efforts, they are totally surrendered, stumped, and accept “what it is” and “what happen” in their life.

To change such poverty culture, said Wirasasmita, begins with education, which in this case is moral education. Such is because that something moral is something originated from faith or belief. This system produces values and finally culture. It is culture that accompanying the life course of somebody, and of course it could influence any decision taken in his mundane life (Wirasasmita 2010). To make the explanation clear, here is a chart for simplification (Nasution 1995 and Nasution 1990):



Chart-1

Elements and Kinds of Culture Elements of

Culture

Kinds of Culture

System of Faith Values World-

View Example of World-View Consequence

Pessimistic Fatalistic Destiny Could Not Be Changed Static

Property Destined By

God Surrender,

Predestinated

Optimistic Rationalistic Destiny Could Be Changed (Q.S. Al-

Ra’d: 11) Dynamic Property Should

Be Achieved Will To Do

Explanation: - People who have pessimistic kind of culture have a fatalistic system of faith, values of life connected to their destiny

could not be changed; so that their way of life is static, and they are totally surrendered; accept what it is –what happened to them. An example of their view of life is that “Property is divinely corrected”.

- People who live in the optimistic kind of culture. They believe in rationalistic system, that life connected to their destiny could be changed, so that their world-view is dynamic, and they would as maximum as possible elevate their quality of life. An example of this way of thought is that, “Property should be found by ourselves, for God only gives the guidance on how seek the property.”

Before discussing Prahalad’s idea, it is better if we reexamine vicious cycle leading to poverty for most of population of the Earth. As mentioned by Nurske, Meier, and Baldwin in Jhingan, developing countries are generally stuck in something called “vicious cycle of poverty”.

Figure-1

Y (low) Q(low) C(low) S ≈ 0 I ≈ 0

Ed (low)

Explanation: Because of the Income is low, so the Consumption is low, Education is also low, and therefore Productivity is low (no Savings equals no Investment).

This poverty trap (Smith 2006) basically comes from the fact that total productivity in developing countries is resulted from the lack of capital, imperfect market, and economic backwards. In short, poverty and economic backwards are synonymous terms. A country becomes poor because of it is backwards; and it becomes backwards because it is poor. Developing countries are constantly poor and backwards because they have no resources to elevate development (Jhingan 2007).



If a country elevate has its resources, so the above figure changed to:

Figure-2

Explanation: In the first condition owing to that the Income is low, the Consumption is also low. But, with zakat, there is investment. Education as a part of investment increased. Therefore, because of the education, the productivity is also increased. Such thing brings about the increase of income, consumption, and that savings becomes >>> 0. The country can pay its debts and do reinvestment.

In a more complete figure, it can be seen as follow:

Figure-3

Zakat as an Instrument of Eradicating Poverty

Growth of Population is High

Unemployment is High (open/hide)

Investment is Low

Grade of Nutrition/ Health is Low

Grade of Productivity is

Low

Grade of Education is

Low

Reduced here with

Zakat

Grade of Fertility is

High

Income is Low

Savings is

Low

Wirasasmita (2010)

B. METHODOLOGY

This research used case study methods with literature study by examining a variety of journals and books related wirh economic development. this paper is a substantive interpretation of zakat which is connected with the theory of economic development, comparated with tax and economic-mathematical analysis to find a charity to further its position in the study of economics. As for other things that were outlined in this paper is the normative aspects of zakat, as where explicit, as an



instrument of poverty alleviation for various sectors, as seen from its usability goals. Also, the method used in this study is a survey research, using the approach verificative explanatory research and causality testing. Purpose of explanatory research is to know and explain "why" something happened, whereas causality verification testing is research that explains the causal relationship between the study variables through testing hypothesis. 1


1. Between Tax and Zakat

Stiglitz argued that the levies, existing since ancient times, even if charges in the past with the present is different. In the initial discussion of the tax (taxation), Stiglitz said that taxation has existed since the existence of the State and its organized government (government organized). Stiglitz connecting the initial explanation to the concept of tithe in the Bible. According to him, as it says in the Bible, tithe (tithe, or tenth) of the plant should be set aside for the purpose of redistribution and assistance to the pastor. Charges in the past referred to as the feudal Levie, while in modern times now referred to as taxes (Stiglitz 2000).

According to Pigou in Suprayitno (Suprayitno 2005), modern taxes are connected to public goods. It means that how far that society could be ‘forced’ to pay taxes depends on how big the satisfaction of society to the existence of facilities funded by the tax. This Pigou’s theory was completed by Bowen, Lindhal, and Samuelson. They say the same thing: connecting government’s expenses to the tax. Through the tax the government is not only collecting funds, but also creating public goods satisfying the citizens. Therefore, the tax has two dimensions: (1) providing funds, and (2) transforming the burden of the tax to the public goods in order to satisfy the society.

In Indonesia, zakat has only fulfilled the first dimension (Suprayitno 2005). For the potentials and the realizations of zakat collection per year are only more or less USD 70 billions. There should be more in numbers, since the majority of Indonesians are Muslims. But there are some things to discern.

Firstly, zakat is only taken from certain things such as money, agriculture, farming, and trade. Even though it is extended to such other things as deposits, house, or income, the items are not as much as the tax. It is because that the tax is channelized through government’s legalization to all economic streams either in production, consumption, or distribution. On the other hand, there is also possibility of increasing zakat acceptance because of the combination of zakat of income or zakat of profession, where there are two components should be noticed here, that is how much of the income should be zakat-ized, analogue to the zakat of agriculture. Zakat of agriculture should be paid every harvest. Therefore, profession is illustrated as agricultural business, where the professionals have the harvest when they accept wages. Here, every time the wages paid there should be zakat in it. The other component is that the wages which should be zakat-ized (the gross), that is, “a take home pay” before being used to fulfill consumptive needs.

Secondly, zakat could not be used arbitrarily for public interests. Zakat, for today, is restricted only for the Muslim interests. It is only the Muslims who believe in the zakat doctrine. And even in the Muslim circles, there are only eight asnaf (groups) who can receive zakat: the destitute, the poor, the slaves, the people working in the zakat affair (amilun), the people burdened by debts, the people who in the ways of searching knowledge and those who drain their money in the travel,



those who newly embrace Islam and that their hearts are still weak, and those who fight for Islam. Here it is that Islam secures the life of the destitute and the poor (In Islamic economics, giving some of their wealth to the needy is not only generosity, it is the rights of the poor).

In order that zakat plays a significant role, some Muslim economists suggest that this zakat should be a permanent supplement of income for those who are not able to achieve enough income by their only ways. Zakat could also be used to provide trainings and capitals for “excellencies,” either being as a free-interest credit card or as a kind of aid, to make them able to build their own small enterprises in order to be independent (Suprayitno 2005). This is the one in line with Prahalad’s idea (Prahalad 2007).

Some writers also advocate the idea that zakat could be used as countercyclical tool by not to spread all its products to a booming period in order to save the surplus so that could be used in the time of recession. Also, by this, it could be noticed that they are who have rights to receive zakat have their own fair share.

Zakat is an independent social security tool appointing the rich having a moral duty to help the poor and neglected to help themselves by all means of social security schemes, so that destitution and poverty could be diminished in the Muslim society (Suprayitno 2005). In an emergency condition, zakat could be performed as a first aid, so that the (Muslim) poor community could be the Bottom of Pyramid (BOP) of consumers, and in a normal condition, zakat could be an injection in order to make them BOP of entrepreneur (Prahalad 2007) (muzakki=potential zakat payers).

Nevertheless, zakat does not wipe out government’s duty to create prosperity, except only to help to share some of the government’s responsibility to the society, especially close relatives and neighbors of the connected individuals, so that reduce the burden of the government. It is unrealistic to expect to the government to weigh all prosperity burdens. If the zakat is not enough, Muslim jurists (fuqaha) advise that Muslim community should weigh this burden and attempt to find other ways and tools to reach such economic goal. Here, Prahalad’s idea on the roles of civil society organization could be applied.

To this, zakat should not be distributed to fulfill consumption of basic needs drained day by day. Although it could help the destitute-the poor to fulfill their own urgent needs, the way of using zakat as this is inclining to ignore the receivers in their own situation of destituteness. Giving “the fish” all the time does not urge people to be “fishermen” especially when zakat is spread by “flat rate” basis. Therefore, “reorientation” of priority of zakat usage should be done to its long-term usage. Firstly, zakat should be distributed as “negative income tax” to maintain incentive of work or to seek income in the poor circles by their own ways. Secondly, some of collected zakat (as much as 50%) should be used to finance the activity of giving “fishhook” (productive activities) to the groups of the destitute-poor (Suprayitno 2005).

Furthermore, it is mentioned that the main goal of “giving fishhook activities” is to increase the abilities of the destitute-poor people to create income and elevate themselves from poverty. For this goal zakat could be used as financing various productive skill trainings, giving capital aid to work or giving start-up capitals. Rather than giving consumptive aid to five families in a month, for instance, it is better that those funds are combined and used in a productive enterprise for those five families. It is already an example of what is the meaning of “economic development and social transformation” in Prahalad’s terms (Prahalad 2007).



Another thing from this attempt to diminish poverty –meant as an attempt to full out the poor from their own poverty—is fisabilillah, for the way of Allah. In the warfare, fisabilillah means prioritizing jihad physically. In the peace, it means ‘all activities useful for the Muslim community (ummah)’ or ‘any attempt to eradicate infidelity and run Allah’s will’. Because that poverty could trap people to be infidels, pulling out the poor from their poverty is also a fisabilillah enterprise. The usage of zakat for productive activities could be legitimized here (Suprayitno 2005).

Zakat allocation should not be restricted only for short-term usage. Most Muslim writers are in the position of emphasizing efforts to help the destitute and poor by giving them means of production either by money, skills, trainings, and jobs in order that they can elevate their incomes in line with giving them various short-term consumption to support working, public transports, housings, etc. It is mentioned that there is no special requirements for distributing zakat by cash, and there is no requirements that it should be in such consumptive goods as food or that zakat should be in a direct distribution in the means of goods or services. The only restriction should be known by everyone is that zakat is performed because one has over condition of minimum grade of being released (from zakat payment), requiring that those who could afford zakat do not allowed to receive it. The minimum free from zakat is expressed in the meaning of availability or that the wealth is belonged more than one year.

Zakat raises the income of the poor. Because of their low income, such supplement of income would only use for purchasing basic goods and services, so that elevating aggregate demand for basic goods and services. The increase of this aggregate demand would attract the increase of investments. On the other hand, zakat aggregately also urge the raise of savings and investments (Suprayitno 2005).

Besides urging investments and preventing accumulation of wealth, zakat also appeals to activity of purchasing consumptive goods, whether from the receiver or the giver. Therefore, the stream of capital from the two channels, i.e. investments and purchasing, would push for creating working opportunity for millions of people, and in line with that, pioneering the acceleration of income growth.

Zakat is a special “tax” (payment) levied from one’s net wealth, which should be collected by the state and used for special purposes, especially for various social security programs. Government’s routine expenses are not to be fulfilled by this zakat fund. Zakat is in all kinds of wealth including savings which is annually increased, which (if it is counted) since the beginning of the year exceed the minimum of compulsive wealth to be zakat-ized (nisab). It is levied from the net wealth by the percentage determined (by Islam) if that wealth has already exceeded the determined minimum limit, and could be paid in the end of the year.

Zakat as written in the Q.s. Al-Taubah verse 103 contains the meaning that every Muslim who has already exceed the nisab should compulsively clean their wealth by giving some of their wealth to those who have the rights. Here, then, according to Al-Shawkani, zakat linguistically has double meaning of “growth” and “purification” (Al-Syawkani 2007).

These characteristics give an important role to zakat in Islamic System of Macro-economics. It is levied from net wealth, either to be used in productive activities, stored, or even used in extravagant life. Hence, zakat could control such following things:

a. Allocation of productive wealth in various alternative usages. b. Unproductive means of production.



c. Allocation of income in between the expenses and savings. d. Allocation of savings in between productive usages and luxury goods, which finally

damaged without any usage.

Zakat renovate the patterns of consumption, production, and distribution in Muslim society. One of the biggest evil in the system of capitalism is mastery and possession of productive resources controlled by certain fortunate people, so that ignoring the unfortunate which are many more than the fortunate one. It affects the difference in the existing income and finally could slower industrial growth and domestic commerce. For an economic order dominated by monopoly always prevents the usage of economic resources. It is criticized badly by Prahalad on capitalism. Zakat is a compulsory tax for Muslim rich circles, aiming at eradicating blatant differences of income and regaining the consumptive power of the poor. According to the Qur’anic doctrines it is not wrong if one attempts to gain money, but the duty of Islamic state is how that there is no one of its citizen ignored to get the simplest, basic needs (Suprayitno 2005).

This goal could be achieved easily by distributing zakat appropriately in the poor and unfortunate circles. By giving them the power of purchasing, zakat could create a balance between supply and demand of goods, therefore, easing the ways of production and paving the way of improvement, elevating redistribution of income and national prosperity. Hence, zakat winning the rich and the poor as well, the giver as well as the receiver. As mentioned by the Qur’an, “zakat brings prosperity either for the payer or for the receiver”. If it is exist, “a whole new world opportunity will open up,” as said by Prahalad.

To reconstruct, zakat is not an aim but a tool to reach the aim itself. So, the essence of zakat is not in the detail requirements, but in the goal and target being planned. But we should be aware that the bigger Islamic influence to the people, the bigger the opportunity to collect zakat and that its distribution could also run efficiently, besides the possibility to avoid the payment would also be difficult. So, Muslim countries should attempt sincerely to cultivate Islamic spirit in the Muslim community. Zakat would eradicate the unused savings, prevent wealth accumulation, and appeal investments. For there is no guarantee that realized savings would be invested. Investments would only possibly be raised if the opportunity of investments from various grades of risks and a variety of time limit is available with life and property security, the assurance made to prevent arbitrary nationalization and asset taking over, a normal grade of tax, and relative stability in internal and external values in the currency of the country (Suprayitno 2005).

Islamic norms would be considered as giving the positive impact on investments by assuming that this change would really happen and that appropriate circumstance of investments is really exist. Profit sharing based on fair dividends between the capital and the entrepreneur would direct the allocation of resources efficiently. By diminishing one of main resources from uncertainty and unfairness influencing the decision of investment, the entrepreneur would easily make the decision. Transforming “a saver to be an entrepreneur” (as in Ingo Karsten’s terms), would bring business risks distributed evenly, by restoring the investment climate (Sulaiman, 1985).

2. Nisab of Zakat

Nisab (the minimum compulsory measurement) of zakat in economic terms is as follow (Suprayitno): Z1 = levy of zakat from the household Z2 = levy of zakat from each company is 2.5% Z = total levy of zakat Z = Z1 + Z2



Y = national net of income, Y = Y1 + Y2. Y1 is net income from the household and Y2 is net income of the company.

N1 = Nisab from the household. It is a function of national income, when N1 depends on the basic needs and level of price and the proportion is firmed in an income.

N2 = Nisab from the company. It is also a function of national income, when the proportion of N2 is firmed in an income, but its value is coming from the capital labor and the capital decrease.

R(Y) = a total income of a company is the function of R(Y) = dY – C(Y) C(Y) = a total cost of production. A = constant Z = Z1 + Z2 = t [A.Yt – (N1 (Y1) + (N2 (Y2)) – C (Y2)] = t [A.Yt – (N1 (Y1) + B. Y2 – N2 (Y2))] (1) If zakat levied from the net income of the household could be optimal, there would be the following equals: dZ/d Y1 = 0 = A – N1’ (2) When zakat levied optimally on the net income of a company, there would be the following equals: dZ/d Y2 = 0 = B – N2’ Therefore it is concluded that N1’ + N2’ = A + B = constant (3) The explanation of equals (2) and (3) is the overlap that might happen between N1’ and N2’ (as a main indicator of difference with the existence of income)

Firstly, the record that Z = a.Y, where ‘a’ is positive and firmed (2.5%). So, by the existence of the increase of income, the zakat would also raise as big as ‘a’ assuming that the other is firmed, not as a function of exponent, used to reduce real incomes and expenses. This alternative could be seen from the fact that the amount of zakat is fixed as 2.5% from the accumulation of wealth and net income in the period of 1 year.

Secondly, if Y is increased N1 and N2 move against each other. When the level of nisab is its value as much as the level of net income, if N1 is in the lower level so N2 is in the higher level.

3. Essence of Distribution of Zakat

Zakat in its various form has a function to develop levy of nation’s wealth, for it reproduces all kinds of existing wealth. Not as in the modern tax, the arrangement of zakat collection is so simple and it requires no special knowledge whatsoever. The performance of zakat collection as it should be, economically, could erase the gap of blatant economic wealth, and could also redistribute evenly, and could help to control the rapidity of inflation. Besides the uncertain development of the distribution of money in the domestic domain, the lack of goods and the acceleration of the distribution of money, distribution of wealth unevenly could also bring the rapidity of inflation and the devastation of market.

In this case, zakat is not a substitution from various models of self-financing made by modern society to provide social insurance protection for unemployment, accident, aging, and handicap by



reducing the wages of employees and from the contribution of working. Also, zakat does not replace the components of government expenses for prosperity and for aiding in the time of disaster affirmed in the government’s budget. Nevertheless, zakat could be a support or supplement to reduce government’s burden to create redistribution and diminishing poverty. In addition, zakat does not prevent the state to adopt fiscal sizes, retributive schemes, and broadening employment, and creating self-endeavor through soft-loans from the zakat funds itself (Suprayitno 2005).

Zakat is an independent social security instrument employing the rich having a moral responsibility to aid the unfortunate and neglected to help themselves by any means of social security schemes, so that destitution and poverty could be eradicated in the Muslim society.

4. Payment of Zakat

There is a strong relationship between the acceptance and the payment of zakat, but it happens through changes in the market influencing the income and profitability. However, there is a stable inclination in all price changes in Islamic economy. Such price movement could influence level or grade of nisab, and through the ‘zakatable” level could influence net income of the household. Now we could see how it is solved (Suprayitno 2005):

If N1 = a1 + b1 (p.B) (4) N2 = a2 + b2 (p.B+I) (5) where: B = is the amount of the Basic needs P = is the Price of the basic needs I = is the production/reduction of other investment and capital labor for the company where the level of its nisab as much as N Y1 = is the net income of the household Y2 = is the net income of the company Y = Y1 + Y2 a1,a2,b1, and b2 is the next coefficient value N1 = b1 (p.dB/dY) (6) N2 = b2 (p.dB/dYm + dI/dY) As in the previous equals that N1+N2 = constant, so b1 (p.dB/dY) + b2 (p.dB/dY) = constant. (7) Next, in the determined level of price, when B raise/increase, I would lower or decrease, by an increase of income and the reverse. Such relationship is similar to those giving earlier between N1 and N2. An increase in demand for basic needs requires the demands for dividend to be money is higher, and this is in the direction to reinvest is lower than the hold income and a bigger need for external finance (Rosyidi, 2006).

Now, consider p with different value. p could stabilize the decrease on the side of consumer’s prosperity of the household. Then, by lower p, dB/dY>0. It is showed by the shift of B-I curve bending along A1, A2, A3 etc. in the following figure. On the other hand, if p raise/increase dB/dY, it would profit the producer. It is showed by the shift of B – I curve bending along B1, B2, B3, etc. The



change of different price would bring an optimal increase along B and I showed by a0, a1, a2, etc. and b0, b1, b2, etc.

Figure-4 Combination B-I by measuring various levels of price

Now we could see that from various lines by measuring various price changes would be determined the optimal lines. To prove this, the following Figure-5 shows the relationships of each B – I curve by a price change in the previous figure (Figure-4) there is a total allocation of zakat collection between the household (Z1) and the company (Z2), where allocation of these Z1-Z2 should be in line with the curve showed by 0A and 0B, and the like/similar.

The reason of cutting the curve such as (that) is that no one [concerning] merely two sectors could influence the increase of zakat payment when the price is changed specifically. Such overlapping dots as a, b, etc. describing an optimal line to the total allocation of zakat between the household and the company (Suprayitno 2005 dan Sulaiman 1985).

Figure-5. Allocation of optimal zakat between the household and the company (Suprayitno 2005)

5. Goal of Zakat Management: Indonesian Cases (ash-Shawi dan al-Mushlih, 2001)

Zakat would urge investments directly or indirectly. Directly, by enforcing zakat to the wealth, the saved wealth would be activated or invested. Indirectly, by raising the consumption of basic goods and services as the effect of the increase of income of the poor because of zakat, the demands of

B Shifting with level of price, p

B2 a2 b2

b1 A3 B1

a1

A2

b0 a0 A0

I

A B

Shifting with

levels of income, Y



basic goods and services would also increase. This increase of goods and services would attract the production of basic goods and services. Among the goals and targets of zakat are as follow (Eko Suprayitno and Shalah ash-Shawi & Abdullah al-Mushlih):

a. Renovating the Quality of Life

The main objective of zakat is to renovate the quality of life of the people. There are many Indonesian people who still under the line of poverty, and because of that there are such serious problems as education and health, which are hard to be solved. To this, there are two kinds of activities. Firstly, such activities as motivation by giving knowledge on management (in a simple way), giving a guidance, training skills on some kinds of “home industry”, etc. Secondly, activities creating capital matters, either by money as the first capital, injection of capital, or the capital of goods such as equipments, cattle, etc. In short, the enforcement of zakat is in the frame of restoring the quality of life of the followings:

1) Small scale farmers and farming workers

In Indonesia, this group is the majority. In order to elevate their quality of life, the enterprise should be done firstly is giving them the knowledge on “home industry.” It is about enterprise relating closely to their environment. It means that by the knowledge they are expected to create their own endeavor to increase their income. Also, there should be capital to initiate their venture such as money (for enterprise) or cattle (goats, cows or buffaloes, etc.)

2) Fishermen

Most of our fishermen still use traditional equipments and that their quality of life is under the line of poverty. Even if they use motor-ship, generally they hire it or even they are only as workers at the ship. Those fishermen should be given the capitals either as equipments (to catch fish) or helping their marketing.

b. Retailers/Small-scale enterprise managers

In order that retailers or other small-scale industries developed in line with their reasonable needs, there should be attempts such as: (1) giving them the knowledge on management and guiding them so that they could manage their endeavors well; and (2) giving them the capital to develop their endeavors.

c. Education and Scholarship

Some religious scholars (ulama) and Muslim intellectuals suggest zakat as an eternal fund for scholarship. Usually the condition of Islamic educational institutions such as madrasah (religious schools) especially the private ones are not good at all. It is because of the lack of financial support to develop and maintain buildings, to provide qualified teachers, to manage planned curriculum, etc. Besides, another problem faced by Muslim community is their social life which is still far from enough, so that their children could not continue their education. These problems should be answered by certain concepts and programs in enforcing the function of zakat, as being required by Islamic doctrines. In this case the programs being performed in essence could be differentiated into two. Firstly, giving aid to the organizations or foundations of education whether it is formed as money the management of which is released fully to the managers or as educational equipments urgently needed by them. Such aid could be given incidentally as a plea for self-



improvement or routinely to develop the quality of education. Secondly, giving scholarship to certain students, so that they could continue their education as what being termed by the managers of the Board of Zakat Management (Badan Amil Zakat, BAZ).

d. Solving the Problems of Labor and Unemployment

Another activity by zakat fund is solving the problems of labor and unemployment. Lately, these problems are hard to be solved. The labor age around 60 millions of people could not be absorbed by the existing opportunity of work. The targets of this preliminary project are the destitute (fuqara), that is, those who have not any fixed job to fulfill their own daily needs. It is also addressed to the drops-out, students who have finished their education or those who have their own job but their endeavors are stagnant, or collapsed because of the lack of capital support. This financial support could be given to the individuals or the groups based on their prospective knowledge.

e. Program of Health Services

The program of health services for the poor and for those who live in the rural areas should be solved by the enforcement of zakat. As a social concept, zakat could be used as service to the prosperity of Muslims, including their health. The usage of zakat in this sense could be perceived as the interpretation of “Fisabilillah” meaning as public interests as understood by most ulama.

f. Orphanage

The efforts to handle such neglected children as orphans had been done either by the government or private organizations or institutions, in urban or in rural areas. Such endeavors are humanitarian and become one of Islamic doctrines (to rear and educate the orphans). Here, then, Muslims should be more responsible for taking care of the orphans, for it is a kind of worship to Allah SWT (‘ibadah). It could be done individually in every Muslim household or in some organizations which could gather the orphans in a massive scale. Generally the problems in rearing the orphans are involving any process of bringing the orphans to be independent, to be useful for the society, the country, and the religion.

D. CONCLUSION

This explanation of zakat in the light of Prahalad’s ideas hopefully could open our horizons. The present writer surely believes that it is far from being perfect. Nevertheless, the first steps to synergize ideas or inter-ideas for the sake of economic improvement should be done promptly. In Islamic economics, or even in Islamic teaching itself, even the first mission of Muhammad [p.b.u.h.] in the period of Mecca is to free the society from the poverty (Q.S. Al-Balad:6), without differentiating races, tribes, nations, and even religions. And the Prophet himself reportedly says, “the best humans are those who are the most they could give benefit to other humans” [khair al-nas anfa‘uhum li al-nas].



References

Abdul Muhsin Sulaiman, Thahir. (1985). Menanggulangi Krisis Ekonomi Secara Islam, translated into Indonesian by Anshori Umar Sitanggal. Bandung: Al-Ma’arif.

C.K. Prahalad, (2005). The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid. Pennsylvania: Wharton School Publishing.

Harun Nasution, (1990). Teologi Islam. Jakarta: UI-Press.

Joseph E. Stiglitz, (2000). Economics of the Public Sector. New York/London: W.W. Norton & Company.

Kuncoro, Mudrajad. (2006). Ekonomika Pembangunan. Yogyakarta: UPP-STIM YKPN.

M.L. Jhingan, (2007). The Economics of Development and Planning, translated into Indonesian by D. Guritno. Jakarta: Rajawali Press.

Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Muhammad Al-Syawkani. (2007 M/1428 H). Fath al-Qadir,. Beyrut: Dar al-Ma’rifah.

Nasution,Harun. (1995). Islam Rasional. Jakarta: Rajawali Press,

P. Todaro, Michael & C. Smith, Stephen. (2006). Economic Development, translated into Indonesian by Haris Munandar. Jakarta: Erlangga.

Rosyidi, Suherman. (2006). Pengantar Teori Ekonomi. Jakarta: Rajawali Press,

Shalah ash-Shawi & Abdullah al-Mushlih. (2001). Fikih Ekonomi Keauangan Islam. Jakarta: Darul Haq.

Suprayitno, Eko. (2005). Ekonomi Islam. Yogyakarta: Graha Ilmu.

Wirasasmita, Yuyun. (2010). “Economic Development”, paper presented at DET Programme seminar of Development Economic, at Padjadjaran University.

New Era of Muslim Women in Malay World: The Contested Women's Advancement in Decision Making Bodies



Erni Haryanti1

1Tarbiya and Education Faculty at UIN Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung


Abstract

Malay world has been experiencing the conflicting and converging international influences of globalization and rapid Islamisation in many significant aspects of the countries. One of the issues is that the impact of the agenda of advancement of women’s life to achieve gender equality promoted by international agencies. Among other women’s improvement agenda is that woman in decision making bodies. On the other hand, the growing visible Islamic movement (and/or Islamic fundamentalism - Islamism) which may significantly grow among Malay societies would unavoidably create different ideas, attitudes and practices compared to other Muslim world. This paper explores myriad aspects of women’s empowerment transforming into decision making bodies in the nuances of an affirmative action a recommendation of series of international conference on women. Through finding similarities and differences between the two Muslim majority countries, the support toward Muslim women’s empowerment in decision making bodies is formally acknowledged in state regulations. Although women of Southeast Asian region are culturally recognized to have a high status and well engagement with public sphere, in the implementation of women representing themselves in political sphere has a little difference. In term of discourses Indonesia has much flourished ideas and closer to the ideas of international agenda than that of Malaysia. In the overall Malay world would gradually show its openness, tolerance and positive adaptation as a part of world society, although it cannot avoidably be departed from international agenda of both carrying Islamic and non-Islamic values.

Keywords: Muslim women in South-east Asia, women in decision making, Affirmative Action

A. INTRODUCTION

Southeast Asia is located at a very strategic region for most nations that span between the Indian and Pacific Oceans and range between Asia and Australia. It is no wonder if South-east Asia is susceptibly affected by many global influences. It is resided by multi-racial and multi-religious people, but is inherently recognized as peaceful, harmonious and tolerant characters. Recently, it has been witnessed the emergence of the so-called Islamic fundamentalism. At the same time, movement of achieving gender equality promoted by the United Nations (UN) also becomes apparent in the region. Indonesia and Malaysia are among the South-east Asia countries occupied by Muslims, as majority would inevitably have been shaped by these two different global influences, although different characteristics may emerge apart from similarities.

As neighbors, these two countries should inevitably have similarities characterized by race and religion, besides other aspects such as social, economical, political and cultural characters. In reality, due to globalizing influences and openness attitudes have been experienced within the two countries since the last two decades there should have been differences of such various dynamic changes resulted in either positive or negative impacts. A study done by Greg Fealy, for example, shows that Indonesia and Malaysia’s policies towards Islamic fundamentalism - Islamism - have a



little difference (Greg Fealy in Nelly Lahoud and Anthony H. Johns, 2005). This kind of attitude would have been similar to the case of gender equality, such mentioned in the study of Claudia Derichs and Andrea Fleschenberg (Claudia Derichs and Andrea Fleschenberg, 2010). Thus, this paper would like to explore the similarities and differences of Indonesia and Malaysia in confronting and diverging global values in the idea of gender equality with a special reference of women in decision making bodies through the lens of the fact that these are the most populous Muslim countries. In this case, there is a question whether “the Western” whom one may regard as secular and alien to Islamic values, meanwhile Islamic fundamentalism and/or radicalism would be Islamic, or on the other hand even it is often conflicted to “the established” Islam in the South-east Asia region.

B. METHODOLOGY

In this section argued that, in a qualitative study, primary data collection techniques were observation, in-depth interviews, document study, and the three combined or triangulation. It should be noted that the technique of collecting data by observation, it is worth noting what is observed, when interviewed, to whom will conduct the interview (Sugiyono, 2009:147).

Data is the raw material if processed through a series of analyzes can deliver a variety of information (Usman & Purnomo, 2008:15). The data source of this research is the source of the data needed for the study. According Suharsimi Arikunto (2006:129) "The data source is the subject from which the data can be obtained." Based on the data source can be divided into two, namely primary data and secondary data.


1. Global Religious and Secular Influences

a. Religious Fundamentalism

Islamic fundamentalism also called Jihadism has been a global phenomenon since it becomes so interesting in most governments and security services around the world after the attack on the Pentagon, and most importantly on the Twin Towers of the World Trade Centre of New York in 9 November 2001. This world topic has been spreading in countries where Muslims are in Majority. Subhash Kapila, for example, identifies the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism in South-east Asia. It first appeared in Kelantan, North Malaysia, and Southern Thailand. Recently, he says that the entire Malay Northern States are under the political control of Islamic fundamentalist parties. Clashes with Thai Government forces are reported from Southern Thailand. In Indonesia its appearance has been recent and more pronounced after the fall of the late President Suharto (Subhash Kapila, Accessed on 19 October 2011).

However, the term of fundamentalism among most Islamic writers and intellectuals, along with a number of western scholars are objected. They consider it as either irrelevant to Islam or a dubious concept alien to the cultural heritage of Muslims. In this case, Youssef M. Soueiri promotes alternative terms such as Islamism, political Islam, and Islamic Resurgence (Youssef M. Choueiri, 2010)). In his opinion, “fundamentalism in historical Islam was in its early development associated with a scholarly and religious activity, undertaken for the purpose of elucidating the principles and sources of a particular discipline.” However, in modern time, “Islamic fundamentalism combines political action with an ardent desire to discover the original blueprint of a pious community and its ideological principles.”



Nelly Lahoud and Anthony H. Johns write that in general the phenomenon of Islamism emerge after the attacks of World Trade Centre showing Islam become increasingly concerned to establish their presence in the world using Islam as their personal, cultural and political identification, and for some ultimately to deploy Islam as a tool to justify a militant political activism. In this case, Islamism has been represented to the elevation of a commitment to Islam to the level of an ideology, and referred to groups who use Islam as a referent to define their political identities. By defining Islamism like this, however, groups that are included in political parties that profess to be Islamic parties in their political activities are also Islamism. So, for those who see Islam as a universalist ideology on the world stage, likewise regard it as a system to put to rights what they deem as the imbalance and injustice in the world are the extreme manifestation of radical Islamism. This extreme manifestation approaches Islam according to their aspirations and political agendas, and use it as a justification for the use of terror as a political weapon (Nelly Lahoud and Anthony H. Johns, 2005).

This is the reason for Lahoud and Johns become to recognize that Islamism in its manifestation vary and not all Islamists engage in violence. For them committed radical Islamists are fringe groups in the world of Islam; it cannot be overemphasized that far from being a movement that concerns only the West. Islamism as a political current and in all its forms is also recognized as problematic by Muslims in general and cannot boast an acceptance by the mainstream Muslim community. As an example in Indonesia, although Islam has had little influence on politics and society, in wider community most Islamic leaders, such as represented by the two largest Muslim organisations Nadhlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah deny adopting fundamentalism (means radical Islamism). They prefer to promote a moderate form of Islam and forge national unity. For them, to develop Islam must be conducted within the corridors of moderation, far from extremism, either (of the political) left or right, and atheism. Such moderation should come along with national movement, as Indonesia is not an Islamic based state.

The process of Islamisation in Indonesia evidently shows on the growing popularity of Islamic attire and devotions, as well as increasing demand both for popular Islamic literature and works of Islamic learning (Fealy). On the other hand, in Malaysia, as revealed by Fealy, Islam has had a bigger impact on society and state than on that of any other Southeast Asian nations. From Malayan independence in 1957, Islam was accorded a privileged position. The Constitution states that ‘Islam is the religion of the Federation’, though the religious freedom of all citizens is also guaranteed. Meanwhile, islamisation in Malaysian politics and society is apparent in the growing centrality of Islamic symbols and language in political discourse, as well as in the more extensive application of Islamic law.

2. Global Movement on Gender Equality Islamism like any other religious fundamentalisms has increasingly spread may partly be perceived to a threat of an increasingly complex globalised world and to the spread of putatively alien values. It may be aimed at the establishment of a different set of socio-cultural values and socio-political systems (Derichs and Fleschenberg). This may become to affect Mislms’ acceptance on gender equality. The increased globalisation of social, political and economic practices, such as the global movement on gender equality in different Muslim countries has led to arise Muslim’s consciousness on the equal status of Muslim women prescribed in Islam. However, at the same time it emerge differences among Muslim societies, either of those who endorse and champion the women’s cause in the global mindset or those who deny any dichotomy between religious and secular realms.



Promoted by the United Nations, gender equality has become a worthy goal that lies at the heart of human rights and central to progress in human development. Firstly it was promulgated by Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW) of the United Nations. In 1975 DAW has started to hold the World Conference on the International Women’s Year held in Mexico City. Coming along with this, it recommended making state machineries to promote gender equality. Further, support of promoting gender equality is followed by subsequent world conferences on women in 1980 (held in Copenhagen) in 1985 (held in Nairobi) and 1995 (held in Beijing). On December 18, 1979 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) as an international human rights treaty that focuses on women's rights and women's issues worldwide.

Gender equality as governments’ policy has been embodied in the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action as identified institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women in the twelve critical areas of concern. These include in the main obstacles to women’s advancement: women and poverty, education and training of women, women and health, violence against women, women and armed conflict, women and the economy, women in power and decision-making, institutional mechanisms for the advancement of women, human rights of women, women and the media, women and the environment, and the girl child. These twelve critical areas in which women’s status lags behind show the need to remedy women’s conditions to meet the requirements of gender equality. With these twelve, the Fourth World Conference on Women produced the message that gender mainstreaming should be a key strategy to reduce inequalities between women and men that should be carried out by all Governments and other actors to promote an active and visible policy of mainstreaming a gender perspective in all policies and programs, so that before decisions are taken, an analysis is made of the effects on women and men respectively (UNESCO 1995, Accessed on 6 Apr 2006).

Gender mainstreaming, one of its components includes women in decision making, was defined by the United Nations Economic and Social Council in 1997 as ‘a strategy for making women’s as well as men’s concerns and experiences an integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of the policies and programs in all political, economic and societal spheres so that women and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated anymore. The implementation of gender mainstreaming is measured by its success on the so-called Gender-related Development Index (GDI) that accounts for the human development impact of existing gender gaps in the three dimensions: life expectancy at birth, adult literacy rate and mean years of schooling, and income as measured by real gross domestic product per capita. Among South-east Asian Nations in 2004 the measurement of GDI has listed Indonesia in rank 90th, which means the lowest among 4 South-east Asian countries. Meanwhile, Malaysia is on the 52th, Thailand is on 61th, Philippines is on 66th, and Vietnam is on 87th. However, in term of advancing women in decision making bodies, Indonesia would be a bit more advance to others, as explained below.

3. Muslim Women in Decision Making Bodies

The movement toward gender equality in formal politics has advanced in the latest form of international convention embodied in The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action. It was adopted unanimously at the Fourth World Conference on Women (4-15 September 1995) by representatives from 189 countries. The twelve critical areas for women’s advancement have strengthened the relationship between these areas and the improving women’s political participation in decision making and women’s advancement in general. A full involvement of women in decision-making at all levels is intended to play a pivotal role in the general process of the advancement of women. In other words, there is a close reciprocal relationship between the



general advancement of women, including education and formal economic activity, and the participation of women in decision-making (UN 1992). It is mentioned in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, paragraph 183:

Women’s equal participation in decision-making is not only a demand for simple justice or democracy but can also be seen as a necessary condition for women’s interests to be taken into account. Without the active participation of women and incorporation of women’s perspectives at all levels of decision-making, the goals of equality, development and peace cannot be achieved.

The close relationship between the 12 critical areas and women’s advancement in politics has lead to awareness of the lack of women’s representation in politics among the champions of gender equality. Although women who constitute half of population in participating election, in their opinion they are not followed success at the following right, i.e. representing women’s constituents. Therefore, their endorsement on the Beijing Platform for Action Governments is to encourage (as written in article 7 of the CEDAW) to give women the right to participate in decision making and public policy, and to allow them to exercise that right. These are the basic political rights since it refers to women’s rights to vote and to hold office. CEDAW has provided the basis for realizing equality between women and men through ensuring women's equal access to, and equal opportunities in, political and public life, including the right to vote and to stand for election. State parties have to agree to take all appropriate measures, including legislation and temporary special measures, so that women can enjoy all their human rights and fundamental freedoms (ECOSOC, CEDAW, 1979).

A message of CEDAW to ensure women’s right has finally promote a temporary special measure on the so-called women’s quota. Drude Dahrelup argues that women’s quotas are a possible method for achieve a dramatic increase in women’s representation (Drude Dahrelup,2002). Women’s quotas as an affirmative action tool exist to redress the gender inequality that persists in politics. This also means that women’s quotas aim to achieve political equality and are thus applied as a temporary measure. The use of quotas will discontinue when the barriers for women’s entry into politics are removed. Women’s quotas are aimed to achieve fixed outcomes; when women constitute at least a critical minority of 30 or 40 per cent in politics the quotas should be phased out.

a. Indonesian Case

In response to the UN’s first Conference on Women, Indonesia’s government supported the UN women’s year in 1975 and the UN decade for women (1975-1984). For the first time, the government established the Junior Ministry of Women’s Roles in 1978 with the aim of promoting women’s roles in the country’s development. In 1983 this junior ministry became the State Ministry for Women’s Roles. Early in 1980, the government signed the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) that lays the foundation for women’s equal rights. Furthermore, Indonesia’s government ratified the CEDAW Convention into Law No. 7 on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women enacted in 1984. These endorsements of UN conventions and implementations to improve women’s status have been pointed to as a source of the women’s movement to demand equal representation in decision making (Nur Iman Subono). Apart from this, the fall of the New Order has brought a new formulation of the 1995 GHBN (Broad Outlines of the State Policy). It clearly identifies, for the first time, gender equality and gender equity as national development objectives. It also re-emphasizes the need to improve the status and role of women in relation to national life, as well as to bring about gender equity and equality in national development (Centre for Population and Policy Study



Gadjah Mada University & The Office of the State Ministry of the Women Empowerment, 2002). Various approaches to improve women’s lives through national development programs have been accommodated from WID (Women in Development), GAD (Gender and Development) to Gender mainstreaming.

Apart from Indonesia’s Government’s policies, the increasing global definition of women’s issues in the aftermath of the UN’s declaration of the International Women’s Decade has also strengthened women’s voices. New Indonesian women’s organizations were also established in the 1980s. Women’s organizations, such as Yasanti of Yogyakarta and Kalyanamitra of Jakarta were established to complement the government’s funded women’s organizations such as PKK and Dharma Wanita whom have been regarded had little awareness on gender issues. They and other mushrooming women’s organizations claimed themselves operate their programs independently in helping oppressed people, such as women, labors, farmers, fishermen, those who gained disadvantages as a result of development progress (Ruth Indiah Rahayu, 1996).

Specific to women’s advancement in politics Indonesia’s Government has enacted the Law No. 12/2003 for the 2004 Election, article (65:1) mentions that all political parties ‘may’ include a minimum of 30 per cent of women candidates for legislative offices at all levels. Such 30% quota has been implemented in the 2004 Election which came along with demands of women activists. The result was that 62 women among 550 members of Parliament (11.3%) were appointed. Meanwhile, the 1999 Election, the first election at the Reformation era was only promoted 45 women out of 500 members of Parliament (9%). In the following election, again Indonesia’s Government also has published the Act No. 10/2008 on membership of National and Regional Legislative; and the Act No. 2/2008 on Political Parties. Both acts have given mandate to political parties to fulfill 30% quota of women in politics, especially in legislatives. Women representation in legislatives from time to time has been improving as seen from 1999-2004 (9%), then 2004-2009 (11.3%) to 2009-2014 (17.7%). Moreover, the National Committee of Election 2009-2014 reports that in the DPD (Regional Representative Council, women constitute 22.7%. As an illustration the up and down numbers of women’s representation in Indonesia’s Parliament (DPR RI), as follows:

Served Period Women Men 1950-1955 (Temporary DPR) 9 (3.8%) 236 (96.2%) 1955-1960 17 (6.3%) 272 (93.7%) Constituent Assembly: 1956-1959 25 (5.1%) 488 (94.9%) 1971-1977 36 (7.8%) 460 (92.2%) 1977-1982 29 (6.3%) 460 (93.7%) 1982-1987 39 (8.5%) 460 (91.5%) 1987-1992 65 (13%) 500 (87%) 1992-1997 62 (12.5%) 500 (87.5%)

1997-1999 54 (10.8%) 500 (89.2%) 1999-2004 46 (9%) 500 (91%) 2009-2014 17,6% 82,4%

Source: DPR Secretariat, 2001. Data formulated by the Division on Women and the Elections, CETRO, 2002.

In global phenomena, quotas as an affirmative action measure have raised resistance, as well Indonesia. Drude Dahrelup enlists arguments of apposing quotas as follows:

1. Quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given preference.

2. Quotas are undemocratic, because voters should be able to decide who is elected.



3. Quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender, not because of their qualifications and that more qualified candidates are pushed aside.

4. Many women do not want to get elected just because they are women. 5. Introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organization (Drude

Dahrelup).

The rejection towards women quotas in Indonesia may best represented in the enactment of the first introduced women’s quota that was included in the 2003 Election Act, although the following similar Act published in 2008 had found similar resistance with lesser confrontation due to political atmosphere was more open. Erni Haryanti Kahfi illustrates the journey of women in parliaments who supported an affirmative action measure in the so-called quotas so that they could help to achieve approval of Parliament recommendation was finally embedded in the Election Act article 65 enacted in February 2003. The process of enactment took a long journey; the result was still in a soft measure. The word “may” in the article refers to a soft law as it would not affect penalty for those who breach the law (Erni Haryanti, Kahfi, 2009). The enactment seems to a win-win solution as the fact that the executives represented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the 1999 election winning party kept questioning about the political capability of women (KOMPAS, 2003). Such article mentions:

Each participating political party may nominate candidates for national parliament the DPR, the Provincial DPRD and the Regency/City DPRD, for each electoral district, giving consideration to representation of women of at least 30 percent (Indonesian version: Setiap Partai Politik peserta Pemilu dapat mengajukan calon anggota DPR, DPRD Propinsi dan DPRD Kabupaten/kota untuk setiap daerah pemilihan dengan memperhatikan keterwakilan perempuan sekurang-kurangnya 30% (Undang-Undang nomor 12/2003 tentang Pemilihan Umum pasal).

During the battle of making the quotas included in the Election Act, many women members of Parliaments were either involving in the process or supporting from the outside official meetings, but they definitely endorsed the cause of a women’s issue. This situation was in contradictory to those who consider women MPs were tokens of their political parties they represent, and of the Parliament Office they worked in. More importantly they were some Muslim women figures who represented Islamic or devout Muslim based parties. Haryanti Kahfi found a senior Muslim woman MP who had been assumed the Parliament for three election times, she represented a long Islamic party showed her support to have more women in politics saying that:

Until now this (women’s participation in formal politics) has been a problem of culture, not a problem of religion. The problem comes from people. People who do not understand this might have such wrong misperceptions. And these wrong misperceptions may still exist. For example, based on religious teaching, people can say, “You live as a wife, so what is the purpose of this life?” The answer is, “Heaven for the afterlife. However, Heaven is not here (in the world of politics).” But, for sure serving the husband and the child in the household will lead to heaven. That statement was spoken previously by a representative of party X in there. There is such a point I have heard. So this discouragement is based on an individual’s religious perceptions. However, if I look at the Qur’an, there is a specific verse which mentions that whoever does pious deeds both men and women are both faithful people. Why is this verse not applied here? Because you (a female) if you want to go somewhere (politics) they are not willing to accept (Haryanti Kahfi).



Another young Muslim woman representing an emerging Islamic party said that she believed that changes in the social and political aspects would affect directly to women’s lives. Therefore in her view, Muslim women need to involve more in the world of politics.

....changes in the social and political aspects of the country may actually affect a woman’s life, such as the increased price of oil. When fuel prices increase, women should prepare themselves earlier as they need to manage their income accurately in order to fit the timetable of having another income. When the rainy season comes, they should be more aware of the coming flood, while they understand why they are forbidden to dispose of garbage into rivers to help maintain the environment. For her this understanding is a minimum; women need to follow things that are happening in their social environment regardless of how busy they are. It is important to be involved with the environment and to be concerned about the development of the country. If necessary she encouraged women to get involved with politics, to prove that they have a shared concern with the people. Their involvement with politics would work toward the betterment of their society.

The acknowledgement of Muslim women MPs who endorsed the enactment of the affirmative action measure above was a little example among many more devout Muslim women who preferred to agree with the affirmative action measure. It is no wonder if Muslims as Meena Sharify-Funk say, such is quoted by Derichs and Fleschenberg mentioning that addressing the peculiar relationship between religiosity, secularity, tradition and modernity with reference to Muslim communities are floating and overlapping concepts which by no means contradict each other. Muslims in general do not simply live “in” tradition” or “in modernity”; rather, they dwell “in between” these two poles, as well as “in between” their secular and religious ideas (Derichs and Fleschenberg). Thus, it is not surprisingly when the 2003 Election Act applied in the 1999 election resulted 9% of women in Parliament, in the 2009 election as a result of the enactment of the 2008 Election Act, women number in Parliament increased significantly to become 17,6%.

b. Malaysian Case

In Malaysia, endorsement on improving women’s participation in politics is similar to the Indonesian case. It importantly endorses the Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action resulted from the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women, held in Beijing in September 1995. According to Aminah Ahmad, this country has specifically committed itself to strengthen the implementation of the National Policy on Women in order to: (i) involve more women in decision-making; (ii) safeguard their rights to health, education, and social well-being; (iii) remove legal obstacles and discriminatory practices; and (iv) ensure access to and benefits of development particularly in science and technology (Aminah Ahmad,1998).

The first point of Malaysian Government’s commitment on women in decision making is explained by Zarizana Abdul Aziz. She says that the government adopted a policy of 30% women in decision-making levels in the public sector in August 2004 (Zarizana Abdul Aziz, 2008). Prior to this, the Federal Constitution has acknowledged the rights of Malaysian women as citizens to participate in the political and public life of the nation are recognized and guaranteed. A specific article No. 8(1) states “all persons are equal before the law and entitled to equal protection of the law”. To ensure there would be no laws that discriminate women, Article 8(2) has been reviewed and amended by the Parliament in August 2001 to include the word “gender” (Usha Devi Rajaratnam, 2010).



Furthermore, among Malaysian important figures, gender equity has been actually endorsed to be implemented. Dato’ Seri Abdullah Badawi who became Prime Minister approved it by espousing an approach to Islam in October 2003. He focused on 10 fundamental principles, one of which is the protection of the rights of minority groups and women:

“which is authentic and rooted within the tradition, yet human, just and compassionate” and “where women will not feel that statements describing Islam as a religion of justice and mercy in reality only speak to women with exceptions – inadvertently or otherwise… “Women receive a specific mention because I believe that despite the fact that women in many parts of the world

have become more emancipated, women in many Muslim countries continue to be marginalised and discriminated against. I find it most lamentable … that [women have not] gained the status that they are entitled to, in terms of rights, equality and justice” (Zarizana).

Meanwhile, Retired Chief Judge of Malaya, the Honourable Tan Sri Siti Norma Yaakob, in her opening address delivered at the International Conference on ‘Legislations and Mechanisms to Promote Gender Equality’, Kuala Lumpur, 28 August 2006 mentioned: “It is my belief that Islam accords women equal rights with men… like many Muslims, I do not believe that Islam, which abhors injustices, treats women any less than it treats men. Women, like men are vice-regents on earth; equal in the eyes of Allah and it is our collective responsibility to ensure that principles of justice and equality are reflected in our laws”.

More precise endorsement to the improvement of women in decision making is raised by Wan Azizah: Malaysia, like any other country, needs to have balanced male/female representation in the public sphere, including politics, so that women can participate in high-level decision-making. Having women at the highest levels of decision making not only means the articulation of issues generally perceived to be women’s issues, but ensures that the interests and needs of women, who are half of the population, are given due weight and consideration. Beyond that, the presence of women at these levels will mean that women’s perspectives will be easier to hear and more highly valued in national discussions, in the direction of creating a more just, open, fair and equitable society (Wan Azizah, 2002).

However, according to Zarizana gender has not been featured prominently in the political scene of Malaysia, as racial or ethnic politics has been the mainstream of post independence politics. Fifty years after independence, political parties are still divided along racial/ethnic lines and there has hardly been any perceptible shift from racial/ethnic politics. This is the reason why gender discourse has also been complicated by conservative religious interpretations. Coinciding with the rise of religious revivalism globally, Malay-Muslim politics has resulted in a rise in ideological political and legal challenges to the legitimacy of women’s claims for equality in the context of Muslim culture and religion (Zarizana, 2010).

As a matter of fact, Malaysian accession to CEDAW on 5 July 1995 by reservations to certain articles, such as Article 2 (f), Article 5 (a), Article 7 (b), Article 9 and Article 16 have been considered showing to its non-conformity with Shariah practiced in Malaysia and the Federal Constitution(United Nations Treaty Collection). Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh presents the original reservations read as follows:

The Government of Malaysia declares that Malaysia’s accession is subject to the understanding that the provisions of the Convention do not conflict with the provisions of the Islamic Shariah law and the Federal Constitution of Malaysia. With regards thereto, further, the Government of



Malaysia does not consider itself bound by the provisions of Articles 2 (f), 5 (a), 7 (b), 9 and 16 of the aforesaid Convention. In relation to Article 11, Malaysia interprets the provisions of this Article as a reference to the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of equality between men and women only’ (Declarations, Reservations and Objections to CEDAW, Division for the Advancement of Women) (Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh, 2012).

Reservations are declarations made by State Parties to a treaty, and also mean to not accept certain provisions. Therefore, the non acceptance towards certain articles of the CEDAW has been regarded as discriminating against Muslim women. Regarding this, Nik Saleh figures out that there has been a prevalent avoidance of the term feminism in Malaysia. One of the reasons of Malaysian distancing from feminisms is that feminists’ movements in Malaysia did not engage with Islam and Islamic intellectuals regarding women’s rights until late 1980s. Feminists’ organisations were neither incorporate Islamic paradigm in their early generations. This situation continued until early 1990s when feminists’ projects remained unapproachable and untouched by Muslim professionals. For Nik Saleh, Shariah is harmonious, therefore, the allegation that Shariah contradicts with the civil legal system in making women unequal and discriminated is questionable. She argues that according to Islam and CEDAW, gender equality laws might come first as equal treatment of women and men, however, if equal treatment brings unequal results, then the laws should play its role to ensure equal outcomes and remove barriers to advancement of either women or men. Until recently, she observes that the Women, Family and Community Development Ministry, established in January 2001, is still studying the necessity to enact a Gender Equality Act as legal reform proposals.

The alienation of gender equality with its various issues including women in decision making may refer to Azizah’s acknowledgement that women in decision-making process is far from being included. Women are under-represented in political institutions, due to numerous challenges confront women entering politics. She identifies women’s under-representation is caused by among other things are lack of party support, family support and the "masculine model" of political life. Malaysian society is still male dominated so that men are threatened by the idea of women holding senior posts. As the political sphere is compounded by the high premium placed on political power, this has made some men even less willing to share power with women. The following table illustrates women’s representation in Malaysian decision making bodies from time to time (Azizah).

Further, the latest record from Malaysian General Election in 2008, women candidates contested for the total of the 222 parliamentary seats and 405 state seats were 130 contestants out of which fewer than 50 were successful (more or less 8% women in decision making positions). This is for sure still far from the minimum 30% target proposed by Women, Family and Community Development Ministry in the 9th Malaysia Plan. This number, however, is still considered an improvement from the total of 80 women candidates that contested in the 2004 General elections



(Rajaratnam). The persistence of low number of women in decision making is identified that since Independence Malaysia has generally subscribed to ethnic and religion based politics. Thus, a new trend would be increasing rejection towards diversity and secularism in favour of state regulation of behaviour, faith, status and identity, mostly in the name of the religious and ethnic interests of the majority Muslim Malays (Abdul Azis Zarizana, 2008).

D. CONCLUSION Recently Muslims all around the world, including Malaysia and Indonesia, have brought different approaches to respond various global movements. Global movement, such as Islamic fundamentalism gains a little ground among Muslims majority, as evidence shows at a very small number of people who involve with it, as Muslims in majority do not support violent, radical characters of Islamic fundamentalism. Another different Islamic movement, i.e. Islamism shows much ground in South-east Asian Muslim based countries, such as Indonesia and Malaysia. Islamism has been encouraging Muslims to establish themselves to be a pious Muslim community, being implemented religious principles in all aspects of Muslims’life. This kind of Islamism which seems to be more palpable in influencing Muslims’ acceptance toward gender equality movement that emerges in the two countries.

Both Indonesia and Malaysia have unanimously adopted gender equality notion, a message of the 1995 International Women Conference embodied in the Beijing Declaration and Platform for action. Coming along with this, both countries have also ratified human (including women) rights symbolized in CEDAW. Indonesia has been earlier to ratify the CEDAW in the Act No. 7/1984, while Malaysia embedded it on 5 July 1995 by Reservations. The results are the two countries implement women’s political rights differently, at the same time the supports gain from communities variously. In one hand, Indonesia has gained more supports as the table shows on Women’s Representation in Indonesia’s Parliament (DPR RI) has been increasing significantly. In another hand, Malaysia has been slowing down, not only in the increased number of women’s representation in decision making bodies, but gender discourses provide less interest among Malaysian political actors, scholars and writers.

Finally, Islamism which has been growing significantly in the two countries would increasingly affect to different interpretation on gender equality notion. Muslims’ understanding on the Islamic revelation (including the holy Qur’an and The Prophets’ Tradition) has brought some Muslims to welcome a measure of diversity, while other Muslims demand uniformity. However, since South-east Asian Muslims are recognized to more peaceful, tolerant and open-minded, such have been proved by Indonesian and Malaysian endorsements on the two kinds of international gender equality treaties, gender equality agenda would become more palpable and decisive in the near future. Malay Muslims as a part of the world community cannot avoidably be departed from international agenda, but Islamic values would not be wiped out either from every aspects of their life.



References

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Images of The West in Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity


Images Of The West In Urban Indonesia: Muslims Negotiating the Western Path to Modernity

Melanie V. Nertz1

1Dept. of Cultural and Social Anthropology, Albert-Ludwig-University, Freiburg, Germany.

E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract

Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism is unjustified. In fact, the political change after 1998 and the increasing influence of religion combined with an intensified process of globalization have led to socio-cultural vicissitudes inIndonesia beyond which we can only estimate what future patterns of orientation the population will have. Based on data from informal conversations, interviews and participant observation, it will be argued that, notwithstanding considerable variations, Muslim Indonesians uphold not solely negative but ambivalent images of the West and that in comparison with and opposition to the ‘Self’ or ‘Own’ the West is examined as one of many frames of reference by which modernity is negotiated and can be put into practice. Many interlocutors overcame the binary of East and West by envisioning that Indonesia could combine the advantages of both, the Own and the Foreign in order to step into a desirable future.

Keyword: West, Urban, Modernity, Occidentalisms

A. INTRODUCTION

Not only the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the USA and postulates like the “clash of civilizations” but also a general growth of world wide interrelations affecting all aspects of life and society, have contributed to an increased public interest in how the ‘West’ is perceived by the ‘East’ and in particular how the ‘West’ is perceived by ‘Islam’. In this context, Indonesia has attracted international attention due to the Bali bombings in 2002, making the country, which has the world’s largest Muslim population (and is the largest Muslim-majority democracy), part of the so-called ‘axis of evil’ overnight. Yet, even though a social development in the direction of conservative interpretations of Islam can be observed, equating Indonesia exclusively with Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism is unjustified. In fact, the political change after 1998 and the increasing influence of religion combined with an intensified process of globalization have led to socio-cultural vicissitudes inIndonesia beyond which we can only estimate what future patterns of orientation the population will have. Thus recently, especially people in the cities, the main loci of globalization, have to renegotiate their social status and cultural identity. They are in need of repositioning the ‘Self’, a process that goes hand in hand with the constitution of differences and representations of the foreign.

This paper seeks to explore cultural discourses and constructions of the West as the ‘Other’ or ‘Foreign’ among contemporary Muslims in Indonesian urban societies (in particular that of Makassar, South Sulawesi and Yogyakarta, Central Java where I did anthropological fieldwork for five and four month. Questions that will be considered in the following are: How do Muslim Indonesians at the present time position themselves vis-á-vis an imagined West? How is this West perceived, experienced, interpreted and understood? How are current imaginations of and attitudes towards the West connected to and articulated in concepts of and performances of modernity and desirable futures?



In contrast to Western media coverage that constantly reproduces the longstanding dichotomy between Islam and the West and leaves no doubt about Muslim hatred of the West, it is aimed to show the variety of images of the West that exist among Muslim Indonesians in Makassar and Yogyakarta that comprised, for instance, NGO-employees, students and university lecturers, hotel staff, street vendors and Imams and some of them were affiliated with certain Islamic branches, parties or students associations, while others defined themselves as mere ‘identity card Muslims’ (Muslim KTP).

Based on data from informal conversations, interviews and participant observation, it will be argued that, notwithstanding considerable variations, Muslim Indonesians uphold not solely negative but ambivalent images of the West and that in comparison with and oppositionto the ‘Self’ or ‘Own’ the West is examined as one of many frames of reference by which modernity is negotiated and can be put into practice.

B. METHODOLOGY

Based on data from informal conversations, interviews and participant observation, it will be argued that, notwithstanding considerable variations

In this section argued that, in a qualitative study, primary data collection techniques were observation, in-depth interviews, document study, and the three combined or triangulation. It should be noted that the technique of collecting data by observation, it is worth noting what is observed, when interviewed, to whom will conduct the interview.


1. Occidentalisms – Good and bad of ‘the modern West’

A part from locating several Wests, namely the US-American West, the European West, the Australian West and the Muslim West, Muslim Indonesians spoke rather undifferentiated

about Westerners and the West and expressed an ambivalent attitudeiv that was best summarized as follows: ‘In my opinion there are good and bad things to say about the West’ (interview, 23 March 2011).v People cited positive and negative aspects of the West, which was first and foremost considered as a symbol of modernity: ‘If you search for the modern world, go to the West, to Europe, to America’ (interview, 2 November 2010). The list of shared images and cultural markers associated with ‘the modern West’ comprised on the positive side: Western discipline, economic strength and wealth, highranking education systems (and therefore clever Western people), advanced technology, good quality products, democracy, liberalism (related to human rights such as religious freedom or gender equality), and individualism (understood as independency and self-reliance of the subject). Rated negatively were: the remembrance of colonialism, secularization or rather the loss of religion, materialism (often considered as the new religion not only of the West but also of Indonesians), individualism (seen as isolation, loneliness, egoism, selfishness and accompanied by social disintegration and anonymity) and again liberalism (equated with ‘free sex’vi, indecent female clothing and consume of alcohol and drugs – altogether things that are seen as crucial indicators of moral decadence).

Thus, from experiences in Western countries, several informants, for instance, greatly admired the feeling of security, which was ascribed to the rule of law. Having graduated in Europe, one informant emphasised the harmonious social life over there and told: ‘Life is protected by law;



people may do whatever they want as long as it is in accordance with the law’ (interview, 25 October 2010). Another research participant, head of a modernist Islamic boarding school (pesantren) that has international connections, focused on freedom of expression and more precisely gender equality when he firstly explained: ‘They [Westerners, M.V.N.] have an opinion and are allowed to say what they think. I could observe that. There was a married couple who discussed everything together’ (interview, 2 November 2010).

Furthermore, he remarked that he had been impressed by the religious tolerance shown towards him when he had been fasting in Ramadan: ‘Thus, what I also experienced was that people [Westerners, M.V.N.] were very tolerant: at no time when I was fasting, at no time were there any problems. On the campus, for instance, they [Western students, M.V.N.] apologised when they ate lunch’ (interview, 2 November 2010). In addition, Muslim Indonesians were generally in favour of Western behavioural characteristics and ideals such as sense of order, punctuality and thirst for knowledge that – in their eyes – were put into practice in exemplary fashion by Westerners (and were seen as cornerstones of the West’s progress in terms of education, technology and economics). One research participant who had worked in the tourism sector for years (first as a waiter, later as an operational manager) had observed that guests from the West were always eager to learn. Pointing to the fact that they would read a lot, he concluded that Westerners are studious and inquisitive in contrast to Indonesians: We admire the fact that Westerners spend a lot of time learning. Wherever they are, they will read and read and read. If they go to the bathroom, if they are on a train or in a restaurant, wherever they are, they will always have a book with them, either beside them on the table or at least in their bag. I think this is what we should pattern ourselves on. (Interview, 2 January 2011)

However, some shared negative images of ‘the West’ and of ‘Western modernity’ were put forward by Muslim Indonesians in Makassar and Yogyakarta as well. They mentioned what they considered to be the flip side of the coin or a false liberalism that was incompatible with Indonesian culture: Their doctrine is the idea of freedom. They are free. I mean … they have a free live. Yes, they live unhampered lives, especially when they come [to Makassar, M.V.N.] in couples, man and woman. Excuse me, not all are like that, they usually say: free life, free sex, drinking alcohol … they [Westerners, M.V.N.] call it freedom, liberty … free means they can do whatever they want. This is true in their countries. However, if they come to Indonesia, they will have to respect our culture. (Interview, 2 January 2011)

Additionally, the basic characteristic of the Western life-style, namely being materialistic, was seen as another great shortcoming. It had already led to disorientation among Westerners who do not know about the real need of humanity, namely spirituality. According to my researchparticipants this was quite contrary to people in the East and in Indonesia, whose spiritual strength was praised: Society here [Indonesian society, M.V.N.], societies in the East in general, although their basic material needs have to be met, have a strong spiritual orientation in life: spirituality is strong… Looking at the West, how to say, they are disorientated in their lives because they are already rich in terms of material needs. It is beyond question that this leads to discomfort and uneasiness because there is a spiritual dimension, a spiritual need that they [Westerners, M.V.N.] ignore. Yes, it is unfulfilled. Thus, that is not good, there is no balance. (Interview, 11 January 2011)

The above cited perfectly shows the interrelatedness of the constitution of ‘Self’ and ‘Other’ and leads to some necessary theoretical considerations regarding Orientalism and Occidentalism. Famously criticized by Edward W. Said in 1978 for being reductionist representations of ‘the Orient’ in order to serve as instrument of colonial domination,vii Orientalism seemed to precede



Occidentalism, a term that was only introduced in 1992 by James G. Carrierviii as a synonym for essentialist images of ‘the West’ (either defined as ‘the projected image of the Western world enjoyed by representatives of “the Orient”’ix or – less commonly – understood as a Western projectx). Yet, this does not hold true due to the intersections of both, now and before. Max Deeg therefore enhanced the concepts by adding the supplementary terms auto-orientalism and auto-occidenalism. These terms describe the fact that, while constructing the ‘Other’ we also create an essentialist image of the ‘Self’.

When people from the East do so, it is referred to as auto-orientalism, and auto-occidentalism when Westerners do so.

In the case of my Muslim interviewees the mechanism of auto-orientalism was of two kinds. Where the West was regarded as a shining example, auto-orientalism painted an unfavourable picture of the ‘Self’, Indonesian government and society. There was widespread negativity – negative self perception and descriptions – in the accounts of the interlocutors, signifying a discontent with current cultural, social and political conditions in Indonesia. Participants were particularly condemning corruption, which is often used as an argument that Indonesia is not yet ready for democracy. This self-criticism was frequently seen in the context of the religious identity of the interviewees, as, for instance, a Muslim lecturer at an Islamic and a Christian university stated: “Islamic values can be found over there [in the West] but not here [in Indonesia]. Although in the West they do not say they are Muslims, I recognized that they put Islamic values to use.

On the contrary, in Islamic countries, including here [Indonesia] all people say: `I am Muslim´, but I realized that they are not because they do not promote Islamic values.” (Interview, 11 January 2011). Referring to negative aspects of the West was accompanied by constructions of the ‘Self’ that were mystifying. Accusing the West of being immoral and lacking spiritual guidance, simultaneously Indonesia or the East was ‘equated with moral values and wisdom’ (interview, 17 February 2011), although in other contexts informants were worried about the fact that Indonesian youth especially was imitating liberal Western life-style. Thus, working in the tourism sector of Makassar for years (first as a waiter and more recently employed as the operational manager of a medium-sized, family-run hotel), one informant reported the following: I observed that when Westerners come they usually like beer. Once I worked as waiter in a café… they ordered a lot of beer. Those who come to this café are not only Western tourists, our people [people from Makassar, M.V.N.] do so as well and are probably influenced by them. Shameless social intercourse has already been adopted from the West. It is extraordinary how shameless social intercourse has already entered Indonesian society. (Interview, 2 January 2011)

With respect to her peers, one female employee of a non-governmental organisation in Yogyakarta also pointed out the increasingly pro-Western attitudes of young Indonesian women in terms of fashion: When you look at fashion, for example, [young, M.V.N.] people in Indonesia know quite quickly about fashion in Paris. When hot pants became the latest trend five years ago, you could not see women wearing them in public in Yogya [Yogyakarta, M.V.N.], but now [you can, M.V.N.]. That means with Western influence you now see a lot [of hot pants on the streets, M.V.N.]. (Interview, 18 September 2010).And last but not least, a member of the Islamic Students Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, HMI) in Yogyakarta remarked the already destructive impact that Western materialism had taken on Indonesian society: Slametan are vanishing, [because] we are already pragmatic [in the sense of materialistic], consumerism has grasped us [in Indonesia], that is the influence from the West, culture is changing very much, Ramadan also. When this major religious holiday comes, you have to buy new clothes [now]. (Interview, 23 March 2011)



2. Pathways to Alternative Modernities – Modifying the Western Draft by Filtering

Does modernisation have to mean Westernizing Indonesia? xiv As shown above, informants of mine for the most part had clear ideas of ‘the West’ and its conditions of modernity. Judging some aspects positively and others negatively, revealed that Muslim Indonesians were notcompletely convinced of what the West provides as a model of a modern nation and society.Thus, being aware of what in their eyes are the pros and cons of Western modernity andfacing Western inflows into their own society resulted in a so-called practice of ‘filtering’.More precisely, this meant identifying good and bad about Western life-style, values and concepts and filtering out what was considered unsuitable for Indonesian culture and Muslim religious understandings:Everyone has certain characteristics: one of them is culture. We havealso special characteristics due to our culture. Thus, we should have a filter in order that we do not adopt things that are not appropriate with our culture, yes? So, there is a filter, [and] what fits will be adopted. (Interview, 18 February 2011)

Interestingly, the practice of filtering was as valid for global or foreign influences from theWest as for inflows from the ‘Islamic East’, but that is another matter.However, dealing with the process of globalisation, and especially with circulating ideas and images of ‘the West’, was not just a matter of sorting out the negative things. Once they were clear about this, people turned out to be busy learning how to incorporate what were acknowledged as positive examples or useful knowledge from the West in terms of modernisation. Concerning education, for instance, lively discussions were, and still are, held in Muslim academic circles on how to benefit from Western science. There was no doubt about the need to learn from the West in terms of scientific culture. Yet, how to do so was a matter of debate. Muslim intellectuals and students were divided over this issue. Some thought of an explicit model of how to create and guarantee a ‘synergy of religion and sciences’ (interview,25 January 2011), while others were in favour of the immediate introduction of Western sciences: Knowledge cannot be changed, whether it is a communist, an atheist, a religious person, someone from the West or someone from the East who discovers it. It is not necessary to Islamise knowledge. […] We can adopt [Western, M.V.N.] knowledge immediately. What is global is [Western, M.V.N.] knowledge and methodology, these are very beneficial. (Interview, 4 January 2011)

The admiration for Western methodological strength has even gone so far as to set a new trend. Studying Islamic sciences has thus recently shifted from universities in the Middle East to institutions in the West:The right methods to do research, the West has an advantage in this case. […] Students of Islamic sciences are sent over there. […] In the Middle East they do not know enough about the right methodology. How to read the holy texts like the Quran, you have to use the right methods; Westerners know how to do it. (Interview, 4 January 2011)

Anyway, it was widely stressed that sciences generated in the West lacked the guidance of moral values to ensure an ethically responsible application – the latter being a task Islam could perform. The final aim was often to modernise by ‘becoming more Western than the West’ (interview, 25 March 2011), as one member of the Muhammadiyah Students’ Association (Ikatan Mahasiswa Muhammadiyah, IMM) in Yogyakarta emphasised. Acquiring secular Western sciences and combining them with respect for Islamic norms would advance the East, in particular Indonesia, to a leading position. In terms of consumerism, practice was much less complex. Despite the danger of material hedonism, spending the weekends in shopping malls and eating at Pizza Hut, Kentucky Fried Chicken or MacDonald’s were popular leisure activities among middle- and upper-class Muslim Indonesians in Makassar and Yogyakarta. Being aware of their Western origins, some informants loved to go to these fast-food chains because ‘it is modern, it is its modernity;



eating in the Western Kentucky means being modern’ (interview, 2 November 2010), as well as showing one can afford it. Others said that they just liked the food.

However, none of them had any doubts about whether or not the food was in conformity with Islamic food rules and purity requirements due to the halal labelxx from the Council of Indonesian Ulama (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI).

D. CONCLUSION

Dealing with Occidentalism or rather Occidentalisms in contemporary Indonesia, it is striking that perceptions and images of the West did not differ significantly when comparing the selected research sites, Makassar and Yogyakarta. Something that can be ascribed to thesimilar sources from where the informants derive their knowledge of the West: first andforemost from the media, but also from contacts with foreign tourists and/or from travelling or staying abroad or from working relations with Westerners. What was revealed is a common tendency towards the ambivalence and ambiguity for which the West stands in the eyes of the research participants (apart from a few who looked on the West solely negatively and were only mentioned in passing in this paper).

The West is seen as a shining example on the one hand and is considered a source of danger on the other. This conflicting attitude towards the West is most obvious with regard to moral orientations, or rather the ideals of social behaviour. It manifests it self when the West is labelled both ‘indecent’ with respect to sexual liberalism and ‘more Islamic’ in terms of respecting human rights. Efforts to put into practice what is considered favourable concerning the West finally result in more or less elaborate modifications of Western life-style or concepts and demonstrate the important role that the active individual plays. Moreover, it is now clear that othering concurrently leads to definition of not one but various Selves and does not necessarily have to result in cultural dissociation: there is also the possibility of cultural appropriation. People create their own paths to an alternative modernity out of a pool of possible references, one of which is especially the West.

The process of negotiation shows that, despite the presence of negative opinions of the West, the majority of Muslim Indonesians in my research sites are not engaged by a general antagonism towards the West. They do not oppose everything that comes from the West but refer to it as example of modernity, though not its sole and undisputed model. What is remarkably is that in their evaluations many interlocutors overcame the binary of East and West by envisioning that Indonesia could combine the advantages of both, the Own and the Foreign in order to step into a desirable future.



References

Carrier, J. G. (1992), ‘Occidentalism. The world turned upside-down’, American Ethnologist 19(2), pp. 195-212.

Deeg, Max (2003), ‘Wer eine kennt, kennt keine… – Zur Notwendigkeit der Religionsgeschichte’, in Religion im Spiegelkabinett. Asiatische Religionsgeschichte im Spannungsfeld zwischen Orientalismus und Okzidentalismus, ed. Peter Schalk (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press), p. 31.

E. W. Said, (1978), Orientalism. New York: Pantheon Books.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/07/08/should-we-gowest- study-islam.html).

Pye, Michael (2003), ‘Overcoming Westernism: The end of Orientalism and Occidentalism’, in Religion im Spiegelkabinett. Asiatische Religionsgeschichte im Spannungsfeld zwischen Orientalismus und Okzidentalismus, ed. Peter Schalk (Uppsala: Uppsala University Press).

Samuel P. Huntington. (1996). The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Sheikh Bin Wan Ismail Wan Abdul Qadir (d. 1965) And His Efforts in the Field of Islamic Faith



1*Mujahid Mustafa Bahjat

2Mosidi Sally Bin Saleh

1University of Malaya 2University of Malaya

*Email: [email protected]

Abstract

Wan Ismail Shaikh Abdul Qadir was one of the Ulema, he known to struggle in spreading Islamic Aqedah and development in the Patani region in particular and generally in Malay region, this study will provide an overview of his life and contribution to science, and also the study of the struggle to spread knowledge in the Islamic faith. One of the relics of his work is "Bakurah أأممااننيي أألل for the Layman Patani" is the greatest work of his in the Islamic Aqedah Science until recently

used as a guide and reference in the study of science aqidah in the Malay region.

Keyword: Islamic Aqidah; Malay Region; Aqidah Science

ا. مقدمة

Phyatuيف (الذي اعتنق الدين اإلسالمي احلنيف، وحو2ل امسه إىل السلطان إمساعيل شاه كانت فطاينAntira Ahmad Fathy, منطقة إسالمية مستقلة يقطنها املسلمون من العنصر املاليوي، وحيكمون (

ودخلت الثقافة اإلسالمية بالد فطاين بدخول اإلسالم، وانتشرت أنفسهم بأنفسهم حتت ظل اإلسالم، املساجد يف أرجاء البالد، وأسهمت املساجد يف فطاين إسهاما عظيما يف نشر العلوم اإلسالمية وثقافتها،

ريخ التعليم يف العامل بني الشعب. ومن املسلم به أن تا وكانت اإلطار األساسي لنشر العقيدة اإلسالميةاإلسالمي على وجه العموم ويف فطاين على وجه اخلصوص كان منذ البداية قد ارتبط ارتباطا وثيقا

باملسجد ألن الدراسات آنذاك كانت دينية خالصة تعىن بشرح وتوضيح تعاليم اإلسالم وأحكامه، وقد وم والثقافة اإلسالمية إىل جانب كونه أمجعت املصادر واملراجع على أن املسجد أهم مكان لنشر العل

مكانا للعبادة ودارا لالحتكام وملتقى للتشاور، وإىل جانب املسجد وحلقاته يف فطاين، كانت الدراسة (Chapakia, 2000).في جتري يف أماكن أخرى متثلت

، وهذه الكتاتيب كانت تقوم يف الغالب جبوار املسجد، وقد أسهمت إسهاما أوال: يف كتاتيب األطفال معينا وهاما يف إعداد ذوي املؤهالت الدينية، وهذا النوع من التعليم خيصص لألطفال الذين يبدأون



107

دراستهم من تعلم احلروف العربية قراءة وكتابة حىت ميكنهم تالوة القرآن بالعربية بلغة صحيحة، وأيضاتعلم احلروف اجلاوية، وفضال عن ذلك يدرسون األحكام اإلسالمية األساسية.

ثانيا: دور الشيوخ والعلماء، ويأيت بعد ذلك دور الشيوخ والعلماء حيث كانوا جيعلون بيوت سكنهم أماكن للتدريس، يقصدهم العامة واخلاصة. وهكذا كانت الدور من جهة والكتاتيب وحلقات املساجد

لنشر العلم واملعرفة. األوىل عند املسلمني يف فطاين أخرى املؤسساتمن جهة

تعد من أشهر مراكز الثقافة والعلم يف منطقة جنوب شرق وأيضا مما جيدر اإلشارة هنا إىل أن فطاينأت فيها مراكز علمية عرفت لدى آسيا، وكانت ملتقى العلماء والطالب ومهد املدارس، حيث نش

" من أجل زرع املفاهيم اإلسالمية واحلماسة الدينية، يقصدها الطالب من سكان هذه البالد بـ "فندوقوغريها. ويف الدول اEاورة هلا من كلنتان وترجنانو وقدح وفاهانج وغريها من ماليزيا االحتادية ومن مجفا

احلقيقة إن نظام "فندوق" التعليمي قد أسهم مسامهة كبرية ناجحة يف خدمة اإلسالم واملسلمني وهو وهومشعل العلم احلقيقي يف البالد، وميكننا أصبح سائدا يف دول املاليو واليزال باقيا فيها إىل يومنا هذا.

) ملا وجد فيها أي أثر علمي يذكر، ألنه عن طريقها خرج أن نقول: لوال هذه املدارس (فندوق فطاينعلماء وفقهاء ودعاة وأئمة وخطباء وأساتذة كتبوا وألفوا ودرسوا جبهودهم ومحلوا مشعل العلم يف

من معامل :هيف مقالت بالدهم يف وقت عم@ اجلهل واألمية أرجاء منطقتها. ويرى الدكتور عبد الغين يعقوبالتاريخ السياسي والعلمي اإلسالمي يف فطاين دار السالم، أن أسباب شهرة فطاين مبهمتها العلمية

واحلضارية والفكرية لقيام ديارها على ثالثة أركان:

1 علماء تقليديني بقوا يف البالد حيث أنشأوا املدارس واملراكز العلمية على الطراز القدمي. -

2 حيث تربوا وترعرعوا فيها وألفوا الكتب الدينية مث بعقوهلم املستنرية إىل مكة املكرمةعلماء هاجروا -أرسلوا إىل أهليهم يف أوطاDم بتلك املؤلفات العلمية الثمينة، وقد أثرت هذه الكتب العلمية يف عقول

الفطانيني ومن جاورهم من املاليويني فكريا وثقافيا.

3 اء حصلوا على الدرجات العلمية من اجلامعات اإلسالمية يف العامل اإلسالمي، مث رجعوا إىل قراهم علم -. )2006, عبدد االغني يیعقووبب(احلديث وفتحوا املدارس الدينية

الفطاين القادرب. املبحث األول: دراسة حياة الشيخ وان إمساعيل بن وان عبد

. امسه ونسبه ومولده1



قد أجنبت رجاال يندر مثلهم يف الذكاء وخصوبة الفكر واالبتكار العلمي وكثرة املؤلفات إن فطاينواالنتاج، ومن اجلفاء أن تبقى هذه املنطقة الغنية برجاهلا وأعماهلا وماضيها وحاضرها جمهولة عند

املسامهة ومن أشهر هؤالء العلماء الذين كانت هلمأصدقائها يف اخلارج مطمورة يف صفحات التاريخ، الكبرية يف نشر العلوم الدينية وخصوصا علم العقيدة يف فطاين واألثر العظيم يف إرساء دعائم اإلسالم #ذا

رمحهما اهللا اجلزء من العامل اإلسالمي: الشيخ وان إمساعيل بن وان عبد القادر

) بن وان 1985 االشيیخ وواانن عبدد االقاددرر(ل بن وان عبد القادرفامسه الكامل: هو الشيخ وان إمساعي، وهو املعروف بفأدا مم )1863االشيیخ وواانن مصططفى, جدد وواانن إإسماعيیلل, تت مصطفى الفطاين(

م. 1882ق هـ املواف 1300دار السالم سنة عيل، ولد رمحه اهللا يف قرية بندانج دايا فطاين

أسرته 2.

الشيخ أسرة دين وفضل خري، وبيته بيت ةنشأ الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا يف بيئة علمية صاحلة، وأسرعلم وصالح، فحببته أسرته العلم والعلماء، ودفعته به إىل ح;لق العلم، و5ذه العناية الفائقة من األسرة وملا كان له عقل وذاكرة قوية استطاع أن جيمع علما عزيزا وتتلمذ على عشرات الشيوخ، و)ذا تكونت

شخصيته العلمية.

إن أسرة الشيخ من األسر اليت خرج منها كثري من العلماء والفقهاء، وخاصة أسرته من جهة ويف احلقيقة

األب، فكان جلده الشيخ وان مصطفى - م)، 1908أربعة أوالد، وهم: الشيخ وان حممد زين (ت -م)، وكلهم من العلماء 1936والشيخ عبد اللطيف، والشيخ عبد القادر (والده) والشيخ داود (ت

). Ahmad Fathy,2002ورين (املشه

وال نبالغ إذا قلنا: إن الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا قد توافرت فيه أمور أساسية يف تعلمه وطلبه للعلم وهي اليت أدت إىل تفوقه على غريه من الطالب يف زمانه، وهذه األمور هي البيت وجمتمع بلده، ومواهبه

وفضل، وترعرع يف بيت العلم، وحمراب العبادة والتقوى ومشعل الذاتية، أما البيت فقد نشأ يف أسرة علمدار السالم، وهي من أشهر مراكز الثقافة والعلم يف منطقة النور، وأما بلده الذي نشأ فيها فهو فطاين

جنوب شرق آسيا، وأشهر ملتقى للعلماء والطالب، وأما مواهب الشيخ رمحه اهللا فقد منحه اهللا تعاىلمواهب واسعة، فقد ظهرت عليه النجابة والتفتح والذكاء منذ حداثته.

نشأته الشخصية والعلمية 3.



109

م1882عاش الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا من سنة م، فكان عمره عند وفاته ثالثة ومثانني 1965 -لقى الشيخ رمحه اهللا عاما، قضى منها ثالث عشر سنة يف مسقط رأسه، ويف املرحلة األوىل حلياته العلمية تبندنج دايا (مدرسة العلوم األساسية من العلوم الدينية والعلوم العربية والقرآن الكرمي وجتويده يف فندوق

وأشهرها يف ذلك الوقت)، وترىب فيها على يد والده التعليمية التقليدية والده، وهي أقدم املؤسساتالذي كان يعد من أحد العلماء البارزين يف املنطقة، وأيضا على يد الشيخ عبد الصمد بن حممد مسان النويف الفطاين، وقد سامها مسامهة فعالة يف تكوين شخصية الشيخ علميا وثقافيا، وال شك أن هذا العلم

صف ?ا والده وشيخه وأسرته كان هلا أثر قوي يف توجيه الشيخ وتنشئته النشأة وهذه الصفات اليت اتالطيبة، وخاصة يف مرحلة قبل البلوغ.

ألداء العمرة واحلج، وأخذ ولد%ه وان م، رحل الشيخ وان عبد القادر إىل مكة املكرمة1895ويف سنة وبعد االنتهاء من أدائهما، ترك الشيخ ولده ليبقى مبكة مع عم#يه إمساعيل معه وهو ابن ثالثة عشر عاما،

الشيخ حممد زين والشيخ داود رمحهما اهللا اللذين اختذا مكة مكان إقامتهما، ويف مكة بدأ الشيخ وان إمساعيل يتلقى العلوم وأخذها من العلماء املاليويني الذين استوطنوا مكة من أجل التعمق العلمي والتفقه

لدين، وكذلك حضر حلقات العلماء العرب مبكة املكرمة.يف ا

شيوخه 4.

والعرب أفاد أصحاب التراجم بأن الشيخ وان إمساعيل تتلمذ على كثري من الشيوخ والعلماء من فطاين , (Abdullah dan Fathy, 1996).مبكة املكرمة، وقرأ على عدد منهم، ومن أشهرهم

.بندنج دايا) أخذ عنه الشيخ العلوم الدينية األساسية عبد القادر (صاحب فندوقأبوه الشيخ وان - .الشيخ عبد الصمد بن حممد مسان النويف الفطاين، أخذ عنه الشيخ العلوم الدينية األساسية - لفطاين (عمه)الشيخ وان حممد زين ا - الشيخ فأجيك داود (عمه ووالد زوجته) - الشيخ وان أمحد بن حممد زين (ابن عمه) - الشيخ نوح بن عبد ا#يد - الشيخ خمتار عطارد بوكور -



منها: القرآن الكرمي وجتويده، والفقه وغريهم من املشايخ الفضالء، أخذ عنهم العلوم الدينية األساسية -، والنحو والصرف وغريها.الشافعي، وعلم أصول الدين

وفاته 5.

م مبكة 1965نوفمرب 3وبعد هذه الرحلة العلمية الطويلة، انتقل الشيخ وان إمساعيل إىل رمحة اهللا يف املكرمة.

(العقيدة) يف العلوم الشريعة ج. املبحث الثاين: مكانته العلمية وجهوده

يف هذا املبحث، نود أن نشري إىل جهود الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا يف تدريس العلوم الدينية وتصنيف املؤلفات والكتب اإلسالمية، ونذكر فضله حيث اجتهد يف طلب العلم والثقافة العربية واإلسالمية، مث

لثقافة اإلسالمية وعلومها.كرس حياته لنشر ا

جهوده يف التدريس والتعليم 1.

مكان إقامته اختار الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا مكة املكرمة كما فعل ذلك عماه الشيخ وان حممد -زين والشيخ وان داود رمحهما اهللا ومارس رمحه اهللا االشتغال يف حياته بالعلم، وبعد حتصيل الشيخ -

رمحه اهللا على العلوم األساسية من العلوم الدينية والعلوم العربية، بدأ نشاطه يف التدريس، وعمره حينئذ محه اهللا يهتم اهتماما كبريا بالتدريس والتربية والوعظ، وكانت مواظبته على ثالثون سنة، وكان ر

التدريس والوعظ والتربية عامال مؤثرا يف التالميذ كما وكيفا، واعترف كثري من العلماء املاليويني بأن والتفسري والتصوف والعلوم العربية الشيخ رمحه اهللا كان عاملا كبريا يف جماالت العلم املختلفة من الفقه

وغريها. واملنطق والفلسفة وعلم أصول الدين

كان رمحه اهللا ينظم جل أوقاته يف النهار والليل- ، للتدريس يف جماالت علمية خمتلفة، يف أصول الدين -، والتفسري، وقواعد اللغة العربية، وغريها، فأما جمال علم العقيدة فقد نال والفقه اإلسالمي، والتصوف

اسم الشيخ رمحه اهللا شهرة وذيوعا كبريين لدى اجلميع، وكان رمحه اهللا يدر.س كتب العقيدة املتعددة شيخ مواد سواء كانت باللغة املاليوية والعربية، ومن أهم كتب العقيدة باللغة املاليوية اليت استخدمها الهـ)، 1325علمية لتدريس طالبه هي: كتاب فريدة الفرائد للشيخ وان أمحد بن حممد زين الفطاين (ت

وكتاب سراج اهلدى للشيخ زين الدين سومباوا، وباكورة األماين (رسالته)، وأما كتب العقيدة باللغة لسنوسي ملقدمة أم هـ)، احلاشية على شرح ا895العربية فهي: منت السنوسية للشيخ السنوسي (ت



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هـ)، منت جوهرة التوحيد للشيخ إبراهيم بن حسن اللقاين 1230الرباهني للشيخ حممد بن الدسوقي (تهـ). 1277هـ)، حتفة املريد على جوهرة التوحيد للشيخ إبراهيم بن حممد الباجوري (ت1041(ت

شرح منهج الطالب للشيخ أيب حيىي زكريا اإلسالمي فكان يدر-س كتاب فتح الوهاب ب ويف جمال الفقههـ)، وكتاب اإلقناع يف حل ألفاظ أيب شجاع للشيخ حممد الشربيين اخلطيب (ت 926األنصاري (ت

هـ). ويف جمال 911هـ)، وكتاب احمللي جلالل الدين عبد الرمحن بن أيب بكر السيوطي (ت 977هـ)، 864مامني اجلليلني جالل الدين حممد بن أمحد احمللي (ت فكان يدرس تفسري اجلاللني لإل التفسري

فكان يدرس كتاب هـ)، ويف التصوف911وجالل الدين عبد الرمحن بن أيب بكر السيوطي (ت هـ)، كما كان يدرس 1263منهاج العابدين إىل جنة رب العاملني للشيخ داود بن عبد اهللا الفطاين (ت

للغة العربية مثل حاشية على شرح الفاكهي لقطر الندى للشيخ ياسني بن زين الدين طالبه قواعد ام)، وشرح ابن عقيل على األلفية البن مالك للشيخ /اء الدين عبد اهللا بن عقيل 1651الشافعي (ت

هـ)، وحاشية الصبيان وغريمها، ولذلك انتفع به طالب كثريون 769العقيلي اهلمداين املصري (ت ، وماليزيا (وخاصة كلنتان، من خمتلف البلدان وخصوصا الطالب من بالد املاليو مثل فطاينجاءوا

وترجنكانو، وقدح، ونكري مسبيلن وبريق وغريها)، وهؤالء تأثروا بشخصيته ومواهبه وواظبوا الطلب وان إمساعيل ونشر علمه. عليه فأخذوا علومه الوافرة، كما كانوا أحد العوامل القوية يف شهرة الشيخ

ومن أشهر تالمذته الذي كانت هلم القدم العالية يف نشر العلوم اإلسالمية يف فطاين واألثر العظيم يف إرساء دعائم اإلسالم 2ذا اجلزء من العامل اإلسالمي هم:

دد االررحمنن بنن محمدد االشيیخ عب)(داال (فطاين الشيخ عبد الرمحن داال صاحب فندوق -)1976أأررشدد

(Fathy, 1996) ,مككول الشيخ حسن صاحب فندوق - , (Fathy, 1996)فوسان الشيخ أمحد بن عبد الوهاب صاحب فندوق - )(Fathy, 1996) ,سالبودي سكم الشيخ عبد القادر واغه صاحب فندوق - بندنج كبون بن وان عبد القادر صاحب فندوق الشيخ عبد اهللا بن حممد صاحل - كواال برواس، فناريق الشيخ عبد الرمحن صغري صاحب فندوق - جوميل، تلوبن الشيخ نيك مت صاحب فندوق - برأول الشيخ عبد الرمحن بن عبد اللطيف، صاحب فندوق - نيبونج بارو بن أمحد صاحب فندوقالشيخ نيك عبد اهللا - ماليو بانكوك جاال الشيخ يوسف مؤسس فندوق - سسايف، سايبوري الشيخ عبد الرشيد صاحب فندوق -



لوبوق توك فينج، جرينجا الشيخ حسن صاحب فندوق - وغريهم كثري -

ومن أشهر تالمذته خارج فطاين 2.

الشيخ عبد الرحيم إدريس الكلنتاين املكي - الشيخ عبد القادر املنديلي املكي - الشيخ حممد نور إبراهيم مفيت كلنتان سابقا (كلنتان) - لوبوق تافه، كلنتان) الشيخ عبد اهللا (فندوق - اليت فاسري ماس، كلنتان) الشيخ عبد اهللا (فندوق - الشيخ وان يوسف جيك تغه (كمونينج، ماجنج، كلنتان) - سوجناي دوريان، كواالكراي، كلنتان) الشيخ عبد الرمحن بن سليمان (فندوق - الشيخ أوانج ملبور (كلنتان) - الشيخ داود كنتينج (كلنتان) - (نكري مسبيلن) الشيخ إمساعيل أمحد إمام مسجد والية نكري مسبيلن - الشيخ حممد بن يوسف (نكري مسبيلن) - الشيخ زكريا بن أمحد وان بسر (قدح) - الناي، قدح) الشيخ حممد زهدي (فندوق - الشيخ وان عبد الرمحن لونج (ترجنكانو) - الشيخ عبد اهللا (كواال إيباي ترجنكانو) - وغريهم كثري -

نبالغ إذا قلنا: إن الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا ممن أسهم إسهاما وهنا ميكننا أن نلخص القول بأننا ال خاصة وبالد املاليو عامة، وخر3جت حلقته العلمية مبكة املكرمة كبريا يف نشر العلوم الدينية يف فطاين

مراكز علمية كثريا من طالب العلم، وذلك ألن كثريا منهم قد أقاموا وفتحوا وأسسوا مؤسسات دينية ويف فطاين دار السالم، وما جاورها من البلدان. وجديد بالذكر هنا أيضا إىل أن يف املنتصف الثاين من

(املدارس التقليدية) يف فطاين دار القرن التاسع عشر امليالدي وأوائل القرن العشرين، وصل نظام فندوقحلقبة كثري من العلماء الذين واصلوا دراستهم مبكة املكرمة، السالم إىل عصره الذهيب حيث ظهر يف هذه ا

وبعد ما حصلوا على قسط من العلم، رجعوا إىل البالد (فطاين) فبدأو بفتح املدارس وتعليم الناس أمور دينهم وغرس بذور حب الدين يف نفوسهم، وهذا يعين أنه من خالل هذه احلقبة بدأت الصورة تتضح



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فندوق (املدارس التقليدية) يف فطاين دار السالم، ومن أشهر هذه املؤسساتأكثر وأكثر عن وجود Pondok Sela Budi)، فندوق سالبودي سكم (Pondok Dala)وأكربها: فندوق داال

Sekam) فندوق فوسان(Pondok Posan) فندوق بندنج بادنج ،(Pondok Bendang Badang) فندوق مككول ،(Pondok Makngul) ومما ال نستطيع أن ننساه بأن أكثر شيوخ هذه ،

املؤسسات الدينية كانوا ممن درسوا وتتلمذوا على يد الشيخ وان إمساعيل مبكة املكرمة.

جهوده يف التصنيف والتأليف 3.

أن خترج عددا من العلماء الذين كثرت مؤلفا0م وانتشرت يف دول عديدة قدر اهللا تعاىل ألرض فطاينمن أرخبيل املاليو، ومما يدل على األثر الفعال هلم يف نشر الثقافة اإلسالمية يف بالدهم تأليفهم بعد ما -

وصلوا إىل درجة عالية من العلوم والثقافة يقتصر أثرهم كتبا إسالمية باللغة العربية واملاليوية، ولكن مل -على التأليف فقط بل أقدموا على ترمجة أمهات الكتب العربية اإلسالمية إىل اللغة املاليوية اليت حتوى بني جنباIا العلوم اإلسالمية، ومن املسلم به أن الكتابة والتأليف والترمجة مهمة جدا للداللة على مدى عناية

. وهذا واضح جلي إذا درسنا تاريخ الدعوة اإلسالمية يف فطاين املسلمني بالعلوم اإلسالمية واللغة العربية(االجامعة ااإلسالميیة ومسامهة علمائها يف نشرها، حيث يبدأ من الشيخ داود بن عبد اهللا الفطاين

وزمالئه من العلماء يف عصره وبعده مثل الشيخ وان أمحد بن حممد مم)٬2003، 1االعالميیة ماليیززيیا٬، طط، وبذلك فإن فطاين تقدم مسامهة كبرية يف الدعوة اإلسالمية ونشر )Shaghir, 2005(زين الفطاين

، والفقه العلوم اإلسالمية، وهي خترج كثريا من العلماء واملؤلفني يف العلوم املختلفة؛ يف أصول الديندة أساسية ومرجعا مهما والتصوف واللغة العربية وغريها، ومؤلفا7م أصبحت فيما بعد مقررا دراسيا وما

) منذ القرن التاسع عشر امليالدي إىل يومنا هذا.يف املدارس التقليدية (فندوق

كثريون، منهم من أعطي القدرة على التأليف والكتابة، فترك لنا مؤلفاته، ومنهم من مل جيد علماء فطايناليت والتربية والدعوة يف املدارس الدينية القدرة على التأليف فمعظمهم أفىن عمره يف التدريس والتعليم

). ومن أبرز علمائها الذين كان هلم جهد يف نشر العلوم االمررجع االسابقق( أسسوها وأيضا يف املساجد: الشيخ وان إمساعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين، حيث كان له يف اإلسالمية وخصوصا علم العقيدة اإلسالمية

رها على نظاق واسع بفطاين جمال العقيدة اإلسالمية جهد مشكور ملا كان له من أثر عظيم وفعال يف نشوما جاورها من البلدان مبصنفاته، واليت لقيت شهرة منقطعة النظري يف حياته وبعد موته حيث أقبل عليها طلبة العلم دراسة وتدريسا. ويف احلقيقة كان رمحه اهللا نشيطا يف التدريس والتعليم أكثر من تأليف

الذين يفضلون تأليف الرجال أكثر من تأليف الكتب الكتب والرسائل، ومعىن ذلك أنه من العلماء



والرسائل، وعلى أية حال حاول رمحه اهللا أن يؤلف بعض الرسائل وخصوصا يف جمال علم العقيدة اإلسالمية، ومن أشهر رسائله:

-ا باكورة األماين إلشارة عوام أهل الفطاين

1336رجب 14ذه الرسالة ليلة السبت أجنز الشيخ وان إمساعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين تأليف هصفحات)، وهي أهم مؤلفاته، وقد طبعت يف مطبعة اإلخوان بسنغافورة 10هجرية، مبكة املكرمة، (يف

م، وتبحث هذه الرسالة يف مسائل صفات اهللا 1918سنة أو ما اشتهر يف اصطالح الفطانيني بدراسة -الصفات العشرين . وأما حمتويا4ا فقد بي1ن فيها الشيخ رمحه اهللا عدة ومسائل صفات األنبياء واملرسلني -

)، منها ما يتعلق باإلهليات وهي بيان 2000إإسماعيیلل بنن وواانن عبدد االقاددرر أمور أساسية يف التوحيد (ما جيب هللا تعاىل من الصفات اليت جيب على كل مكلف أن يعرفها ويعتقدها على وجه التفصيل، وهي

البقاء، املخالفة للحوادث، القيام بنفسه، الوحدانية، القدرة، اإلرادة، عشرون صفة: الوجود، القدم، العلم، احلياة، السمع، البصر، الكالم، كونه تعاىل قادرا، كونه تعاىل مريدا، كونه تعاىل عاملا، كونه تعاىل

الصفات اليت جيب مسيعا، كونه تعاىل بصريا، كونه تعاىل حيا، كونه تعاىل متكلما. وما يستحيل عليه من على كل مكلف أن يعرفها ويعتقدها بالتفصيل وهي أضداد الصفات الواجبة له تعاىل: العدم، احلدوث، الفناء، املماثلة للحوادث، أال يكون قائما بنفسه، أال يكون واحدا، أن يكون عاجزا عن ممكن ما، أن

العمى، البكم، كونه تعاىل عاجزا، أو مكرها يوجد شيئا من العامل مع اإلكراه، اجلهل، املوت، الصمم، أو جاهال أو ميتا أو أصم أو أعمى أو أبكم. وما جيوز يف حقه تعاىل ويقصد به ما يصح يف العقل وجوده

وعدمه مبعىن أن اهللا تعاىل فعل كل ممكن وتركه، فال جيب عليه شيء من املمكنات كما ال يستحيل.

بيان ما جيب للرسل من الصفات اليت جيب على كل مكلف أن يعرفها ومنها ما يتعلق بالنبوات وهي ويعتقدها بالتفصيل وهي أربع صفات: الصدق، األمانة، التبليغ، الفطانة. وما يستحيل عليهم من الصفات وهي ضد الصفات الواجبة: الكذب، اخليانة، الكتمان، البالهة. وما جيوز يف حقهم وهو

عقل ثبو=ا هلم وال نفيها عنهم، بل يصح عندهم وجودها هلم فيجوز عقال الصفات اليت ال جيب عند الوشرعا يف حقهم أمجعني.

وأما منهج الشيخ يف كتابة هذه الرسالة فهو يتمثل يف األمور اآلتية:

تعريف الصفات الواجبة هللا عز وجل، واالستدالل على وجوب اتصافه عز وجل /ذه الصفات، وبيان ما -حقه عز وجل تفصيال، وبيان ما جيوز يف حقه، مع ذكر الدليل على ذلك.يستحيل يف



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تعريف الصفات الواجبة للرسل، واالستدالل على وجوب اتصافهم 5ذه الصفات، وذكر ما يستحيل -فيهم من الصفات، وتوضيح معىن الصفة اجلائزة يف حقهم.

(نظام ت العلمية باملؤسسات التعليمية التقليديةتعد هذه الرسالة من املقررات الدراسية األساسية يف احللقااالشيیخ عبدد االكرريیمم بنن حسبب هللا ) وأيضا املساجد يف جنوب تايالند حىت يومنا هذا (فندوقيف التربية )، قال األستاذ أمحد فتحي يف مقالته إسهامات علماء فطاين2009,عبدد االررحمنن 2008

التعليمية التقليدية (نظام فندوق) يف الغالب أن يف املؤسسات اإلسالمية: إن دراسة علم العقيدة اإلسالمية) بقراءة رسالة باكورة األماين للشيخ وان إمساعيل الفطاين،مث Tuan Guru/Tok Guruيبدأ الشيخ (ة الفرائد يف علم العقائد للشيخ وان أمحد الفطاين، مث كتاب الدر الثمني يف عقائد املؤمنني رسالة فريد

للشيخ زين العابدين بن حممد للشيخ داود بن عبد اهللا الفطاين، مث كتاب عقيدة الناجني يف أصول الدينأن هذا الترتيب وضعه أكثر شيوخ ). ويف احلقيقة2008االشيیخ عبدد االكرريیمم بنن حسبب هللا الفطاين(

).2008االشيیخ عبدد االكرريیمم بنن حسبب هللا فندوق يف فطاين (

ب. تبصرة األداين بأحلان باكورة األماين

حمرم 25وهي شرح رسالة الباكورة، وفقد أجنز الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه اهللا شرحها يف يوم اخلميس فريس، بفطاين دار الرسالة يف مطبعة فطاين صفحة)، وطبعت هذه 30هـ، مبكة املكرمة (يف 1358

هـ، وقد بيBن الشيخ رمحه اهللا سبب تأليف هذا الشرح يف مقدمته حيث قال: طلبين 1382السالم سنة بعض أخواين أن أكتب هلم ما يتعلق بالصفات العشرين اليت جيب على املكلف أن يعرفها ويعتقدها على

إإسماعيیلل بنن عبدد االقاددرر بتبصرة األداين بأحلان باكورة األماين ( ا الشرحوجه التفصيل، ومس$ى هذ.) 1382االفططاني

ج. إيضاح املرام لتحقيق سبل السالم

مل جند هذه الرسالة، ولكن جند شرحها لتلميذه الشيخ عبد القادر بن إمساعيل السنوي الفطاين، وهو هجرية، قال الشيخ عبد القادر يف مقدمة 1367اين ربيع الث 3مصباح الغالم وقد انتهى منه يوم اجلمعة

هـ، قد طلبين بعض إخواين أن أدر5سهم رسالة إيضاح املرام لتحقيق 1367كتابه: أما بعد ففي سنة سبل السالم لشيخي الكبري احملقق املدقق الشيخ وان إمساعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين، فقمت بشرح هذه

عبدد االقاددرر بنن إإسماعيیلل االسنوويي االفططاني م بشرح إيضاح املرام (الرسالة ومسيت+ها: مصباح الغالمن معرفة صفات ). ونظرا إىل رسالة مصباح الغالم جند أ7ا حتتوي أهم أصول العقيدة اإلسالمية1369



عرفة صفات األنبياء اهللا الواجبة له تفصيال، والصفات املستحيلة عليه والصفة اجلائزة يف حقه، وأيضا مواملرسلني.

وقيل إن الشيخ وان إمساعيل قام بشرح رسالة فريدة الفرائد يف علم العقائد للشيخ وان أمحد بن حممد ، وكان الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحه إىل جانب علمه بأصول الدين (Fathy)زين الفطاين (ابن عمه)

العربية، وقد علق فقد علق رمحه اهللا على كتاب أبنية األمساء والعقيدة اإلسالمية عاملا وماهرا بقواعد اللغة أأحمدد واألفعال، والرسالة الفطانية يف علم النحو واملنظومة الفطانية يف القواعد النحوية للمؤلف املذكور (

).بنن محمدد ززيینن االفططاني

ه. اخلامتة

ما أنعم عليه بإكماهلا، وهنا يذكر أهم فإن الباحث يف 9اية هذه الورقة املتواضعة يشكر اهللا تعاىل على النتائج اليت توصل إليها من خالل حبثه عن حياة الشيخ وان إمساعيل الفطاين، ودراسة جهوده يف العلوم

الشرعية (العقيدة)، من أمهها:

ة عن والده ، ونشأ يف بيئة علمية صاحلة، ودرس العلوم الدينيولد الشيخ يف قرية بندنج دايا، فطاين -، وتفرغ لطلب العلم وأخذ العلوم اإلسالمية وشيوخه يف القرية، مث انتقل مع أسرته إىل مكة املكرمةوالعربية عن علماء فطاين وعلماء العرب املوجودين هناك.

، والتعليم وبعد حتصيل العلوم، مارس الشيخ رمحه اهللا يف حياته االشتغال بالعلم يف جمال التدريس -واتنفع به طالب كثريون، وعكف على التأليف والتصنيف، وكان حيتل مكانة علمية واجتماعية مرموقة بني علماء عصره ولدى طالب العلم وخصوصا الطالب من جنوب شرق آسيا ألنه شيخ مشهور يعقد

املكرمة.احللقة العلمية يف بيته واملسجد احلرام مبكة وما كان رمحه اهللا يساهم مسامهة كبرية يف نشر العلوم الدينية والثقافة اإلسالمية يف فطاين -

جاورها، ألن كثريا من تالمذته قد فتحوا وأسسوا مؤسسات دينية ومراكز علمية، وخاصة يف أواخر يف فطاين إىل عصره نظام فندوق القرن التاسع عشر وبداية القرن العشرين امليالدي، يف حني وصل

الذهيب. ، خلف الشيخ رمحه اهللا لطالب العلم والعلماء تراثا علميا وخاصة يف جمال علم العقيدة اإلسالمية -

إيضاح املرام ورسالة باكورة األماين إلشارة عوام أهل الفطاين، وتبصرة األداين بأحلان باكورة األماين، ولتحقيق سبل السالم أهم رسائله العقدية.



117

وأخريا ندعو اهللا أن يرحم الشيخ وان إمساعيل رمحة واسعة ، وجيزيه عن املسلمني خري اجلزاء، وحيشرنا وإياه مع الذين أنعم اهللا عليهم من النبيني والصديقني والشهداء والصاحلني وحسن أولئك رفيقا، وصلى

حممد وعلى آله وصحبه أمجعني، سبحان ربك رب العزة عما يصفون وسالم على املرسلني اهللا على نبيناواحلمد هللا رب العاملني.



املصادر واملراجع

- ، حبث تكميلي أمهية اللغة العربية يف نشر الدعوة اإلسالمية يف جنوب تايالندماهامأ صاري يوروه، اإلنسانية، اجلامعة اإلسالمية العاملية، ماليزيا، لنيل درجة املاجستري (كلية معارف الوحي والعلوم

م)2000 - ، 1، (اجلامعة اإلسالمية العاملية ماليزيا، طدراسة عن خنبة املفكرين املاليوينيعدد من املؤلفني،

م).2003 - ، جملة دار السالم من معامل التاريخ السياسي والعلمي اإلسالمي يف فطاين، عبد الغين يعقوب

م).2006، السنة العاشرة، 20التجديد (اجلامعة اإلسالمية العاملية، ماليزيا، العدد - مصباح الغالم بشرح إيضاح املرام لتحقيق سبل السالمعبد القادر بن إمساعيل السنوي الفطاين،

هـ).1369، 4(د،م: ط - األمساء واألفعال (ويليه الرسالة الفطانية يف علم كتاب أبنية وان أمحد بن حممد زين الفطاين،

، د.ت)3، (كوتا 7ارو: مطبعة جملس أوكام إسالم كلنتان، طالنحو) - (كواال ملبور: اخلزانة باكورة األماين إلشارة عوام أهل الفطاين ،وان إمساعيل بن وان عبد القادر

م).2000الفطانية، د.ط، - : مطبعة فطاين (فطاين تبصرة األداين بأحلان باكورة األماينوان إمساعيل بن عبد القادر الفطاين،

هـ).1382فريس، د.ط، مقابلة شخصية مع الشيخ عبد الكرمي بن حسب اهللا (شيخ املدرسة اإلميانية الدالوية الفطانية حاليا) -

م.2008ديسمرب 1يف بيته، تاريخ - مقابلة شخصية مع الشيخ إمساعيل بن حاج عبد الرمحن (شيخ مدرسة معيار العلوم حاليا) يف بيته،

م.2009إبريل 23تاريخ

Ahmad Fathy, 2002, Ulama Besar Dari Patani, (Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia). Ahmad Fathy, Pengatar Sejarah Fatani, (Kota Bharu: Pustaka Aman Press). Ahmad Fathy, 2008,Sumbangan Ulama Patani di dalam Pendidikan Islam (Kertas kerja di bentang

di Universiti Islam Yala). Ahmad Fathy, 1996, Majalah Pengasuh, Bil 541. Ahmad Omar Chapakia, 2000, Politik Thai Dan Masyarakat Islam Di Selatan Thailand, (Pustaka

Darussalam).



119

Ismail Che Daud,Tokoh- Tokoh Ulama Semenanjung Melayu (2), (Majlis Ugama Islam Dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Kelantan)

Wan Mohd. Shaghir, 2005,Sheikh Ahmad Al-Fathani Pemikir Agung Melayu dan Islam, (Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Fathaniyah, Cetakan1, jilid2)

Wan Mohd Shaghir Abdullah, 2005,Wacana Syeikh Ahmad Al- Fahani, Pemikir Agung Melayu dan Islam (Persatuan Pengkajian Khazanah Klasik Nusantara).

Liberalism in the Islamic World and its influence in the Malay Archipelago: Model in Indonesia



1Abbas Mansur Tamam

1Ibnu Khaldun University, Bogor, Indonesia

Email: [email protected]

Abstract

Liberalism means here Orientalist attempt to attract even Islam conformity with the principles of Western liberalism in form and substance. Hence Zhardha in the Islamic world have to do Orientalism, which under his leadership became the U.S. currently wants Islam that corresponds to the values of modernity and secularism and Western liberalism. And this phenomenon coincides appearance in the Islamic world with its appearance Malay archipelago and Indonesia to face particular Alholanda since colonial days, and then taking this trend develops even have an influence on contemporary history in these islands. So this includes talking on two things: Orientalist role for the emergence of liberalism in the Islamic world, and its influence in the Malay islands. Keywords: Liberalism, Islamic, liberal Orientalist, Secularism, Malay, Indonesia.

مقدمة

افترض الباحث أن انتشار املفاهيم الليربالية لإلسالم يف العامل اإلسالمي له صلة قوية باالستشراق ألمرين:

أوال: ألن االستشراق جزء من العقلية الغربية خصوصا فيما يتعلق بالشرق، لقد عرب إدوارد 1935(سعيد وأن .)1(»شرقاالستشراق املفاهيم الغربية لل« :على ذلك يف عنوان كتابه) 2003-

، والعقلية الغربية بالتحديد هي الليربالية. الشرق يف املفهوم االستشراقي هو اإلسالم على وجه التحديد

ثانيا: يتعلق باهليمنة الغربية وتأثريها على الشرق، ألن الغرب الغالب يفرض مفاهيمه على الشرق . )2(»املغلوب مولع أبدا باالقتداء بالغالب«املغلوب، والشرق بدوره ال يشعر أحيانا +ذه اهليمنة ألن

ويترتب على ذلك تطبيق املبادئ الليربالية على اإلسالم وحماولة تربير الليربالية بالنصوص اإلسالمية.

حماضر بالدراسات العليا جبامعة ابن خلدون بوجور، واملركز الدراسي للشرق الدكتوراة يف العقيدة والفلسفة جبامعة األزهر بالقاهرة، *)

-األوسط واإلسالم -الدراسات العليا جامعة إندونيسيا جباكرتا. .2006، 1املترجم: د. حممد عناين، القاهرة: رؤية للنشر والتوزيع، ط. االستشراق املفاهيم الغربية للشرق،، ادوارد سعيد ) 1( .1984، 5، بريوت: دار القلم، ط.147ص بن خلدون،مقدمة ا ) 2(



121

أوال: االستشراق وأهم مساته:

وبناء على ذلك فإن احلاجة ماسة إىل معرفة مفهوم االستشراق وأهم مساته.

. مفهوم االستشراق:1

Orientalismاالستشراق الدراسات الغربية املتعلقة بالشرق اإلسالمي يف لغاته وآدابه «يعىن . ورغم أن اللفظ يشري إىل عالقة الدراسة جبوانب )3(»وتارخيه وعقائده وتشريعاته وحضارته بوجه عام

تلك الدراسة بالشرق الشرق عامة إال أن التطبيق اإلجرائي والشائع يف كتابات املستشرقني املعنيني تتصل اإلسالمي خاصة.

. أهم مسات االستشراق: 2

، ألن اإلجنازات االستشراقية تلبس ثوبا )4(»مبحث أكادميي«املفهوم البسيط لالستشراق هو أنه علميا أكادمييا، لذلك احتل كثري من املستشرقني مراكز علمية مرموقة يف اجلامعات الغربية. ومع ذلك

مهها ثالثة وهي: قياس اإلسالم باملسيحية، وأنه معرفة سياسية، ودراسة غري موضوعية. فإن أغلب مساته وأ

أ. قياس اإلسالم باملسيحية:

ميالون بالطبع إىل تعميم بعض «هناك ما يسمي بأوهام اجلنس أو القبيلة، مفادها أن الناس إىل تشابه وتواطؤ، وإىل أن يفرض احلاالت دون االلتفات إىل احلاالت املعارضة هلا، وإىل حتويل املماثلة

، مبعىن آخر أن الفرد يف حالة قصوره املعريف )5(»يف الطبيعة من النظام واالطراد أكثر مما هو متحقق فيها ال يستطيع أن يتجاوز حدود جتربته اخلاصة.

ويف هذا الصدد كان املستشرقون حمصورين بتجار:م اخلاصة مع الدين املسيحي فينظرون إىل اإلسالم مثل نظرGم إىل املسيحية مجلة وتفصيال وجلأوا إىل القياس أو التشبيه. وافترضوا أن حممدا لإلسالم

يأهلون حممدا كما أ"م إيهاما أن املسلمني» احملمدية«مثل املسيح للمسيحية، واطلقوا على اإلسالم اسم

، القاهرة: دار املعارف، د.ت.18ص االستشراق واخللفية الفكرية للصراع احلضاري،حممود محدي زقزوق، ) 3( )4 .44ص االستشراق، ) إدوارد سعيد، ، دت. 5، القاهرة: دار املعارف، ط.47ص تاريخ الفلسفة احلديثة، يوسف كرام، )5(



، وأطلقوا على العلماء اسم رجال الدين، وعلى الدولة اإلسالمية اسم احلكومة الدينية. )6(يأهلون املسيحوهي صورة ومهية ألقاها املستشرقون على اإلسالم. )7(»نشأت صورة مسيحية لإلسالم«وعلى أثره

ب. معرفة سياسية:

ة سياسية، واالستشراق هو معرفة سياسية. لقد صور ادوارد املعرفة صنفان: معرفة حبتة ومعرفسعيد أن املعرفة عن الشاعر شيكسبري هي معرفة حبتة، لكن املعرفة عن الصني املعاصرة هي معرفة

سياسية. ألن األول جمال العلوم اإلنسانية الذي ينفي وجود أي طابع سياسي يف هذا ا(ال، وليس هلا عكس فإن الباحث املتخصص يف االقتصاد الصيين مثال يعمل يف جمال مشحون إىل تأثري سياسي مباشر. بال

أقصى درجة، واحلكومة تبدي اهتماما كبريا به، كما أن ما ينتهي إليه من دراسات أو مقترحات قد يستعملها رامسو السياسات، ومسئولو احلكومة واالقتصاديون العاملون باملؤسسات، وخرباء

قس على ذلك معرفة الغربيني عن الشرق اإلسالمي.، و)8(االستخبارات

ذلك ألن عالقة الغربيني بالشرق اإلسالمي تتسم بالعداوة والكراهية. حيث هناك ثالثة عوامل على األقل جعلت من تفهم الغربيني للعرب واإلسالم مسألة مشبعة بالدالالت السياسية العالية النرية.

الغرب ضد العرب واإلسالم، الذي يتجلى واضحا يف األول: هو تاريخ التعصب الشائع يف تاريخ االستشراق.

والثاين: هو الصراع بني العرب والصهيونية اإلسرائيلية، وتأثري ذلك الصراع يف اليهود األمريكيني ويف الثقافة املتحررة ويف السكان بصفة عامة.

د التعاطف مع العرب أو اإلسالم، أو والثالث: هو االنعدام شبه التام ألي موقف ثقايف يتيح للفر مناقشة أيهما مناقشة غري انفعالية.

وهذا اجلو املعادي لإلسالم جعل اهتمام الغربيني بالشرق اإلسالمي تلون باللون السياسي. قال إن االهتمام األورويب، مث االهتمام األمريكي، بالشرق كان اهتماما سياسيا..من احملال «أدوارد سعيد:

ر تأثر الدارس األورويب أو األمريكي للشرق بالظروف الرئيسة لواقعه الراهن: أي أنه يتصدي للشرق إنكا

على اجلوهري، القاهرة: مكتبة ، ترمجة19ص التوراة واألناجيل والقرآن الكرمي مبقياس العلم احلديث،راجع: مورس بوكاي، ) 6(

القرآن، د.ت.. 126ص االستشراق، إدوراد سعيد، )7( .54ص االستشراق، راجع: إدوارد سعيد، ) 8(



123

باعتباره أوروبيا أو أمريكيا أوال، وباعتباره فردا ثانيا..بأنه ينتمي إىل دولة ذات مصاحل حمددة يف . )9(»الشرق

ية للواقع. وإذا كان األمر كذلك فإن االستشراق يف ,اية األمر رؤية سياس

ج. دراسات غري موضوعية:

إذا وصف االستشراق باملعرفة السياسية فإنه ال يرتكز على املوضوعية بل أصبح جزءا من النفعية الربامجاتية الغربية اليت أصبح معيار الصحة والبطالن هو نفعه أو مدافعته للمصاحل الغربية جتاه الشرق

ات االستشراقية بعيدة كل البعد عن املوضوعية أو املنهجية على اإلسالمي أو ال. وعلى هذا فإن الدراس الرغم من أن املستشرقني أنفسهم يدعون موضوعيتها بشكل ممتاز.

Dم يطبقون منهجا مقلوبا. ألن البحث العلمي يشترط فيه توافر النزاهة واألمانة ألذلك التجريح، مث التمتع باحليدة التامة واملوضوعية، وهي التجرد عن اهلوي والتعصب والغرور والبعد عن

واالعتماد على املصادر األصلية مع القدرة على فهمها واستخالص ما فيها. والعكس من ذلك فإن املستشرقني يضعون يف أذهاFم فكرة معينة يريدون تصيد األدلة إلثبا7ا، وحني يبحثون عن هذه األدلة ال

. كما أن دراسا"م )10(تفادة منها لدعم آرائهم الشخصية4مهم صحتها مبقدار ما يهمهم إمكان االستتسم بسوء الظن والفهم لكل ما يتصل باإلسالم يف أهدافه ومقاصده، فيحرفون النصوص يف كثري من

. )11(األحيان حتريفا مقصودا، وعدم املوضوعية يف املصادر اليت ينقلون منها

أنه قد وصل إىل كمية هائلة من املؤلفات وإذا كان األمر كذلك فإن اإلنتاج االستشراقي رغمفإ1ا ال تعىن ضخامة االستشراق وعظمته من زاوية املوضوعية، أي ال يعىن أ1م أدركوا حقيقة اإلسالم،

أن اجلهل الغريب هو الذي ازداد يف «بل العكس أن تلك الضخامة كانت بسبب بعدهم عن حقيقته، إذ أن قدرا ما من املعرفة اإلجيابية الغربية قد ازداد حجما ودقة. النهاية تنقيحا وبعدا عن البساطة، ال

. )12(»فاألكاذيب هلا منطقها اخلاص وجدليتها اخلاصة

1920( وعلى هذا علق الدكتور موريس بوكاي إن كثريا من املسيحيني «بقوله: )1998-حص، أو دراسة أو الذين تربوا منذ زمن طويل يف ظل روح عدائي مسرفة..هم أعداء كل تأمل، أو ف

. 57ص االستشراق،إدوارد سعيد، )9( .1998، 1، القاهرة: دار السالم، ط53صاالستشراق واملستشرقون ما هلم وما عليهم، مصطفي السباعي، راجع: )10( . 2006، 3، القاهرة: دار السالم، ط178صالسنة ومكانتها يف التشريع اإلسالمي، مطفي السباعي، راجع: ) 11( . 128ص االستشراق، إدوارد سعيد، )12(



اطالع على حقائق اإلسالم وعقائده دون حتريف أو تزييف أو تشويه. إ3م بذلك يظلون يف جهل مطبق حيول بينهم وبني فهم حقائق اإلسالم، وبالتايل تظل مفاهيمه عن اإلسالم مفاهيم غري صحيحة وغري

. )13(»مطابقة للحقائق دون ريب يف ذلك

املستشرقني التزم يف دراسته لإلسالم باملوضوعية والنزاهة العلمية صحيح أن هناك فريقا من وأنصف اإلسالم واملسلمني، وقد أدى األمر ببعضهم إىل اعتناق اإلسالم. ولكنهم لألسف الشديد نفر

قليل جدا أقبلوا على االستشراق بدافع من حب االطالع على حضارات األمم وأديا,ا وثقافتها ولغا#ا، ال يتلقون التمويل من احلكومة االستعمارية. ومع ذلك فإن أكرب شرحية من املستشرقني جيرون وهم غالبا

وراء سراب حيسبه الظمآن ماء حىت إذا جاءه مل جيده شيئا.

ثانيا: الدوافع االستشراقية وزعامتها:

وإذا كان األمر كذلك فلماذا أنفق املستشرقون كل إمكانيا1م للحصول على نتائج غري ال بد أن يكون هناك دوافع ملحة حتثهم على فعل شيء غري معروف، يتزعمهم وضوعية عن اإلسالم؟ م

أصحاب املصاحل. وباالطالع على املصادر االستشراقية تبني أهم هذه الدوافع هي الدافع الديين أو التبشريية التنصريي والدافع السياسي أو االستعماري، وكانت زعماء احلركة االستشراقية هي الدول

واالستعمارية.

. الدافع الديين والسياسي:1

الدافع الديين كان لتحقيق الزعامة للمسيحية واالنتصار لكل ما هو مسيحي، وتبلور هذا الباعث يف حركة التنصري. وأما الدافع السياسي فألن الصليبيني بعد أن هزموا يف احلروب الصليبية أرادوا العودة

سلمني من جديد فاجتهوا لدراسة هذه البالد يف كل شؤو3ا بغية التعرف على مواطن إىل احتالل بالد املالقوة فيها فيضعفوها، وإىل مواطن الضعف فيغتنموها. ومن مث فإنه يهدف إىل إضعاف املقاومة الروحية

ري. ، لذلك يسمي بالدافع االستعما)14(واملعنوية يف نفوس املسلمني وبث الوهن واالرتباك يف تفكريهم

ومن مث فإن لالستشراق جناحني ومها التنصري واالستعمار. حيث قدم املستشرقون نتائج دراساAم ووصاياهم للمبشرين بغية حتقيق األهداف التبشريية، وللدوائر االستعمارية بغية حتقيق األهداف

االستعمارية.

.22ص واألناجيل والقرآن،التوراه موريس بوكاي، )13( . 2000، 8، دمشق: دار القلم، ط.129ص أجنحة املكر الثالثة وخوافيها، راجع: عبد الرمحن امليداين، )14(



125

دليال على السيطرة القيمة الكربي لالستشراق تكمن يف كونه «وإذا كان األمر كذلك فإن األوروبية األمريكية على الشرق أكثر من كونه دليال صادقا حول الشرق وهو ما يزعمه االستشراق يف

.)15(»صورته األكادميية أو البحثية

. الزعامة األمريكية لالستشراق:2

يدور االستشراق مع االستعمار حيث دار. لذلك كان له جذور أوروبية متينة، لكن حتولت منذ بداية القرن التاسع عشر حىت 0اية احلرب العاملية الثانية كانت «زعامته بتحول الزعامة االستعمارية:

لفرنسا وبريطانيا السيطرة على الشرق واالستشراق، وأما منذ انتهاء هذه احلرب فأمريكا هي اليت تسيطر .)16(»ذات يوم على الشرق وتتبع يف ذلك املنهج الذي كانت تتبعه فرنسا وبريطانيا

. اإلسالم الذي تريده أمريكا: 3

السؤال امللح الذي يفرض نفسه هو: ما اإلسالم النموذجي الذي تريده أمريكا؟ يف مخسينات 1906القرن العشرين أجاب سيد قطب ( ) عن هذا السؤال بقوله: 1966-

يقاوم االستعمار، اإلسالم الذي يريده األمريكان، وحلفاؤهم يف الشرق ليس هو اإلسالم الذي«، »إسالما أمريكانيا«وليس هو اإلسالم الذي يقاوم الطغيان..األمريكان وحلفائهم إذن يريدون للشرق

جيوز أن يستفىت يف منع احلمل، وجيوز أن يستفىت يف نواقض الوضوء، ولكنه ال يستفىت أبدا يف أوضاعنا أبدا يف أوضاعنا السياسية والقومية، وفيما يربطنا االجتماعية أو االقتصادية أو نظامنا املايل، وال يستفىت

باالستعمار من صالت. فاحلكم باإلسالم، والتشريع باإلسالم، واالنتصار لإلسالم ال جيوز أن ميسها قلم، .)17(»وال حديث، وال استفتاء يف مذهب األمريكان

ل اإلسالم هي إن حربا داخ«حىت قيل: » اإلسالم اجلديد«وظلت أمريكا حتارب خللق هذا حداثي..ليربايل..علماين..وإن اهلدف من هذه احلرب داخل اإلسالم هو ضرورية لتحويله إىل إسالم

. 50ص االستشراق،إدوارد سعيد، )15( . 47ص االستشراق، إدوارد سعيد، )16( -27 صحيفة آفاق عربية، يف سيد قطب واإلسالم األمريكاين،جابر قميحة، )17( 12- ؛ نقال عن خمطوطة كتاب سيد قطب: 2001

. 1952، 1951الىت نشرها سيد قطب يف جملة الرسالة األسبوعية سنة أمريكا من الداخل،



1881» (أتاتورك«حتويل التعليم اإلسالمي واخلطاب الديين اإلسالمي إىل طريق ) الذي أجرب 1938-. )18(»تركيا بإصرار شديد على أن )جر ماضيها!

ما يسمي عندهم باإلسالم املعتدل يف مقابل ما مسوه اإلسالمي أو وهذا اإلسالم اجلديد هو (Research And Development Corporation) املتطرف. وقد عرفت مؤسسة راند

إن تعريفا أضيق وأكثر فائدة ملن هو اإلسالمي هو: كل من يرفض الفصل بني السلطة «األمريكية بقوهلا: اإلسالمي إىل إقامة شكل من أشكال الدولة اإلسالمية، أو على األقل الدينية وسلطة الدولة، ويسعى

.)19(»يدعو إىل االعتراف بالشريعة كأساس للتشريع

معىن ذلك أن اإلسالم الذي تريده أمريكا هو اإلسالم الذي يتطابق مع قيم احلداثة والعلمانية وإسكا"ا. والليربالية الغربية، حىت يتم كبت مقاومة السياسة االستعمارية

ثالثا: الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي:

وفيما يلي واقع بلورة هذا النموذج يف العامل اإلسالم.

. التغريب أيام اخلالفة العثمانية: 1

1842( سجل السلطان عبد احلميد الثاين -1918( يف مذكراته السياسية عن التحرك علينا أن نعترف «إلسالمية، املتمثل يف النزعة القومية: اإلنكليزي يف بث بذور نزعة التغريب يف األقطار ا

وبكل أسف، بأن اإلنكليز استطاعوا بدعايا?م املسمومة أن يبثوا بذور القومية والعصبية يف بالدنا، وقد . )20(»حترك القوميون يف اجلزيرة العربية ويف ألبانيا، وظهرت يف سورية بوادر حترك مماثل

يبذل اإلنكليز كل جهد ممكن «سلمني هذه الفكرة وفضلوها على اإلسالم: وبعد فترة تبىن بعض امليف سبيل اإلساءة إىل مسعتنا يف مصر، وها هم خدعوا املصريني بأفكارهم لدرجة أن البعض منهم يؤمن اآلن

. معىن ذلك أن التغريب )21(»بأن طريق اإلنكليز هو السبيل إىل األمن والنجاة، ويفضل القومية على الدين

-17لندن، يف صحيفة احلياة، )18( 10- -18القاهرة، يف وصحيفة األهرام، ، 2003 10- 2003. (19) Angel Rabasa And Others, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 75, Pittsburgh: Rand

Corporation, 2007 )20( . 1406، بريوت: مؤسسة الرسالة، ط177، ص مذكرايت السياسيةعبد احلميد ين عبد ا$يد،

)21 ) . 133، ص مذكرايت السياسيةعبد احلميد،



127

يف املخططات الغربية يقصد منه الكيد على األمة اإلسالمية وفقا ملطتلبا4م الزمانية واملكانية، وأن بث النزعة القومية يف ذلك الزمان يقصد منها تفكيك وحدة دولة اخلالفة.

. نبذة عن احلركة الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي:2

1915( احلركة الليربالية يف العامل اإلسالمي فقد قدم ألربت حبيب احلوراينومبثابة التأريخ عن -1993( تصنيفا هلذه احلركة وكان مرجعا لليرباليني، وهو يف نفس الوقت موضع تساؤل عند

اإلسالميني.

1830أ. الفترة األوىل (ما بني -1870:(

ناعة واملؤسسات السياسية وهي فترة رأى فيها خنبة من املفكرين وأصحاب السلطة أن الصاألوروبية احلديثة ليست خطرا على املسلمني، وعلى املسلمني أن يقتبسوها وينتفعوها دون أي احلاق

. وبالتايل بدأت تنظر إىل العامل الغريب كحل الستدراك )22(باألذى على اهلوية الدينية واحلضارية لألمة1801الطهطاوي (ختلفهم احلضاري. وبدأت هذه الفترة بسفر -1873( إىل بارس، والذي ألف

، واألمري شكيب أرسالن »تلخيص اإلبريز إىل تلخيص بارس«مذكراته عن النظام االجتماعي يف بارس )1869 ». ملاذا تأخر املسلمون وملاذا تقدم غريهم؟«) الذي ألف كتابه 1946-

1870ب. الفترة الثانية (ما بني -1900 :(

الغرب عدوا ومنوذجا يف نفس الوقت، لسيطرته على الدول اإلسالمية من يف هذه الفترة أصبحمصر واجلزائر وتونس وامتد تأثريه السياسي إىل أرجاء اخلالفة العثمانية. ودور املفكرين الليربليني يف هذه

وثة. لذلك احلقبة هو إرشاد اGتمع بأن تأثري احلضارة الغربية على حيا5م ال جيعلهم يفتقدون قيمهم املورقدموا فهما جديدا لإلسالم ليتمشى مع احلياة احلديثة. ومن رموز هذا اجليل عند حوراين هو مجال الدين

1838األفغاين ( -1897( 1849وحممد عبده ( )، والسيد حممد رشيد رضا1905- )1865 -1935()23(.

1900ج. الفترة الثالثة (ما بني -1939 :(

(22) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939, Indonesian Edition,

translated by Suparno, Dahrits Setiawan, p. xxix-xxx, Bandung: Mizan, 2004. (23) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxx.



ليربايل يف الشرق األوسط ويف مصر بالتحديد، وهي فترة مواجهة تعترب هذه الفترة قمة للتيار العنيفة بني اجتاهني: األول يريد أن ينشئ ا=تمع على أساس إسالمي ولذلك مساه احلوراين باالجتاه

األصويل. واآلخر ذو االجتاه الليربايل الذي يريد أن جيعل اإلسالم أساسا للحياة الفردية دون أن يتدخل يف تمع والدولة، وأن يكون املسيطر يف ا;ال الثاين هو النظام العلماين. وتبلور هذا االجتاه على يد شئون ا!

1889طه حسني ( -1973( أفكاره أكثر منطقيا يف جعل القيم اإلسالمية «الذي وصفه احلوراين بأن ضارة لتكون مقبولة يف الفكر والنفوس، ويف إحلاحه على ضرورة جعل املسلمني يف ركب احل

. )24(»الغربية

وكان متحمسا ألن يلتزم املصريون بالقيم الغربية اليت كانت يف رأيه سلما يؤهلهم إىل سلك السبيل إىل ذلك واحدة فذة ليس هلا تعدد..وهي أن نسري سري األوروبيني ونسلك «األمم الراقية، وقال:

ا وشرها، حلوها ومرها، ما حيب منها طريقهم، لنكون هلم أندادا، ولنكون هلم شركاء يف احلضارة: خريه. كما رأي أن االستقالل العقلي والنفسي ال يكون إال )25(»وما يكره، وما حيمد منها وما يعاب

نتعلم كما يتعلم األورويب..ولنشعر كما يشعر «باالستقالل العلمي واألديب والفين، ويتحقق ذلك بأن كما يعمل األورويب، ونصرف احلياة كما األورويب، ولنحكم كما حيكم األورويب، مث لنعمل

.)26(»يصرفها

د. الفترة ما بعد احلرب العاملية الثانية حىت اآلن:

يسمي الليرباليون هذه الفترة بالليرباليني اجلدد، حيث إ7م يسريون على منط قدمائهم يف الدفاع عن املصاحل الغربية يف األمة اإلسالمية، ويفكرون بطريقتهم.

لتصنيف الليبريايل عند احلوراين:. غموض ا3

بعد عرض موجز تلك األدوار رأى الباحث أن هناك غموضا يف تصنيف احلوراين لليربالية. واألمر يثري قلقا شديدا حني بوأ احلوراين األمري شكيب أرسالن، واألفغاين، وحممد عبده، ورشيد رضا -

حسنا لنهضة األمة اإلسالمية، وهم املتضررون يف وهم فحول من الرواد املتحمسني باإلسالم، وأبلوا بالء

(24) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxxi. . 1938، القاهرة: دار املعارف، 45، ص 1ج مستقبل الثقافة يف مصر،طه حسني، )25( -49، ص 1ج مستقبل الثقافة يف مصر،طه حسني، ) 26( 50.



129

سبيل ذلك باضطهاد املستعمرين عليهم من الليرباليني ويف صف واحد مع طه حسني املمايل لالستعمار. -.)27(شاسع بال شك بني االجتاه املمايل لالستعمار وبني مقاومهمع أن البون

معايري لوصف مفكر ليربايل. وتلك املعايري هي ويف احلقيقة أن احلوراين متناقض إذ وضع لنفسه أن يتكيف أي مفكر مع التطورات الغربية مبحاولته لتغيري ا8تمع عن طريق تغيري النظام االعتقادي «

والقيمي اليت ختصهم، لتعطي هذه العقيدة والقيم بعد تغيريمها شرعية قبول األفكار واملؤسسات األوروبية . )28(»احلديثة

ايري يف رأي الباحث واضحة متاما، وإذا التزم احلوراين 5ا فإنه لن يدخل أحدا إىل زمرة وهذه املعالليرباليني إال من اتصف بالتحرر من العقيدة واخلصائص اإلسالمية، وبذلك لن يكون الليرباليون إال

وعبده ورشيد ملحدين أو ارتيابيني. ومن مث فإن تناقضه واضح حينما وصف األمري أرسالن، واألفغاين، رضا بأAم ليرباليون مع أن التزامهم بالعقيدة والشريعة اإلسالمية أمر ال شك فيه.

والقول بأن وصف الليربالية ال يطلق إال من يتحرر من العقيدة واخلصائص اإلسالمية ليس بدعا على ، ريباللورد كرومر، وهو من أكرب رائد يف تغريب مصر والعامل العمن الباحث، بل صفة وصفها

إن اBتمع املصري يف مرحلة االنتقال والتطور السريع، وكانت النتيجة الطبيعية «هؤالء الليرباليني إذ قال: ولكنهم متجردون عن العقيدة اإلسالمية واخلصائص » مسلمون«أن وجدت مجاعة من أفرادهم

لثقة بأنفسهم، وإن املصري الذي فإ3م ال حيملون القوة املعنوية، وا» غربيني«اإلسالمية، وإن كانوا خضع للتأثري الغريب، فإنه وإن كان حيمل االسم اإلسالمي لكنه يف احلقيقة ملحد وارتيايب، والفجوة بينه

.)29(»وبني عامل أزهري ال تقل عن الفجوة بني عامل أزهري وبني أورويب

عرب هو نفسه صراحة أنه ن تصنيف احلوراين لليرباليني يثري شكا واضطرابا واضحا، وقدلذلك فإعلى التأثري . إذ أصبح املعيار هو اإلقبال )31(أو كان لونا من التساهل )30(شك يف هذا التصنيف

األورويب، دون أن يفرق بني أن يكون الفكر توفيقيا فيكون جتديدا إسالميا أم تغريبيا؟ وقد جعل اثنني يف واد واحد.

. 2005، 14القاهرة: مكتبة وهبة، ط. الفكر اإلسالمي احلديث وصلته باالستعمار الغريب،راجع: حممد البهي، )27( (28) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxvii. (29) The Earl of Cromer, Modern Egypt, Vol. II, p. 228-229, New York: Macmillan,

1908. (30) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxxv. (31) Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought, p. xxvi.



دونيسيااملطلب الثاين: النفوذ الليربايل يف إن

بكورة الظاهرة الليربالية بإندونيسيا كانت موجودة منذ عصر االحتالل اهلولندي، الذي تزامن مع ظهورها يف العامل اإلسالمي، مث تتطور تلك الظاهرة مع مرور تأثري الثقافة الغربية يف البالد.

أوال: عهد االستعمار:

املاليوية، فمنهم من أرجعه إىل منتصف القرن اختلف املؤرخون يف دخول اإلسالم إىل األرخبيل أيام أي )33(السابع للميالد، ومنهم من أرجعه إىل القرن )32(الثامن للهجرة أو القرن الرابع عشر للميالد

اخللفاء الراشدين. ومهما يكون فإن عدد املسلمني يف زيادة مستمرة منذ دخول اإلسالم يف هذه املنطقة يا أكرب دولة مسلمة يف العامل من حيث الكثافة السكانية. حىت تعترب إندونيسيا حال

وكان من أبرز املواقف االستعمارية إزاء األمة اإلسالمية فيما يتعلق بالفكر اإلسالمي ما يلي:

. الغزو الفكري: 1

ال بد من توضيح مفهوم الغزو الفكري قبل ذكر احلقائق التارخيية اليت رمسها االستعمار.

أ. مفهوم الغزو الفكري:

خبصوصية «ويتعلق ثانيا » مبشترك إنساين عام«الفكر عامة يتعلق بأحد أمرين: يتعلق أوال فما يتعلق باألمر األول فإنه ال خيتص حبضارة بذا4ا، أو قومية بعينها، أو أهل ديانة دون ». حضارية

حياء لدى الناس مجيعا. وينطبق هذا الفكر غريها، فهو كاملاء واهلواء، حيتاجه كل نفس، وينهض مبهمة اإليف العلوم املتصفة باحلياد، مثل الرياضيات بفروعها، والكيمياء، والطبيعة، والطب واجليولوجيا اليت مل

. )34(خيتلف مناهجها وحقائقها وقوانينها باختالف احلضارات

، ص 1للوترب ستودارد، ج حاضر العامل اإلسالميراجع: األمري شكيب أرسالن، اإلسالم يف جاواه وما جاورها، إضافة لكتاب )32(

، بريوت: دار الفكر، د.ت. 338 (33) See: Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad

XVII dan XVIII (شبكات علماء الشرق األوسط واجلزر اإلندونيسية يف القرن السابع عشر والثامن عشر), p. 23-50, Bandung: Mizan, 1995.

-17ص الغزو الفكري وهم أم حقيقة؟،راجع: حممد عمارة، )34( .2006، 3، القاهرة: دار الشروق، ط18



131

فس اإلنسانية اليت تتميز وفيما يتعلق باألمر الثاين فإن الفكر يتمايز بتمايز احلضارات. فالنمكوناCا وطبائعها ومفاتيح عواملها بتميز املذاهب والبيئات واملعتقدات، ال بد وأن تتمايز علومها:

. لذلك ليس كل فكر حمايدا الذي ليس لديه )35(سياسية واجتماعية وفلسفة تبعا لتمايز مادة هذه العلوما ختتلف بني حضارة وأخرى أل(ا متثل بطاقا"ا حدود حضارية، ولكن كل حضارة هلا مسا'ا وخصائصه

الشخصية.

ومن مث فإن الغزو الفكري هو: الضغوط من حضارة إىل أخرى ببعض األفكار اليت تتنافر مع .)36(هويتها احلضارية

ب. الغزو الفكري اهلوالندي:

1857( صاحب الريادة يف الغزو الفكري اهلوالندي كان على أيدى سنوك هورخرونيه -1936 (املستشار احلكومي يف املسائل اإلسالمية والعربية. واملشروع على عاتقه هو تغيري أفكار املسلمني

ومعتقداNم بأفكار ومعتقدات غربية تناقض هويتهم اإلسالمية، كل ذلك إلضعاف املسلمني وإلثبات أقدام املستعمرين على رؤوس املواطنني.

مثل كون املسيحية دين الكنيسة، وأن جيعل اإلسالم دينا » سجددين امل«أراد سنوك أن يصبح اإلسالم . )37(فرديا روحانيا وأن يتركوا اجلوانب األخرى من الدولة

كما أراد أن حيول الشعب اإلندونيسي إىل وطنيني هوالنديني بشرط تركهم عرى اإلسالم من فكرة سالم والنصرانية ميكنهما االجتماع، إن اإل«االحتاد اإلسالمي وسائر تعاليم اإلسالم. وقال سنوك:

واحتمال أحدمها اآلخر يف ممارسة احلياة الوطنية على شرط رفع فكرة االحتاد اإلسالمي. ولقد رأينا

.18، ص الغزو الفكريراجع: حممد عمارة، ) 35( هناك من ينكر وجود الغزو الفكري، معتربين احلديث عنه جمرد وهم من األوهام. حجتهم أن العامل بفضل ثورة االتصال أصبح وطنا )36(

حلضارة واحدة، يسمو@ا: حضارة العصر أو احلضارة العاملية أو احلضارة اإلنسانية) ويتصورون األمم، والشعوب، والقوميات، واحداجمرد درجات ومستويات يف البناء الواحد، هلذه احلضارة الواحدة. وبالتايل فليس يف هذا التصور حدود متيز أوطانا متعددة، حلضارات

بور الفكر للحدود ليس فيه عندهم شبهة غزو وال أثر عدوان. فاستبعدوا مقولة الغزو الفكري من ميادين الفكر متميزة. ومن مث فإن عوالثقافة، واستبداهلا مبقولة حوار الثقافات. لكن تعدد احلضارات أمر واقع ال ميكن إنكاره، وأن مقولة حوار الثقافات إن هي إال

، هي احلقيقة املمثلة للواقع احلضاري الذي نعيش عليه. ومن مث فإن هناك حاالت لتعدي االعتراف بذلك. فالتعددية ال الواحدية احلدود احلضارية، متثل غزوا فكريا ال شك فيه.

(37) Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, Indonesia Edition (Pergumulan Islam di Indonesia 1945-1970), p. 16, translated by: Safroedin Bahar, Jakarta: Grafiti, 1985.



مقدار مساعدة األحوال لنا يف حتقيق مشروع إدخال املسلمني اجلاويني يف األمة اهلوالندية بدون إثارة نا ميكنهم أن يأخذوا دروسا من التساهل الديين عن أولئك املسألة الدينية. ولعمري أن كثريين م

. )38(»األهايل

وشدد سنوك على ضرورة اختاذ احلكومة إجراءات ممكنة لتحويل اإلندونيسني إىل الثقافة الغربية حىت إن سالمة املستعمرات اهلوالندية متوقفة على نشر املدنية الغربية «تتغلب على أثر الدين يف نفوسهم:

قافة اهلوالندية يف مسلمي تلك اجلزائر إىل أن يصريوا يف هذا الباب كاهلوالنديني أنفسهم..فال مينع والثاختالفهم يف الدين مع مسلمي اجلاوى وسومطرة أن يكون هؤالء يف يوم من األيام وطنيني هوالنديني،

. )39(»ينوذلك حبمل هؤالء على الثقافة اهلوالندية اليت تتغلب يف نفوسهم على أثر الد

ورأي سنوك أن طريقة أكثر فعالية لفرض الثقافة الغربية على الشعب وحمو أثر الدين يف نفوس املسلمني هي عن طريق التربية والتعليم على النمط اهلوالندي.

. التعليم املدين الغريب: 2

قررت احلكومة اهلوالندية على إعطاء التعليم ألبناء الشعب بعد أن كان حمروما عنه، ويسمي هذا القرار (ethical policy) » بالسياسة األخالقية« للشعب املستعمر. وهي أن احلكومة االستعمارية

الطبيعية والبشرية لصاحل هلا مسئولية أخالقية لتنمية رخاء الشعب املستعمر، بعد أن استنزفت كل موارده الدولة املستعمرة، ومن بنود هذه السياسة هي تطوير التربية والتعليم.

لقد كان الشعب طوال قرون ثالثة على جهل مطبق يف أمور دنياهم، وليس بينهم يف تلك املدة املديدة تلقى الطلبة علوما (الباسنترين) حتت إدارة املشايخ، حيث مؤسسات تعليمية غري املعاهد اإلسالمية

إسالمية حبتة بشكل تقليدي وحتت مراقبة شديدة من جهة األمن احلكومي، حىت ال ميس التعليم جماال سياسيا كي ال يكون مصدرا للقلق على احلكومة املستعمرة.

أداة لكن هذه السياسة كانت مبثابة سالح ذي حدين، إ%ا أدت أوال إىل تنمية الكفاءة البشرية، أ%ا ثانيا للحكومة املستعمرة لعملية التحول الثقايف واملعنوي للشعب. وعلى هذه املهمة أرسلت احلكومة بعض

أن املوظفني اهلولنديني يف املناطق «أبناء الشعب للبعثة الدراسية إىل املدارس واجلامعات يف هولنده: هلولندية، حرصا منهم على اإلندونيسية أخذوا بعض شباب من أصحاب املواهب ليدرسوا يف اجلامعات ا

-344، ص 1ج حاضر العامل اإلسالمي،نقال عن األمري شكيب، (38) 345. .342، ص 1نقال عن املصدر السابق، ج (39)



133

إعطاء التعليم العايل رغبة منهم يف نشر الثقافية الغربية يف أوساط اجليل اجلديد أصحاب املواهب . واستمرت البعثات وازداد عدد الدارسني يف تلك اجلامعات وأصبح بعضهم موظفني يف )40(»العالية

.1945استقالل البالد سنة النظام االستعماري، وأصبح البعض اآلخر رمزا للمقاومة حىت

. الصراع بني اإلسالميني والعلمانيني: 3

هناك صراع بني اإلسالميني والعلمانيني من أيام االستعمار، وال تزال هذه املواجهة قائمة بني اإلسالميني والليرباليني حىت اليوم.

. )41(وطنيون املسلمونوالشعب أيام االستعمار ثالث فئات: النبالء، والوطنيون العلمانيون، وال

تكوIن النبالء من األشراف وامللوك ورؤساء القبائل الذين كان هلم حظ ثقة احلكومة اهلوالندية. وسبب نيل هذه الثقة ألن بعدهم عن اإلسالم جعلهم غري آ:ني بظروف الشعب، وهم انتهازيون ومستعدون

خيانة للمصاحل الوطنية. لذلك اعتمدت للخضوع حتت أوامر حكومية على حساب إخوا*م من الشعب، عليهم احلكومة يف أكثر فترة االحتالل متتد ثالثة قرون ونصف قرن من الزمن. وانتهت هذه املكانة مع

. )42()1942جميئ االستعمار الياباين (مارس

واإلسالميون نافسوا العلمانيني خاصة يف عهد االستعمار الياباين الذي امتد ثالث سنوات ونصف،وأخذوا مكانة هامة يف هذا العهد، حيث احنازت اليابان إىل الفئة الدينية رغبة منها يف املساندة واملواجهة

ضد التحالف الغريب يف احلرب العاملية الثانية، إدراكا منها أن املسلمني أكرب شرحية يف ا$تمع تعاطف من الشعب اإلندونيسي، اليابانيون نظروا إىل اإلسالم أنه أهم وسيلة لنيل ال«اإلندونيسي:

ولتكون هذه العاطفة راسخة يف نفوسهم. و>ذا املنطق احناز اليابانيون إىل املسيحية يف الفلبني وسيلة . )43(»للتأليف األيدولوجي

(40) Harry A. Poeze, Indonesian at Leiden University, in Indonesian and Islamic Studies, p. 34,

Zaini Muchtarom, Jacob Vredenbregt, E. Van Donzel (ed.), Jakarta: Indonesian Netherlands

Cooperation in Islamic Studies (INIS), 1990.

(41) See: Boland, B.J, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia (1945-1972), Indoenesian

Edition (Pergumulan Islam di Indonesia 1945-1972, p. 9, Jakarta: Grafiti, 1985.

(42) See: Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, p. 9-10.

(43) Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, p 11.



ثانيا: سوكارنو بني السلفية اإلصالحية والتحديث اإلسالمي:

اإلشارة إىل االجتاه الفكري للرئيس سوكارنو ستكشف اجلذور الليربالية يف فترة ما بعد االستقالل، ألنه » حتت راية الثورة«كان أبرز شخصية سياسية وفكرية يف نفس الوقت، حيث مقاالته املدونة يف كتابه

هذه الفترة: السلفي أبدت اهتمامه البالغ باإلسالم. ذلك أن مثة اجتاهني للتجديد اإلسالمي يف اإلصالحي، والتحديث اإلسالمي.

. املدرسة السلفية التجديدية: 1

يف فترة اخلمسينات من القرن العشرين ساد التخلف يف مجيع جماالت احلياة بإندونيسيا، خصوصا وأ"ا ته من حديث العهد باالستقالل، باالضافة إىل عجز غالبية املسلمني على تلبية حاجة العصر ومتطلبا

املنظور اإلسالمي. ومع ذلك كان التخلف يف هذه الفترة حال العامل اإلسالمي مجيعا، فكان املسلمون يف كل األقطار مهتمني بالرجوع إىل حقيقة اإلسالم املتضمنة يف القرآن والسنة ملواجهة هذا التخلف

احلضاري.

الشرق األوسط بفضل احلجاج والطلبة الذين تأثر املسلمون بإندونيسيا باحلركات التجديدية املوجودة يف مع 1802رجعوا من دراستهم مبكة أو القاهرة. ودخلت السلفية التجديدية يف أول مرة بإندونيسيا منذ

، واعتربت هذه الدعوة كبادرة أوىل حلركة اإلصالح )44(وصول بعض احلجاج من مكة املكرمةإلصالح وأخذت مكانة بارزة يف اخلريطة الفكرية اإلسالمي يف البالد. وعلى غرارها تبلورت حركة ا

بقيام مجعيات دينية واجتماعية يف مطلع القرن العشرين.

يف جزيرة جاوى أول هذه اجلمعيات على اإلطالق، ومن دائر"ا 1905سنة » مجعية خريية«ويعترب قيام 1868سطع الشيخ أمحد دهالن ( اكرتا. وقامت ) بيوجي1912) املؤسس جلمعية احملمدية (1923-

) بباندونج. 1923) مجيعة اإلسالم واإلرشاد جباكرتا، مث مجعية االحتاد اإلسالمي (1914بعد سنتني (كل هذه اجلمعيات تعترب حركات إسالمية للمدرسة السلفية اإلصالحية اليت ترمي إىل التجديد اإلسالمي

البدع واخلرافات، وفتح باب االجتهاد على <ج سلف األمة بالرجوع إىل القرآن والسنة ونبذ كل أنواع ونبذ التقليد األعمى.

وهم متأثرون بدعوة حممد بن عبد الوهاب، وأخذوا ينشرون هذه الدعوة اجلديدة »بالنمور التسعة«وفون جاء احلاج مسكني وزمالئه املعر (44)

غلبوا يف حبماسة أدت إىل مواجهة عسكرية مع أصحاب التقاليد املتأثرين باهلندوسية والبوذية والذين يتعاونون مع احلكومة اهلوالندية. ورغم أ"م

-1822نة (س 15هذه املعركة الدموية مدة ) إال أن آثارهم باقية، وتعليمهم مستمر، وتولدت من هذه احلركة الدعوية علماء كثرية. 1837

-303ملحق ترمجة إندونيسية لكتاب حاضر العامل اإلسالمي للرتروف ستودارد، ص 5ضة العامل اإلسالمي بإندونيسيا،راجع: 304.



135

. التحديث اإلسالمي لسوكارنو: 2

أما االجتاه األخر من التجديد فإنه حاول على مسايرة احلياة العصرية، واألخذ بالصاحل من منظور النظام التحديث اإلسالمي، وكان احلديث رغم تناقضه أحيانا مع التعاليم اإلسالمية، ويسمي هذا االجتاه حبركة

سوكارنو أبرز شخصية هلذا االجتاه.

املنشورة يف راية اإلسالم رأي ضرورة جتديد مفهوم اإلسالم، ويقصد به تفكيك هويف احدى مقاالتكل شيء متغري كما قال هرقلطس، معىن ذلك أنه ما من «مفاهيم املسلمني يف دينهم فقال سوكارنو:

ومتجدد، وكذلك احلال بنسبة مفاهيم املبادئ الدينية. نعم، األصول ال تتغري، شيء إال أنه جار ومتغري ال تتغريان، ولكن الفهم اإلنساين × والدين ال يتغري، واإلسالم احلقيقي ال يتغري، وكلمات اهللا وسنة نبيه

د هي هلذه األشياء يتغري. إنه يتطلب ضرورة وجود نقد هذا املفهوم بصفة دائمة، وحقيقة هذا النق»االجتهاد أو البحوث الذي أدى بنا إىل التقدم )45( .

هي مفتاح االجتاه الفكري لسوكارنو وهو نفس االجتاه الليربايل حاليا. » كل شيء متغري«العبارة بأن األصول ال تتغري، والدين ال يتغري، واإلسالم احلقيقي ال يتغري، وكلمات اهللا وسنة نبيه «وبرغم قوله بأن

، »الفهم اإلنساين هلذه األشياء يتغري«، فإن هذه املقولة أصبحت كلمات خطابية إذ علق أن »ال تتغريانوهو يقصد أن كل ما يفهمه الناس يف األصول والفروع متغري. ومبقتضاه جيوز يف رأيه أن خيتلف

املسلمون يف فهم كل ما يتعلق بدينهم.

ؤدي إىل االختالف الفكري، من أجل ذلك فإن ورأى أن اختالف الظروف واملالبسات بني قطر وآخر يالفكر اإلسالمي يف تركيا قد خيتلف عما هو يف مصر أو يف اهلند. لذلك دافع عن شرعية الفصل بني

مت حمو الكلمات 1928يف سنة «اإلسالم والدولة يف تركيا، لظروفها الثقافية والسياسية، وقال: دين الدولة، وأصبح الدين فيما بعد أمورا شخصية. إنه مل املوجودة يف الدستور اليت نصت أن اإلسالم

ميح اإلسالم من أرض تركيا، لكن اإلسالم فوض إىل تركيني أنفسهم وليس إىل الدولة. ومن اخلطأ أن »نزعم أن تركيا ضد الدين واإلسالم، ومن اخلطأ أن نسوى بني تركيا وروسيا مثال )46( .

دل على قناعته الفكرية بالعلمانية، وإال فكيف يقال بأن ما حدث وهذا التربير إن دل على شيء فإنه يبتركيا يف تلك الفترة ليس ضد اإلسالم، وقد أصبحت الدولة علمانية، وأن الدين شخصية ال دخل له يف

السياسة واإلدارة، وألغيت احملاكم الشرعية والقانون اإلسالمي، وصدق القانون املدين السوسري، (45 ) Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi راية الثورة)(حتت , vol. 1, p. 370. (46 ) Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi (حتت راية الثورة), vol. 1, p. 377.



ي اإليطايل، والقانون التجاري األملاين، ومنع التعليم الديين، وعطل مراكزه، ومنع والقانون اجلنائاحلجاب، وألغى احلروف العربية وأبدهلا باحلروف الالتينية، ومنع اآلذان بالعربية وجعله بالتركية، وغري

الشعب قد حطم األساس الديين، وغري وجهة نظر«اللباس وألزم لبس القبعة. إن ما حدث يف تركيا . لقد أصبحت تركيا غري إسالمية، حيث أسقطت كل ما يتعلق باإلسالم )47(»التركي واحلكومة التركية

وحاربت كل املعامل اإلسالمية.

والغريب أنه وصف ما فعله أتاتورك بأنه دفاع عن كرامة اإلسالم، كما أنه هيئ له أرضا خصبا يف أرض تدهور تأثري اإلسالم على «يف كل األقطار اإلسالمية، فقال: تركيا، ومن مث فإنه منوذج صاحل للتطبيق

شعب تركيا ليس لعدم تدخل احلكومة بل العكس لتدخل احلكومة على األمور اإلسالمية..هذا التدخل بالسالسيل السياسية. لذلك فإن إدارة احلكومة للشئون » تقييد أيدي اإلسالم وأرجله«أدى إىل

ة اإلسالم بتركيا..وهذا قانون مطرد ينطبق على كل بقعة األرض، مفاده: اإلسالمية أدت إىل فقد خصوب»إذا تدخلت احلكومة على الشئون الدينية يصبح هذا التدخل عائقا كبريا يصعب استئصاله )48(.

1888( فإنه قدر رسالة علي عبد الرازق فكما أثىن على علمنة تركيا اإلسالم وأصول «) 1966-1817(بأن أطروحاته أكثر حداثة، كما أعجب بالسيد أمحد خان » احلكم واحلركة األمحدية )1889-

الدعوة اإلسالمية باهلند، حبجة أن أفكارها وحركا>ا يعتربان أهم عنصر يف حتديث اإلسالم وأصبحت، رغم وضوح االحنراف يف نظر كبار ا1ددين مثل األفغاين وحممد )49(مقبولة يف دائرة املثقفني األوروبيني

.)50(عبده

ثالثا: السياسة العامة للنظام اجلديد:

) 1965سبتمبري 30شهدت إندونيسيا أسود تارخيها بالثورة الدموية للحزب الشيوعي اإلندونيسي (حيث سعى لتغيري أيدولوجية الدولة أدت إىل سقوط نظام سوكارنو، مث استويل سوهرتو رئيسا

م للجمهورية. وورثت هذه احلكومة اجلديدة عداء سوكارنو لإلسالميني، ومت يف عهدها )ميش اإلسالمن احلياة العامة، ومل يهدأ هذا العداء إال يف آخر مرحلتها. ومتحورت السياسة العامة للنظام سوهارتو يف

.2003، 6، كويت: دار القلم، ط71ص الصراع بني الفكرة اإلسالمية والفكرة الغربية يف األقطار اإلسالمية،لندوي، اأبو احلسن )47( (48 ) Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi (حتت راية الثورة) , vol. 1, p. 378. (49 ) See: Sukarno, Dibawah Bendera Revolusi (حتت راية الثورة) , vol. 1, p. 388-389. -431، ص 1للسيد مجال الدين األفغاين والشيخ حممد عبده، ج اآلثار الكاملة العروة الوثقىراجع: )50( ، إعداد وتقدمي: سيد 433

.2002، 1هادي خسرو شاهي، القاهرة: مكتبة الشروق الدولية، ط



137

ثالثة خطوط رئيسة وهي النمو االقتصادي، واالستقرار السياسي، وانتشار وعي اجلمهور يف أيدولوجية دة اليت أرادها النظام احلاكم.وهي األيدولوجية الوحي 1945البانساسيال (املبادئ اخلمسة) والدستور

من أجل هذه احملاور الثالثة حارب سوهرتو كل احلركات واالجتاهات اإلسالمية. علة ذلك خشيته على 1927( أن يظهر اإلسالم قوة جديدة يف املسرح السياسي بعد حل احلزب الشيوعي. لقد عرب سومترو -

اجلديد على السلطة..أدرك النظام أن الفرصة بعد أن استويل النظام«عن هذه املخاوف بقوله: ) 1998ساحنة لعودة النفوذ السياسي لإلسالم. ألن سقوط احلزب الشيوعي وحل أيدولوجيته قد يساعدان

اإلسالميني لذلك النفوذ..ومع وعي القوات الربية بأن اإلسالميني لديهم الطاقة إلحداث التطرف فإن وة املتطرفة للحزب الشيوعي، وإضعاف جناح سوكارنو، مع السياسة العامة للعسكريني هي إسقاط الق. )51(»احلذر الشديد على طلوع اجلناح اإلسالمي

مع هذا التوافق بني احلاكم والقوات الربية على حماربة اإلسالميني صار النفوذ السياسي للعلمانيني 1967ل عشرين عاما (واملسيحيني هو املهيمن على األوضاع كلها يف البالد. وقد نشط النظام طوا -

) ملنع الظهور األيدولوجي لإلسالم، وجاهد لتهميش املسلمني من السياسة، وإقامة احلياة 1987 العلمانية يف شىت امليادين، كل ذلك خوفا من اإلسالم وهو املعروف بإسالموفوبيا.

ملؤسسات احلكومية الواردة هذه السياسة العامة هلا انعكاسا3ا بالضرورة يف سياسة وزراء الدولة ومجيع اوألن تلك اجلامعات وهي من «حتتها، و>ذا الصدد وزارة الشئون الدينية واجلامعات اإلسالمية النظامية.

املؤسسات احلكومية تأثرت بشكل مباشر باالجتاه السياسي للحكومة. ألن قيادة تلك اجلامعات ولون . )52(»سياسا5ا تتعلق بوزير للشئون الدينية

)»الفئة املشتغلة«بعد أن فازت لذلك Golkar وهي حزب النظام احلاكم يف االنتخابات العامة عام (، كان أويل براجمه تغيري سياسة هذه الوزارة. ومت هذا التغيري يف ثالثة خطوط رئيسة وهي: تغيري 1971

الوظائف حىت تتناسب مع السياسة العامة اليت رآها؛ وتعيني الشخصيات من غري فئة تقليدية كانوا من و؛ وتعيني اخلرجيني من اجلامعات الغربية لوالية وظائف استراتيجية يف اهلامشيني يف عهد سوكارن

(51) Heru Cahyono, Soemitro dan Peristiwa 15 Januari 1974 ) 1974يناير 15(سومترو وأحداث , p. 46,

Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1998.

(52) Fuad Jabali, Jamhari (ed.), Jamhari, IAIN dan Modernisasi Islam di Indonesia (اجلامعات اإلسالمية

.p. 16, Jakarta : Logos, 2002 ,النظامية وحتديث اإلسالم بإندونيسيا)



1971. وكان أهم فترة هلذا التاريخ فترة وزارة الدكتور عبد املعطي علي ()53(الوزارة -1978 (1983ووزارة منور الشاذيل ( -1993 .(

إندونيسيا على درب اجلامعات ويف عهدمها مت تغيري اجتاه النظام التعليمي للجامعات اإلسالمية النظامية بالغربية. لقد تغريت اجلامعة من كو-ا مؤسسة دعوية وتعليمية إسالمية إىل كو-ا مؤسسة علمية حبتة

ناقش » اجلامعة اإلسالمية النظامية والتحديث اإلسالمي بإندونيسيا«ويف كتاب مبعيارها التارخيية والتجريبية. ي والعلمي للجامعة. مبدئيا افترض أن ال يتناقض هاتان الوظيفتان وكانتا مؤلفه قضية العالقة بني الدور الدعو

معا يف االجتاه التعليمي، واألمثل أن تكون مادة الدعوة حقيقة علمية. لكنه يربر ميل اجلامعة إىل كو'ا مؤسسة من غري علمية وخلعت عن وصفها مؤسسة دعوية، ألن الوظيفة العلمية يف رأيه أجل من الدور الدعوي، و

املنطلق من اجلانب العقيدي األيدولوجي. )54(الئق جلامعة راقية، حسب رأيه، أن تلعب هذا الدور

أيدولوجي بالدرجة األويل، ألن الدعوة دائما تنطلق من يف نظر مؤلفه، والفرق بينهما أن الدور الدعوي، الصفة العلمية، ألن الوصف العلمي الدعوى حبقيقة اإلسالم وببطالن غريه من األديان، وهي تتنايف مع

يتطلب عدم التحيز إىل عقيدة ما، كما ينبغى أن يتحرر من املعيار العقائدي حىت ال تكون النتيجة مقيدة باألفكار املسبقة. ولذلك يعدلون املناهج الدراسية من املعيارية جبعل نصوص القرآن والسنة مرجعا يف

باالعتماد على نظريات العلوم االجتماعية الغربية. )55(يةالدراسة إىل أن تكون جتريبية وتارخي

وعلى غراره تغري النموذج التعليمي من الشرق األوسط وبالذات جامعة األزهر إىل اجلامعات األوروبية، قبلة اجلامعات اإلسالمية النظامية بإندونيسيا قد تغريت. وقد بدأ هذا التغيري «حيث قال أحد املفكرين:

رسني ملواصلة دراستهم، ال إىل الشرق األوسط ولكن إىل اجلامعات يف األمريكا الشمالية، بإرسال املدوإىل أوروبا وأستراليا. وهذا القرار ليس صدفة، وهو خمطط ختطيطا دقيقا من كبار رجال احلكومة بوزارة

. هذا وقد مضت هذه النقلة منذ أربعة عقود. )56(»الشئون الدينية

(53) See: Fuad Jabali, IAIN بإندونيسيا)(اجلامعات اإلسالمية النظامية وحتديث اإلسالم , p. 18.

(54) See: Fuad Jabali, IAIN (اجلامعات اإلسالمية النظامية وحتديث اإلسالم بإندونيسيا), p. x.

(55) See: Amin Abdullah, Studi Agama : Normativitas atau Historisitas? (الدراسات الدينية: معيارية أم تارخيية؟),

p. 22, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2004.

Dekontruksi Islam Madzhab Ngaliyan: Pergulatan Pemikiran Anak مقدمة أيب حفس لكتاب (56)Muda Semarang ) (مذهب جاليان يف التفكيك اإلسالمي: اخلطاب الفكري الديين جليل جديد مبدينة مسارنج (مسارانج: ,

).2005رسائل،



139

يف خطاب املثقفني:رابعا: الليربالية

إحتاد «سجل جريج بارتون أن بوادر النفوذ الليربايل لدى املثقفني بإندونيسيا ترجع إىل احلركة الطالبية الذي اجته حنو الفكر احلداثي منذ أواخر عقد الستينات للقرن العشرين، وجذب » الطلبة اإلسالمية

اه بارزا يف عهد رئاسة نور خالص ماجد املثقفني اجلدد من ذوي اخللفية التقليدية. وأصبح االجت)1939 دور بارز لنشر االجتاه الليربايل، وهو من طليعة هذه القافلة وحمرك فكان له . ) هلذا االحتاد2005-

هلا. ولقد سجل بارتون أن املؤسسني هلذا االجتاه بإندونيسيا أربعة شخصيات فكرية وهم: نور خالص ماجد، 1940(وعبد الرمحن واحد 1942(، وجوهان أفندي، وأمحد واهب )2009- . وقد وصف )1973-

. )57(بارتون بأن هؤالء األربعة مؤسسون للحركة الليربالية وهم رموز الليربالية لدى املثقفني

هذا وقد ورث جيل عن جيل، فهناك مؤسس، فاملواصل، فجيل جديد. وقد كان اجليل اجلديد أكثر وهي مبثابة » شبكات اإلسالم الليربايل«جرأة يف أطروحا6م الفكرية، ووثقوا شبكات عريضة مسوها

مظلة عقدية بني معتنقي االجتاه يف أحناء البالد.

كما وصفوه ألنفسهم هو: فتح باب االجتهاد يف مجيع ا%االت، كان االجتاه العام لإلسالم الليربايل والتركيز على روح التدين وليس على املعاين احلرفية من النصوص، واعتناق احلقيقة النسبية املتفتحة

واملتعددة، والتحيز إىل األقلية املستضعفة، وإعالء احلرية الدينية والعقدية، والفصل بني السلطة الدنياوية . )58(خروية وبني السلطة الدينية والسياسيةواأل

أكثر املنظمات املسلمة حتررا بدون خجل يف «وقد جمدت مؤسسة راند هذه املنظمة بأ)ا حسب قوهلا: بواسطة 2001جنوب شرق آسيا) هي شبكات اإلسالم الليربايل، واليت أنشأت يف إندونيسيا (ورمبا يف كلواملتحررين، للتصدي على التأثري املتصاعد للحركة اجلهادية والتطرف اإلسالمي يفاملسلمني املثقفني شباب

»إندونيسيا )59( مبعىن أدق إ8ا للتصدى على الصحوة اإلسالمية يف هذا البلد.، أو

خامسا: الليربالية اإلندونيسية يف املشروع الغريب:

» شبكات مسلمة معتدلةبناء «تقريرا بعنوان 2007أصدرت مؤسسة راند يف 'اية مارس Building Moderate Muslim Networks وهو تقرير متمم لسلسلة التقارير اليت بدأ هذا املركز

(57 ) Greg Barton, The Emergence of Neo Modernism, p. 84.

راجع: التعريف باإلسالم الليربايل يف املوقع: (58) www.islamlib.com. (59 ) Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 105.



الفكري يف إصدارها لتحديد اإلطارات الفكرية للمواجهة مع العامل اإلسالمي فيما بعد أحداث .)60(سبتمبري

. إندونيسيا كنموذج للمشروع الليربايل:1

وصف احلالة الليربالية يف جنوب شرق آسيا هذا التقرير وباخلصوص يف إندونيسيا- بأ+ا متميزة؛ حيث -أكد على أمهية االستفادة من التجربة اإلندونيسية يف إشاعة الليربالية حتت مظلة االعتدال، مبفهومه

ول يف جنوب ومواصفاته األمريكية بطبيعة احلال. ورأى التقرير أن إندونيسيا أكثر خصبة من باقي الدشرق آسيا؛ ألن كال من باكستان وماليزيا ميثالن التيار األصويل من الناحية الفكرية، وإن كانت ماليزيا

أقل تطرفا ولكنها يف رأيه تتأثر بدرجة أكرب باألزهر وبعلماء العامل العريب.

املتطورة، وميكن أن واخلالصة أن جنوب شرق آسيا لديه املؤسسات التعليمية اإلسالمية «وقال التقرير: يكون مصدرا مهما يف احلرب الدائرة حول األفكار يف العامل اإلسالمي، وكذلك اجلهود املتعلقة ببناء

شبكات مسلمة معتدلة كما يقترح التقرير. وسوف تساهم هذه املؤسسة يف بقاء ا,تمعات املسلمة يف ه للهجوم من األفكار املتطرفة من الشرق جنوب شرق آسيا ملتزمة بالقيم املعتدلة والشاخمة رغم تعرض

األوسط، وهذه املؤسسات ميكن أيضا أن تستخدم كلبنات يف شبكة املؤسسات التعليمية اإلسالمية »املعتدلة )61(.

ويف سبيل ذلك رصد التقرير عددا من اجلمعيات اليت كانت أكثر خصبة لبناء املفاهيم الليربالية اإلسالمية لماء واجلمعية احملمدية وكذلك عدد من اجلامعات اإلسالمية ويف مقدمتها اجلامعة مثل مجعية &ضة الع

اإلسالمية النظامية جباكرتا.

. إندونيسيا كبوابة الحتواء العامل اإلسالمي:2

وأكثر من ذلك وصف التقرير بأن إندونيسيا منوذج هام؛ ألن الليرباليني يف نظرته قادرون على صياغة كرية واإلعالمية حىت ختدم املعتدلني. ورأى أن التركيز على منطقة الشرق األوسط هو أجندة للحركة الف

استراتيجي غري صحيح؛ ألن العامل العريب يعترب مركز قوة التيار احملافظة، وأن األنسب للمشروع رغم أن الكثري من املبادرات «األمريكي أن يركز على األطراف، وليس على املركز. فقال التقرير:

القاهرة: املركز العريب ،2007استراتيجية غربية الحتواء اإلسالم قراءة يف تقرير راند د. باسم خفاجي، راجع: هذا التقرير يف حتليل )60(

.2007للدراسات اإلنسانية، (61 ) Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 109.



141

الغربية للتفاعل مع املسلمني تركز على منطقة الشرق األوسط، فإننا نرى أن الشرق األوسط وحتديدا العامل العريب، ميثل أرضا أقل خصوبة للشبكات املعتدلة وبناء املؤسسات مقارنة مبناطق أخرى من العامل

»اإلسالمي )62(.

على حمورين: األول هو التعاون مع املعتدلني وعلى هذا فإن بناء مشروع الشبكات املسلمة املتعدلة يعتمد من العلمانيني يف دول األطراف، أو الدول اليت ميكن العمل فيها حبرية، والثاين هو عكس مسار األفكار

إن الدافع األساسي لتصورنا يعتمد على حمورين: «حبيث تكون من األطراف حنو املركز. قال التقرير: ملعتدلني يف الدول اليت تكون الظروف فيها متواتية وإجيابية لتطوير شبكات األول هو العمل مع املسلمني ا

مسلمة معتدلة فعالة ومؤسسات من أجل تقوية هذه ا7تمعات يف مواجهة تدفق التفسريات السلفية املتطرفة لإلسالم والنابعة من الشرق األوسط. احملور الثاين: هو إجياد قنوات تواصل إعالمية تشجع نشر

فسريات املعتدلة والعامة لإلسالم إىل منطقة الشرق األوسط من املسلمني املعتدلني يف املناطق الت»األخرى )63(.

وهذا يعىن أن إندونيسيا متثل بوابة طرفية لبناء شبكات ليربالية مسلمة يف العامل اإلسالمي؛ حيث يسري هذا قد مت مؤخرا إنشاء مؤسسة أمريكية جديدة املشروع بالتدرج من الطرف إىل املركز وهو العامل العريب. و

» لبفورال«إمسها Libforall ويعىن الليربالية للجميع 7دف ترمجة كتب ومقاالت التيار التحرري الذي يتزعمه جمموعة من املفكرين اإلندونيسيني إىل العربية واإلجنليزية، وإتاحتها على اإلنترنت، وكذلك

عندما يتم نشر األفكار املعتدلة، فإن من املهم أن يقدم املفكرون «توصيلها يف شكل كتب للمهتمني: سلمون من الغرب ومن جنوب شرق آسيا إىل باقى مناطق العامل اإلسالمي، وأن يتم ترمجة أعماهلم امل

»الفكرية إىل كل من اإلجنليزية والعربية )64(.

مما سبق وصل الباحث إىل أبرز النتائج التالية:

1. افز ديين يتبلور يف ظهور النظرة الليربالية لإلسالم يف العامل اإلسالمي له عالقة باالستشراق، وكان له ح حركة التنصري، وحافز سياسي يتبلور يف االستعمار. وألن االستشراق يدور مع االستعمار فإن زعامته

حتولت بعد احلرب العاملية الثانية إىل الواليات املتحدة، بعد أن كانت يف أيدى فرنسا وبريطانيا. وأمريكا

(62 ) Angel Rabasa, Building Moderate Muslim Network, p. 85.





ال يطلق إال ة والعلمانية والليربالية الغربية. والرجل الليربايل ;ذه الزعامة تريد إسالما يتطابق مع قيم احلداثعلى من حترر من العقيدة واخلصائص اإلسالمية، وبذلك ال تكون إال ملحدة أو ارتيابية.

االستعمار اهلوالندي حيث سعت يف تغريب الشعب انعكاس هذا االجتاه يف إندونيسيا بدأ منذ عهد .2السلفية اإلصالحية اليت ترمي إىل نظام سوكارنو كان هناك احتكاك بني ويف عهد ال بالغزو الفكري.

التجديد اإلسالمي على Fج سلف األمة، والتحديث اإلسالمي بقيادة سوكارنو الذي أصر على مسايرة األمة باحلياة العصرية رغم تناقضها أحيانا بالقيم اإلسالمية. وورث النظام سوهرتو عداء سوكارنو

وازداد يف عهده النفوذ العلماين واملسيحي يف مؤسسات الدولة. ومت يف هذه الفترة تغيري لإلسالميني،النموذج التعليمي يف اجلامعات اإلسالمية النظامية من جامعات الشرق األوسط إىل اجلامعات الغربية.

ات اإلسالم الليربايل ويف دائرة املثقفني كان لنور خالص ماجد دور بارز يف املضمار الليربايل، وتعترب شبك .3أهم منظمة ليربالية يف جنوب شرق آسيا ولديها شجاعة كربى لتفكيك الثوابت اإلسالمية، ويف نظر

مؤسسة راند األمريكية كان هلم إجنازات ثقافية، وأصبحت إندونيسيا يف نظرها بوابة طرفية للسري الغريب حنو احتواء اإلسالم.

والفلسفة جبامعة األزهر بالقاهرة، حماضر بالدراسات العليا جبامعة ابن خلدون الدكتوراة يف العقيدة *) بوجور، واملركز الدراسي للشرق األوسط واإلسالم الدراسات العليا- جامعة إندونيسيا جباكرتا.-

Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age 1798-1939, Indonesian Edition, translated by Suparno, Dahrits Setiawan, Bandung: Mizan, 2004.

Amin Abdullah, Studi Agama : Normativitas atau Historisitas? الدراسات الدينية: معيارية أم) .Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2004 ,تارخيية؟)

Angel Rabasa And Others, Building Moderate Muslim Network, Pittsburgh: Rand Corporation, 2007

Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII dan XVIII .p ,(شبكات علماء الشرق األوسط واجلزر اإلندونيسية يف القرن السابع عشر والثامن عشر)23-50, Bandung: Mizan, 1995.

Boland, B.J, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia (1945-1972), Indoenesian Edition (Pergumulan Islam di Indonesia 1945-1972, Jakarta: Grafiti, 1985.

Boland, The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia, Indonesia Edition (Pergumulan Islam di Indonesia 1945-1970), translated by: Safroedin Bahar, Jakarta: Grafiti, 1985.



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.1984، 5بريوت: دار القلم، ط. ،، مقدمة ابن خلدونابن خلدون

األقطار اإلسالميالصراع بني الفكرة اإلسالمية والفكرة الغربية يف لندوي، اأبو احلسن

Dekontruksi Islam Madzhab Ngaliyan: Pergulatan Pemikiran Anak Muda أيب حفس مقدمة لكتاب

Semarang ) مذهب جاليان يف التفكيك اإلسالمي: اخلطاب الفكري الديين جليل جديد مبدينة,مسارنج) ).2005(مسارانج: رسائل،

املترجم: د. حممد عناين، القاهرة: رؤية للنشر ،الغربية للشرقاالستشراق املفاهيم ، ادوارد سعيد.2006، 1والتوزيع، ط.

، إضافة لكتاب حاضر العامل اإلسالمي للوترب أرسالن، اإلسالم يف جاواه وما جاورهااألمري شكيب ، بريوت: دار الفكر، د.ت. 1ستودارد، ج

القاهرة: املركز العريب للدراسات ، قراءة يف تقرير رانداستراتيجية غربية الحتواء اإلسالم باسم خفاجي، .2007اإلنسانية،

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113

Index

A

advocate, 83

Affirmative Action, 55, 93

Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), 40

Asian Development Bank (ADB), 104

B

Badan Amil Zakat, BAZ, 90

Baitul Mal, 24, 25

Bottom of Pyramid (BOP), 83

C

CEDAW, 96, 97, 98, 102, 104, 105

Clifford Geertz, 58, 59, 60, 68, 73, 114

D

David C. McClelland, 60

E

Economic, 24, 25, 42, 51, 55, 56, 60, 61, 62, 64, 70, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 78, 92, 96, 105

economic behavior, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73

Education, 12, 18, 19, 22, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, 75, 76, 80, 81, 90

Entrepreneurship, 61

Ethnologist, 113

exploitation, 78

F

Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), 8

Fi Sabilillah, 46

fundamentalism, 93, 94, 95, 103, 105, 107

G

gender, 43, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 104, 108, 109, 113

Gender-related Development Index (GDI), 96

H

Harta Sepencarian, 7

I

Indonesia, 0, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 22, 27, 32, 33, 56, 59, 60, 61, 66, 76, 82, 90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 103, 104, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114

International Conference, 93, 101

Islam, 9, 12, 13, 20, 22, 25, 30, 33, 34, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 82, 84, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 102, 105, 107, 108, 111, 112, 113, 115

Islamic revivalism, 39

Islamic Students Association, 111

Istihsan, 4

J

job, 14, 26, 31, 32, 91

Justice, 3

K

Kopontren, 25, 34

kota santri, 13

Kuala Lumpur, 49

L

labor, 61, 66, 86, 88, 91


M

Malayan Law Journal (MLJ), 3

Malaysia, 0, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 9, 11, 17, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 73, 93, 94, 95, 96, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105

Max Weber, 60

Modernity, 0, 107

Mu’allaf, 45

Muhammadiyah, 16, 17, 18, 28, 95, 112

N

National Association of Malaysian Islamic Students (PKPIM), 40

O

obligation, 6, 7, 26, 31, 51

Office, 22, 23, 37, 98, 100, 105, 106

P

Pan Islamic Party (PAS), 41

Pesantren, 0, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 109

Prahalad, 78, 79, 83, 85, 91

Protestantism ethics, 60

Public Interest, 1

Q

Quran, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 112

R

Religious, 1, 13, 19, 20, 23, 29, 30, 31, 32, 37, 44, 47, 54, 56, 67, 74, 94, 104, 105

rural society, 12, 23, 30, 31

S

Santri, 35, 36

santri tradisional, 73

Selangor, 3, 4, 6, 9, 43, 44, 45, 46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 54, 57

Shariah Court, 1, 3, 5, 10

Socio-cultural, 66

Student, 18, 78

Sunda Wiwitan, 64

Suryalaya, 28

Syariah Judiciary Department of Malaysia (JKSM)., 1

Syariah Law, 1

T

Tasikmalaya, Manonjaya, 27

U

UNESCO, 96, 106

utilization, 78

W

West, 0, 12, 13, 15, 16, 19, 26, 30, 44, 58, 59, 60, 65, 95, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115

Westernisation, 114

WID (Women in Development), 98

Y

Yogyakarta, 34, 76, 92, 98, 108, 109, 110, 112

Z

Zakat, 0, 39, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 78, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90


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