L.W.King

AHistoryofBabylon

FromtheFoundationoftheMonarchytothePersianConquest

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Tableofcontents

Preface1.Introductory:Babylon'sPlaceintheHistoryofAntiquity2.TheCityofBabylonandItsRemains:ADiscussionoftheRecentExcavations3.TheDynastiesofBabylon:TheChronologicalSchemeintheLightofRecentDiscoveries4.TheWesternSemitesandtheFirstDynastyofBabylon5.TheAgeofHammurabiandItsInfluenceonLaterPeriods6.TheCloseoftheFirstDynastyofBabylonandtheKingsfromtheCountryoftheSea7.TheKassiteDynastyandItsRelationswithEgyptandtheHittiteEmpire8.TheLaterDynastiesandtheAssyrianDomination9.TheNeo-babylonianEmpireandthePersianConquest10.Greece,PalestineandBabylon:AnEstimateofCulturalInfluenceAppendicesI.AComparativeListoftheDynastiesofNîsin,LarsaandBabylonII.ADynasticListoftheKingsofBabylon

Merodach-baladan II, King of Babylon, Making a Grant of Land to Bêl-Akhê-Erba,GovernorofBabylon.

PREFACE

In the firstvolumeof thisworkanaccountwasgivenof theearly racesofBabyloniafromprehistorictimestothefoundationofthemonarchy.ItclosedatthepointwhenthecityofBabylonwasabouttosecurethepermanentleadershipunder her dynasty of West-Semitic kings. The present volume describes thefortunesofBabyloniaduringthewholeofthedynasticperiod,anditcompletesthehistoryofthesouthernkingdom.Lastautumn,inconsequenceofthewar,itwasdecided topostpone itspublication;but,at the requestof thepublishers, Ihavenowfinisheditandseenitthroughthepress.AtatimewhenBritishtroopsareinoccupationofSouthernMesopotamia,theappearanceofaworkuponitsearlierhistorymayperhapsnotbeconsideredaltogetherinopportune.

ThankstorecentexcavationBabylonhasceasedtobeanabstraction,andwearenowabletoreconstitutethemainfeaturesofoneofthemostfamouscitiesofthe ancient world. Unlike Ashur and Nineveh, the great capitals of Assyria,BabylonsurvivedwithbutlittlechangeundertheAchæmeniankingsofPersia,and from the time of Herodotus onward we possess accounts of hermagnificence,whichrecentresearchhasingreatpartsubstantiated.ItistruethatwemustmodifythedescriptionHerodotushasleftusofhersize,butonallotherpoints the accuracy of his information is confirmed. The Lion Frieze of theCitadel and the enamelled beasts of the Ishtar Gate enable us to understandsomethingofthespellshecast.Itisclaimedthatthesitehasbeenidentifiedofhermostfamousbuilding,theHangingGardensoftheroyalpalace;and,ifthatshould prove to be the case, they can hardly be said to have justified theirreputation.Farmore impressive is theTowerofBabelwith itshugePeribolos,enclosingwhathasbeenaptlydescribedastheVaticanofBabylon.

The majority of the buildings uncovered date from the Neo-Babylonianperiod, but they may be regarded as typical of Babylonian civilization as awhole.Fortempleswererebuiltagainandagainontheoldlines,andreligiousconservatism retained the mud-brick walls and primitive decoration of earlierperiods.EvenNabopolassar'sroyalpalacemusthaveborneacloseresemblanceto that of Hammurabi; and the street network of the city appears to havedescendedwithoutmuchchangefromthetimeoftheFirstDynasty.Thesystem

which Hammurabi introduced into the legislation of his countrymay perhapshavebeenreflectedintheearliestattemptattown-planningonascientificbasis.Themost striking fact aboutBabylon's history is the continuity of her cultureduringthewholeofthedynasticperiod.Theprincipalmodificationwhichtookplace was in the system of land-tenure, the primitive custom of tribal orcollectiveproprietorshipgivingplace toprivateownershipunder thepolicyofpurchaseandannexationdeliberatelypursuedby theWest-SemiticandKassiteconquerors.AparalleltotheearliersystemanditslongsurvivalmaybeseeninthevillagecommunitiesofIndiaatthepresentday.

IncontrasttothatofAssyria,thehistoryofBabylonismoreconcernedwiththedevelopmentandspreadofacivilizationthanwiththemilitaryachievementsofarace.Hergreatestperiodofpowerwasunderherfirstlineofkings;andinafteragesherforeignpolicywasdictatedsolelybyhercommercialneeds.Theletters from Boghaz Keui, like those from Tell el-Amarna, suggest that, inkeepinghertradeconnexionsopen,shereliedupondiplomacyinpreferencetoforce. That she could fight at need is proved by her long struggle with thenorthernkingdom,butinthelaterperiodhertroopswereneveramatchforthetrained legions of Assyria. It is possible that Nabopolassar and his son owedtheir empire in great measure to the protecting arm of Media; andNebuchadnezzar's success at Carchemish does not prove that the Babyloniancharacterhadsuddenlychanged.ArecentlyrecoveredletterthrowslightontheunsatisfactorystateofatleastonesectionofthearmyduringNebuchadnezzar'slateryears,andincidentallyitsuggeststhatGobryas,whofacilitatedthePersianoccupation,maybeidentifiedwithaBabyloniangeneralofthatname.WiththefallofMedia,hemayperhapshavedespairedofanysuccessfuloppositiononhiscountry'spart.

Babylon'sgreatwealth,duetohersoilandsemi-tropicalclimate,enabledhertosurvivesuccessiveforeigndominationsandtoimposehercivilizationonherconquerors.Hercaravanscarriedthatcivilizationfarafield,andoneofthemostfascinatingproblemsofherhistoryistotracetheeffectofsuchintercourseintheliteraryremainsofothernations.Muchrecentresearchhasbeendevotedtothissubject,andthegreatvalueof itsresultshasgivenrise insomequarters totheviewthat thereligiousdevelopmentofWesternAsia,andinaminordegreeofEurope,wasdominatedbytheinfluenceofBabylon.Thetheorywhichunderlies

such speculation assumes a reading of the country's history which cannot beignored.Intheconcludingchapteranestimatehasbeenattemptedoftheextenttowhichtheassumptionisinharmonywithhistoricalresearch.

The delay in the publication of this volume has rendered it possible toincorporaterecentdiscoveries,someofwhichhavenotasyetappearedinprint.Professor A. T. Clay has been fortunate enough to acquire for the YaleUniversityCollectionacompletelistof theearlykingsofLarsa, inadditiontootherdocumentswithanimportantbearingonthehistoryofBabylon.Heisatpresentpreparingthetextsforpublication,andhasmeanwhileverykindlysentmetranscriptsofthepertinentmaterialwithfullpermissiontomakeuseofthem.TheinformationaffordedastotheoverlappingofadditionaldynastieswiththeFirstDynastyofBabylonhasthrownnewlightonthecircumstanceswhichledtotheriseofBabylontopower.Buttheseandotherrecentdiscoveries,intheirgeneraleffect,donotinvolveanydrasticchangesinthechronologicalschemeasa whole. They lead rather to local rearrangements, which to a great extentcounterbalanceoneanother.UnderBabylon'slaterdynastiesherhistoryandthatofAssyria are so closely inter-related that it is difficult to isolate the southernkingdom.Anattempthasbeenmadetoindicatebroadlythechiefphasesoftheconflict, and themanner inwhichBabylonian interestsalonewereaffected. Inordertoavoidneedlessrepetition,afullertreatmentoftheperiodispostponedtothethirdvolumeofthiswork.Acombinedaccountwillthenalsobegivenoftheliteratureandcivilizationofbothcountries.

I take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to Monsieur F. Thureau-Dangin,Conservateur-adjoint of theMuseums of theLouvre, for allowingmelast spring to study unpublished historical material in his charge. Theinformation he placed at my disposal I found most useful during subsequentwork in the Ottoman Museum at Constantinople shortly before the war.ReferencehasalreadybeenmadetomyindebtednesstoProfessorClay,whohasfurnished me from time to time with other unpublished material, for whichdetailedacknowledgmentismadeinthecourseofthiswork.WithProfessorC.F.BurneyIhavediscussedmanyoftheproblemsconnectedwiththeinfluenceof Babylon upon Hebrew literature; and I am indebted to Professor A. C.Headlamforpermissiontoreprintportionsofanarticleonthatsubject,whichIcontributedin1912totheChurchQuarterlyReview.

ToDr.E.A.WallisBudgemythanksaredue,ashesuggestedthatIshouldwritethesehistories,andhehasgivenmethebenefitofhisadvice.Tohim,astoSir FredericKenyon andMr.D.G.Hogarth, I am indebted for permission tomake use of illustrations, which have appeared in official publications of theBritishMuseum.MythanksarealsoduetoMonsieurErnestLerouxofParisforallowing me to reproduce some of the plates from the "Mémoires de laDélégationenPerse,"publishedbyhimunder theeditorshipofMonsieurJ.deMorgan;andtotheCouncilandSecretaryoftheSocietyofBiblicalArchæologyfor the loan of a block employed to illustrate a paper I contributed to theirProceedings. The greater number of the plates illustrating the excavations arefromphotographs takenon thespot;and theplansanddrawingsfigured in thetext are thework ofMr. E. J. Lambert andMr. C.O.Waterhouse, who havespared no pains to ensure their accuracy. The designs upon the cover of thisvolumerepresentthetwomostprominentfiguresinBabyloniantradition.InthepanelonthefaceofthecoverthenationalheroGilgameshisportrayed,whoseepicreflects theBabylonianheroicideal.ThepanelonthebackofthebindingcontainsafigureofMarduk,thecity-godofBabylon,graspinginhisrighthandtheflamingswordwithwhichheseveredthedragonofchaos.

CHAPTERI

INTRODUCTORY:BABYLON'SPLACEINTHEHISTORYOFANTIQUITY

The name of Babylon suggests one of the great centres from whichcivilization radiated to other peoples of the ancient world. And it is true thatfromthesecondmillenniumonwardswehaveevidenceofthegradualspreadofBabylonianculturethroughoutthegreaterpartofWesternAsia.Beforethecloseofthefifteenthcentury,tociteasingleexampleofsuchinfluence,wefindthatBabylonianhadbecomethelanguageofEasterndiplomacy.It isnotsurprisingperhapsthattheEgyptiankingshouldhaveadoptedtheBabyloniantongueandmethod of writing for his correspondence with rulers of Babylon itself or ofAssyria. But it is remarkable that he should employ this foreign script andlanguage for sending orders to the governors of his Syrian and Palestiniandependencies,andthatsuchCanaaniteofficialsshouldusethesamemediumforthereportstheydespatchedtotheirEgyptianmaster.InthesameperiodwefindtheAryanrulersofMitanni,inNorthernMesopotamia,writingincuneiformthelanguageoftheiradoptedcountry.AfewdecadeslatertheHittitesofAnatolia,discarding their old and clumsy systemof hieroglyphs except formonumentalpurposes, borrow the same character for their own speech,while their treatieswithEgyptaredrawnupinBabylonian.IntheninthcenturythepowerfulraceoftheUrartians, settled in themountains ofArmenia around the shores of LakeVan,adoptastheirnationalscriptthewritingofAssyria,whichinturnhadbeenderived from Babylon. Elam, Babylon's nearest foreign neighbour, at a veryearly period had, like the Hittites of a later age, substituted for their rudehieroglyphs the language and older characters of Babylon, and later on theyevolvedfromthesamewritingacharacteroftheirown.Finally,comingdowntothesixthcentury,wefindtheAchæmeniankingsinventingacuneiformsign-listto express theOld Persian language, in order that their own speechmight berepresented in royalproclamationsandmemorialsbeside thoseof their subjectprovincesofBabylonandSusiania.

These illustrationsofBabylonian influenceonforeignracesareconfinedtoonedepartmentofcultureonly,thelanguageandthesystemofwriting.Buttheyhaveaverymuchwider implication.Forwhena foreign language isusedandwritten,acertainknowledgeofitsliteraturemustbepresupposed.Andsinceallearly literatures were largely religious in character, the study of the languagecarries with it some acquaintance with the legends, mythology and religiousbeliefsof the race fromwhomitwasborrowed.Thus,even ifwe leaveoutofaccount the obvious effects of commercial intercourse, the single group ofexamplesquotednecessarilyimpliesastrongculturalinfluenceoncontemporaryraces.

Itmay thus appear a paradox to assert that the civilization,withwhich thenameofBabylonisassociated,wasnotBabylonian.Butitisafactthatformorethan a thousand years before the appearance of that city as a great centre ofculture, thecivilization ithandedon toothershadacquired inallessentials itslater type. In artistic excellence, indeed, a standard had been already reached,which, so far from being surpassed, was never afterwards attained inMesopotamia.AndalthoughtheBabylonianmayjustlybecreditedwithgreatersysteminhis legislation,withanextended literature,andperhapsalsowithanincreasedluxuryofritual,hiseffortswereentirelycontrolledbyearliermodels.If we except the spheres of poetry and ethics, the Semite in Babylon, aselsewhere,provedhimselfacleveradapter,notacreator.HewastheprophetofSumeriancultureandmerelyperpetuatedtheachievementsoftheracewhomhedisplacedpolitically andabsorbed. It is therefore themore remarkable thathisparticularcityshouldhaveseenbutlittleoftheprocessbywhichthatculturehadbeengraduallyevolved.During thoseeventfulcenturiesBabylonhadbeenbutlittle more than a provincial town. Yet it was reserved for this obscure andunimportantcitytoabsorbwithinherselftheresultsofthatlongprocess,andtoappear to later ages as the original source of the culture she enjoyed. Beforetracing her political fortunes in detail it will be well to consider briefly thecauseswhichcontributed toher retentionof theplaceshesosuddenlysecuredforherself.

ThefactthatunderherWest-SemitickingsBabylonshouldhavetakenrankasthecapitalcitydoesnotinitselfaccountforherpermanentenjoymentofthatposition. The earlier history of the lands of Sumer and Akkad abounds with

similarexamplesofthesuddenriseofcities,followed,afteranintervalofpower,bytheirequallysuddenrelapseintocomparativeobscurity.Thepoliticalcentreofgravitywascontinually shifting fromone town toanother, and theproblemwe have to solve is why, having come to rest in Babylon, it should haveremainedthere.TotheWesternSemitesthemselves,afterapoliticalexistenceofthreecenturies,itmusthaveseemedthattheircitywasabouttosharethefateofher numerous predecessors. When the Hittite raiders captured and sackedBabylon and carried off her patron deities, events must have appeared to betaking theirnormalcourse.After thecountry,withher abounding fertility,hadbeengiventimetorecoverfromhertemporarydepression,shemighthavebeenexpectedtoemergeoncemore,accordingtoprecedent,undertheaegisofsomeother city. Yet it was within the ancient walls of Babylon that the Kassiteconquerors established their headquarters; and it was to Babylon, long rebuiltand oncemore powerful, that the Pharaohs of the eighteenthDynasty and theHittitekingsofCappadociaaddressed theirdiplomaticcorrespondence.DuringAssyria's long struggle with the southern kingdom Babylon was always theprotagonist, and no raid by Aramean or Chaldean tribes ever succeeded inoustingherfromthatposition.AttheheightofAssyrianpowershecontinuedtobethechiefcheckuponthatempire'sexpansion,andthevacillatingpolicyoftheSargonidsintheirtreatmentofthecitysufficientlytestifiestothedominantrôleshecontinuedtoplayinpolitics.AndwhenNinevehhadfallen,itwasBabylonthattookherplaceinagreatpartofWesternAsia.

This continued pre-eminence of a single city is in striking contrast to theephemeral authority of earlier capitals, and it can only be explained by someradical change in the general conditions of the country. One fact stands outclearly: Babylon's geographical position must have endowed her during thisperiod with a strategical and commercial importance which enabled her tosurvive the rudest shocks to hermaterial prosperity.A glance at themapwillshowthatthecitylayinthenorthofBabylonia,justbelowtheconfluenceofthetwo great rivers in their lower course.Built originally on the left bank of theEuphrates, she was protected by its stream from any sudden incursion of thedesert tribes. At the same time she was in immediate contact with the broadexpanseofalluvialplaintothesouth-east,intersectedbyitsnetworkofcanals.

But the real strength of her position lay in her near neighbourhood to the

transcontinentalroutesoftraffic.WhenapproachingBaghdadfromthenorththeMesopotamianplaincontractstoawidthofsomethirty-fivemiles,and,althoughit has already begun to expand again in the latitude ofBabylon, that citywaswellwithin touchofboth rivers.She consequently lay at themeeting-point oftwo great avenues of commerce. The Euphrates route linked Babylonia withNorthernSyriaandtheMediterranean,andwashernaturallineofcontactwithEgypt; it also connected her with Cappadocia, by way of the Cilician GatesthroughtheTaurus,alongthetrackofthelaterRoyalRoad. Farthernorththetrunk-routethroughAnatoliafromthewest,reinforcedbytributaryroutesfromthe Black Sea, turns at Sivas on the Upper Halys, and after crossing theEuphratesinthemountains,firststrikestheTigrisatDiarbekr;thenleavingthatriverfortheeasierplain,itrejoinsthestreamintheneighbourhoodofNinevehand so advances southward to Susa or to Babylon. A third great route thatBabyloncontrolledwasthattotheeastthroughtheGatesofZagros,theeasiestpoint of penetration to the Iranian plateau and the natural outlet of commercefromNorthernElam. Babylonthuslayacrossthestreamofthenations'traffic,andinthedirectpathofanyinvaderadvancinguponthesouthernplains.

That she owed her importance to her strategic position, and not to anyparticular virtue on the part of her inhabitants,will be apparent from the laterhistory of the country. It has indeed been pointed out that the geographicalconditions render necessary the existence of a great urban centre near theconfluenceoftheMesopotamianrivers. Andthisfactisamplyattestedbytherelative positions of the capital cities, which succeeded one another in thatregionafter the supremacyhadpassed fromBabylon.Seleucia,CtesiphonandBaghdadareallclusteredinthenarrowneckoftheMesopotamianplain,andforonlyoneshortperiod,whennormalconditionsweresuspended,hasthecentreofgovernment been transferred to any southern city. The sole change hasconsistedinthepermanentselectionoftheTigrisforthesiteofeachnewcapital,with a decided tendency to remove it to the left or eastern bank. That theEuphrates should have given place in this way to her sister river was naturalenoughinviewofthelatter'sdeeperchannelandbetterwaterway,whichgainedin significance as soon as the possibility of maritime communication wascontemplated.

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ThroughoutthewholeperiodofBabylon'ssupremacythePersianGulf,sofarfrombeingachannelof internationalcommerce,wasasgreatabarrierasanymountainrange.Doubtlessacertainamountoflocalcoastingtrafficwasalwayscarried on, and the heavy blocks of diorite which were brought to BabyloniafromMaganbytheearlyAkkadiankingNarâm-Sin,andataratherlaterperiodbyGudeaofLagash, musthavebeen transportedbywater rather thanoverland.Tradition, too,ascribedtheconquestof theislandofDilmun, themodernBahrein, toSargonofAkkad;but thatmarked theextremelimitofBabylonianpenetration southwards, and the conquest must have been little more than atemporaryoccupation following a seriesof raidsdown theArabian coast.ThefactthattwothousandyearslaterSargonofAssyria,whenrecordinghisreceiptoftributefromUpêriofDilmun,shouldhavebeensofaroutinhisestimateofitsdistancefromtheBabyloniancoast-line, isanindicationofthecontinueddisuse of the waters of the gulf as a means of communication. On thissupposition we may readily understand the difficulties encountered bySennacherib when transporting his army across the head of the gulf againstcertaincoast-townsofElam,andthenecessity,towhichhewasput,ofbuildingspecialshipsforthepurpose.

There is evidence that in the Neo-Babylonian period the possibilities oftransport by way of the gulf had already begun to attract attention, andNebuchadnezzarII.issaidtohaveattemptedtobuildharboursintheswampatthe mouths of the delta. But his object must have been confined toencouragingcoastaltrade,forthesea-routebetweenthePersianGulfandIndiawas certainly not in use before the fifth century, and in all probability wasinaugurated byAlexander. According to Herodotus it had been opened byDarius after the return of the Greek Scylax of Caryanda from his journey toIndia, undertaken as one of the surveying expeditions on the basis of whichDarius founded the assessment of his new satrapies.But, although there is noneedtodoubtthehistoricalcharacterofthatvoyage,thereislittletosuggestthatScylaxcoastedround,orevenentered,thePersianGulf. Moreover,itisclearthat, while Babylon's international trade received a great impetus under theefficient organization of the PersianEmpire, itwas the overland routeswhichbenefited. The outcrops of rock, or cataracts, which blocked the Tigris forvesselsofdeeperdraft,werenotremoveduntilAlexanderlevelledthem;andthe

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problemofBabylon'ssea-traffic,towhichhedevotedtheclosingmonthsofhislife, was undoubtedly one of the factors which, having now come intoprominenceforthefirsttime,influencedSeleucusinselectingasiteontheTigrisforhisnewcapital.

ButthatwasnottheonlycauseofBabylon'sdeposition.ForafterhercapturebyCyrus,newforcescameintoplaywhichfavouredatransferenceofthecapitaleastward.DuringtheearlierperiodsofherhistoryBabylon'schiefrivalandmostpersistentenemyhadlainuponhereasternfrontier.TotheearlySumerianrulersof city-statesElamhadbeen "themountain that strikes terror," and duringsubsequent periods the cities of Sumer and Akkad could never be sure ofimmunity from invasion in thatquarter.Weshall see that inElam theWesternSemitesofBabylonfoundthechiefobstacletothesouthwardextensionoftheirauthority, and that in later periods any symptom of internal weakness ordissensionwasthesignalforrenewedattack.ItistruethattheAssyriandangerdrewtheseancientfoestogetherforatime,buteventhesackofSusabyAshur-bani-paldidnotputanendtotheircommercialrivalry.

Duringallthisperiodtherewassmalltemptationtotransferthecapitaltoanypointwithin easier striking distance of so powerful a neighbour; andwith theprincipalpassesforeastwardtrafficunderforeigncontrol,itwasnaturalthattheEuphrates route toNorthernMesopotamia and theMediterranean coast shouldcontinue to be the chief outlet for Babylonian commerce. But on theincorporationofthecountrywithinthePersianempirealldangerofinterferencewithhereasterntradewasremoved;anditisatestimonytothepartBabylonhadalready played in history that she continued to be the capital city ofAsia formorethantwocenturies.Cyrus,likeAlexander,enteredthecityasaconqueror,buteachwaswelcomedbythepeopleandtheirpriestsastherestorerofancientrights and privileges. Policy would thus have been against any attempt tointroduceradicalinnovations.Theprestigethecityenjoyedandthegrandeurofits temples andpalacesdoubtless alsoweighedwith theAchæmeniankings intheir choice ofBabylon for their official residence, except during the summermonths.ThentheywithdrewtothecoolerclimateofPersepolisorEcbatana,andduring the early spring, too, they might transfer the court to Susa; but theycontinuedtorecognizeBabylonastheirtruecapital.Infact,thecityonlylostitsimportancewhenthecentreofgovernmentwasremovedtoSeleuciainitsown

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immediate neighbourhood. Then, at first possibly under compulsion, andafterwardsoftheirownfreewill,thecommercialclassesfollowedtheirrulerstothewestbankoftheTigris;andBabylonsufferedinproportion.IntheswiftriseofSeleuciainresponsetoofficialorders,wemayseeclearproofthattheoldercity'sinfluencehadbeenfoundeduponnaturalconditions,whichweresharedinanequal,andnowinevenagreaterdegree,bythesiteofthenewcapital.

FIG.1.DIAGRAMTOILLUSTRATETHEPOLITICALCENTREOFGRAVITY

INBABYLONIA.Thecirclemarksthelimitswithinwhichthecapitalshiftedfromtheperiodof

theFirstDynastyonwards.Itwasonlyundertheabnormalconditionsproducedby theMoslem conquest thatKûfa andBasra became for five generations thetwincapitalsof'Irâk;thisintervalpresentsaparalleltotheearlierperiodbeforetheriseofBabylon.

ThesecretofBabylon'sgreatnessisfurtherillustratedbystilllatereventsinthevalleyoftheEuphratesandtheTigris.TheriseofCtesiphonontheleftbankof the riverwasa further resultof theeastward trendofcommerce.But it layimmediately opposite Seleucia, and marked no fresh shifting of the centre ofgravity.OflittleimportanceundertheSeleucidrulers,itbecamethechiefcityoftheArsacidæ,and,aftertheParthianEmpirehadbeenconqueredbyArdashirI.,it continued to be the principal city of the province and became the winterresidence of the Sassanian kings. When in 636 A.D. the Moslem invadersdefeated the Persians near the ruins of Babylon and in the following yearcapturedCtesiphon, they found that city and Seleucia towhich they gave thejointnameofAl-Madâin,or"thecities,"stillretainingtheimportancetheirsite

hadacquired in the third centuryb.c.Then followsaperiodof ahundred andtwenty-fiveyearswhichispeculiarlyinstructiveforcomparisonwiththeearlierepochsofBabylonianhistory.

The last of the great Semitic migrations from Arabia had resulted in theconquestsofIslam,when,afterthedeathofMohammed,theArabarmiespouredintoWesternAsiaintheireffortstoconverttheworldtotheirfaith.Thecourseof the movement, and its effect upon established civilizations which wereoverthrown,maybetracedinthefulllightofhistory;andwefindinthevalleyoftheTigrisandEuphratesaresultanteconomicconditionwhichformsacloseparalleltothatoftheagebeforetheriseofBabylon.ThemilitaryoccupationofMesopotamia by the Arabs closed for a time the great avenues oftranscontinentalcommerce;and,asaresult, thepoliticalcontrolof thecountryceased to be exercised from the capital of the Sassanian kings and wasdistributed overmore than one area.New towns sprang into being around thepermanent camps of the Arab armies. Following on the conquest ofMesopotamia, the cityofBasrawasbuilt on theShatt el-'Arab in the extremesouthofthecountry,whileinthesameyear,638A.D.,Kûfawasfoundedmoretothenorth-westonthedesertsideoftheEuphrates.Athirdgreattown,Wâsit,wasaddedsixty-fiveyears later, and thisarose in thecentreof thecountryonbothbanksoftheTigris,whosewaterswerethenpassingalongthepresentbedoftheShattel-Hai.ItistruethatMadâinretainedameasureoflocalimportance,but during the Omayyad Caliphate Kûfa and Basra were the twin capitals of'Irâk.

Thustheslackeningofinternationalconnectionsledatoncetoadistributionof authority between a north and a south Babylonian site. It is true that bothcapitalswereunderthesamepoliticalcontrol,butfromtheeconomicstandpointwe are forcibly reminded of the era of city-states inSumer andAkkad.Then,too,therewasnoexternalfactortoretainthecentreofgravityinthenorth;andErech more than once secured the hegemony, while the most stable of theshiftingdynastieswasthelatestofthesoutherncityofUr.TheriseofBabylonas the sole and permanent capital of Sumer andAkkadmay be traced, asweshall note, to increased relations with Northern Syria, which followed theestablishmentofherdynastyofWest-Semitickings. Andagainwemayseehistoryrepeatingherself,whenMoslemauthorityisremovedtoBaghdadatthe

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closeofthefirstphaseintheAraboccupationofMesopotamia.Foronthefallofthe Omayyad dynasty and the transference of the Abbasid capital fromDamascus to the east, commercial intercourse with Syria and the west wasrestored to its old footing. Basra and Kûfa at once failed to respond to thechanged conditions, and a new administrative centre was required. It issignificant thatBaghdad should havebeenbuilt a fewmiles aboveCtesiphon,withinthesmallcircleoftheoldercapitals; andthat,withtheexceptionofasingleshortperiod, sheshouldhaveremainedthecapitalcityof 'Irâk.ThusthehistoryofMesopotamiaundertheCaliphateisinstructiveforthestudyoftheclosely parallel conditions which enabled Babylon at a far earlier period tosecurethehegemonyinBabyloniaandafterwardstoretainit.

From this brief survey of events it will have been noted that Babylon'ssupremacyfallsinthemiddleperiodofhercountry'shistory,duringwhichshedistributed a civilization in the origin ofwhich she played no part.When shepassed,thecultureshehadhandedonpassedwithher,thoughonMesopotamiansoilitsdecaywasgradual.Butshehadalreadydeliveredhermessage,andithasleftitsmarkontheremainsofotherracesofantiquitywhichhavecomedowntous.Weshallseethatitwasinthreemainperiodsthatherinfluencemadeitselffelt in anymarked degree beyond the limits of the home-land.The earliest oftheseperiodsofexternalcontactwasthatofherFirstDynastyofWest-Semiticrulers, thoughthemoststrikingevidenceof itseffect isonlyforthcomingaftersome centuries had passed. In the second period the processwas indirect, herculturebeingcarriednorthandwestbytheexpansionofAssyria.ThelastofthethreeepochscoincideswiththeruleoftheNeo-Babyloniankings,when,thankstohernaturalresources,thecountrynotonlyregainedherindependence,butforashort timeestablishedanempirewhichfareclipsedherearliereffort.Andinspite of her speedy return, under Persian rule, to the position of a subjectprovince, her foreign influence may be regarded as operative, it is true indiminishingintensity,wellintotheHellenicperiod.

The concluding chapter will deal in some detail with certain features ofBabyloniancivilization,andwith theextent towhich itmayhavemoulded theculturaldevelopmentofotherraces.Inthelatterconnexionaseriesofclaimshasbeen put forward which cannot be ignored in any treatment of the nation'shistory.Someofthemostinterestingcontributionsthathaverecentlybeenmade

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to Assyriologieal study undoubtedly concern the influence of ideas, whichearlier research had already shown to be of Babylonian origin.Within recentyears a school has arisen in Germany which emphasizes the part played byBabyloninthereligiousdevelopmentofWesternAsia,and, inaminordegree,ofEurope.TheevidenceonwhichreliancehasbeenplacedtoprovethespreadofBabylonianthought throughout theancientworldhasbeenfurnishedmainlyby Israel and Greece; and it is claimed that many features both in HebrewreligionandinGreekmythologycanonlyberightlystudiedinthelightthrownuponthembyBabylonianparallelsfromwhichtheywereultimatelyderived.Itwill thereforebenecessary toexaminebriefly the theorywhichunderliesmostrecentspeculationonthissubject,andtoascertain,ifpossible,howfaritmaybereliedontofurnishresultsofpermanentvalue.

Butitwillbeobviousthat,ifthetheoryistobeacceptedinwholeorinpart,itmustbeshowntorestuponafirmhistoricalbasis,andthatanyinquiryintoitscredibility should bemore fitly postponeduntil the history of the nation itselfhasbeenpassedinreview.Aftertheevidenceofactualcontactwithotherraceshas been established in detail, it will be possible to form a more confidentjudgmentuponquestionswhichdependfortheirsolutionsolelyonabalancingofprobabilities.TheestimateofBabylon'sforeigninfluencehasthereforebeenpostponed to the closing chapter of the volume. But before considering thehistorical sequence of her dynasties, and the periods to which they may beassigned, itwillbewell to inquirewhat recentexcavationhas to tellusof theactualremainsofthecitywhichbecamethepermanentcapitalofBabylonia.

[1]Cf.Hogarth,"TheNearerEast,"pp.212ff.,andRamsay,"TheHistoricalGeographyofAsiaMinor,"pp.27ff.Herodotus(V,52-54)describesthe"RoyalRoad"of thePersianperiod as passing fromEphesusby theCilicianGates toSusa,anditobtaineditsnamefromthefactthatallgovernmentbusinessofthePersianCourt passed along it; the distances, given byHerodotus in parasangsandstages,maywellbederivedfromsomeofficialPersiandocument(cf.HowandWells,"CommentaryonHerodotus,"II,p.21).ButitfollowedthetrackofastillearlierRoyalRoad,bywhichKhatti, thecapitalof theoldHittiteEmpire,maintaineditscommunicationswestwardandwiththeEuphratesvalley.

[2]Atthepresentdaythisformsthegreattrunk-roadacrossthehighlandsofPersia,bywayofKirmanshah;and,sincetheMoslemconquest,ithasbeenthe

chiefoverlandroutefromthefartherEastforallthosemakingthepilgrimagetoMecca.

[3]Cf.Hogarth,op.cit.,p.200f.[4]Seebelow,pp.9ff.[5]Itisnotimprobablethatthetransferencefromonebanktotheotherwas

dictatedbytherelationsoftherulingempirewithPersiaandtheWest.[6]See"SumerandAkkad,"p.242.[7] Cf. Delitzsch, "Paradies," pp. 178 ff., and Meyer, "Geschichte des

Altertums,"1.,ii.;p.473.[8]Seebelow,Chap.IX.,p.280.[9]IV.,44.[10] Cp.Myres, "Geographical Journal,"Mil. 1896, p. 623, and How and

Wells,"CommentaryonHerodotus,"Vol.I.,p.320.[11]SeeBevan,"HouseofSeleucus,"I.,pp.242ff.,253.[12]Cf."Sum.andAkk.,"p.149.[13] As such the two cities were known as 'Al-'Irâkân, or Al-'Irâkayn,

meaning"thetwocapitalsof'Irâk";cf.G.LeStrange."TheLandsoftheEasternCaliphate,"p.25.

[14] See further, Chap IV. The fact that from time to time other cities ofAkkad had secured the leadership, suggests that the forces which eventuallyplaced Babylon at the head of the country were already beginning to be felt.Theyweredoubtlesschecked innosmalldegreeby theabsenceofan internaladministration of any lasting stability during the acute racial conflict whichcharacterizedtheperiod.

[15]ThecitywasfoundedbythesecondAbbasidCaliphin762A.D.[16] For a period of fifty-six years (336-392 A.D.) the Caliphate was

removed toSâmarrâ.The circumstanceswhich led to the transferencemaybetraceddirectlytothecivilwarwhichbrokeoutonthedeathofHarûn-ar-Rashîd;cf.LeStrange,op.cit.,p.32.

CHAPTERII

THECITYOFBABYLONANDITSREMAINS:ADISCUSSIONOFTHERECENTEXCAVATIONS

TheactualsiteofBabylonwasneverlostinpopulartradition.Inspiteofthetotaldisappearanceofthecity,whichfolloweditsgradualdecayunderSeleucidandParthianrule,itsancientfamesufficedtokeepitincontinualremembrance.TheoldSemiticnameBâb-ilî,"theGateoftheGods,"lingeredonaboutthesite,andundertheformBabilisstill thelocaldesignationforthemostnortherlyofthecity-mounds.Tradition,too,neverceasedtoconnecttheexposedbrickworkof Nebuchadnezzar's main citadel and palace with his name. Ḳaṣr, the Arabname for the chief palace-mound and citadel of Babylon, means "palace" or"castle,"andwheninthetwelfthcenturyBenjaminofTudelavisitedBaghdad,the Jews of that city told him that in the neighbouring ruins, near Hilla, thetravellermightstillbeholdNebuchadnezzar'spalacebesidethefieryfurnaceintowhichHananiah,Mishael andAzariahhadbeen thrown. It doesnot seem thatthis adventurous rabbi actuallyvisited the site, though it is unlikely that hewasdeterredby fear of the serpents and scorpionswithwhich, his informantssaid,theruinswereinfested.

In the sixteenth century an English merchant traveller, John Eldred, madethreevoyagesto"NewBabylon,"ashecallsBaghdad,journeyingfromAleppodowntheEuphrates.Onthelastoccasion,afterdescribinghislandingatFaluja,and how he secured a hundred asses for lack of camels to carry his goods toBaghdad, he tells us that "in this placewhichwe crossed over stood the oldemightie citie ofBabylon,manyolde ruineswhereof are easilie tobe scenebydaylight,which I, JohnEldred,haveoftenbeheldeatmygoode leisurehavingmade three voyages between theNewCitie of Babylon andAleppo over thisdesert." Butitwouldseemprobablefromhisfurtherdescriptionthat"theoldetower of Babell," which he visited "sundry times," was really the ruin of'Akarkûf, which he would have passed on his way to Baghdad. Benjamin of

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Tudela,ontheotherhand,hadtakenBirs-NimrûdfortheTowerofBabel, andhadnotedhowtheruinsofthestreetsofBabylonstillextendforthirtymiles.Infact, itwasnatural thatseveralof theearly travellersshouldhaveregardedthewhole complex of ruins, which they saw still standing along their road toBaghdad, as parts of the ancient city; and it is not surprising that someof theearlierexcavatorsshouldhave fallenunderasimilar illusionso faras theareabetween Bâbil and El-Birs is concerned. The famous description ofHerodotus,andtheaccountsotherclassicalwritershaveleftusofthecity'ssize,tended to foster this conviction; and, although the centre of Babylon wasidentifiedcorrectlyenough, the sizeof thecity'sareawasgreatlyexaggerated.Babylon had cast her spell upon mankind, and it has taken sixteen years ofpatientandcontinuousexcavationtounderminethatstubbornbelief.Butintheprocess of shrinkage, and as accurate knowledge has gradually given place toconjecture, the old spell has reappeared unchanged. Itmay beworthwhile toexamineinsomedetailtheresultsofrecentworkuponthesite,andnotetowhatextentthecity'sremainshavethrownlightuponitshistorywhileleavingsomeproblemsstillunsolved.

FIG.2.MAPOFTHENEIGHBOURHOODOFBABYLONANDBIRS-NIMRÛD.A:ThemoundBâbil.B:ThemoundḲaṣr.C:Themound'Amrân-ibn-'Ali.D:

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The mound Merkes. E: Inner City-wall of Babylon. F: Outer City-wall ofBabylon.G:Ruinsofwesternwalls.H:Temple-towerofE-zida.K:RuinsofE-zida.L:Marsh.M:HindîyaCanal.

(AftertheIndiaOfficeMap.)InviewoftherevolutioninourknowledgeofBabyloniantopography,which

has been one of themost striking results of recentwork, no practical purposewouldbeservedby tracingout theearlierbutverypartialexaminationsof thesitewhichwereundertakensuccessivelybyRichin1811, byLayardin1850,byOppertastheheadofaFrenchexpeditionintheyears1852-54, andby

Hormuzd Rassam, between 1878 and 1889, when he was employed onexcavations for the British Museum. During the last of these periods theBritishMuseumobtainedavaluableseriesoftabletsfromBabylon,someofthetextsprovingofgreat literaryandscientific interest. In1887,andagainafteralapseoftenyears,Dr.RobertKoldeweyvisitedthesiteofBabylonandpickedup fragments of enamelled bricks on the east side of the Ḳaṣr. On the latteroccasionhesentsomeof themtoBerlin,andDr.RichardSchöne,at that timeDirector of the Royal Museums, recognized their artistic and archæologicalinterest.Thus itwaswith thehopeofmaking speedyand startlingdiscoveriesthattheGermanOrientalSocietybeganworkuponthesiteattheendofMarchintheyear1899;anditisthemoretothecreditoftheexcavatorsthattheyhavenot allowed any difficulties or disappointments to curtail and bring to aprematureclosethesteadyprogressoftheirresearch.

Theextentofgroundcoveredbytheremainsoftheancientcity,andthegreataccumulationofdébrisoversomeof theprincipalbuildingsrendered theworkmorearduous thanwasanticipated,andconsequently thepublicationofresultshas been delayed. It is true that, from the very beginning of operations, theexperthasbeenkeptinformedofthegeneralprogressofthediggingbymeansoflettersandreportsdistributedtoitssubscriberseveryfewmonthsbythesociety.Butitwasonlyin1911,aftertwelveyearsofuninterrupteddigging,thatthe

firstinstalmentwasissuedofthescientificpublication.Thiswasconfinedtothetemplesofthecity,andforthefirsttimeplacedthestudyofBabylonianreligiousarchitectureuponascientificbasis. InthefollowingyearDr.Koldewey,thedirector of the excavations, supplemented his first volume with a second, in

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[6] [7]

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which,underpressurefromthesociety,heforestalledtosomeextentthefutureissuesofthedetailedaccountbysummarizingtheresultsobtainedtodateuponallsectionsofthesite. Ithasthusbeenrenderedpossibletoformaconnectedideaoftheremainsoftheancientcity,sofarastheyhavebeenrecovered.

In theirworkatBabylon the excavatorshave,of course, employedmodernmethods,whichdifferconsiderablyfromthoseoftheagewhenLayardandBottabrought thewingedbullsofAssyria to theBritishMuseumand to theLouvre.Theextraordinary successwhichattended thoseearlier excavatorshas, indeed,neverbeensurpassed.But it isnowrealized thatonlybyminutenessofsearchand by careful classification of strata can the remains of the past bemade torevealinfulltheirsecrets.Thefinemuseumspecimenretainsitsimportance;butitgainsimmenselyinsignificancewhenitceasestobeanisolatedproductandtakesitsplaceinadetailedhistoryofitsperiod.

(I)THETEMPLE-TOWEROFE-ZIDAATBORSIPPA.(II)THELIONOFBABYLONONTHEḲAṢRMOUNDIn order to grasp the character of the new evidence, and the methods by

which ithasbeenobtainedatBabylon, it isadvisable tobear inmindsomeof

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thegeneralcharacteristicsofBabylonianarchitectureand themanner inwhichtheartofbuildingwasinfluencedbythenaturalconditionsofthecountry.Oneimportant point to realize is that the builders of all periods were on thedefensive,andnotsolelyagainsthumanfoes,forinthataspect theyresembledother builders of antiquity. The foe they most dreaded was Hood. Securityagainst flood conditioned the architect's ideal: he aimed solely at height andmass.Whenakingbuiltapalaceforhimselforatempleforhisgod,hedidnotconsciously aim atmaking it graceful or beautiful.What he always boasts ofhavingdoneis thathehasmadeit"likeamountain."Hedelightedtoraisethelevel of his artificial mound or building-platform, and the modern excavatorowesmuch to this continual filling inof the remainsof earlier structures.Thematerial athisdisposalwasalsonotwithout its influence in theproductionofbuildings"likemountains,"designedtoescapethefloodsoftheplain.

The alluvial origin of the Babylonian soil deprived the inhabitants of animportantfactorinthedevelopmentofthebuilder'sart:itproducedforthemnostone.But it suppliedaveryeffectivebuilding-material in itsplace,a stronglyadhesiveclay.ThroughouttheirwholehistorytheBabylonianarchitectsbuiltincrude and in kiln-burnt brick. In the Neo-Babylonian period we find themmakinginterestingtechnicalexperimentsinthismaterial,hereafirstattempttoroof in a wide area with vaulting, elsewhere counteracting the effects ofsettlementbyasortofexpansion-joint.Weshallsee,too,thatitwasinthissamemediumthattheyattainedtorealbeautyofdesign.

Brick continued to be the main building-material in Assyria too, for thatcountryderiveditsculturefromthelowerEuphratesvalley. Butinthenorthsoftlimestonequarrieswereaccessible.SoinAssyriatheylinedtheirmud-brickwallswith slabs of limestone, carved in low relief and brightly coloured; andtheysetuphugestonecolossitoflanktheirpalaceentrances.Thisuseofstone,both as a wall-lining and in wall-foundations, constitutes the main differencebetweenBabylonian andAssyrian architectural design. Incidentally it explainshow the earlier excavators were so much more successful in Assyria than inBabylonia;forinbothcountriestheydrovetheirtunnelsandtrenchesintomostof the largermounds.They could tunnelwith perfect certaintywhen they hadthesestoneliningsofthewallstoguidethem.Buttofollowouttheground-planof a building constructed only of unburnt brick,withmud or clay formortar,

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necessitatesaslowerandmoresystematicprocessofexamination.Forunburntbrickbecomeswelded intoa solidmass, scarcely tobedistinguished from thesurrounding soil, and the lines of a building in this material can only berecoveredbycompleteexcavation.

An ideaof the labour this sometimes entailsmaybegained from theworkwhichpreceded the identificationofE-sagila, thegreat templeofMarduk, thecity-god of Babylon. The temple lies at a depth of no less than twenty-onemetres below the upper level of the hill ofdébris ; and portions of two of itsmassive mud-brick walls, together with the neighbouring pavements, wereuncoveredbybodily removing thegreatdepthof soil truckby truck.ButhereevenGermanpatienceand thoroughnesshavebeenbeaten,and tunnellingwaseventuallyadoptedtoestablishtheouterlimitsoftheground-plan,muchoftheinteriorofwhichstillremainsunexplored.

The Babylon which has now been partially cleared, though in its centralportionitreachesbacktotheFirstDynastyandtotheperiodofHammurabi,ismainly that of the Neo-Babylonian empire, when Nebuchadnezzar II., andNabonidus,thelastnativeBabylonianking,raisedtheircapitaltoaconditionofmagnificenceithadnotknownbefore.Thiscitysurvived,withbutlittlechange,duringthedominationoftheAchæmeniankingsofPersia,andfromthetimeofHerodotusonwardBabylonwasmadefamousthroughouttheancientworld.AtthattimeAshurandNineveh,thegreatcapitalsofAssyria,hadceasedtoexist;butBabylonwasstillinherglory,anddescriptionsofthecityhavecomedowntousintheworksofclassicalwriters.Tofit this literarytraditiontotheactualremains of the city has furnished a number of fascinating problems.How, forexample, are we to explain the puzzling discrepancy between the presentpositionoftheouterwallsandtheenormousestimateofthecity'sareagivenbyHerodotus, or even that of Ctesias? For Herodotus himself appears to havevisitedBabylon;andCtesiaswasthephysicianofArtaxerxesII.Mnemon,whohasleftamemorialofhispresenceinamarblebuildingontheḲaṣr.

HerodotusreckonsthatthewallsofBabylonextendedforfourhundredandeighty stades, the area they enclosed forming an exact square, a hundred andtwentystadesinlengtheachway. Inotherwords,hewouldhaveuspictureacitymorethanfifty-threemilesincircumference.TheestimateofCtesiasisnot

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[14]

solarge,hissideofsixty-fivestadesgivingacircumferenceofratheroverfortymiles. Suchfigures,ithasbeensuggested,arenotinthemselvesimpossible,Koldewey, forexample,comparing theGreatWallofChinawhichextends formorethanfifteenhundredmiles,andisthusabouttwenty-ninetimesaslongasHerodotus'sestimateforthewallofBabylon. Butthelatterwasnotsimplyafrontier-fortification. It was the enclosing wall of a city, and amore appositecomparisonisthatofthewallsofNanking,thelargestcity-siteinChina,andtheworkofanempireevengreater thanBabylon. The lattermeasure less thantwenty-four miles in circuit, and the comparison does not encourage anacceptance ofHerodotus's figures on grounds of general probability. It is truethatOppertacceptedthem,butheonlyfoundthispossiblebystretchinghisplanof the city to include the whole area from Babil to Birs-Nimrûd, and byseeing traces of the city and its walls in every sort of intervening mound ofwhateverperiod.

Asamatteroffactpartofthegreatwall,whichsurroundedthecityfromtheNeo-Babylonianperiodonward,hassurvivedtothepresentday,andmaystillberecognized ina lowridgeofearth,orseriesofconsecutivemounds, whichcross the plain for a considerable distance to the south-east of Babil. Thetraveller from Baghdad, after crossing the present Nîl Canal by a bridge,passes through a gap in the north-easternwall before he sees on his right theisolated mound of Bâbil with the extensive complex of the Ḳaṣr and itsneighbour,Tell'Amrân-ibn-'Ali,stretchingawayinfrontandtohisleft. Thewholelengthofthecity-wall,alongthenorth-eastside,maystillbetracedbythepositionof these lowearthenmounds,andtheyprovethat thecityonthissidemeasurednotquite twoand three-quartermiles inextent.Theeasternangleofthewallisalsopreserved,andthesouth-eastwallmaybefollowedforanothermileandaquarteras itdoublesback towards theEuphrates.These twowalls,together with the Euphrates, enclose the only portion of the ancient city onwhichruinsofanyimportancestillexist.But,accordingtoHerodotusandotherwriters, the citywas enclosed by two similarwalls upon thewestern bank, inwhichcase the site itoccupiedmusthave formeda roughquadrangle,divideddiagonallyby theriver.Nocertain tracehasyetbeenrecoveredof thewesternwalls, andallremainsofbuildingsseemtohavedisappearedcompletelyon

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that sideof the river.But for themoment itmaybe assumed that the citydidoccupy approximately an equal amount of space upon thewestern bank; and,evenso,itscompletecircuitwouldnothaveextendedformorethanaboutelevenmiles, a figurevery far shortof anyof thosegivenbyHerodotus,Ctesias andotherwriters.

FIG.3.PLANOFTHERUINSOFBABYLON.A:ThemoundBabil.B:OuterCity-wall.C: InnerCity-wall.D:TheḲaṣr

mound. E: The mound 'Amrân-ibn-'Ali. F: E-makh, temple of the goddessNinmakh. G: Temple of Ishtar of Akkad. H: E-tomen-anki, the Tower ofBabylon.I:AncientbedoftheEuphrates.J:ThemoundMerkes.K:E-sagila,thetempleofMarduk.L:ThemoundIshin-aswad.M:Unidentified templeknownas"Z."N:E-patutila,thetempleofNinib.P:Greektheatre.Q:Sakhn,thesmallplaincoveringtheprecinctsoftheTowerofBabylon.R:ThemoundHomera.S:NîlCanal.T:BridgeoverNîlCanal.U:FormerbedofNîlCanal.V:OldCanal.W:Euphrates.X:TrackfromBaghdadtoHilla.Z:Moundscoveringtheruinsofwalls.I:VillageofAnana.2:VillageofKweiresh.3:VillageofJumjumma.4:VillageofSinjar.

(AfterKoldeweyandAndrae.)Dr.Koldeweysuggests that,as theestimateofCtesiasapproximatestofour

timesthecorrectmeasurement,wemaysuspectthathemistookthefigurewhichapplies to the whole circumference for the measure of one side only of thesquare. But even if we accept that solution, it leaves the still larger figure ofHerodotusunexplained.It ispreferabletoregardallsuchestimatesofsize,notasbasedonaccuratemeasurements,butmerelyasrepresentinganimpressionofgrandeurproducedon themindof their recorder,whetherbyavisit to thecityitself,orbyreportsofitsmagnificenceatsecond-hand.

Theexcavatorshavenotasyetdevotedmuchattentiontothecity-wall,and,untilmoreextensivedigginghasbeencarriedout,itwillnotbepossibletoformaverydetailedideaofthesystemoffortification.Butenoughhasalreadybeendonetoprovethattheouterwallwasaverymassivestructure,andconsistedoftwoseparatewallswith the intermediate space filled inwith rubble.Theouterwall,orface,whichborethebruntofanyattackandrosehighabovethemoatencircling the city, was of burnt brick set in bitumen. It measuredmore thansevenmetres in thickness, and belowground-levelwas further protected fromthewatersofthemoatbyanadditionalwall,morethanthreemetresinthickness,and,likeit,constructedofburntbrickwithbitumenasmortar.Behindtheouterwall,atadistanceofsometwelvemetresfromit,wasasecondwallofnearlythesame thickness.This faced inward towards thecity, and sowasconstructedofcrudeorunburntbrick,asitwouldnotbeliabletodirectassaultbyabesieger;and themortar employedwas clay. The crude-brickwall cannot be datedaccurately,butitiscertainlyolderthanthereignofNebuchadnezzar,andinhisfather's time itprobably formed theoutercity's soleprotection. The burnt-brickwallandthemoat-lininginfrontofitdate,intheirpresentform,fromtheageofNebuchadnezzar, for theyarebuiltofhis squarebricks, impressedwithhisusualstamp,whicharesocommonoverthewholesiteofBabylon.

FIG.4.

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GROUND-PLANOFPARTOFTHEOUTERCITY-WALL.A:Outermoat-liningofburnt-brick.B:Moat.C:Innermoat-liningofburnt-

brick. D: Outer wall of burnt-brick. E: Rubble-filling. F: Inner wall of crudebrick, with towers built at intervals across it. The figures on the plan givemeasurementsinmetres.

(AfterKoldeweyandAndrae.)At intervals along the crude-brick wall were towers projecting slightly

beyondeachface. Onlythebasesofthetowershavebeenpreserved,sothatany restoration of their upper structure must rest on pure conjecture. But, asrubblestill fills thespacebetween the twowallsofburntandunburntbrick, itmay be presumed that the fillingwas continued up to the crown of the outerwall. It is possible that the inner wall of crude brick was raised to a greaterheightandformedacurtainbetweeneachpairoftowers.Butevenso,theclearspaceinfront,consistingoftherubblefillingandtheburnt-brickwall,formedabroadroadwaynearlytwentymetresinbreadth,whichextendedrightroundthecity along the top of the wall. On this point the excavations have fullysubstantiatedtheaccountgivenbyHerodotus,whostatesthat"onthetop,alongtheedgesofthewall,theyconstructedbuildingsofasinglechamberfacingoneanother,leavingbetweenthemroomforafour-horsechariottoturn." Evenifsmaller towers were built upon the outer edge, there would have been fullyenoughspace todrivea teamof fourhorsesabreastalong thewall,and in theintervals between the towers two such chariotsmight easily have passed eachother. It has been acutely noted that this design of the wall was not only ofprotection by reason of its size, but was also of great strategic value; for itenabled the defence to move its forces with great speed from one point toanother,wherevertheattackatthemomentmightbepressed.

InfactitisonlyinthematterofsizeandextentthatthedescriptiongivenbyHerodotusofthewallsofBabylonistobediscounted;andthosearejustthesortofdetailsthatanancienttravellerwouldacceptwithoutquestionfromhislocalguide.Histotalnumberforthecity-gatesisalsonodoubtexcessive, buthisdescription of the wall itself as built of burnt-brick tallies exactly with theconstructionofitsouterface,whichwouldhavebeentheonlyportionvisibletoany one passing outside the city. Moreover, in one portion of the wall, as

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reconstructedbyNebuchadnezzar, its inner aswell as its outerhalf appears tohavebeenformedofburnt-brick.Thisisthesmallrectangularextension,whichNebuchadnezzarthrewouttoprotecthislatercitadelnowcoveredbythemoundknownasBabil.

ThemoundofBabilrepresentsNebuchadnezzar'slatestadditiontothecity'ssystemoffortification,anditsconstructioninadvanceoftheoldlineoftheouterwalls was dictated by the desire, of which we find increasing evidencethroughouthisreign,tostrengthenthecapitalagainstattackfromthenorth.Themoundhasnotyetbeensystematicallyexcavated,butenoughhasbeendonetoprove that, like the great citadel upon the Ḳaṣr, it protected a royal palaceconsisting of a large number of chambers and galleries grouped around opencourts. From this fact it is clear that a Babylonian citadel was not simply afortresstobeusedbythegarrisonforthedefenceofthecityasawhole:itwasalso a royal residence, into which the monarch and his court could shutthemselvesforsafetyshouldtheouterwallofthecityitselfbepenetrated.Evenintimesofpeacethekingdweltthere,andtheroyalstoresandtreasury,aswellasthenationalarmouryandarsenal,werehousedinitsinnumerablemagazines.InthecaseoftheSouthernCitadelofBabylon,onwhichexcavationshavenowbeen continuously carried out for sixteen years, we shall see that it formed averitable township in itself. It was a city within a city, a second Babylon inminiature.

The Southern or chief Citadel was built on themound now known as theḲaṣr,andwithinitNebuchadnezzarerectedhisprincipalpalace,partlyoveranearlierbuildingofhisfatherNabopolassar.Thepalaceandcitadeloccupytheoldcity-squareorcentreofBabylon,which is referred to in the inscriptionsas theirsit Babili, "the Bâbil place." Though far smaller in extent thanNebuchadnezzar's citadel,wemay conclude that the chief fortress ofBabylonalwaysstooduponthissite,andthecitymaywellhavederiveditsnameBâb-ilî,"the Gate of the Gods," from the strategic position of its ancient fortress,commandingasitdoes,themainapproachtoE-sagila,thefamoustempleofthecity-god. The earliest ruins in Babylon, which date from the age ofHammurabiandtheFirstDynastyofWest-Semitickings,lieunderthemoundofMerkes just to theeastofE-sagilaand theTowerofBabylon,proving that

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the first capital clustered about the shrine of the city-god. The streets in thatquartersufferedbutlittlechange,andtheirmainlinesremainedunaltereddownthrough the Kassite period into Neo-Babylonian and later times. It wasnatural thateven in theearlierperiod thecitadelshouldhavebeenplantedup-stream,tothenorthofcityandtemple,sincethegreatestdangerofinvasionwasalwaysfromthenorth.

FIG.5.CONJECTURALRESTORATIONOFTHESOUTHERNCITADEL.The view is reconstructed from the north, the conventional mound in the

foreground covering the Central Citadel now partially excavated. The SacredRoadpassesthroughtheIshtarGateandalongtheeastsideofthepalace;furtherto the east and within the fortifications is the small temple of Ninmakh. TheinnermostwallenclosesthepalaceofNebuchadnezzarwithitsfouropencourts;the façade of the Throne Room, with three entrances, is visible in the GreatCourt.Theflatroofsofthepalacearebrokenhereandtherebysmallercourtsorlight-wells.Comparetheground-planonp.30,Fig.6.

(AfterAndrae.)Theoutercity-wall,alreadydescribed,datesonlyfromtheNeo-Babylonian

period, when the earlier and smaller city expandedwith the prosperity whichfollowed the victories ofNabopolassar and his son. The eastern limits of thatearlier city, at any rate toward the close of the Assyrian domination, did notextendbeyondtheinnerwall,whichwasthentheonlylineofdefenceandwasdirectlyconnectedwiththemaincitadel.Thecourseoftheinnerwallmaystillbe traced for a length of seventeen hundred metres by the low ridge orembankment, runningapproximatelynorthandsouth,fromapointnorth-eastofthemoundHomera. Itwasadoublefortification,consistingoftwowallsof crude or unburnt brick, with a space between of rather more than sevenmetres.Thethickerofthewalls,onthewest,whichissixandahalfmetresin

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breadth,haslargetowersbuiltacrossit,projectingdeeplyontheouterside,andalternatingwithsmallertowersplacedlengthwisealongit.Theouteroreasternwall has smaller towers at regular intervals. Now along the north side of themainorSouthernCitadelrunapairofverysimilarwalls, alsoofcrudebrick,and theyarecontinuedeastwardof thecitadel toapointwhere, in thePersianperiod, theEuphrates throughachangeofcoursedestroyedall further traceofthem. Wemayconfidently assume that in the timeofNebuchadnezzartheywerelinkedupwiththeinnercity-walltothenorthofHomeniandformeditscontinuationafteritturnedatrightanglesonitswaytowardstheriver-bank.Thislineoffortificationisofconsiderableinterest,asthereisreasontobelieveitmayrepresentthefamousdouble-lineofBabylon'sdefences,whichisreferredtoagainandagainintheinscriptions.

FIG.6.PLANOFTHESOUTHERNCITADEL.A:EastCourtof thePalaceofNebuchadnezzar.B:CentralCourt.C:Great

Court.D:PrivateportionofpalacebuiltoverearlierPalaceofNabopolassar.E:Westextensionofpalace.F:ThroneRoomofNebuchadnezzar.G:SacredRoad,knownasAibur-shabû.H:IshtarGate.I:ContinuationofSacredRoadwithLionFrieze.J:TempleofNinmakh.K:Spacebetweenthe twofortification-wallsofcrudebrick,probablyImgur-BêlandNimitti-Bêl.L:Oldermoat-wall.M:Latermoat-wall. N: Later fortification thrown out into the bed of the Euphrates. P:SouthernCanal,probablypartoftheLibil-khegalla.R:Basinofcanal.S:Persianbuilding. T: Moat, formerly the left side of the Euphrates. V: River-sideembankment of the Persian period, a: Gateway to East Court, b: Gateway to

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CentralCourt,c:GatewaytoGreatCourt,d:DoubleGatewaytoprivatepartofpalace,e,f:Temporaryrampsusedduringconstructionofpalace,g:Temporarywall of crude brick, h: Broad passage-way, leading northwards to VaultedBuilding.

(AfterKoldewey,ReutherandWetzel.)The two names the Babylonians gave these walls were suggested by their

gratitude to and confidence in Marduk, the city-god, who for them was the"Bêl,"orLord,parexcellence.Tothegreaterofthetwo,thedûruorinnerwall,they gave the name Imgur-Bêl, meaning "Bêl has been gracious"; while theshaikhu,orouterone,theycalledNimitti-Bêl,thatis,probably,"ThefoundationofBêl,"or"MyfoundationisBêl." Theidentificationofat leastoneofthecrude-brickwallsnearHomerawithNimitti-Bêl,hasbeendefinitelyprovedbyseveral foundation-cylinders ofAshur-bani-pal, the famousAssyriankingwhodeposed his brother Shamash-shum-ukîn from the throne of Babylon andannexedthecountryasaprovinceofAssyria. Onthecylindershestatesthatthe walls Imgur-Bêl and Nimitti-Bêl had fallen into ruins, and he records hisrestorationofthelatter,withinthefoundationorstructureofwhichthecylinderswereoriginallyimmured.Unfortunatelytheywerenotfoundinplace,butamongthedébris in the space between the walls, so that it is not now certain fromwhichwall theycame. If theyhadbeendeposited in the thickeror innerwall,thenNimitti-Bêlmust have been a double line of fortification, and bothwallstogethermusthavebornethename;andinthatcasewemustseekelsewhereforImgur-Bêl.But it is equally possible that they came from the narrowor outerwall;andonthisalternativeNimitti-BêlmaybetheouteroneandImgur-Bêlthebroaderinner-wallwiththewidelyprojectingtowers.Itistruethatonlyfurtherexcavationcansettlethepoint;butmeanwhilethefortificationsontheḲaṣrhavesuppliedfurtherevidencewhichseemstosupportthelatterview.

FIG.7.

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GROUND-PLANOFQUAY-WALLSAND FORTIFICATION-WALLS INTHEN.W.CORNEROFTHES.CITADEL.

A: Sargon's quay-wall. B: Older moat-wall. C: Later moat-wall ofNebuchadnezzar. D: Intermediate wall. E: South fortification-wall of crudebrick,probably Imgur-Bêl.F:North fortification-wallof crudebrick,probablyNimitti-Bêl.G:NorthwalloftheSouthernCitadel.I:Ruinsofbuilding,possiblythe quarters of the Captain of the Wall. J: Palace of Nabopolassar. K: WestExtension of the Southern Citadel. L: Connecting wall. M: Later wall acrosschannelwithgridforwater.N:Water,originallytheleftsideoftheEuphrates.P:Later fortification of Nebuchadnezzar in former bed of the Euphrates. 1-3:Nabopolassar'squay-walls.N.B.Thequaysandmoat-wallsaredistinguishedbydotting.

(AfterKoldewey.)Theextensivealterationswhich tookplace in theoldcitadel's fortifications,

especially duringNebuchadnezzar's long reign of forty-three years, led to thecontinual dismantling of earlier structures and the enlargement of the areaencloseduponthenorthandwest.Thisisparticularlyapparentinitsnorth-westcorner. Here, at a considerable depth below the later fortification-walls, werefound theremainsof fourearlierwalls, thediscoveryofwhichhas thrownconsiderable light on the topography of this portion of Babylon. All four areancientquay-walls,theirnorthernandwesternfacesslopingsharplyinwardsasthey rise. Each represents a fresh rebuilding of the quay, as it was graduallyextendedtothenorthandwest.Fortunately,stampedandinscribedbrickswereemployedinconsiderablequantitiesintheirconstruction,sothatitispossibletodatetheperiodsofrebuildingaccurately.

The earliest of the quay-walls, which is also the earliest building yetrecoveredontheḲaṣr,isthemostmassiveofthefour, andisstrengthenedattheanglewithaprojectingcircularbastion.ItistheworkofSargonofAssyria,

whostates theobjectof thestructure ina text inscribeduponseveralof itsbricks.Afterrecitinghisownnameandtitles,hedeclaresthatitwashisdesiretorebuildImgur-Bêl;thatwiththisobjecthecausedburnt-brickstobefashioned,and built a quay-wall with pitch and bitumen in the depth of the water frombesidetheIshtarGatetothebankoftheEuphrates;andheaddsthathe"founded

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Imgur-BêlandNimitti-Bêlmountain-highuponit." ThetwowallsofSargon,whichheheredefinitelynamesasImgur-BêlandNimitti-Bêl,wereprobablyofcrudebrick,andwere,nodoubt,demolishedandreplacedbythelaterstructuresofNabopolassar's andNebuchadnezzar's reigns. But theymust have occupiedapproximatelythesamepositionasthetwocrudebrickwallsabovethequayofSargon, which run from the old bank of the Euphrates to the IshtarGate,precisely the two pointsmentioned in Sargon's text.His evidence is thereforestrongly in favour of identifying these later crude-brickwalls,whichwe havealreadyconnectedwiththeinnercity-wall,asthedirectsuccessorsofhisImgur-BêlandhisNimitti-Bêl,andthereforeasinheritorsoftheancientnames.

FIG.8.SECTION OF THE QUAY-WALLS AND FORTIFICATION-WALLS

ALONGTHENORTHFRONTOFTHESOUTHERNCITADEL.A: Sargon's quay-wall. B: Older moat-wall. O: Later moat-wall of

Nebuchadnezzar. D: Intermediate wall. E: South fortification-wall of crudebrick,probably Imgur-Bêl.F:North fortification-wallof crudebrick,probablyNimitti-Bêl.G:NorthwallofSouthernCitadel.H:Remainsofoldercrudebrickwall.

(AfterAndrae.)We find further confirmation of this view in one of the later quay-walls,

whichsucceededthatofSargon.ThethreenarrowwallsalreadyreferredtowerealltheworkofNabopolassar,andrepresentthreesuccessiveextensionsofthe quaywestward into the bed of the stream,which in the inscriptions upontheirbricksisgiventhenameofArakhtu. Butthetextsmakenomentionofthecity-walls.Noinscriptionsatallhavebeenfoundinthestructureofthenextextension,representedbythewallB,which,likethelatestquay-wall(C),isnotrounded off in the earlier manner, but is strengthened at the corner with a

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massiverectangularbastion.Itwasinthis latestandmostsubstantialofall thequay-walls that further inscriptions were found referring to Imgur-Bêl. Theyprove that this wall was the work of Nebuchadnezzar, who refers in them toNabopolassar'srestorationofImgur-Bêlandrecordsthatheraiseditsbankswithbitumen and burnt-brickmountain-high. It is therefore clear that this was thequay-wall of Imgur Bêl, which it supported in themanner of Sargon's earlierstructure. That the less important Nimitti-Bêl is not mentioned in these textsdoes not necessitate our placing it elsewhere, in view of Sargon's earlierreference.

Wemay therefore provisionally regard the two crude-brickwalls along theḲaṣr's northern front as a section of the famous defences ofBabylon, andpicture themasrunningeastward till theymeet the innercity-wallbyHomera.The point at which they extendedwestward across the Euphrates can, as yet,only be conjectured. But it is significant that the angle of the western walls,whichmay still be traced undermounds to the north of Sinjar village, isapproximately in linewith thenorthfrontof theḲaṣrand theendof the innerwall byHomera. Including thesewesternwallswithin our scheme, the earlierBabylonwouldhavebeenrectangularinground-plan,aboutaquarterofitonlyupon the rightbank,and theportioneastof the river formingapproximatelyasquare.TheBabylonof theKassiteperiodandof theFirstDynastymusthavebeensmallerstill,itsareacoveringlittlemorethanthethreeprincipalmounds;and, though part of its street net-work has been recovered, no trace of itsfortificationshasapparentlysurvived.

The evidence relating to the city's walls and fortifications has beensummarized rather fully,as ithas furnished thechief subjectofcontroversy inconnexion with the excavations. It should be added that the view suggestedabove is not shared by Dr. Koldewey, whose objections to the proposedidentificationofImgur-BêlrestonhisinterpretationoftwophrasesinacylinderofNabopolassar,whichwasfoundoutofplaceindébrisclosetotheeastwalloftheSouthernCitadel. In itNabopolassar recordshisown restorationof Imgur-Bêl,whichhetellsushadfallenintodecay,andhestatesthathe"foundeditintheprimævalabyss,"addingthewords,"IcausedBabylontobeenclosedwithittowards the four winds." From the reference to the abyss, Dr. Koldeweyconcludesthatithaddeepfoundations,andmustthereforehavebeenconstructed

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ofburnt,notcrude,brick;whilefromthesecondphrasehecorrectlyinfersthatitmusthaveformedaquadrilateralclosedonallsides.Butthat,aswehaveseen,ispreciselytheground-planweobtainbyincludingtheremainsofwallswestoftheriver.And,inviewofthewell-knowntendencytoexaggerationintheseNeo-Babylonian records,we should surely not credit any singlemetaphorwith theaccuracyofamodernarchitect'sspecification.Ifasinglesectionofthewallhadbeenfurnished,duringrestoration,withaburnt-bricksubstructure,itwouldhavebeenenoughtojustifytheroyalclaim.

Themanner inwhich theEuphrateswasutilizedfor thedefenceandwater-supplyofthecitadelhasalsobeenillustratedbytheexcavations.ThediscoveryofSargon'sinscriptionsprovedthatinhisdaytheriverflowedalongthewesternface of his quay-wall; while the inscriptions on bricks from the threesuccessivequay-wallsofNabopolassar state,ineachcase,thatheusedthemto rebuild the wall of a channel he calls the "Arakhtu," using the name inprecisely the same way as Sargon refers to the Euphrates. The simplestexplanation is that in Nabopolassar's time the Arakhtu was the name for thatsectionoftheEuphrateswhichwashedthewesternsideofthecitadel,andthatitsuse inanycase included theportionof thecitadel-moat,orcanal, along itsnorthern face, which formed a basin opening directly upon the river. The"Arakhtu"maythushavebeenageneralterm,notonlyforthisbasin,butforthewholewater-frontfromthenorth-westcornerofthecitadeltosomepointontheleftbanktothesouthofit.Itmayperhapshavebeenfurtherextendedtoincludethe river frontageof theTowerofBabylon, since itwas into theArakhtu thatSennacheribcast the toweronhisdestructionof thecity.Withinthisstretchofwater,particularlyalongthenorthernquays,vesselsandkelekswouldhavebeenmooredwhicharriveddownstreamwithsuppliesforthepalaceandthegarrison.TheArakhtu, in fact,maywellhavebeen thename for theancientharbourordockofBabylon.

Some ideaof the appearanceof thequaysmaybegathered from the right-hand corner of the restoration inFig. 5. It is true that the outer quay-wallappearstohavebeenbuilttoreplacetheinnerone,whileintheillustrationbothare shown.But since theheightof thecitadel andof itswallswascontinuallybeingraised,thearrangementtheresuggestedisbynomeansimpossible.Butin

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thelaterpartofhisreignNebuchadnezzarchangedtheaspectoftheriver-frontentirely.To thewestof thequay-walls, in thebedof the river, he threwout amassive fortification with immensely thick walls, from twenty to twenty-fivemetres in breadth. It was constructed entirely of burnt-brick and bitumen,and,fromhisreferencetoitinaninscriptionfromSippar,itwouldseemthathisobject in building it was to prevent the formation of sandbanks in the river,whichinthepastmayhavecausedthefloodingoftheleftbankaboveE-Sagila.

Anarrowchannel wasleftbetweenitandtheoldquay,alongwhichtheriver water continued to flow through gratings. This no doubt acted as anoverflowfortheoldnorthernmoatofthecitadel,sincethelatterfedthesupply-canal,whichpassedroundthepalaceandmaystillbetracedalongitssouthside.

ItispossiblethatthesubsequentchangeinthecourseoftheEuphratesmaybe traced in part to this huge river-fortification. Itsmassive structure suggeststhat it had to withstand considerable water-pressure, and it may well haveincreasedanytendencyofthestreamtobreakawayeastward.Howeverthatmaybe, it is certain that for a considerable time during the Persian and SeleucidperiodsitflowedroundtotheeastwardoftheḲaṣr,closeunderthreesidesofthecitadel and rejoined its former bed to the north of Marduk's temple and theTower of Babylon. Its course east of the Ishtar Gate is marked by a lateembankment slopingoutwards,which supported the thicker of the crude-brickwallsatthepointwheretheysuddenlybreakoff. Beyond thisembankmentonlymudandriversedimentwerefound.Thewater-course to thesouthof thecitadelisprobablythepointwheretheriverturnedagaintowardsthechannelithaddeserted.Atrenchthatwasdughereshowedthatthepresentsoilisformedofsiltdepositedbywater,andbeyondtheremainsoftheearliercanalnotraceofanybuildingwasrecovered.Thistemporarychangeintheriver'scourse,whichtheexcavationshavedefinitelyproved,explainsanotherpuzzlepresentedbytheclassical tradition—the striking discrepancy between the actual position of theprincipalruinsofBabyloninrelationtotheriverandtheirrecordedpositioninthe Persian period. Herodotus, for example, places the fortress with thepalaceofthekings(thatis,theḲaṣr),ontheoppositebanktothesacredprecinctofZeusBelus(thatis,E-temen-anki,theTowerofBabylon).Butwehavenowobtainedproofthat theywereseparatedat that timebytheEuphrates,until theriver returned to its former and present bed, probably before the close of the

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Seleucidperiod.ThegreaterpartoftheSouthernCitadelisoccupiedbytheenormouspalace

on which Nebuchadnezzar lavished his energies during so many years of hisreign.OnascendingthethroneofBabylon,hefoundtheancientfortressaverydifferent place to the huge structure he bequeathed to his successors. He hadlived there in his father's life-time, butNabopolassar had been contentwith acomparativelymodestdwelling.Andwhenhisson,flushedwithhisvictoryoverthe hosts ofEgypt, returned toBabylon to take the hands ofBêl, he began toplan a palace that should beworthy of the empire he had secured.Of the oldpalaceofNabopolassar,inwhichatfirsthewasobligedtodwell,verylittlenowremains.What is leftof itconstitutes theearliestbuildingofwhichtracesnowexist within the palace area. Nebuchadnezzar describes it, before his ownbuilding operations, as extending from the Euphrates eastward to the SacredRoad;andtheoldpalace-enclosureundoubtedlyoccupiedthatsite.Tracesoftheold fortification-wall havebeen foundbelow the east frontof the later palace,andthearcheddoorwaywhichgaveaccesstoitsopencourt,afterwardsfilledupand built over by Nebuchadnezzar, has been found in a perfect state ofpreservation.

III.TheThroneRoominNebuchadnezzar'spalaceatBabylon,showing therecessinthebackwallwherethethroneoncestood.

The old palace itself did not reach beyond the western side ofNebuchadnezzar'sgreatcourt. Theupperstructure,aswelearnfromtheEastIndiaHouseInscription, wasofcrudebrick,whichwasdemolishedfor the

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later building. But Nabopolassar, following a custom which had survivedunchangedfromthetimeofHammurabi,hadplacedhiscrude-brickwallsuponburnt-brickfoundations.Thesehissonmadeuseof,simplystrengtheningthembefore erectinghis ownwalls upon them.Thus this sectionof the newpalaceretainedtheoldground-plantoagreatextentunchanged.Thestrengthandsizeof its walls are remarkable and may in part be explained by the crude-brickupper structure of the earlier building, which necessarily demanded a broaderbaseforitswalls.

WhenNebuchadnezzarbeganbuildinghedwelt in theoldpalace,whilehestrengthened thewallsof itsopencourton theeastand raised its level for thesolidplatformonwhichhisownpalacewastorise. Foratimethenewandtheoldpalacewereconnectedby tworampsofunburnt-brick, whichwereafterwards filled in below the later pavement of the great court; andwemaypicturethekingascendingtherampswithhisarchitectonhisdailyinspectionofthework.Assoonasthenewpalaceontheeastwasreadyhemovedintoit,and,havingdemolishedtheoldone,hebuiltuphisownwallsuponitsfoundations,and filled in the intermediate spaces with earth and rubble until he raised itspavementtotheeasternlevel.Stilllaterhebuiltoutafurtherextension alongitswestern side. In the account he has left us of the palace-building the kingsays: "I laid firm its foundation and raised itmountain-highwithbitumenandburnt-brick.MightycedarsIcausedtobestretchedoutatlengthforitsroofing.Door-leaves of cedar overlaidwith copper, thresholds and sockets of bronze Iplaced in its doorways. Silver and gold and precious stones, all that can beimaginedofcostliness,splendour,wealth,riches,allthatwashighlyesteemed,Iheapedupwithin it, Istoredup immenseabundanceofroyal treasure therein."

A good general idea of the palace ground-plan, in its final form, may beobtainedfromFig.6.Themainentrancewasinitseasternfront,throughagate-way, flanked on its outer side by towers, and known as theBûbBêlti, or"LadyGate,"nodoubtfromitsproximitytothetempleofthegoddessNinmakh.

Thegate-houseconsistsofanentrancehall,withroomsopeningatthesidesfortheuseofthepalace-guard.Theeasternpartofthepalaceisbuilttothenorthandsouthofthreegreatopencourts, separatedfromeachotherbygateways

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verylikethatatthemainentrancetothepalace.Itwillbenoticedthat,unlikethearrangementofaEuropeandwelling,thelargerroomsarealwaysplacedonthesouthsideofthecourtfacingtothenorth,forinthesub-tropicalclimateofBabylonia the heat of the summer sun was not courted, and these chamberswouldhavebeenintheshadethroughoutalmostthewholeoftheday.

Someofthelargerapartments,includingpossiblythechambersoftheinnergateways,musthaveservedascourtsofjustice,forfromtheHammurabiperiodonwardweknowthattheroyalpalacewastheresortoflitigants,whoseappealsintheearlierperiodweresettledbythekinghimself, andlaterbythejudgesunderhissupervision.Everykindofcommercialbusinesswascarriedonwithinthepalaceprecincts,andnotonlywereregularlawsuitstried,butanytransactionthatrequiredlegalattestationwasmostconvenientlycarriedthroughthere.ProofofthismaybeseeninthefactthatsomanyoftheNeo-Babyloniancontractsthathave been recovered on the site of Babylon are dated from the Al-Bît-shar-Bâbili,"theCityoftheKingofBabylon'sdwelling,"doubtlessageneraltitleforthe citadel andpalace-area.All governmentbusinesswas also transactedhere,andwemayprovisionallyassigntothehigherministersandofficialsofthecourtthegreatapartmentandtheadjoiningdwellingsonthesouthsideoftheCentralCourtof thepalace. Formanyof themore importantofficers in theking'sserviceweredoubtlesshousedon thepremises;and to thoseof lower rankwemayassignthesimilarbutrathersmallerdwellings,whichflankthethreecourtson the north and the Entrance Court upon the south side as well. Even royalmanufactorieswerecarriedonwithinthepalace,tojudgefromthelargenumberofalabasterjars,foundbesidetheircylindricalcores,inoneroominthesouth-westcornerbytheouterpalace-wall.

Itwill be seen from the ground-plan that these dwellings consist of roomsbuilt around open courts or light-wells; most of them are separate dwellings,isolatedfromtheirneighbours,andhavingdoorsopeningontothegreatercourtsorintopassage-waysrunningupfromthem.Notraceofanywindowshasbeenfound within the buildings, and it is probable that they were very sparselyemployed.Butwemustnotconcludethattheywereneverused,sincenowallofthepalacehasbeenpreserved formore than a few feet in height, and, for thegreaterpart,theirfoundationsonlyhavesurvived.Butthereisnodoubtthat,like

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themodernhousesof thecountry, all thedwellings,whether inpalaceor city,had flat roofs, which formed the natural sleeping-place for their inhabitantsduringthegreaterpartoftheyear.Towardssunset,whentheheatofthedaywaspast,theywouldascendtothehouse-topstoenjoytheeveningbreeze;duringthedayawindowwouldhavebeenmerelyafurther inlet for thesun.Thegeneralappearanceof thepalace isnodoubtaccurately rendered in the sketchalreadygiven.

Fig.9.PLANOFTHETHRONEROOMOFNEBUCHADNEZZARANDPARTOFTHEPRIVATEPALACEC:GreatCourt.F:ThroneRoom,a :Recess in back-wall for throne,b-d :

EntrancestoThroneRoomfromCourt,e-g:Entrancesfromsideandback.1-3:Opencourts,surroundedbyroomsfortheroyalservice.4,5:Opencourtsinthesouth-eastcornerofthePrivatePalace.(AfterKoldewey.)

ThemostinterestingapartmentwithinthepalaceisonethatmaybeidentifiedasNebuchadnezzar'sThroneRoom.ThisistheroomimmediatelytothesouthoftheGreatCourt. Itisthelargestchamberofthepalace,andsincethewallsonthe longer sides are sixmetres thick, far broader than those at the ends, it ispossible that they supported a barrel-vaulting. It has three entrances from thecourt, andinthebackwalloppositethecentreoneisabroadniche,doublyrecessed into the structureof thewall,wherewemayassume the royal throneoncestood.Duringanyelaboratecourtceremonythekingwouldthushavebeenvisibleuponhisthrone,notonlytothosewithinthechamber,butalsofromthecentralportionoftheGreatCourt.ItwasinthisportionofthepalacethatsometracesofthelaterBabylonianmethodsofmuraldecorationwerediscovered.For,while the inner walls of the Throne Room were merely washed over with aplaster of white gypsum, the brickwork of the outer façade, which faced the

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court,wasdecoratedwithbrightly-colouredenamels.Onlyfragmentsoftheenamelledsurfacewerediscovered,butthesesufficed

torestoretheschemeofdecoration.Aseriesofyellowcolumnswithbrightbluecapitals, both edgedwithwhite borders, standout against a darkblueground.Thecapitals are themost striking featureof the composition.Eachconsistsoftwosetsofdoublevolutes,oneabovetheother,andawhiterosettewithyellowcentre comes partly into sight above them.Between eachmember is a bud insheath,formingatrefoil,andlinkingthevolutesofthecapitalsbymeansoflightbluebandswhichfallinashallowcurvefromeithersideofit.Stillhigheronthewallranafriezeofdoublepalmettesinsimilarcolouring,betweenyellowline-borders, the centres of the latter picked outwith lozenges coloured black andyellow,andblackandwhite,alternately.Thericheffectofthisenamelledfaçadeof theThroneRoomwasenhancedby thedecorationof thecourtgateway, thesurfaceofwhichwasadornedinalikefashionwithfiguresoflions.Sotoowerethegatewaysoftheothereasterncourts,tojudgefromthefragmentsofenamelfound there, but the rest of the court-wallswere left undecorated or, perhaps,merelyreceivedacoatofplaster.ThefactthattheinterioroftheThroneRoom,like the rest of the chambers of the palace,waswithout ornamentationof anysort favours theview thatheat,and lightwith it,wasdeliberatelyexcludedbytheabsenceofwindowsinthewalls.

FIG.10.

DESIGN IN ENAMELLED BRICK FROM THE FAÇADE OF THETHRONEROOM

Inthedrawinglightanddarkblueareindicatedbylightandheavyhorizontalshading;yellowbyadottedsurface.

The chambers behind the Throne Room, reached by two doorways in thebackwall, wereevidentlyfortheking'sservice,andarerangedaroundthreeopencourts;andinthesouth-westcornersoftwoofthem,whichlieimmediatelybehindtheThroneRoomwall,arewells,theirpositionsindicatedontheplanbysmallopencircles.Thewallsofeachofthesesmallchambersarecarrieddownthrough the foundations to water-level, and the intermediate space is filled inaround the wells with rubble-packing. This device was evidently adopted tosecureanabsolutelypuresupplyofwaterfortheroyaltable.Buttheprivatepartofthepalace,occupiedbythewomenandtherestoftheroyalhousehold,wasevidentlyfurthertothewest,builtovertheearlierdwellingofNabopolassar.Itwillbeseenfromtheground-planthat this isquitedistinctfromtheeasternorofficialportionofthepalace,fromwhichitisseparatedbyasubstantialwallandpassage-wayrunning,withtheGreatCourt,thewholewidthofthepalace-area.The character of the gateway-building, which formed its chief entrance andopenedon theGreatCourt, isalsosignificant. For the towers, flanking thegatewaystotheofficialcourts,arehereentirelyabsent,andthepathwaypassesthroughtwosuccessiveapartments,thesecondsmallerthanthefirstandwithaporters'service-roomopeningoffit.Theentrancefortheking'sownusewasinthe southern half of the passage-way, and lies immediately between the sideentrancetotheThroneRoom andanotherdoorwayinthepassageleadingtooneofthesmallcourtsbehindit. Intwoofthechamberswithintheprivatepalace,bothopeningon toCourt5, are twomorecircularwells,walled in forprotection, and here too the foundations of each chamber are carried down towater-levelandfilledinwithbrick-rubble,asinthecaseofthewellsbehindtheThroneRoom.

Thesamecare thatwas taken toensure thepurityof thewater-supplymayalso be detected in the elaborate drainage-system, with which the palace wasprovided,withtheobjectofcarryingoffthesurface-waterfromtheflatpalace-roofs,theopencourts,andthefortification-walls.Thelargerdrainswereroofed

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with corbelled courses; the smaller ones, of a simpler but quite effectiveconstruction,wereformedofbrickssettogetherintheshapeofaVandclosedinat the topwithotherbricks laid flat.The topsof the fortifications,both in thecitadel itself and on the outer and inner city-wall, were drained bymeans ofvertical shafts, or gutters, running down within the solid substructures of thetowers; and in the case of crude-brick buildings these have a lining of burnt-brick. In someof the temples,which,asweshall see,were invariablybuiltofcrudebrick, thisformofdrainagewasalsoadopted.

FIG.11.PLANOFTHENORTH-EASTCORNEROFTHEPALACEWITHTHE

VAULTEDBUILDING.A: East Court of the Palace. B: Central Court. H: Ishtar Gate. I: Vaulted

Building. J:Southern fortification-wallofcrudebrick,probably Imgur-Bêl.h :Passage-way leading to theVaultedBuilding,m ,n : Entrances to theVaultedBuilding.1-15:Smallopencourtsorlight-wellsinofficialresidencies.

(AfterKoldewey.)One other building within the palace deserves mention, as it has been

suggestedthat itmayrepresent theremainsof thefamousHangingGardensofBabylon. It is reached from the north-east corner of theCentralCourtalongabroadpassage-way, fromwhichabranchpassage turnsoffat rightangles;andontheleftsideofthisnarrowerpassageareitstwoentrances. Itmust be confessed that at first sight the ground-plan of this building does notsuggestagardenofanysort,leastofallonethatbecamefamousasawonderoftheancientworld.Itwillbeseenthatthecentralpart,orcore,ofthebuildingissurroundedbyastrongwallandwithinare fourteennarrowcellsorchambers,

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seven on each side of a central gangway. The cells were roofed in withsemicirculararches,formingabarrelvaultovereach;andthewholeisencircledby a narrowcorridor, flankedon the north and east sides by the outer palace-wall.Thispartof thebuilding,both thevaultedchambersand thesurroundingcorridor, lies completely below the level of the rest of the palace. The smallchambers, some of them long and narrow like the vaults, which enclose thecentral core upon the west and south, are on the palace level; and thesubterraneanportionisreachedbyastairwayinoneoftheroomsonthesouthside.

There are two main reasons which suggested the identification of thisbuildingwiththeHangingGardens.Thefirstisthathewnstonewasusedinitsconstruction, which is attested by the numerous broken fragments discoveredamongitsruins.WiththeexceptionoftheSacredRoadandthebridgeovertheEuphrates, there is only one other place on the whole site of Babylon wherehewnstoneisusedinbulkforbuildingpurposes,andthatisthenorthernwalloftheḲaṣr.Now,inalltheliteraturereferringtoBabylon,stoneisonlyrecordedtohavebeenusedforbuildingsintwoplaces,andthosearethenorthwallof theCitadelandintheHangingGardens,alowerlayerinthelatter'sroofing,belowthelayerofearth,beingdescribedasmadeofstone.Thesefactscertainlypointto the identification of the Vaulted Building with the Hanging Gardens.Moreover, Berossus definitely places them within the buildings by whichNebuchadnezzar enlarged his father's palace; but this reference would applyequallytothelaterCentralCitadelconstructedbyNebuchadnezzarimmediatelyto the north of hismain palace.The size of the building is also far greater inStrabo and Diodorus than that of the Vaulted Building, the side of thequadrangle, according to thesewriters,measuring about four times the latter'slength.But discrepancy in figures of this sort, aswe have already seen in thecaseoftheouterwallsofthecity,iseasilyexplicableandneednotbereckonedasaseriousobjection.

The second reasonwhichpointed to the identification is that, inoneof thesmallchambersnearthesouth-westcorneroftheouterfringeofroomsonthosetwosides,thereisaveryremarkablewell.Itconsistsofthreeadjoiningshafts,asquare one in the centre flanked by two of oblong shape. This arrangement,

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unique so far as the remains of ancient Babylon are concerned,may bemostsatisfactorilyexplainedontheassumptionthatweherehavethewater-supplyforahydraulicmachine,constructedontheprincipleofachain-pump.Thebuckets,attachedtoanendlesschain,wouldhavepasseduponeoftheoutsidewells,overagreatwheelfixedabovethem,and,afteremptyingtheirwaterintoatroughasthey passed, would have descended the other outside well for refilling. Thesquare well in the centre obviously served as an inspection-chamber, downwhich an engineer could descend to clean the well out, or to remove anyobstruction.Inthemoderncontrivancesofthissort,sometimesemployedto-dayinBabylonia to raiseacontinuous flowofwater to the irrigation-trenches, themotive-power for turning the winch is supplied by horses or other animalsmovingroundinacircle.IntheVaultedBuildingtherewouldhavebeenscarcelyroom for such an arrangement, and it is probable that gangs of slaves wereemployed toworkacoupleofheavyhand-winches.Thediscoveryof thewellundoubtedlyservestostrengthenthecaseforidentification.

EASTERNTOWERSOFTHEISHTARGATETwoalternativeschemesareputforwardtoreconstitutetheupperstructureof

thisbuilding. Itsmassivewalls suggest in anycase that theywere intended to

support a considerable weight, and it may be that the core of the building,constructed over the subterranean vaults, towered high above its surroundingchamberswhich are on the palace-level. Thiswould have been in accordancewiththecurrentconceptionofahanginggarden;and,sinceontwosidesitwasbounded by the palace-wall, its trees and vegetation would have been visiblefromoutsidethecitadel.Seenthusfromthelowerlevelofthetown,theheightof the gardenwouldhavebeen reinforcedby thewhole height of theCitadel-mound onwhich the palace stands, and imagination once kindledmight haveplayedfreelywithitsactualmeasurements.

Ontheotherhand,thesemicirculararches,stillpreservedwithinthecentralcore,mayhavedirectlysupportedthethicklayerofearthinwhichthetreesofthe gardenwere planted.Thesewould then have been growing on the palace-level,as itwere inagarden-court,perhapssurroundedbyapillaredcolonnadewiththeouterchambersopeningontoitonthewestandsouthsides.Ineitherschemethesubterraneanvaultscanonlyhavebeenusedasstoresormagazines,since theywere entirelywithout light.As amatter of fact, a large number oftabletswerefoundinthestairway-chamberthatleadsdowntothem;and,sincetheinscriptionsuponthemrelatetograin,itwouldseemthatsomeatleastwereusedasgranaries.Butthisisausetowhichtheycouldonlyhavebeenputifthespaceabovethemwasnotagarden,wateredcontinuouslybyanirrigation-pump,asmoisturewouldhavebeenboundtoreachthevaults.

Whichever alternative scheme we adopt, it must be confessed that theHangingGardenshavenotjustifiedtheirreputation.Andiftheymerelyformedagarden-court,asDr.Koldeweyinclinestobelieve,itisdifficulttoexplaintheadjectives [κρεμαστός] and pensilis. For the subterranean vaults would havebeencompletelyoutofsight,and,evenwhenknowntobebelowthepavement-level,werenotsuchastoexcitewonderortosuggesttheideaofsuspensionintheair.Onecannothelpsuspectingthatthevaultedbuildingmayreally,afterall,be nothingmore than the palace granary, and the triple well one of themainwater-suppliesfordomesticuse.Wemay,atleastforthepresent,bepermittedtohope that amore convincing site for the gardenswill be found in theCentralCitadelafterfurtherexcavation.

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FIG.12.BULLINENAMELLEDBRICKFROMTHEISHTARGATE.Intheautumnof1901thewriterspentsometimeinBabylon,stoppingwith

Dr.Koldeweyinthesubstantialexpedition-housetheyhavebuiltwithfineburnt-brickfromNebuchadnezzar'spalace.Atthattimehehaduncoveredagooddealofthepalace,anditwaseventhenpossibletotraceoutthewallsoftheThroneRoom and note the recesswhere the throne itself had stood. But, beyond thefragmentsoftheenamelledfaçade,littleofartisticinteresthadbeenfound,andonotherportionsof the site the resultshadbeen stillmoredisappointing.ThedeepexcavationofE-sagilahadalreadybeenmade, the templeof thegoddessNinmakhhadbeencompletelyexcavated,andworkwasinfullswingonthatofthegodNinib.Allprovedtobeofunburntbrick, andtheprincipaldecorationofthewallswasathinlime-wash.TheirdiscovererwasinclinedtobescepticalofBabylon'sfabledsplendour.

FIG.13.DRAGONINENAMELLEDBRICKFROMTHEISHTARGATE.But in the following spring hemade the discoverywhich still remains the

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most striking achievementof the expedition, andhas rehabilitated the fameofthatancientcity.ThiswasthegreatIshtarGate,whichspannedBabylon'sSacredWay,andthebullsanddragonswithwhichitwasadornedhaveprovedthattheglypticartofBabyloniaattainedahighlevelofperfectionduringitslaterperiod.ThegatewaserectedatthepointwheretheSacredWayenteredtheoldercity.Itwas,infact,themaingateinthetwowallsofcrudebrickalongthenorthsideoftheCitadel,whichwe have seen reason to believewere the famous defences,Imgur-Bêl andNimitti-Bêl. Its structure,when rebuilt byNebuchadnezzar,wasratherelaborate. Itisadoublegatewayconsistingoftwoseparategate-houses, eachwithanouterandaninnerdoor. Thereasonforthisisthatthelineoffortificationisadoubleone,andeachofitswallshasagatewayofitsown. But the gates are united into a single structure by means of shortconnectingwalls,whichcompletetheenclosureoftheGatewayCourt.

FIG.14.GROUND-PLANOFTHEISHTARGATE.The ground-plan of the gateway is indicated in black; other walls and

buildingsarehatched.A:SacredWaytonorthofgate.B:Gateofouterwall.C:GatewayCourt.D:Gateofinnerwall.E:Spacebetweenwestwings.F:Spacebetween east wings. G: Sacredway to south of gate. H:North-east corner ofPalace.K:TempleofthegoddessNinmakh.S:StepsleadingdownfromlevelofSacredWay.1,2:Doorwaysofoutergate.3,4:Doorwaysofinnergate.

(AfterKoldewey.)Dr.Koldeweyconsiders itprobable that thiscourtwas roofed in, toprotect

thegreatpairofdoors,whichswungbackintoit,fromtheweather.Butifso,thewholeroofingofthegatewaymusthavebeenatthesamelowlevel;whereasthethickwallsoftheinnergate-housesuggestthatitanditsarcheddoorwaysrose

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higher than the outer gateway, as is suggested in the section and in thereconstructionoftheCitadel.

FIG.15.SECTIONOFTHEISHTARGATE.The section is conjecturally restored, looking fromwest to east; the index

capitalsand figurescorrespond to those inFig.14.A:SacredWay tonorthofgate.B:Gateofouterwall.C:GatewayCourt.D:Gateofinnerwall.G:Sacredwaytosouthofgate.1,2:Doorwaysofoutergate.3,4:Doorwaysofinnergate,a : Traces of pavement. 6: Level of second pavement, c : Level of finalpavement.d:Presentground-level,e:Levelofgroundbeforeexcavation.Itwillbe noticed that the portions of the gate preserved are all below the finalpavement-level.

(AfterAndrae.)It thusappearsmoreprobable that thecourtbetween the twogatewayswas

left open, and that the two inner arches rose far higher than those of theoutergate. And there is themore reason for this, as anopen courtwouldhavegivenfarmorelightforviewingtheremarkabledecorationofthegatewayuponitsinnerwalls.

Itwillbenoticedintheplanthatthecentralroadwayisnottheonlyentrancethroughthegate;oneachsideof the twocentralgate-housesawing is thrownout,makingfourwingsinall.Thesealsoareconstructedofburnt-brick,andtheyserve to connect the gatewith the two fortification-walls of unburnt brick. Ineachwingisafurtherdoor,givingaccesstothespacebetweenthewalls.Thus,in all, the gate has three separate entrances, and no less than eight doorways,fourrangedalongthecentralroadway,andtwoineachdoublewing.

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FIG.16.DIAGRAMTOSHOWTHEARRANGEMENTOFTHEBEASTSOFTHE

ISHTARGATE.The ground-plan of the gate is shown in outline, the arrows indicating the

positions of Bulls or Dragons still in place upon its walls. The head of eacharrow points in the same direction as the beast to which it refers.Where nobeastsarepreserved, the foundationsof the structureare indicatedbyadottedline.TheindexletterscorrespondtothoseinFig.14.

(AfterKoldewey.)The whole wall-surface of the gateway on its northern side, both central

towersandside-wings,wasdecoratedwithalternaterowsofbullsanddragonsinbrick relief, the rows ranged one above the other up the surface ofwalls andtowers.Thedecorationiscontinuedoverthewholeinteriorsurfaceofthecentralgateways andmay be traced along the southern front of the inner gate-house.The beasts are arranged in such a way that to any one entering the city theywouldappearasthoughadvancingtomeethim.Intheaccompanyingdiagram,

whichgivestheground-planofthegateinoutline, thearrowsindicatethepositions of beasts that are still in place upon thewalls, and the head of eacharrowpointsinthedirectionthatanimalfaces.Itwillbenoticedthatalongmostof thewalls running north and south the beasts face northwards,while on thetransversewallstheyfaceinwardstowardsthecentre.Oneend-wallinchamberBispreserved,andthere,for thesakeofsymmetry, the twoanimalsfaceeachother,advancingfromoppositedirections.Ithasbeencalculatedthatatleastfivehundredand seventy-fiveof thesecreatureswere representedon thewalls andtowersof thegateway.Someof thewalls,with theirsuccessive tiersofbeasts,are still standing to a height of twelvemetres. The two eastern towers of theoutergate-housearethebestpreserved,andevenintheirpresentconditiontheyconveysomeideaoftheformermagnificenceofthebuilding.

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Inthegreaterpartofthestructurethatstillremainsinplace,itisapparentthatthe brickwork was very roughly finished, and that the bitumen employed asmortarhasbeenleftwhereithasoozedoutbetweenthecourses.Theexplanationisthattheportionsofthegatewaywhichstillstandarereallyfoundationsofthebuilding,andwerealwaysintendedtobeburiedbelowthepavementlevel.Itisclearthattheheightoftheroad-waywasconstantlyraisedwhilethebuildingofthegatewasinprogress,andtherearetracesoftwotemporarypavements,afterwards filled inwhen the final pavement-level was reached. Thevisibleportionofthegateabovethelastpavementhasbeenentirelydestroyed,but among its débris were found thousands of fragments of the same twoanimals,butinenamelledbrickofbrilliantcolouring,whiteandyellowagainstablueground.SomeofthesehavebeenlaboriouslypiecedtogetherinBerlin,andspecimensarenowexhibitedintheKaiserFriedrichMuseumandintheImperialOttomanMuseumatConstantinople.Onlyonefragmentofanenamelledportionof thewallwasfound inplace, and thatwasbelow the finalpavement. Itshowsthelegsofabullaboveabandofrosetteswithyellowcentres.

FIG.17.ENAMELLED FRAGMENT OF THE ISHTAR GATE STILL IN

POSITION.The fragment,whichwas thehighestportionof thegatepreserved, is from

theeastsideoftheseconddoorwayoftheoutergate;cf.Figs.14and15,No.2.It stands just below the final pavement-level, and only the upper portion is

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enamelled.The delicate modelling of the figures is to some extent obscured in the

foundation specimens, but the imperfections there visible are entirely absentfrom the enamelled series.An examination of the latter shows that the brickswereseparatelymoulded,and,before theprocessofenamelling,wereburnt inthe usualway.The contours of the figureswere then outlined in blackwith avitreouspaste, the surfaces sodefinedbeingafterwards filled inwithcolouredliquid enamels. The paste of the black outlines and the coloured enamelsthemselves had evidently the same fusing point, for when fired they havesometimesshadedoffintooneanother,givingasoftnessandapleasingvarietyoftonetothecomposition. Itshouldbeaddedthattheenamelledbeasts,likethoseinplainbrick,areinslightrelief,thesamemouldshavingbeenemployedforboth.

FIG.18.PLAN OF THE LATER DEFENCES OF THE CITADEL UPON THE

NORTH, SHOWING THE WALLS WITH THE LION FRIEZE AND THEISHTARGATE.

A: SacredWay.B,B:WallswithLionFrieze flanking the SacredWay.C:Ishtar Gate. D: North-east corner of Palace. E: Temple of Ninmakh. F: FrontwallofNorthernCitadel.G:NorthwallofNorthernCitadel.H:Northwallofthe Principal Citadel. J: Broad Canal, fed from the Euphrates, to supply thePrincipal Citadel. K: Old wall of the Principal Citadel. L, M: Moat-wallssupportingdam,overwhichtheroadwaypassed;thatontheeastsidehasnotyetbeen excavated. N: Eastward extension of north wall of Northern Citadel. P:Stair-case, or ramps, ascending to roadway. R: Eastward extension of wall of

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PrincipalCitadel.S:Southwallofeasternoutworks.T,U,V:Endsoftransversewalls inPrincipalCitadel.Y:River-sideembankmentof thePersianperiod.Z:Crudebrickwallswithdoorways,formingatemporarygateway,filledinbelowlatestpavement.N.B.—Thetwoarrowsdenote thedirectioninwhichthelionsarerepresentedasadvancinginthefrieze.

BeforetheNeo-BabylonianperiodtheIshtarGatehaddefendedthenorthernentrance to the city, and was probably a massive structure of unburnt brickwithoutexternaldecoration.But,withthebuildingoftheoutercity-wall,itstoodinthesecondlineofdefence.AndasNebuchadnezzarextendedthefortificationsof the Citadel itself upon the northern side, it lost still more of its strategicimportance,andfromitsinteriorpositionbecameafitsubjectforthedecorator'sart.Thewholecourseoftheroadwaythroughtheseexteriordefencesheflankedwithmightywalls,sevenmetresthick,extendingfromthegatenorthwardstotheoutermostwallandmoat. Theirgreatstrengthwasdictatedbythefactthat,shouldanenemypenetrate theoutercity-wall,hewouldhave topassbetweenthem,underthegarrison'sfire,toreachthecitadel-gate.Butthese,likethegateitself, formeda secondaryor interiordefence, and so, like it,were elaboratelydecorated.The sideof eachwall facing the roadwaywas adornedwith a longfriezeof lions, in low relief andbrilliantly enamelled,whichwere representedadvancing southwards towards the Ishtar Gate. The surface of each wall wasbroken up into panels by a series of slightly projecting towers, each panelprobably containing two lions, while the plinth below the Lion Frieze wasdecoratedwithrosettes.Thereappeartohavebeensixtylionsalongeachwall.Somewereinwhiteenamelwithyellowmanes,whileotherswereinyellowandhad red manes, and they stood out against a light or dark blue ground.Leadingas theydid to thebullsanddragonsof thegateway,wecanrealize insome degree the effect produced upon a stranger entering the inner city ofBabylonforthefirsttime.

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FIG.19.LIONFROMTHEFRIEZEOFTHESACREDWAYTOTHENORTHOF

THEISHTARGATE.Suchastranger,passingwithintheIshtarGate,wouldhavebeenstruckwith

wonder at the broad Procession Street, which ran its long course straightthrough the city from north to south, with the great temples ranged on eitherhand.Itsfoundationofburntbrickcoveredwithbitumenisstillpreserved,uponwhich, to the south of the gateway, rested a pavement of massive flags, thecentre of fine hard limestone, the sides of red breccia veined with white. Ininscriptions upon the edges of these paving slabs, formerly hidden by theirasphaltmortar,Nebuchadnezzarboasts thathepaved the streetofBabylon fortheprocessionofthegreatlordMarduk,towhomhepraysforeternallife.The slabs that are still in place are polished with hard use, but, unlike thepavements of Pompeii, show no ruts or indentations such as we might haveexpectedfromthechariotsof the laterperiod.It ispossible that, inviewof itssacredcharacter,theuseoftheroadwasrestrictedtofootpassengersandbeastsofburden,exceptwhenthekingandhisretinuepassedalongitthroughthecity.Andinanycase,notcountingchariotsofwarandstate,therewasprobablyverylittlewheeledtrafficinBabyloniaatanytime.

Whenclearofthecitadeltheroaddescendsbyagradualslopetothelevelofthe plain, and preserving the same breadth, passes to the right of the templededicated to IshtarofAkkad. As it continues southward it is flanked at alittle distance on the east by the streets of private houses, whose foundationshave been uncovered in theMerkesmound; and on thewest side it runscloseunderthehugeperibolosofE-temen-anki,theTowerofBabylon. Asfar as themaingateofE-temen-anki its foundation is laid in burnt-brick,overwhichwasanupperpavingcompletelyformedofbreccia.Theinscriptionupon the slabs corresponds to that on the breccia paving-stones opposite thecitadel; but they have evidently been re-used from an earlier pavement ofSennacherib,whose name someof thembear upon the underside.This earlierpavementofBabylon'sSacredWaymusthavebeenlaidbythatmonarchbeforehereversedhisconciliatorypolicytowardthesouthernkingdom.Atthesouth-eastcorneroftheperibolostheroadturnsatarightangleandrunningbetween

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the peribolos and E-sagila, the great temple of the city-god, passes through agate in the river-wall built by Nabonidus, and so over the Euphrates bridgebefore turning southward again in the direction ofBorsippa. This branchroad between the Tower of Babylon and E-sagila is undoubtedly thecontinuationoftheprocession-street.FornotonlywasitthewayofapproachtoMarduk's temple, but its course has been definitely traced by excavation. Buttherecanbenodoubtthattheupperportionoftheroad,runningnorthandsouththroughthecity,wascontinuedinastraightlinefromthepointwheretheSacredWaybranchedoff.Thiswouldhaveconductedanimportantstreamoftraffictothemaingateinthesoutherncity-wall,passingonitswaybetweenthetemplesdedicatedtothegodNinibandtoanotherdeitynotyetidentified.

THESACREDWAYOFBABYLONApartfromtheroyalpalaces,thefivetemplesofBabylonweretheprincipal

buildingswithinthecity,andtheirexcavationhasthrownanentirelynewlightuponourideasofthereligiousarchitectureofthecountry.Theground-plansoffour of them have now been ascertained in their entirety, and we areconsequently in a position to form some idea of the general principles uponwhich such buildings were arranged. The first to be excavated was the littletempleE-makh,dedicated to thegoddessNinmakh,which,aswehavealreadyseen,wasbuiltonthecitadelitself,inthenorth-eastcorneroftheopenspacetothe southof the IshtarGateway. Itsprincipal façade faces thenorth-west, and,sincetheeasternentranceoftheIshtarGateopensjustoppositethecornerofthetemple, awallwith a doorway in it was thrown across, spanning the passagebetweentempleandfortification. Theonlyentrancetothetemplewasinthe

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centre of the façade; and in the passage-way immediately in front of it,surroundedbyapavementofburnt-brick,isasmallcrude-brickaltar. It isaninterestingfactthattheonlyotheraltaryetfoundinBabylonisalsoofcrudebrick and occupies precisely the same position, outside a temple andimmediatelyoppositeitsmainentrance; whileinathirdtemple,thoughthealtar itself has disappeared, thepaved areawhich surrounded it is still visible.

WemaythereforeconcludethatthisrepresentsthenormalpositionforthealtarintheBabyloniancult;anditfullysubstantiatesthestatementofHerodotusthatthetwoaltarsofBeluswereoutsidehistemple. Oneof these,he tellsus,wasofsolidgold,onwhichitwasonlylawfultooffersucklings;theotherwasacommonaltar(doubtlessofcrudebrick)butofgreatsize,onwhichfull-grownanimalsweresacrificed.ItwasalsoonthegreataltarthattheChaldeansburnt the frankincense, which, according to Herodotus, was offered to theamountofathousandtalents'weighteveryyearatthefestivalofthegod.

ItmayfurtherbenotedthatthisexteriorpositionofthealtarcorrespondstoHebrewusage,accordingtowhichthemainaltarwaserectedintheoutercourtin front of the temple proper. Thus Solomon's brazen altar, which underPhoenician influence took theplaceof earlier altarsof earthorunhewn stone,

stood before the temple. The altarwithin theHebrew templewas ofcedar-wood, and itwasclearlynotapermanentstructureembedded in thepavement,forEzekielreferstoitasa"table,"andstatesthatit"wasofwood."

Itwasmoreinthenatureofatableforofferings,anditmaybeinferredthatin earlier times it served as the table upon which the shewbread was placedbefore Yahwe. The complete absence of any trace of a permanent altarwithintheBabyloniantemplescanonlybeduetoasimilarpractice;thealtarsortableswithintheshrinesmusthavebeenlightwoodenstructures,andtheywereprobably carried off or burnt when the temples were destroyed. There is ofcoursenoneedtoregardthisresemblanceasduetodirectculturalinfluenceorborrowing.ButwemayundoubtedlyconcludethatweherehaveanexampleofparallelisminreligiousritualbetweentworacesofthesameSemiticstock.Whatthe Sumerian practice was in this respect we have as yet no means ofascertaining; but in such details of cult it is quite possible that the SemiticBabylonianssubstitutedtheirowntraditionalusagesforanyothertheymayhave

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foundinthecountryoftheiradoption.The temple of Ninmakh itself, like all the others in Babylon, was built of

crude brick, and though itswallswere coveredwith a thin plaster orwash oflime,onlythesimplestformofdecorationinblackandwhitewasattempted,andthat very sparingly. The fact that the practice of building in mud-brickshould have continued at a time when kiln-burnt and enamelled brick waslavishedontheroyalpalaces,isprobablytobeexplainedasaresultofreligiousconservatism. The architectural design does not differ in essentials from thatemployed for buildings of a military character. It will be seen that the longexteriorwalls of E-makh resemble those of a fortification, their surface beingbroken up by slightly projecting towers set at regular intervals. Largerrectangular towers flank the gateway, and two others, diminishing in size andprobablyalsoinheight,arerangedoneithersideofthem.Theverticalgrooves,whichtraversetheexteriorfacesofthetowersfromtoptobottom,constituteacharacteristicformoftempleembellishment,whichisneverfoundonbuildingsof a secular character. Theymay be either plain rectangular grooves, ormoreusually,asinE-makh,aresteppedwhenviewedinsection.

Inalltheimportantdoorwaysofthetemplesfoundation-depositswereburiedinlittlenichesorboxes,formedofsixbricksplacedtogetherandhiddenbelowthelevelofthepavement.Thedepositsfoundinplacearegenerallyfashionedofbaked clay, and that ofmost common occurrence is a small figure of the godPapsukal.OneofthoseinNinmakh'stemplewasintheformofabird,nodoubtsacredtothegoddess.Thereisclearevidencethattheobjectoftheirburialwastoensurethesafetyoftheentrancebothfromspiritualandfromhumanfoes.Inaddition to thismagical protection the entrancewas further securedbydoubledoors, theirpivotsshodwithbronzeandturning inmassivestonesockets.TheordinarymethodoffasteningsuchdoorsbyboltswassupplementedinthecaseofE-makhbyabeamproppedagainst thedoorsandwith its lowerend fittinginto a socket in the pavement. Since the temple was within the citadelfortifications,thepossibilitywasforeseenthatitmighthavetobedefendedfromassaultlikethesecularbuildingsinitsimmediateneighbourhood.

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FIG.20.GROUND-PLANOFE-MAKH.A:OpenCourt.B:Ante-chambertoShrine.C:Shrine.E:Entrance-chamber,

orVestibule,totemple,b:Service-roomforAnte-chamber,c:Service-roomforShrine, d : Crude-brick altar, e : Well, s : Dais, or postament, for statue ofNinmakh.1:Porters'room.2-4:Priests'apartmentsorStore-rooms.5,6,9,10:Chambers giving access to narrow passages. 7, 8, 11, 12: Narrow passages,possiblycontainingstairwaysorrampstoroof.

(AfterAndrae.)Passing through the entrance-chamber of E-makh, from which opens a

service-roomfortheuseofthetemple-guardians,oneentersalargeopencourt, surrounded on all sides by doorways leading to priests' apartments and

store-chambersandtotheshrine.Thelatterisonthesouth-eastside,facingtheentrancetothecourt,and,likethemaingatewayofthetemple,thefaçadeoftheshrine and the flanking towers of its doorway were adorned with steppedgrooves.Theshrineitselfisapproachedthroughanante-chamber,andeachhasasmallservice-apartmentopeningoutfromittotheleft.Againstthebackwalloftheshrine,immediatelyoppositethedoors,stoodthecultimageofthegoddess,visiblefromtheopencourt;thishasdisappeared,butthefoundationsofthelowdaisorpostament,onwhichitstood,arestillinplace.

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FIG.21.CONJECTURALRESTORATIONOFE-MAKH,THETEMPLEOFTHE

GODDESSNINMAKH.Theview is taken from thenorth.Theplain finish to the topsofwalls and

towersisinaccordancewithonetheoryofreconstruction.Theconnectingwallbetween the templeand theeastwingof the IshtarGate isomitted tosimplifythedrawing.

(AfterAndrae.)The long narrowpassage behind the shrine was thought at first by its

discoverer tohave serveda secret purposeof thepriesthood. Itwas suggestedthat itmighthavegivenaccess toaconcealedopening in thebackwallof theshrine,behindtheimageofthegoddess,whenceoraclescouldhavebeengivenforthwithherauthority.Butthereisapreciselysimilarpassagealongthenorth-eastwall; andwemayprobably accept themoreprosaic explanation that theycontained the ramps or stairways that led up to the flat roof, thoughwhy twoshouldhavebeenrequired,bothatthesameendofthebuilding,isnotclear.The precise use of the other chambers opening from the court cannot beidentifiedwithanycertainty,asnothingwasfoundinthemtoindicatewhethertheyservedasapartmentsforthepriesthoodorasmagazinesfortemple-stores.Beyondanumberofvotiveterracottafigures,nocultobjectwasdiscovered.Butaroundthedaisfortheimageofthegoddess,thewellinthecourtyardforlustralwater,andthesmallcrude-brickaltarbeforethetempleentrance,itispossibletopicture in imagination some of the rites to which reference is made in theBabylonianreligioustexts.

Aswehave already seenwas the casewith thepalace-buildings, theupperstructureofallthetempleshasbeencompletelydestroyed,sothatitisnotnowcertain how the tops ofwalls and towerswere finished off. In the conjecturalrestorationofNinmakh'stemple theupperportionsare leftperfectlyplain.

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Andthisrepresentsonetheoryofreconstruction.Butitisalsopossiblethatthewallswerecrownedwiththesteppedbattlementsofmilitaryarchitecture.IntherestorationofAssyrianbuildings,bothsecularandreligious,greatassistancehasbeenobtainedfromthesculpturedbas-reliefsthatlinedthepalacewalls.Forthescenes upon them include many representations of buildings, and, when dueallowancehasbeenmadefor theconventionsemployed,aconsiderabledegreeofcertaintymaybeattainedwiththeirhelpinpicturingtheexternalappearanceof buildings of which only the lower courses of the walls now remain. ThescarcityofstoneinBabylonia,andtheconsequentabsenceofmuralreliefs,havedeprivedusof this sourceof information in thecaseof thesouthernkingdom.The only direct evidence on the point that has been forthcoming consists of adesign stamped in outline upon a rectangular gold plaque, found with otherfragmentsofgoldandjewelleryintheremainsofasumptuousburialwithinthestructureofNabopolassar'spalace. Theperiodof theburial is certain, forthe grave inwhich the great pottery sarcophaguswas placed had been closedwith bricks of Nebuchadnezzar, who afterwards built his strengthening wallagainst it. It must therefore date from the earlier part of his reign, and Dr.Koldeweymakes the suggestion that itwasperhaps the tombofNabopolassarhimself. However that may be, the grave is certainly of the early Neo-Babylonian period, and the architectural design upon the gold plaquemay betakenasgoodevidenceforthattime.

FIG.22.GOLD PLAQUE, WITH ARCHITECTURAL DESIGN, PROM A NEO-

BABYLONIANBURIAL.The engraving on the plaque shows a city-gate with flanking towers and

steppedbattlements.(Enlargementafterphoto,byKoldewey.)Theplaque formed theprincipal decoration in a chainbracelet, small rings

passingthroughtheholesatitsfourcornersandservingtoattachittothelarger

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links of the chain. On it the jeweller has represented a gate with an archeddoorway, flanked by towers,which rise above thewalls of themain building.Each tower is surmounted by a projecting upper structure, piercedwith smallcircular loopholes, and both towers and walls are crowned with triangularbattlements. The latter are obviously intended to be stepped, the engraver nothaving sufficient space to represent thisdetail inadesignon so small a scale.The outline is probably that of a fortified city-gate, and it fully justifies theadoptionofthesteppedbattlementinthereconstructionofmilitarybuildingsoftheperiod.Whetherthetempleswerefurnishedinthesamemanner,forpurelydecorativepurposes,isnotsoclear.Someideaoftheappearanceofone,restoredon this alternative hypothesis, may be gathered from the elevation of theunidentifiedtempleknownas"Z,"whichisgiveninFig.24.

It is important that the ground-plans of no less than four of the temples inBabylonhavebeenrecovered,foritwillbeseenthatthemainfeatures,alreadynoted in Ninmakh's temple, are always repeated. In each the templebuildingsarearrangedaroundanopencourt, towhichaccess isgiven throughoneormoreentranceswithvestibules.Thedoorwaystotempleandtoshrineareflankedbygroovedtowers,whilewithintheshrineitselfthecult-statuestoodonalowdais,visiblefromthecourt.

FIG.23.GROUND-PLANOFTHEUNIDENTIFIEDTEMPLEKNOWNAS"Z."A1:MainCourtof temple.A2,A3:SubsidiaryCourts.B:Ante-chamber to

Shrine.C:Shrine.E1,E2,E3:Entrance-chambers,orVestibules, to temple,d,c2, c3: Service-rooms for Shrine, s : Dais, or postament, for cult-statue. 1-3:Porters' rooms. 4, 5: Chambers with access to narrow passage, possibly

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containingstairwayorramptoroof.6,7:Priests'apartmentsorstore-rooms.8,9: Entrance-chambers to residential quarters. 10-15: Quarters for residentpriesthood around N.-W. Court. 16: Entrance-chamber to Inner Court. 17-21:QuartersforresidentpriesthoodaroundInnerCourt.

(AfterAndrae.)Yetwiththisgeneralsimilarity,allcombinespecialfeaturesoftheirown.The

temple"Z,"forexample,isexactlyrectangularinplan,andisdividedintotwodistinct parts, the object of which may be readily surmised. The larger andeasternportion,openingonthegreatcourt,wasobviouslydevotedtotheserviceofthedeity.Forthere,onthesouthside,istheshrineanditsante-chamber,withthedaisfortheeult-imageagainstthesouthwall.Thewesternportionisgroupedaround two smaller courts, and, as its arrangement resembles that of a privatedwelling-house, we may regard it as the quarters of the resident priesthood.Othernotablefeaturesarethethreeservice-chamberstotheshrine,andthethreeseparateentrances to the temple itself,eachwith itsownvestibuleandporters'room.Butthereisonlyonenarrowpassage,extendingpartlybehindtheshrineandcontaining,assuggested,aramporstairwaytotheroof.Therewasprobablyanaltarbeforethenortherngate,asshownintherestoration,butonlythepavedareaonwhichitstoodwasfoundtobestillinplace.

FIG.24.CONJECTURAL RESTORATION OF THE UNIDENTIFIED TEMPLE

KNOWNAS"Z."Theviewistakenfromapointimmediatelyoppositethenorthcornerofthe

temple. The stepped battlements onwalls and towers, borrowed frommilitaryarchitecture,arehereadopted inaccordancewithone theoryof reconstruction.(AfterAndraeandKoldewey.)

InthetemplesdedicatedtoIshtarofAkkadandtothegodNinibtheshrinesareon thewest sideof thegreat court, insteadofon the south as in thosewe

havealreadyexamined.Thusitwouldseemtherewasnospecialpositionfortheshrine, though the temples themselves are generally built with their cornersdirected approximately to the cardinal points. In the temple of IshtarunmistakabletraceshavebeennotedofasimpleformofmuraldecorationthatappearstohavebeenemployedinallthetemplesofBabylon.Whilethewallsingeneralwerecoloureddeadwhitewithathingypsumwash,certainofthemoreprominent parts, such as themain entrance, the doorway leading to the shrineand the niche behind the statue of the goddess,werewashed overwith blackasphalt in solution, each blackened surface being decorated near its edgewithwhitestripsor line-borders.Thecontrast incolourpresentedby thisblackandwhitedecorationmusthavebeenstartlinginitseffect;nodoubt,likethecrude-brick material of the buildings, it was an inheritance from earlier times, andoweditsretentiontoitstraditionalreligioussignificance.

FIG.25.GROUND-PLANOFTHETEMPLEOFISHTAROFAKKAD.A: Open Court. B: Ante-chamber to Shrine. C: Shrine. El, E2: Entrance-

chambers, or Vestibules, to temple. b 1, b 2, b 3: Service-rooms for Ante-chamber,d:Service-roomforShrine,e:Well,s:PositionofstatueofIshtar,ondaisorpostamentagainstnicheinback-wallofShrine.1-4:Priests'apartmentsorstore-rooms.5-7:Porters'rooms.8:Entrance-chambertosmallinnercourt.9:Small open court in which were two circular stores or granaries. 10-14:Chambers, probably used as store-rooms, giving access to narrow passage,whichpossiblycontainedstairwayorramptoroof.

(AfterReuther.)In the temple ofNinib two additional shrines flank the principal one, each

havingitsownentranceandadaisorpostamentforastatue.Itisprobablethat

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thesideshrinesweredevotedto theworshipofsubsidiarydeitiesconnectedinsomewaywithNinib, for the temple as awholewasdedicated solely tohim.This we learn from Nabopolassar's foundation-cylinders, buried below thepavement of the shrine,which relate how the king erected the building in hishonour,onanearlierfoundation,afterhehadkeptbackthefootoftheAssyrianfromthe landofAkkadandhad thrownoffhisheavyyoke. Itwasfittingthatheshouldhavemarkedhisgratitudeinthiswaytothegodofwar.

FIG.26.GROUND-PLANOFTHETEMPLEOFNINIB.A: Open Court. C: Shrine of Ninib. NC, SC: Subsidiary shrines for other

deities,s,s,s:PostamentsforstatuesofNinibandtheotherdeities,setagainstnichesinthewallexactlyoppositetheentrances.E1,E2,E3:Entrance-chambersorVestibules,totemple,d:Crude-brickaltar.1,2,6,7:Porters'rooms.3-6,11,12: Priests' apartments or store-rooms. 10: Small open court. 8, 9: Chambersgiving access to narrow passage behind the shrines,which possibly containedstairwayorramptoroof.

(AfterAndrae.)The most interesting temple of Babylon is naturally that dedicated to the

worshipofthecity-god.ThiswasthefamousE-sagila,agreatpartofwhichstilllies buried some twenty-onemetres below the surfaceofTell 'Amrân. Itsmainportion,lyingtothewest,ispracticallysquareinground-plan,andlikethesmaller temples of the city, it consists of chambers grouped around an opencourt;buttheirarrangementhereisfarmoresymmetrical. Therewasagreatgateway in the centreof each side,where inNeriglissar's time stood the eight

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bronzeserpents,apairofthembesideeachentrance. Theeasterngatewasnodoubttheprincipalone,asitgivesaccesstotheinnercourtthroughasinglegreatvestibuleorentrance-chamber,instrikingcontrasttothesmallervestibulesonthenorthandsouthsides,fromwhichthecourtcanbereachedonlythroughside-corridors. Around the great court within, the temple doorways andtowersarearrangedsymmetrically.TheshrineofMarduklayonitswesternside,asmaybeinferredfromthefaçadeandtoweredentrance.ThiswastheE-kuaofthe inscriptions, which Nebuchadnezzar states he made to shine like the sun,coatingitswallswithgoldasthoughwithgypsum-plaster,aphrasewhichrecallsthemudandgypsumwashesoftheothertemples."Thebestofmycedars,"hesays,"thatIbroughtfromLebanon,thenobleforest,IsoughtoutfortheroofingofEkua,[Marduk's]lordlychamber;themightycedarsIcoveredwithgleaminggold for the roofing of Ekua." The lavish employment of gold in thetemple'sdecorationisattestedbyHerodotus,whostatesthatinthis,"thelowertemple," wasagreatseatedfigureofZeus,which,likethethrone,thedais,and the table before it, was fashioned of gold, the metal weighing altogethereighthundredtalents.

VI.TwoviewsoftheTempleofNinibincourseofexcavation.The identification of the temple was rendered certain by the discovery of

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inscribed bricks in earlier pavements below those of Nebuchadnezzar.InscriptionsstampeduponbricksfromtwopavementsofAshur-bani-palrecordthatthisAssyriankingmade"bricksofE-sagilaandE-temen-anki,"whileonanolder one which he re-used, stamped with the name of Esarhaddon, it isdefinitely stated that it formed part of the paving of E-sagila. Thesepavements were reached by means of an open excavation in Tell 'Amrân,extending some forty metres each way. It took no less than eight months toremove the soil to the pavement level, and it is estimated that some thirtythousandcubicmetresofearthwerecartedawayinthecourseofthework.Itisnot surprising, therefore, that the chambers on the west side of the court,includingtheshrineofMarduk,stillremaincoveredbythemound.Asubsidiaryshrine,onthenorthsideofthecourt,hasbeencleared,anditwouldbeaspotofconsiderableinterestif,asDr.Koldeweysuggests,itwasdedicatedtoEa.ForintheHellenisticperiodEawas identifiedwithSerapis, and should thisprove tohavebeenhissanctuary,itwasherethatAlexander'sgeneralsrepairedduringhisillness,whentheyenquiredofthegodwhetherheshouldbecarriedthithertobehealed.

TothenorthofMarduk'stempleroseitsziggurat,theTowerofBabel,knowntoBabyloniansofallagesasE-temen-anki,"TheHouseoftheFoundation-stoneofHeavenandEarth."ItstoodwithinitsPeribolosorsacredprecincts,markednowbytheflatareaorplainwhichthe localArabscallSakhn,"thepan."Theprecinctsofthetowerweresurroundedbyanenclosingwall,decoratedwithinnumerablegroovedtowers,alongtheeastandsouthsidesofwhichthetrackoftheSacredWaymaystillbefollowed. Onthe innersideof thewall, in itswholecircuit,stretchedavastextentofbuildings,alldevotedtothecultofthecity-god, and forming, in the phrase of their discoverer, a veritableVatican ofBabylon.

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FIG.27.GROUND-PLANOFE-TEMEN-ANKIANDE-SAGILA.A: Sacred Way, or Procession Street. B: E-temen-anki, the Ziggurat or

Temple-towerofBabylon.C:E-sagila,thetempleofMarduk.D:EasternAnnexto E-sagila. E: Northern Court of the Peribolos or sacred precincts. P: MainCourt. G: Western Court. H, J: Temple-magazines. K: Arakhtu-wall. L:Nebuchadnezzar'swall.M:River-wallofNabonidus.N:GatewayinRiver-wall.P: Stone piers ofBridge over theEuphrates. 1-12:Entrances to thePeribolos,No.2markingthepositionoftheMainEntrance.

(AfterWetzel.)Theareasoenclosedformsapproximatelyasquare,andiscutupbycross-

wallsintothreeseparatesectionsofunequalsize.Withinthelargestofthegreatcourts stoodthetemple-tower, itscoreconstructedofunburntbrickbutenclosedwithaburntbrickfacing. Inthereconstructionasinglestairwayisshownprojectingfromthesouthernside,andgivingaccesstothefirststageorstoryofthetower.Butithaslatelybeenascertainedthatthreeseparatestairwaysascendedthetoweronthesouthside,thetwoouteronesbeingbuiltagainstitssouth-east and south-west corners, and being flanked on their outer sides bystepped walls, which formed a solid breastwork or protection for any oneascendingthem.

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FIG.28.CONJECTURAL RECONSTRUCTION OF E-TEMEN-ANKI AND E-

SAGILA.The form of the Temple-tower within the Peribolos is here restored in

accordance with Dr. Koldewey's theory that it consisted of a single stage orstory,onwhichtheupperTempleofMardukrested.Accordingtoanalternativeinterpretation of Herodotus, the upper Temple would have formed the last ofeightrecedingtowersorstages.Itwillbenotedthatthetwoflankingstairways,recentlydiscoveredonthesouthsideofthetower,areherenotshown.

(AfterAndrae.)Thebuildingswithintheprecinctswereevidentlynottemples,astheypresent

none of their characteristic features, such as the shrine or the towered façade,andanytheoryastotheirusemustbebasedonpureconjecture.Judgingsolelyby theirground-plans, itwouldappear that the twogreatbuildingson theeastside, consisting of a long series of narrow chambers ranged around opencourts,wereprobably themagazinesandstore-chambers.Thebuildingson thesouth side resemble dwelling-houses, and were probably the quarters of thepriesthood; their huge size would not have been out of keeping with theprivileges and dignified position enjoyed by those in control of the principaltempleinthecapital.ThesmallchambersalongthewallsoftheNorthernCourt,

andthenarrowWesternCourt, maywellhavebeenusedtohousethethousandsofpilgrimswhodoubtlessflockedtoBabylontoworshipatthecentralshrine.Nolessthantwelvegatewaysledintothesacredprecincts,theprincipalentrancebeingontheeastside, exactlyoppositetheeastfaceofthetemple-tower.ThebrecciapavingoftheSacredWaywasherecontinuedwithintheareaoftheprecincts,alongthecentreoftheopenspace,ordeeprecess,betweenthe

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temple-magazines.Thegreatgatewayprobablyspannedthewesternendofthisrecess,thuscompletingthelineoftheMainCourtuponthatside.

The most striking feature of E-temen-anki was naturally the temple-toweritself, which rose high above the surrounding buildings and must have beenvisiblefromallpartsofthecityandfromsomeconsiderabledistancebeyondthewalls. Its exact formhas been the subject of some controversy.Dr.Koldeweyrejects the current view, based upon the description ofHerodotus, that itconsistedofasteppedtowerineightstages,withtheascenttothetopencirclingtheoutside.Itistruethattheexcavationshaveshownthattheascenttothefirststage, at any rate, was not of this character, consisting, as it did, of a triplestairwaybuiltagainstonesideofthetower; but,astheground-planonlyofthebuildingcannowbetraced,thereisnothingtoindicatetheformofitsupperstructure. Dr. Koldewey does not regard the evidence for the existence ofsteppedtowersinBabyloniaassatisfactory,andheappearstoconsiderthattheydepend solely on the description of Herodotus, who, he claims, says nothingaboutsteppedterraces,northateachstagewassmallerthantheonebelowit.Heisinclinedtoreconstructthetowerasbuiltinasinglestage,decoratedonitsfacewithcolouredbands,andsurmountedbythetempletowhichthetriple-stairwaywouldhavegivendirectaccess.ThisviewofitsreconstructionisshowninFig.28, but its author considers the problem as still unsettled, and suspends hisjudgmentuntiltheZigguratatBorsippa,thebestpreservedofthetemple-towers,isexcavated.

There,asatBabylon,wehaveatempleandaseparatetemple-tower,buttheybothstoodwithinthesameperibolosorsacredenclosure,alongtheinnersideofwhich were built series of numerous small chambers resembling those of E-temen-anki.Astreet ranalongthenorth-westfrontoftheperibolos,andtwogateways openedontoitfromthesacredenclosure.Themainentrancebothtoperibolosandtemplewasprobablyonthenorth-eastside. Itwillbenotedthat the plan of the temple follows the lines of those already described,consisting of a complex of buildings ranged around one great court and anumberofsmallerones.TheshrineofthegodNabûstoodonthesouth-westsideof the Great Court, the heavily-towered façade indicating the entrance to itsoutervestibule.Whilesomuchofthetempleitselfandofitsenclosurehasbeen

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cleared, the temple-tower awaitsexcavation. It still rises toaheightofnoless than forty-sevenmetres above the surrounding plain, but such amass ofdébrishas fallen about its base that to clear it completelywould entail a vastamountoflabour.Themoundofsoilnotonlycoverstheopencourtsurroundingthetemple-tower,butextendsovertheinnerlineofchambersonthenorth-westsideoftheperibolos.Thedestructionofthetempleanditssurroundingsbyfirehas vitrified the upper structure of the ziggurat, and to this fact the ruins owetheirpreservation.Forthebricksareweldedintoasolidmass,and,sinceitisnolonger possible to separate them, theyoffer no attractions as building-materialandsohaveescapedthefateofE-temen-anki.

FIG.29.GROUND-PLANOFE-ZIDAANDTHETEMPLE-TOWEROFNABÛAT

BORSIPPA.A: The temple E-zida. B: The Temple-tower of Nabû. C, D: Gateways

opening from the Peribolos on to the street which ran along that side of thesacredenclosure.E:Remainsoflaterbuilding.F:Chambersonsouth-westsideofPeribolos.G,G:Streetrunningalongthenorth-westfaceofthePeribolos.

(AfterKoldewey.)Itisquitepossiblethat,whenNabû'stemple-towerisexcavated,itwillthrow

somelightupontheupperstructureof thesemassivebuildings.Meanwhilewepossessapieceofevidencewhichshouldnotbeignoredinanydiscussionofthesubject.Onaboundary-stoneof the timeofMerodach-baladan I. are carved anumberofemblemsofthegods,includingthoseofMardukandNabii,whicharesetbesideeachother in thesecondrow.ThatofMardukconsistsofhissacredSpear-head supported by his dragon, that ofNabfi being theWedge or Stilus,

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also supported by a horned dragon. But while the other emblems are leftsculptured in relief against the field of the stone, that of Nabii is engravedagainst a temple-tower. It will be noticed that this rises in stages,diminishinginsizeandsetoneabovetheother.Theroughengravingmaywellrepresent the outward formofNabû's temple-tower atBorsippa at the time ofMerodach-baladanI.Inanycase,sincetheemblemsontheboundary-stonesareassociatedwith temples, the only building it can be intended for is a temple-tower.Itthusdefinitelyprovestheconstructionofthisclassofbuildinginstoriesorstages,whichdiminishinareaastheyascend.

FIG.30.ROUGH ENGRAVINGOFA TEMPLE-TOWERUPONA BOUNDARY-

STONE.The boundary-stone is of the period ofMarduk-aplu-iddina, orMerodach-

baladan I. The engraving represents a temple-tower, beforewhich is a diagonsupporting on its back an uprightWedge, the emblem of Nabû. The tower isrepresentedasbuilt instories,orstoppedstages,setoneupontheother.(FromBrit.Mus.,No.90850.)

AdditionalevidencethatthiswasactuallytheformoftheTowerofBabylonhasbeendeducedfromatablet,drawnupintheSeleucidera,andpurportingtogiveadetaileddescriptionandmeasurementsofE-sagilaanditstemple-tower.Ahurrieddescriptionof thetextanditscontentswaspublishedbyGeorgeSmith

beforehestartedonhislastjourneytotheeast,andfromthattimethetabletwaslostsightof.ButsomethreeyearsagoitwasfoundinParis,andithasnowbeenmade fully available for study. Itmust be admitted that it is almostimpossibleatpresent to reconcile thedescriptionson the tabletwith theactualremainsofE-sagilaand thePeribolos thathavebeen recoveredbyexcavation.

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The "Great Terrace (or Court)," and the "Terrace (or Court) of Ishtar andZamama,"which, according to the tablet,were the largest andmost importantsubdivisions in the sacred area, have not been satisfactorily identified. Dr.KoldeweywasinclinedtoregardtheformerascorrespondingtotheGreatCourt

of the Peribolos, including the buildings surrounding it, and the latter hewouldidentifywiththenortherncourtoftheenclosure; whilethethirdgreatsub-divisionhesuggestedmightbetheinnerspaceoftheGreatCourt,whichhethus had to count twice over. Scarcely more satisfactory is M. MarcelDieulafoy's reconstruction, since he makes the two main areas, or "terraces,"extendtotheeastoftheSacredWay,overgroundwhich,astheexcavationshaveshown,wascoveredbythehousesofthetown,andthuslaybeyondthelimitsofthesacredarea.Itispossiblethattheapparentdiscrepanciesmaybetracedtoanextensive reconstructionof thePeribolosbetween theNeo-Babylonian and theSeleucid periods. But,whatever explanation be adopted, a number of detailedmeasurementsgivenbythetabletarebestexplainedonthehypothesisthattheyrefer to receding stages of a temple-tower. The tablet may thus be cited asaffordingadditionalsupporttothecurrentconceptionoftheTowerofBabylon,andthereisnoreasontorejecttheinterpretationthathassolongbeenacceptedofthefamousdescriptionofthetowerthatisgivenbyHerodotus.

ThereisoneotherstructureinBabylonthatdeservesmention,andthatisthebridgeovertheEuphrates,sinceitsremainsarethoseoftheearliestpermanentbridge of which we have any record in antiquity. It will be noted from theground-planofE-temen-anki thattheprocession-streetleadspastthecornerof thePeribolos toagreatgate-way in theriver-wall,guarding theheadof thebridgewhichcrossedtheEuphratesonstonepiers.Theriveratthispointappearstohavebeenonehundredandtwenty-threemetresinbreadth.Thepiersarebuiltintheshapeofboatswiththeirbowspointingup-stream,andtheirformwasnodoubt suggested by the earlier bridge-of-boats which they displaced. Theroadway,asinboat-bridgesinMesopotamiaatthepresentday,waslaidacrossthe boatpiers, andmust have been verymuch narrower than the length of thepiers themselves. The bridge, which is mentioned by Herodotus andDiodorus, was theworkofNabopolassar, aswe learn from theEast IndiaHouse Inscription, in which Nebuchadnezzar states that his father "had built

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piersofburntbrickforthecrossingoftheEuphrates." Thestoneusedinitsconstruction, which is referred to byHerodotus, was no doubt laid above thebrick-piers,asafoundationfortheflatwoodenstructureofthebridgeitself.Thelaterriver-wallwastheworkofNabonidusanditmarksanextensionofthebankwestwards,whichwas rendered possible by the building ofNebuchadnezzar'sfortificationinthebedoftherivertothewestoftheSouthernCitadel. Theold lineof the leftbank ismarkedby the ruinsofearlier river-walls, tracesofwhichhavebeenuncoveredbelowthenorth-westangleofthePeribolos. ItwasdoubtlesstoprotectthePeribolosandE-sagilafromfloodthatthebankwasextendedinthisway.

The buildings that have hitherto been described all date from the laterAssyrian andNeo-Babylonian periods, and during their first years ofwork atBabylon the excavators found nothing that could be assigned to the earlierepochs in the history of the capital. It was assumed that the destruction ofBabylonbySennacheribhadbeensothoroughthatverylittleoftheearliercityhadsurvived.ButlateronitwasrealizedthattheremainsoftheolderBabylonlaylargelybelowthepresentwater-level.Thecontinualdepositofsiltinthebedoftheriverhasraisedthelevelatwhichwaterisreachedwhendiggingonthesiteof thecity, and it is clear that at the timeof theFirstDynasty thegenerallevel of the townwas considerably lower than in later periods.During recentyearsacomparativelysmallbodyofwaterhasflowedalongtheEuphratesbed,sothatithasbeenpossibleontheMerkesMoundtouncoveronequarterintheancient city. There trenches have been cut to a depth of twelvemetres, whenwater-levelwasreachedandfurtherprogresswasrenderedimpossible,althoughtheremainsofbuildingscontinuedstilllower.

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FIG.31.PLANOFTHEMERKESMOUND,SHOWINGPARTOFTHESTREET

NET-WORKOFBABYLON.A:TheSacredWayorProcession-StreetofBabylon.B:E-makh,thetemple

ofthegoddessNinmakh.C:South-eastcorneroftheSouthernCitadelwiththePalace of Nebuchadnezzar. D: Canal and basin. E: Northern Court of thePeribolos of E-temen-anki. P: Main Court of the Peribolos. G: The moundMerkes.H:TempleofIshtarofAkkad.J:GreekTheatre.K:Oldcanal.

(AfterKoldewey.)Fromtheaccompanyingplanitwillbeseenthatthestreetnet-workhasbeen

recoveredoveraconsiderablearea.Theentirestructureofthemoundconsistsofthedwellingsofprivatecitizens,risinglayerabovelayerfrombelowwater-levelto the surface of the soil. The upper strata date from the Parthian period, andherethehousesarescatteredwithwidespacesofgardenorwastelandbetweenthem. In striking contrast to these scanty remains are the streets of theGreek,Persian and Neo-Babylonian periods, where the houses are crowded together,andopenspaces,whichwereatonetimecourtsorgardens,havelateronbeensurrendered to the builder.Wehere have strikingproof of the value of house-propertyinBabylonduringthecity'speriodofgreatestprosperity.Stilldeeperin

themoundalevelcanbedatedtothetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,forinthehouseswerefoundtabletsinscribedinthereignsofMerodach-baladanI.,Meli-Shipak II., and Enlil-nadin-shum. In the northern part of the mound, in thelowest stratum of all and lying partly above and partly below water-level,contract-tablets of the FirstDynastywere uncovered, bearing date-formulæ ofSamsu-iluna,Ammi-ditanaandSamsu-ditana.Here themud-brickwallsof thehouses,thoughnotverythick,allrestuponburnt-brickfoundations,amethodofbuildingwhich,aswehaveseen, survivedintotheNeo-Babylonianperiod.Thisistheearliestcityofwhichtraceshavebeenrecovered,andathicklayerofashestestifiestoitsdestructionbyfire.Therecanbenodoubtthatthetownsodestroyedwas that ofHammurabi andhis immediate successors, for thedatedtablets were found lying in the layer of ashes undisturbed. We here haveadditionalproofthatBabylon'sFirstDynastyendedindisaster.Itispossiblethatthe conflagration, inwhich the city then perished,was thework of theHittiteraiderswhoseonslaughtweknowtookplaceinSamsu-ditana'sreign.

Thisportionofthetownwouldappeartohavebeenentirelyresidential,asitcontainsnoopenspacesuchaswouldhaveservedasamarket.Eventhetempleswerewithoutaspaceinfrontofthem,andinthisrespectresemblethechurchesinmanymoderncities.ItwillbenotedthatthetempleofIshtarofAkkadinthenorthoftheMerkesMound,thoughnotactuallybuiltin,isapproachedoneverysidebyprivatehouses,thoughonitssouthernfacetheroadisratherbroaderthanelsewhere. Still more shut in were the temple of Ninib and the unidentifiedtemple known as "Z," both ofwhich lie in themound Ishin-aswad. HeretrenchescutacrossthemoundhaveuncoveredtheruinsofBabylonianhousesincrude brick, the remains of different periods lying one above the other as inMerkes, and they surround the temples on all sides. The only other spot inBabylonwherethesamestrataofstreetsandprivatehouseshavebeenfoundisin a low range of mounds between the Ḳaṣr and Tell 'Amrân, where thedwellings appear to be of an inferior character such as wemight expect in apoorerquarterofthetown.Itisonlyintheratherhighergroundthatsatisfactoryresultshaveyetbeenobtained, as in theplain theearlier stratadescendbelowwater-level.Itispossiblethatfurtherdiggingmaylaybarethebusiness-quartersof ancient Babylon, and that wemay identify themarkets and bazaars whichformedoneofthegreatcentresofdistributionintheancientworld.

[184]

[185]

Meanwhile, the Merkes Mound has yielded sufficient evidence to form ageneral conclusion as to the lines onwhich the citywas built. The street net-work shown in the plan is mainly that of the Neo-Babylonian period, but,wherever the earlier levels were preserved, it was noted that the old streetsfollowedthesamelineswithbutslightvariations.Themainarteriesrunroughlynorth and south, parallel to the course of the SacredWay, while others crossthemat rightangles. Itwouldappear that, inspiteof theabsenceofopenspaces,weherehaveadeliberateattemptattown-planningonascientificbasis,theoriginalideaofwhichmaybetracedbacktotheFirstDynasty.Itistruethatthe streetsarenotentirely regular,but themain thoroughfaresall run through,and the island-plots are all approximately rectangular.WemayprobablyplacethisachievementtothecreditoftheSemiticelementinthepopulation,asinthetwoSumeriantowns,inwhichprivatehouse-propertyhasbeenuncovered,thereis no trace of town-planning. Both at Fâra and atAbûHatab, the sites of theearly Sumerian cities of Shuruppak and Kisurra, the streets that have beenfollowedout are crooked and farmore irregular than those ofBabylon. It haslongbeenknown thatHammurabi didmuch to codify the lawsof his countryand render their administration effective. It would now appear that similarsystemandmethodwere introducedat the sameperiod into themorematerialsideofthenationallife.

The excavations at Babylon have thus thrown some direct light upon theconditionofthecityduringtheperiodatwhichitfirstbecamethecapital.Itistruethatnoportionofaroyalorsacredbuildingasyetidentifiedantedatesthelater Assyrian Empire, and that, as the result of extensive reconstruction, theruinsoftemples,palacesandcity-wallsaremainlythoseoftheNeo-Babylonianperiod.But therewas no great break in continuity between that epoch and itspredecessors, so that, when due allowance has been made for certaininnovations, the buildings of the later period may be treated as typical ofBabylonian civilization as awhole.We have seen how the streets ofBabylonfollowed the same lines throughout the whole of her dynastic period, and asimilar spirit of conservatism no doubt characterized her architecturaldevelopment.Templeswererebuiltagainandagainontheoldsites,andeveninthe Neo-Babylonian period they retained the mud-brick walls and primitivedecoration of their remote predecessors. Indeed, the conditions of life in

[186]

Babylonia precluded any possibility of drastic change. The increased use ofburnt brick in the upper structure of the royal palaces rendered possible thebrilliant enamelling of the Neo-Babylonian craftsmen. But, even as late asNabopolassar'sreign,thethickmud-brickwallsoftheking'sdwellingmusthaveresembled thoseofHammurabihimself: itwasmainly inpointofsize that theearlier palace and city differed from those of later monarchs. And when weexamine the successive periods of the country's history, we shall find thattradition exerted an equally powerful influence in retaining unaltered theessential features of the national life. It was under her earliest dynasty thatBabylonworked out in detail a social organization that suited her agriculturaland commercial activities; and it is a remarkable tribute to its founders that itshould have survived the shock of foreign domination and have imposed itsmoulduponlatergenerations.

[1]Rogerspointsout that the rabbi's accountofBabylonseems to lack thelittletoucheswhichbetraytherecordofaneye-witness,andhecomparesitwiththe same traveller's descriptions of Mosul and Baghdad. By far the best andfullestaccountoftheearlyexplorersofBabyloniaisthatgivenbyRogersinhis"HistoryofBabyloniaandAssyria,"Vol.1.,pp.84ff.

[2]SeeHakluyt, "ThePrincipallnavigationsvoiagesanddiscoveriesof theEnglishnation,"ed.1589,p.232;ed.Goldsmid,Vol.X.,"Asia,"Pt.III.(1889),p.63.

[3]Hestatesthat"theheavenlyfirewhichstruckthetowersplitittoitsveryfoundation," a description which is thoroughly applicable to the presentappearance of Borsippa's temple-tower at El-Birs; see the photographreproduced on Plate II. Other travellers, such as Anthony Shirley in 1599 or1600,appeartohavemadethesameidentification.AfewyearslaterPietrodellaVallewasnearerthemarkinidentifyingthetowerwiththemoundBabil,fromwhich he carried away to Home some of Nebuchadnezzar's stamped bricks,probably the first collection of Babylonian antiquities to reach Europe (cf.Rogers,op.cit.,p.98).

[4]Seep.10,Fig.2.[5]Inadditiontohisincompleteplan(cf.C.J.Rich,"NarrativeofaJourney

tothesiteofBabylonin1811,"editedbyhiswidow,London,1839;oppositep.

43), and the smaller-scale plan of Major Rennet based upon it (publishedoriginally in "Archæologia," Vol. 18, and reprinted with Rich's memoir), wepossessanothersketch-plan,moreaccurateincertaindetails,bySirRobertKerPorter(cf."TravelsinGeorgia,Persia,Armenia,AncientBabylonia,etc.,duringtheyears1817,1818,1819,and1820,"VolII.,1822,oppositep.349).Accuratesurveysof largedistricts inBabyloniaweremadebyCaptainJ.FelixJonesoftheIndianNavy,whodidsuchexcellentworkonNinevehanditsneighbourhood(seehis"Memoirs,"issuedasavolumein"BombayGovernmentRecords,"No.XLIII.,NewSeries,Bombay,1857;andfortheNinevehsurvey,cf."Journ.Roy.Asiat.Soc.,"Vol.XV.,1853,pp.352ff.).ThematerialcollectedbyFelixJonesinBabylonia,wasincorporatedintheIndiaOfficeMap,whichwascompiledbyTrelawneySaundersonthebasisofthesurveysmadebetween1860and1865byCommander W. Beaumont Selby, Lieut. W. Collingwood and Lieut. J. B.Bewsher,alloftheIndianNavy.Thiswasissuedin1885underthetitle"SurveysofAncientBabylonandthesurroundingruinswithpartoftheriversTigrisandEuphrates, the Hindiyeh Canal, the Sea of Nejf and the Shat Atshar," etc.,London, 1885. It takes in the area fromBaghdad to the junction of the ShattAtsharwiththeEuphratesandisbyfarthebestmap,andtheonlyoneonalargescale, hitherto produced of Babylon and its neighbourhood. All plans of themounds covering the ruinsof the city itself areof course supersededby thoseissuedbytheGermanexpedition.

[6]See"NinevehandBabylon,"London,1853.[7]The results of the expeditionwere published in two volumes under the

title"ExpéditionscientifiqueenMésopotamie,"Paris,1863.[8]Cf."AsshurandtheLandofNimrod,"NewYork,1897.[9] "Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin," Nos. 1-54

(March,1899—June,1914).[10]SeeKoldewey,"DieTempelvonBabylonundBorsippa,"Leipzig,1911.[11]Cf."DaswiedererstehendeBabylon,"Leipzig,1912.AcarefulEnglish

translationof thework, fromthepenofMrs.Johns,hasbeen issuedunder thetitle"TheExcavationsatBabylon,"London,1914.

[12]Recentdiscoveries atShergâtprove that aSumerianoccupationof thesiteofAshurprecededthefirstsettlementoftheSemiticAssyrians.Inastratum

belowthefirstIshtar-temple(theearliestAssyriantempleyetrecovered,datingas it does from the close of the third millennium b.c.), several examples ofSumeriansculpturewerefoundwhichbearanunmistakablycloserelationshiptotheearliestSumerianworkatTelloandBismâya.Theracialtyperepresentedbythesculptures isalso thatof thesouth,andsuggestsaSumerianoccupationofAssyriabeforetheadventoftheSemites.TheterminationoftheirsettlementatAshurwasprobablynot theworkof theSemiticconquerorsofAssyria,butofanothernon-SemiticraceakintotheMitannianpeopleofNorthernMesopotamia(onthissubjectseefurtherChap.IV.,pp.137ff.).ButtheSemiteswereatleastindirectheirsoftheSumerianinhabitantsandderivedtheircultureinpartfromthem;andthegrowthofsuchelementsintheiracquiredcivilizationwouldhavebeenfosteredasintercoursewiththesouthincreased.Forasummaryaccountofthe new discoveries at Ashur, see the "Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft,"No.54(June,1914).

[13]Seefurther,p.72f.[14]I.,178.[15]Forreferencestootherestimates,seeHowandWells,"Commentaryon

Herodotus,"subI.,178.[16]Cf."DaswiedererstehendeBabylon,"p.5.[17]Cf.Haverfield,"AncientTownPlanning,"p.22.[18]Seeabove,p.16,Fig.2.[19]SeethegeneralplanofBabylononp.23,Fig.3,B.[20]Fig.3,T.[21]A.D.andE.onplan.[22]SometracesofwallsstillremainnearthevillageofSinjar(seeFig.3,4),

andWeissbachhasattempted touse themfora reconstructionof thecityplan.Asa resulthemakes thewesternportionof thecityconsiderablysmaller thanthatontheeasternbank,hisnorth-westwallmeetingtheEuphratesoppositetheḲaṣr,andbeingcontinuedbytheelaboratefortification-wallstothenorthoftheSouthernCitadel;cf."DasStadtbildvonBabylon,"in"DeralteOrient,"V.,Heft4.Thisrepresentsquiteapossiblearrangement.Weshallseethattheseremainsofwesternwallsmaypossiblydatefromastillearlierperiod,andmayalsohave

defended thewesternextensionof theearliercity-area(seebelow,p.35).Butevensotheymayhaveremainedtheonlyfortificationsonthewesternbank;forthetendencytoexpansionwouldhavebeenmoremarkedtotheeastwherethemain citadel offered increased possibilities of defence. The fact thatNebuchadnezzar'snortherncitadelshouldalsohavebeenbuilton the leftbankpointsinthesamedirection.Butthequestioncanonlybesettleddefinitelywhenthe traces of thesewesternwalls have been examinedby excavation and theirrelationshiptotheeasternfortificationsdetermined.

[23]Thelineofmoundsnowmarkinginplacesthepositionofthecity-wallisformed,oddlyenough,bythecoreofthemud-brickportion,whichstillstandsabove the level of the surrounding soil. The far stronger outer wall hascompletely disappeared, for its fine burnt-bricks have tempted plunderers insearchofbuildingmaterial.Itisonlyafterexcavationthatthelowercoursesofitsfoundationaredetectedwhenstillinplace.Itispossiblethatdeepexcavationmaysettlethepositionofthewholelineofwalls,evenwherenotraceofthemnowremainsuponthesurface.

[24] This has been deduced from the fact that a ditch, or moat, once ranimmediatelyinfrontofit,ofwhichtracesonlyhavebeenfound.Theoldditchwas filled in when Nebuchadnezzar's burnt-brick wall broadened andstrengthenedthewholelineoffortification.

[25] Ithasbeen reckoned that therewerenot less thanninety towersalongthe north-east wall of the city, though only fifteen of these have as yet beencompletelyexcavated.

[26]I.,179.[27]Cf.Koldewey,"Babylon,"p.2.[28]Hetellsusthatinthecircuitofthewalltherewereahundredgates,all

of brass,withbrazen lintels and side-posts; cf. I., 179.Asyet the excavationshavenotdeterminedthesiteofanyofthegatesintheouterwall;butthemannerinwhichbronzemayhavebeenused tostrengthenanddecorate thedoorsandgateways is illustratedby thebronze lintel,orstep, fromE-zida, the templeofNabûatBorsippa,nowintheBritishMuseum:cf.PlateXXVI.,oppositep.278,andseefurther,p.77,n.4.

[29]SeeFig.3,A.

[30]IndeedduringtheNeo-Babylonianperioditappearstohavebeenknownas"theCityoftheDwelling"of"theKingofBabylon;"seefurther,p.41.

[31]Cf. "East IndiaHouse Inscription,"Col.VII., 1. 40,Rawlinson, "Cun.Inscr. West. Asia," Vol. 1., pl. 57, and Langdon, "Die neubabylonischenKönigsinschriften,"p.13(5f.).

[32] See below, pp. 71 ff. Traces of a very ancient settlement, withmuchpottery (still unpublished), have been found by deep trenching in the fillingsbelowthesouth-eastcornerofthecitadel;cf.Koldewey,"Babylon,"p.82.Someflintsandstone-implements foundelsewherearealsoevidenceofastillearlierprehistoricsettlement.

[33]Seeabove,p.23,Fig.3,J.[34]Seefurther,pp.82ff.[35]SeeFig.3,C.[36]Fig.3,R.[37]Seebelow,p.30,Fig.6,wherethespacebetweenthecrudebrickwalls

is labelled K K. The walls are distinguished, by cross-hatching, from thestructure of the palacewhich is of burnt-brick.When the IshtarGate (H)wasbuiltbyNebuchadnezzar,thenorthernofthetwowallsreceivedafacingonbothsidesofbrick-rubblelaidinmudandbitumen,indicatedbyaheavysurroundinglineupontheplan;butoriginallythiswalltoowasofcrudebrick.

[38]Fig.6,V;andseefurther,p.58,n.1.[39] The present crude brickwalls of theḲaṣr fortifications date from his

reignorfromthatofhisfather.[40]Themeaningofnimittiisnotquitecertain.[41]In648b.c.;seefurther,Chap.VIII.[42]Figs.7and8,Aand1-3.Fig.7givestheground-planofthiscornerof

thecitadel. InFig.8 thequaywallsandfortification-wallsaregiveninsectionalongthenorthfront,lookingfromW.toE.InFig.8thequay-wall"2"cannotbeshown,asitispracticallyawestwardextensionof"I."

[43]A.[44]ItwasbuiltbySargonwithinthelastfiveyearsofhisreign,when,after

his signal defeat of Alerodach-baladan in 710 b.c., he ruled Babylonia as anAssyrianprovince.Hedidnotascendthethrone,butcontentedhimselfwiththetitle"Governor(shakkanuku)ofBabylon,"thoughheclaimedtheoldertitleof"KingofSumerandAkkad."Seefurther,Chap.VIII.

[45]Cf.Delitzsch'stranslationinKoldewey,"Babylon,"p.139;Engl.ed.p.138. Elsewhere in the building-inscriptions the Ishtar Gate is named asbelongingtoImgur-BêlandNimitti-Bêl.

[46]EandFinFigs.7and8.InFig.7itwillbeseenthatthereareremainsofabuilding(I)atthewesternendofthetwowalls,betweenthemandthequay-wallB.ThismayhavebeenthequartersoccupiedbytheCaptainoftheWall.

[47]Nos.1-3inFig.7.[48]Onthemeaningofthename,seebelow,p.36.[49]EandFinFigs.7and8.[50]Seeabove,p.23,Fig.3,Z;cf.also,p.24,n.1.[51]Cf.Delitzsch'stranslationin"Babylon,"p.135f.[52]Seeabove,p.33.[53]Seeabove,p.34.[54]Itsemploymentwiththedeterminativenâru,"river"or"canal,"doesnot

prove that it was at this time a canal in the strict sense. According to theexplanation offered in the text, it would have been a section of the river,includinganopenbasinandprobablyacanal.Inearlierperiodsitmayhavebeensimplyacanal,whichledofffromtheriveratthispoint.

[55]Seeabove,p.28.[56]Seeabove,p.30,Fig.6,N.[57] On a foundation-cylinder from Sippar in the British Museum (No.

91114;A.H.82—7—14,1042)Nebuchadnezzarwrites:"For theprotectionofE-sagilaandBabylon, thatsandbanks (pu-ri-im) shouldnot form in thebedoftheEuphrates,Icausedagreatfortificationtobemadeintheriver,ofbitumenandburnt-brick.ItsfoundationIlaidintheabyss,anditsheadIraisedmountain-high";cf.Ball,"Troc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.",X.,May1888,Pl.IV.,Col.ii.,ll.19-24,andLangdon,"NeubabylonischenKönigsinschriften,"p.106f.

[58]Seep.30,Fig.6,T,andp.32,Fig.7,N.[59]Fig.6,P,R. It re-entered the river closeunder the citadel-wall, for its

outlet has been found in the later river-wall ofNabonidus. Itwas perhaps thecanalcalledintheinscriptionsLibil-khegalla,"Mayitbringabundance."Itwillbe seen from the plan that the remains of the canal to the south-east show anarrowchannel(P),lessthanthreemetresinbreadth,butwideningwestwardofthe Sacred Road (G) into a broad basin (R). This represents a reconstruction,probablyof the timeofNeriglissar,whobuilt a bridge for the road across thecanal.Formerlytheroadcrossedthecanalbyadamwithwalledembankments,of which traces have been found below the canal-walls. Beneath theembankment the water probably flowed through grated sluices like thesespanningNebuchadnezzar's narrow channel between his river-fortification andthecitadel.

[60]Seeabove,p.30,andcf.Fig.6,V.[61]I.,181.[62] If we except the foundations of the Ishtar Gate, this door is the only

structure recovered on the site of Babylon which gives us an idea of what abuildinglookedlikeaboveground-level.Elsewheretheground-planisouronlyguide.

[63]Seep.30,Fig.6,D.[64]Fig.6,C.[65]Col.vii.,1.34.[66]Fig.6,A—C.[67]Fig.6,eandf.Thehatchedwall,whichrunsbetweenthem(g),wasa

temporarycontainingwall,alsoofcrudebrick.[68]Seeabove,p.30,Fig.6,E.[69] East India House Inscription, Col. vii., 1. 61—Col. viii., 1. 18; cf.

Rawlinson, "Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," Vol. I., pl. 57, and Langdon,"NeubabylonischenKönigsinschriften,"p.130f.

[70]Fig.6,a.[71]A,BandC.

[72]Fig.6,J.[73]Markedbandcontheplan.[74]Seefurther,Chap.V.[75]Fig.6,B.[76]Suchjars,oralabastra,werehighlyesteemed;andtheroyalfactoryneed

notsurpriseus,sincethekingnotonlyemployedthemforhisownuse,butsentthe larger sort away as presents. In the Persian period we know that Xerxesdespatched some as royal gifts, inscribedwith his ownname and titles, as farafieldasEgyptandthewesterncoastofAsiaMinor.

[77]Seeabove,p.28,Fig.5.[78]SeeFig.6,F;thisportionoftheground-planofthepalaceisgivenona

largerscaleinFig.9.[79]Fig.9,b,candd.[80]Fig.9,fandg.Thecourts(numberedontheplan1-3)aresquarelikethe

smallcourtsorlight-wellsintherestofthepalace,andlikethemwereevidentlyleftopeninordertogivelightandairtothechambersroundthem.InthePersianperiodoneofthem(No1)wasroofedoverwhollyorinpart,asthebasesfortwopillars,formedofpalm-trunks,arestillinplace,whichwereclearlyintendedtosupportroof-beams.Theseareindicatedbysolidcirclesontheplan.

[81]Seeabove,p.30,Fig.6,d.[82]Seep.42,Fig.9,e.[83]Fig.9,1.ThisisthecourtroofedinduringthePersianperiod(seep.44,

n.1),evidentlytosecurethekingasecondcoveredpassage-waywhenpassingfrom theThroneRoomor from someof its adjoining chambers to the privatepalace.

[84]Seebelow,p.62f.[85]Fig.11,I.[86]B.inFig.6and11.[87]Markedhontheplans.[88]Fig.11,mandn.[89]InFig.11thereferenceletterl.,toindicatethebuilding,ismarkedalong

thegangway.[90]Itismarkedontheplan,andliesbetweentheentrancemandthesouth-

eastcornerofthebuilding.[91]TheκρεμαστὸςπαράδεισοςofBerossus,theκρεμαστὸςκῆποςofCtesias

andStrabo,thepensileshortiofCurtiusRufus; theirdescriptionsarequotedatlengthbyKoldewey,"Babylon,"pp.95ff.,Engl,ed.,pp.90ff.

[92]Koldewey's explanation, that the total circuit of the building has beenconfusedwith the lengthof a single side,neednotbe invoked, inviewof thenatural tendency of ancientwriters to exaggeration in suchmatters, especiallywhenreproducingmeasurementsatsecondorthirdhand.

[93]Thisobjectionseems tome tooutweighanycorrespondence indetailsbetween the architectural structure of the Vaulted Building and the texts ofCurtiusRufusorDiodorus.

[94] For the probable reason for this practice in temple-construction, seebelow,p.63.

[95]Seeabove,pp.31ff.[96]Nebuchadnezzarhasleftusadescriptionofhisbuildingofthegateway

in the "East India House Inscription," Col. v., 1. 55, Col. vi., 1. 21 (seeRawlinson, "Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," I., pl. 56, and cf. Langdon, "Neubab.Königsinschriften," p. 132 f.).He records howhe decorated the buildingwithwildoxenanddragonsinenamelledbrick,roofeditwithcedar,andsetupinitdoors which he sheathed in copper and fitted with thresholds and hinges ofbronze. He also set bronze oxen and dragons beside the entrances; bases forsomeoftheseappeartohavebeenfoundbytheexcavators.

[97]Fig.14,BandD.Intheplanthestructureofthegateway,builtofburntbrick,isindicatedinblack.Theadjacentfortification-walls,ofunburntbrick,arehatched;sotooaretheareascoveredbypartsofthetempleofNinmakhandthepalace.

[98] The outer gate-house (B) has doors 1 and 2; the doors of the innergatehouse(D)arenumbered3and4.

[99]C.[100]Fig.15.

[101]Figs.14and15,Nos.3and4.[102]Seeabove,p.28,Fig.5.[103]Nos.1and2.[104]Fig.16.[105]Fig.15,aandb.[106]Fig.15,c.[107]Theadornmentofthegate'sfoundations,aswellasitsupperstructure,

with reliefs, may in part be explained by their temporary use in flanking theroadway during construction. But the decoration of sacred buildings was notintendedmerelyforthepurposeofartisticdisplay.Ithadadeepersignificance,basedonthebeliefthattheuseofsacredemblemsensuredtheprotectionoftheirtutelarydeities.Andthisperhapsoffers thebestexplanationof thepresenceoftheWeather-god'sBull,andofMarduk'sDragon,upon thefoundation-wallsofthebuilding.The lion, Ishtar'sownemblem inhercharacteras thegoddessofwar,wasemployed,asweshallsee(cf.p.58),uponthetwowallsleadingtohergate.

[108]SeeFig.15;itspositionisindicatedinthesoutherndoorway(2)oftheoutergate-house.Thiswas the firstpartof thegateway tobediscovered,as itstandshigherthantherest.

[109]SeeFig.17.[110]ThesameprocesswasemployedfortheLionFriezetothenorthofthe

gateway;seebelow,p.59.[111]SeeFig.18,B,B.Thefortifiedareastothewestoftheroadway,which

Nebuchadnezzarbuiltoutasdirectextensionsof theSouthernCitadelupon itsnorth side, are still in course of excavation. They have been christened the"PrincipalCitadel"andthe"NorthernCitadel"oftheḲaṣr.Themostinterestingconstructionyetrecoveredthereisabroadcanal(Fig.18,J),tothenorthofthepalace-area of the Principal Citadel; this was evidently left uncovered, and itmusthavedrawnitswater-supplyfromtheEuphratesthroughgratedopeningsinthewesternwall.To theeastof the roadway linesofdefencewere thrownoutcorrespondingtothoseofthetwolatercitadels.Thefoundationsoftheireasternwall,approximatelyparalleltotheroadway,havebeenuncovered;butthewhole

ofthisareawasdestroyedbytheEuphrateswhenitchangeditscourse,andonlythemainfortification-wallscannowbetracedbelowthedepositofsilt.

[112]Theredenamelhasdecomposedand isnowgreen.All the lions, liketheenamelledbeastsoftheIshtarGate,werefoundinfragments.

[113]Compare theplanonp.30,Fig.6,where theProcessionStreet, in itscoursepasttheCitadel,isletteredG.

[114]Cf.Koldewey,"DiePflastersteinevonAiburschabuinBabylon,"pp.4ff.Thelimestoneistermedshadâ,or"mountain-stone,"andKoldeweysuggeststhatitwasquarriedintheneighbourhoodofHitontheEuphrates.Thequarriesfrom which the turmina-banda, or breccia, was obtained have not yet beenidentified.

[115]ThecourseoftheProcessionStreetmaybefollowedintheplanonp.83,Fig.31;itistheremarkedA.TheTempleofIshtarofAkkadisletteredH.

[116]Fig.30,G.[117]Fig.30,E,F;comparealsoFig.27onp.74,withthesamelettering.[118]Fig.27,thegatenumbered2.[119]SeeFig.27,wherethecourseoftheroadisletteredA,asinFig.30.[120]Fig.27,BandC.[121] See above, p. 23, Fig. 3, where the position of the two temples is

indicatedbythelettersNandM.Thelineofthecity-wallalongpartofthesouthsideisindicatedbythemoundsletteredB.

[122]ForthepositionofthetempleinrelationtotheIshtarGate,seeabove,p.31,Fig.6,wherethetempleisletteredJ,andtheIshtarGateH.

[123]Seep.64,Fig.20,d.ComparealsothereconstructioninFig.21.[124]Seebelow,p.71.[125]Seebelow,p.69.[126]I.,183.[127]Cf.Exodus,xx.,24-26.[128]Cf.I.Kings,viii.,64.[129]SeeI.Kings,vi.,20.

[130]Ezekiel,xli.,22.[131]Cf. I. Samuel, 6 [7]. For a discussion of the evidence relating to the

Hebrew practices, see especially the article "Altar," by W. E. Addis, in the"EncyclopædiaBiblica,"I.,Cols.123ff.

[132]Seebelow,p.69f.[133]Seep.65,Fig.21.[134]Insometemples,asinE-zida,thetempleofNabûatBorsippa,andin

theearliest remainsofE-sagila (seebelow,pp.71 ff.), semicircular fillets taketheplaceofsunkengrooves.

[135]Fig. 20,A. The descriptionmay be followed bymeans of the indexlettersandfiguresontheplan,whichareexplainedbelowit.

[136]InFig.20thepassageisnumbered11and12.[137]Theyaresonarrowthattheycanhardlyhaveservedasstore-chambers.[138]SeeFig.21.[139] The grave was hollowed out of the massive brickwork of the outer

wall,intheextremenorth-westcornerofthepalace.[140]Cf."Babylon,"p.118f.;Engl.ed.,p.110f.[141] In theground-plans,which arehere reproduced, the same lettering is

employed,asfarastheycorrespond,fortheprincipalfeaturesofeachbuilding.[142]ItwillbenoticedthatthisorientationisleastapparentinE-sagila(see

below,p.74,Fig.27),andinthetempleofIshtarofAkkad(Fig.25).[143]Cf.Weissbach,"BabylonischeMiscellen,"p.20f.,II.17-21.[144]Seeabove,p.23,Fig.3,E.[145]Seep.74,Fig.27,C.[146]SeeRawlinson,"Cim.Inscr.West.Asia,"I.,pl.67,Col.I.,11.21ff.,

and cf. Bezold in Schrader's "Keilins. Bibl.," III., ii., p. 72 f., and Langdon,"Neubab.Königsinschriften,"p.210f.

[147]Themainentrancetothetemplewasapproachedthroughanannexonthe east (Fig. 27, D), of which the external walls only have been traced bytunnelling,whileitsinteriorremainsstillunexplored.Itwillbenotedintheplanthatthemainentrancetotheannexisagainontheeastside,markedbyarecess

in the enclosing wall, almost opposite the main entrance to the temple. TheapproachtotheannexwasdoubtlessbyabranchoftheProcessionStreet,whichmust have left theprincipal roadwayopposite entranceNo. 4 of thePeribolos(seeFig.27).

[148]Cf."EastIndiaHouseInscr.,"Col.II.,11.43ff.,andCol.III.,11.21ff.[149]Theκἀτωνηός,todistinguishitfromthatonthetemple-tower.[150]I.,183.[151]Cf.Koldewey,"Babylon,"p.202f.;Engl,ed.,p.207.[152]Cf.Koldewey,"DieTempelvonBabylonundBorsippa,"p.43.[153]Seeabove,p.23,Fig.3,Q.[154]MarkedA,A,AinFig.27.[155]Cf.Koldewey,"Babylon,"p.185;Engl,ed.,p.190.Someideaof the

probable appearance of the immense enclosure may be gathered from thereconstructioninFig.28.

[156]Fig.27,F.[157]Fig.27,B.[158]During the recent excavation of the tower the outer facing of burnt

brick has been uncovered along the north side, and it was seen to have beendecoratedwithtwelvetower-likeprojections.Aconsiderablefragmentwasalsofoundonthewestside;andtheexteriormeasurementofboththesesidesofthetowerwasascertained tobeninety-onemetres.Thecrude-brickcoremeasuresaboutsixty-onemetresalong itsnorth front.See"Mitteil.derDeutsch.Orient-Gesellschaft,"No.53(April,1914),p.18.

[159]Theouterstairwayswereeightmetresinbreadth,andsixteenstepsarestillpreservedoftheoneinthesouth-westcorner;cf."Mitteil.d.Deutsch.Or.-Gesells.,"No.53,p.19.

[160]Fig.27,IIandJ.[161]Fig.27,E.[162]Fig.27,G.[163]Fig.27,EntranceNo.2.[164]ThisarrangementissuggestedinFig.28.

[165]I.,181.[166]Seeabove,p.75.[167]SeeFig.29,G.[168]CandD.[169]ThebronzestepofNebuchadnezzar,preservedintheBritishMuseum

(seeabove,p.27 , n. 1), seems tohavecome from the temple entrance in thesouth-westfront,facingthetemple-tower.

[170]Fig.29,A.[171]Fig.29,B.[172]Intheengraving,inorderthatthewedgeandthedragonshouldstand

outinrelief,thesurfaceofthestonehasbeencutawayroundthem.Thisgivesthe loweststoryof the toweranappearanceofhavingarchedopenings in it. Itshould, of course, be solid, like the other stages of the tower, the apparentopenings being merely due to the exigencies of the engraver; cf. King,"Boundary-StonesandMemorial-TabletsintheBritishMuseum."p.25,n.1.Aphotographicreproductionofthisportionofthestoneisgiven,op.cit.,Pl.xli.

[173]Inthe"Athenæum,"Feb.12th,1876.[174]SeeScheil,"EsagilouletempledeBêl-Marduk,"inthe"Mémoiresde

l'AcadémiedesInscriptionsetBelles-lettres,"vol.xxxix.(1914),pp.293ff.;andcp.the"Étudearithmétiqueetarchitectoniquedutexte,"byDieulafoy,ibid.,pp.309ff.

[175]Seeabove,p.74,Fig.27,F.[176]Fig.27,E.[177]According toM.Dieulafoy's theory, the tower itselfwasbuilt in five

stages,standingonamassivebase(kigullu,)whichinturnrestedonaplinth,orterrace, extending over a great part of the temple-court; thus, including thetemple at the summit of the tower, the eight stages of Herodotus would beexplained.

[178]Seeabove,p.74,Fig.27,andcp.Fig.28.[179]I.,186.[180]II.,8.

[181]Col.IV.,1.66—Col.V.,1.4.[182]Seeabove,p.37.[183]Seep.74,Fig.27,KandL.[184]Seeabove,p.39.[185]Seeabove,p.68ff.[186]ItmaybenotedthatthisfullycorroboratesthestatementofHerodotus

(I.,180) that thestreetsofBabylonwerestraight,particularly those that ranatrightanglesandledtotheriver.Aslittlemorethanthefoundationsofthehousesarepreserved, it isnotpossible tocontrolhis furtherstatement that thehouseswerethreeorfourstorieshigh.

CHAPTERIII

THEDYNASTIESOFBABYLON:THECHRONOLOGICALSCHEMEINTHELIGHTOF

RECENTDISCOVERIES

Ithasoftenbeensaidthatchronologyistheskeletonofhistory;anditwillbeobvious that any flaw in the chronological scheme must react upon ourconceptionofthesequenceandinter-relationofevents.Perhapsthemostseriousdefect from which Babylonian chronology has suffered hitherto has been thecomplete absence of any established point of contact between theBabyloniandynastiesandthoseearlierlinesofrulerswhoexercisedauthorityincitiesotherthanBabylon.Ontheonehand,withthehelpoftheBabylonianListofKings,wecouldbuildupfrombelowaschemeoftherulersofBabylonitself.Ontheother hand, after the discovery of the Nippur Kings' List, it was possible toestablish the succession of the earlier dynasties of Ur and Nîsin, and toconjecturetheirrelationtothestillmoreremoterulersofAkkadandothercitiesin the north and south. The two halves of the skeleton were each articulatedsatisfactorilyenough,butthefewboneswerewantingwhichshouldenableustofitthemtogether.Itisscarcelynecessarytosaythattherewasnolackoftheoriesforfillinginthegap.Buteveryoneof theschemessuggestedintroducedfreshdifficultiesofitsown;andtowritersofamorecautioustemperamentitseemedpreferable to avoid a detailed chronology for those earlier ages. Approximatedatesonlyweresuggested,for,inspiteoftheobvioustemptationspresentedbytheNippurList,itwasrealizedthatanyattempttoworkouttheearlierdatesindetail was bound to be misleading. Such writers were content to await therecoveryofnewmaterialandmeanwhiletothinkinperiods.

Itisthuswithsomesatisfactionthattheannouncementmaybemadethattheconnecting link, for which we have been waiting, has quite recently beenestablished,withtheresultthatwehavenowinourhandsthenecessarymaterialforreconstructingthechronologyonasoundbasisandextendingitbackwithout

[1]

aseriousbreak,intothemiddleofthethirdmillennium.Theeffectofthenewlyrecovered point of contact between the earlier and the later phases in thecountry'shistoryisnaturallyofgreaterimportancefortheformer,sofarasstrictchronologyisconcerned. Buttheinformationafforded,astotheoverlappingofadditionaldynastieswith thatof theWest-SemitickingsofBabylon, throwsanentirelynewlightuponthecircumstanceswhichledtotheriseofBabylontopower. Our picture of the capital's early history, as an independent city-statestrugglingforthemasteryofherrivals,ceasestobeanabstraction,andwemaynowfollowhervaryingfortunestotheirclimaxinHammurabi'sreign.Thiswillformthesubjectof thefollowingchapter;but,as thenewhistoricalmaterial isonlynowincourseofpublication,itwillbeadvisablefirsttogivesomeaccountofitandtoestimateitseffectsuponthechronologicalscheme.

IthaslongbeenrecognizedthatcertainkingsofLarsa, thecityinSouthernBabylonianowmarkedbythemoundsofSenkera,werecontemporaneouswiththeFirstDynastyofBabylon.Thegreatestofthese,Rîm-Sin,arulerofElamiteextraction, was the contemporary of Hammurabi, and his signal defeat byBabylonwascommemorated in thedate-formula for the thirty-firstyearof thelatter'sreign. Thisvictorywas,indeed,thechiefeventofHammurabi'sreign,andatonetimeitwasthoughtthatitfreedBabylononceforallfromhermostpowerful enemy. But the discovery of a chronicle of early Babylonian kings,while substantiating the fact of Hammurabi's victory, and affording theadditional information that it was followed by the capture of Ur and Larsa,proved thatRîm-Sinsurvived into thereignofSamsu-iluna,Hammurabi'sson,bywhomhewasfinallydefeated. AnotherkingofLarsa,Warad-Sin,formerlyidentifiedwithRîm-Sin,was correctly recognizedashisbrother, bothof themsons of the ElamiteKudur-Mabuk, and successively kings of the city. Thenamesofotherrulerswereknownfromvotivetextsandfoundation-records,andfrom this source it was possible to incorporate in the dynasty Gungunum,probablySumu-ilum (a king ofUr), andNûr-AdadorNûr-Immer andhis sonSin-idinnam. It was realized that Sin-idinnam, the correspondent to whomHammurabiaddressedhisletters,wasnottobeidentifiedwiththekingofLarsaof that name, and all four rulers were provisionally regarded as havingprecededWarad-Sinuponthethrone.

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

AcompletelistoftheLarsakingshasnowbeenrecoveredbyProfessorA.T.Clay ofYaleUniversity,who is engaged in preparing the text for publication.Thedynastyisseentohaveconsistedofsixteenkings,andagainstthenameofeachrulerisstatedthenumberofyearsheoccupiedthethrone.Thesurfaceofthe tablet is damaged in places and the figures against three of the names arewanting.Butthisisofnogreatconsequence,sincethescribehasaddedupthetotal number of years enumerated in the list, and states it at the close as twohundredandeighty-nine. Amostimportantpointaboutthelististhatthelasttwokingsof thedynastyarestatedtohavebeenHammurabiandSamsu-iluna,who, as we know, were the sixth and seventh rulers of the First Dynasty ofBabylon. It is true that Hammurabi is one of the three kings against whosenamesthefiguresarewanting.ButwealreadyknowthatheconqueredLarsainhisthirty-firstyear, sothatwemayconfidentlyregardhimaskingofthatcityfor the last twelveyearsofhis reign.The two remainingkingsof thedynastywhose years aremissing, Sin-idinnam and Sin-iḳisham, have thirteen years todividebetweenthem,andsincetheyareonlyseparatedfromeachotherbytheshort two-years' reign of Sin-iribam, the absence of the figures is practicallyimmaterial.Weare thusfurnishedwith themeansforestablishing indetail therelationshipoftheearliestkingsofBabylontothoseofLarsa.

VII.BrickofSin-idinnam,KingofLarsa,recordingthecuttingofacanalandtherestorationoftheTempleoftheMoon-godinthecityofUr

But likemost new discoveries, this one has brought a fresh problem in itstrain.WealreadysuspectedthatRîm-Sinwasalong-livedmonarch,andweherefindhimcreditedwithareignofsixty-oneyears.ButthatfactwouldbedifficulttoreconcilewithhissurvivalintoSamsu-iluna'stenthyear,which,accordingto

[8]

[9]

the figures of the new list, would have fallen eighty-three years after hisaccessiontothethrone.ThatRîm-SindidsurviveintothereignofSamsu-ilunaseems practically certain, since the broken passage in the late chronicle, fromwhichthefactwasatfirstinferred,issupportedbytwodate-formulæwhichcanbesatisfactorilyexplainedonlyonthathypothesis. Thus,ifheascendedthethroneofLarsawhenmerelyaboyoffifteen,weshouldhavetoinferfromthenewfiguresthathewasleadingarevoltagainstSamsu-ilunainhisninety-eighthyear—a combination of circumstances which is just within the bounds ofpossibility, but is hardly probable or convincing. We shall see presently thatthere isacomparativelysimple,andnot improbable, solutionof thepuzzle, towhichanotherlineofevidenceseemstoconverge.

It will be noted that the new list of the kings of Larsa, important as itundoubtedly is for the history of its own period, does not in itself supply thelong-desiredlinkbetweentheearlierandthelaterchronologyofBabylonia.Therelationshipof theFirstDynastyofBabylonwiththatofNîsin is, so farasthe new list is concerned, left in the same state of uncertainty as before. Thepossibility has long been foreseen that the Dynasty of Nîsin and the FirstDynastyofBabylonoverlappedeachother, aswasprovedtohavebeenthecase with the first dynasties in the Babylonian List of Kings, and as wasconfidentlyassumedwithregardtothedynastiesofLarsaandBabylon.Thatnolong interval separated the two dynasties from one another had been inferredfrom the character of the contract-tablets, dating from the period of theNîsinDynasty,whichhadbeen foundatNippur; for thesewere seen tobeara eloseresemblancetothoseoftheFirstBabylonianDynastyinform,material,writing,andterminology. Therewereobviousadvantagestobeobtained, ifgroundscould be produced for believing that the two dynasties were not only closelyconsecutive but were partly contemporaneous. For, in such a case, it wouldfollow that not only the earlier kings ofBabylon, but also the kings ofLarsa,wouldhavebeenreigningatthesametimeasthelaterkingsofNîsin.Infact,weshouldpictureBabyloniaasstilldividedintoanumberofsmallerprincipalities,each vying with the other in a contest for the hegemony and maintaining acomparativelyindependentrulewithinitsownborders.Itwasfullyrecognizedthat such a condition of affairswould amply account for the confusion in thelatersuccessionatNîsin,andourscantyknowledgeofthatperiodcouldthenbe

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

combined with the fuller sources of information on the First Dynasty ofBabylon.

Intheabsenceofanydefinitesynchronism,suchaswealreadypossessedfordecidingtheinter-relationsoftheearlyBabyloniandynasties,othermeansweretried inorder toestablishapointofcontact.ThecaptureofNîsinbyRîm-Sin,which is recorded in date-formulæupon tablets found atTellSifr andNippur,was evidently looked upon as an event of considerable importance, since itformed an epoch for dating tablets in that district. It was thus a legitimateassumptionthatthecaptureofthecitybyRîm-Sinshouldberegardedashavingbrought theDynastyofNîsin toanend;suchanassumptioncertainlysuppliedanadequatereasonfortheriseofaneweraintime-reckoning.Nowinthedate-formulæof theFirstDynastyofBabylon twocapturesof thecityofNîsinarecommemorated,theearlieroneinthatfortheseventeenthyearofSin-muballit,the later in the formula for Hammurabi's seventh year. Advocates have beenfoundforderivingeachofthesedatesfromthecaptureofNîsinbyRîm-Sin,andsoobtainingthedesiredpointofcontact. Buttheobviousobjectiontoeitherof these views is that we should hardly expect a victory by Rîm-Sin to becommemorated in the date-formulæ of his chief rival; and certain attempts toshow that Babylonwas at the time the vassal of Larsa have not proved veryconvincing.Moreover, ifweaccept theearlier identification, it raises the freshdifficulty that the era ofNîsinwas not disturbed byHammurabi's conquest ofthat city. The rejection of both views thus leads to the same condition ofuncertaintyfromwhichwestarted.

Afreshandsounderlineofresearchhasrecentlybeenopenedup.Adetailedstudy has been undertaken of the proper names occurring on contract-tabletsfrom Nippur, and it was remarked that some of the proper names found indocumentsbelonging to theNîsinandLarsaDynastiesare identicalwith thoseappearingonotherNippurtabletsbelongingtotheFirstDynastyofBabylon.Thattheywerebornebythesameindividualsisinmanyeasesquitecertainfromthe fact that thenamesof their fathers are alsogiven.Both setsof documentswere not only found at Nippur but were obviously written there, since theycloselyresembleoneanotheringeneralappearance,styleandarrangement.Thesamewitnesses, too, occur again and again on them, and some of the tablets,whichweredrawnupunderdifferentdynasties,aretheworkofthesamescribe.

[14]

[15]

[16]

Ithasevenbeenfoundpossible,bythestudyofthepropernames,tofollowthehistory of a family through three generations, during which it was living atNippur under different rulers belonging to the dynasties of Nîsin, Larsa andBabylon; and one branch of the family can never have left the city, since itsmembers in successivegenerationsheld theofficeof "pashishu,"oranointing-priest,inthetempleofthegoddessNinlil.

Ofsuchevidenceitwillsufficefor themoment tocite twoexamples,sincetheyhaveadirectbearingon theassumption thatRîm-Sin's conquestofNîsinputanendtothedynastyinthatcity.FromtwoofthedocumentswelearnthatZîatum, the scribe,pursuedhis callingatNippurnotonlyunderDamik-ilishu,the last king of Nîsin, but also under Rîm-Sin of Larsa, a fact whichdefinitelyprovesthatNippurpassedunderthecontrolofthesetworulerswithinthespaceofonegeneration.Theotherpieceofevidenceisstillmoreinstructive.IthaslongbeenknownthatHammurabiwasRîm-Sin'scontemporary,andfromthe newKings'Listwehave gained the further information that he succeededhimupon the throneofLarsa.Now twoother of theNippurdocuments provethatIbkushu,thepashishu,or"anointing-priest"ofthegoddessNinlil,waslivingatNippur underDamik-ilishu and also underHammurabi in the latter's thirty-firstyear. This factnotonlyconfirmsour former inference,butgivesverygood grounds for believing that the close of Damik-ilishu's reign must havefallenwithin that ofRîm-Sin.Wemay therefore regard it as certain thatRîm-Sin'sconquestofNîsin,whichbegananewerafortime-reckoningincentralandsouthernBabylonia,putanendtothereignofDamik-ilishuandtotheDynastyofNîsin,ofwhichhewasthelastmember.InordertoconnectthechronologyofBabylonwiththatofNîsinitthereforeonlyremainstoascertainatwhatperiodinRîm-Sin'sreign,asKingofLarsa,hisconquestofNîsintookplace.

ItisatthispointthatafurtherdiscoveryofProf.Clayhasfurnisheduswiththe necessary data for a decision. Among the tablets of the Yale BabylonianCollectionhehascomeacrossseveraldocumentsofRîm-Sin'sreign,whichbearadouble-date.Ineverycasethefirsthalfofthedouble-datecorrespondstotheusualformulafor thesecondyearof theNîsinera.Ontwoof themthesecondhalfofthedate-formulaequatesthatyearwiththeeighteenthofsomeotherera,whileontwoothersthesameyearisequatedwiththenineteenthyear. It is

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

obviousthatweherehavescribesdatingdocumentsaccordingtoanewera,andexplaining that that year corresponds to the eighteenth (or nineteenth) of onewithwhichtheyhadbeenfamiliar,andwhichthenewmethodoftime-reckoningwas probably intended to displace. Nowwe know that, before the capture ofNîsin, the scribes in cities under Rîm-Sin's control had been in the habit ofdatingdocumentsbyeventsinhisreign,accordingtotheusualpracticeofearlyBabyloniankings. But thismethodwasgivenupafter thecaptureofNîsin,andforatleastthirty-oneyearsafterthateventtheeraofNîsinwasinvogue.In the second year of the era, when the newmethod of dating had just beensettled, itwouldhavebeennatural for thescribes toaddanoteexplaining therelationshipoftheneweratotheold.But,astheoldchangingformulæhadbeendiscontinued, theonlypossibleway tomake the equationwouldhavebeen toreckonthenumberofyearsRîm-Sinhadbeenuponthethrone.Hencewemayconfidentlyconcludethatthesecondfigureinthedouble-dateswasintendedtogive theyearofRîm-Sin's reignwhichcorresponded to thesecondyearof theNîsinera.

Itmayseemstrangethatinsomeofthedocumentswiththedouble-datesthesecondfigureisgivenaseighteenandinothersasnineteen.Thereismorethanonewayinwhichitispossibletoexplainthediscrepancy.IfweassumethattheconquestofNîsintookplacetowardsthecloseofRîm-Sin'sseventeenthyear,itis possible that, during the two years that followed, alternative methods ofreckoningwere in vogue, some scribes regarding the close of the seventeenthyearasthefirstyearofthenewepoch,othersbeginningthenewmethodoftime-reckoningwith the first day of the followingNisan. Rut that explanation canhardly be regarded as probable, for, in viewof the importance attached to theconquest,thepromulgationoftheneweracommemoratingtheeventwouldhavebeencarriedoutwithmorethanordinaryceremonial,andthedateofitsadoptionwouldnothavebeen left to thecalculationof individualscribes. It is farmorelikely that theexplanation is tobesought in thesecondfigureof theequation,thediscrepancybeingduetoalternativemethodsofreckoningRîm-Sin'sregnalyears. Again assuming that the conquest took place in Rîm-Sin's seventeenthyear,thosescribeswhocountedtheyearsfromhisfirstdate-formulawouldhavemadethesecondyearoftheeratheeighteenthofhisreign.Butothersmayhaveincluded in their total the year of Rîm-Sin's accession to the throne, and that

[21]

[22]

wouldaccountfor theirregardingthesameyearas thenineteenthaccordingtotheabolishedsystemofreckoning. Thisseemsthepreferableexplanationofthetwo,butitwillbenoticedthat,oneitheralternative,wemustregardthefirstyearoftheNîsineraascorrespondingtotheseventeenthyearofRîm-Sin'sreign.

Oneotherpointrequirestobesettled,andthatistherelationoftheNîsineratotheactualconquestofthecity.Wastheerainauguratedinthesameyearastheconquest, or did its first year begin with the following first of Nisan? In thecourse of the fifth chapter the early Babylonian method of time-reckoning isreferredto,anditwillbeseenthatpreciselythesamequestionariseswithregardtocertainothereventscommemoratedindate-formulæoftheperiod. Thoughsome features of the system are still rather uncertain, we have proof that thegreater historical events did in certain cases affect the current date-formula,especiallywhenthiswasofaprovisionalcharacter,withtheresultthattheeventwas commemorated in the final formula for the year of its actual occurrence.Arguingfromanalogy,wemaythereforeregardtheinaugurationoftheNîsineraas coincidingwith the year of the city's capture. In the case of this particulareventtheargumentsinfavourofsuchaviewapplywithredoubledforce,fornoothervictoryby akingofLarsawas comparable to it in importance.WemaythusregardthelastyearofDamik-ilishu,KingofNîsin,ascorrespondingtotheseventeenthyearofRîm-Sin,KingofLarsa.AndsincetherelationshipofRîm-SinwithHammurabihasbeenestablishedbythenewlistofLarsakings,weareatlengthfurnishedwiththemissingsynchronismforconnectingthedynastiesoftheNippurKings'ListwiththoseofBabylon.

[23]

[24]

VIII. HAMMURABI, KING OF BABYLON, FROMA RELIEF IN THEBRITISH MUSEUM, dedicated on his behalf to the West Semitic goddess[AshratumbyItur-ashdum,aprovincialgovernor]

WemaynowreturntothedifficultyintroducedbythenewlistofLarsakings,onwhich, as we have already noted, the long reign of Rîm-Sin is apparentlyentered as preceding the thirty-second year of Hammurabi's rule in Babylon.Soonafter thepublicationof thechronicle, fromabrokenpassageonwhich itwasinferredthatRîm-SinsurvivedintoSamsu-iluna'sreign. anattemptwasmadetoexplainthewordsasreferringtoasonofRîm-Sinandnottothatrulerhimself. Butitwaspointedoutthatthesign,whichitwassuggestedshouldberenderedas"son,"wasneveremployedwiththatmeaninginchroniclesoftheperiod, and that we must consequently continue to regard the passage asreferringtoRîm-Sin.Itwasfurthernotedthattwocontract-tabletsfoundatTellSifr,whichrecordthesamedeedofsale,aredatedtheonebyRîm-Sin,andtheotherinSamsu-iluna'stenthyear. Inbothofthesedeedsthesamepartiesarerepresented as carrying out the same transaction, and, although there is adifferenceinthepriceagreedupon,thesamelistofwitnessesoccuronboth,andboth are dated in the same month. The most reasonable explanation of theexistence of the two documents would seem to be that, at the period the

[25]

[26]

[27]

[28]

transaction they record tookplace, thepossessionof the townnowmarkedbythemoundsofTellSifrwasdisputedbyRîm-SinandSamsu-iluna.Soonafterthefirstofthedeedshadbeendrawnup,thetownmayhavechangedhands,and,inorderthatthetransactionshouldstillberecognizedasvalid,afreshcopyofthe deed was made out with the new ruler's date-formula substituted for thatwhich was no longer current. But whatever explanation be adopted, thealternativedates upon thedocuments, taken in conjunctionwith the chronicle,certainly imply thatRîm-Sinwas living at least as late as Samsu-iluna's ninthyear,andprobablyinthetenthyearofhisreign.

If,then,weacceptthefacevalueofthefiguresgivenbythenewLarsaKings'List,wearemetbythedifficultyalreadyreferredto, thatRîm-SinwouldhavebeenanactivepoliticalforceinBabyloniasomeeighty-threeyearsafterhisownaccessiontothethrone.AndassumingthathewasmerelyaboyoffifteenwhenhesucceededhisbrotheratLarsa,hewouldhavebeen taking the fieldagainstSamsu-iluna in his ninety-eighth year. But it is extremely unlikely that hewassoyoungathisaccession,and,inviewoftheimprobabilitiesinvolved,itispreferable toscrutinize thefigures in theLarsa listwithaviewtoascertainingwhethertheyarenotcapableofanyotherinterpretation.

IthasalreadybeennotedthattheLarsaListisacontemporaneousdocument,sincethescribehasaddedthetitleof"king"tothelastnameonly,thatofSamsu-iluna, implying that he was the reigning king at the time the document wasdrawnup.Itisunlikely,therefore,thatanymistakeshouldhavebeenmadeinthenumber of years assigned to separate rulers, the date-formulæ and records ofwhosereignswouldhavebeeneasilyaccessibleforconsultationbythecompiler.The long reign of sixty-one years, with which Rîm-Sin is credited, must beaccepted as correct, for it doesnot come tous as a tradition incorporated in aNeo-Babyloniandocument,but isattestedbyascribewritingwithin twoyearsof the timewhen, aswe have seen, Rîm-Sinwas not only living but fightingagainst the armiesofBabylon. In fact, the survivalofRîm-Sin throughout theperiod ofHammurabi's rule atLarsa, and during the first ten years of Samsu-iluna'sreign,perhapsfurnishesuswiththesolutionofourproblem.

IfRîm-SinhadnotbeendeposedbyHammurabionhis conquest ofLarsa,buthadbeenretainedtherewithcurtailedpowersasthevassalofBabylon,may

[29]

[30]

nothissixty-oneyearsofrulehaveincludedthisperiodofdependence?Inthatcase he may have ruled as independent King of Larsa for thirty-nine years,followedbytwenty-twoyearsduringwhichheowedallegiancesuccessivelytoHammurabiandSamsu-iluna,untilinthelatter'stenthyearherevoltedandoncemore took thefieldagainstBabylon. It is true that,with themissingfigures intheKings'List restoredassuggestedbyProfessorClay, thefigurefor the totalduration of the dynasty may be cited against this explanation; for the twohundredandeighty-nineyearsisobtainedbyregardingthewholeofRîm-Sin'sreign as anterior to Hammurabi's conquest. There are two possibilities withregardtothefigure.InthefirstplaceitisperhapsjustpossiblethatSin-idinnamandSin-iḳîshammayhave reignedbetween them thirty-five years, in place ofthe thirteen years provisionally assigned to them. If that were so, the scribe'stotalwould be twenty-two years less than the addition of his figures, and thediscrepancy could only be explained by some such overlapping as suggested.But it is far more likely that the figures are correctly restored, and that thescribe'stotalcorrespondstothatofthefiguresinthelist.Onsuchanassumptionit isnot improbable thathemechanicallyaddedup the figuresplacedoppositethe royal names, without deducting from his total the years of Rîm-Sin'sdependentrule.

Thisexplanationappearstobetheoneleastopentoobjection,asitdoesnotnecessitate the alteration of essential figures, and merely postulates a naturaloversight on the part of the compiler. The placing ofHammurabi and Samsu-ilunainthelistafter,andnotbeside,Rîm-SinwouldbepreciselyonthelinesoftheBabylonianKings'List,inwhichtheSecondDynastyisenumeratedbetweentheFirstandThird,although,aswenowknow,itoverlappedapartofeach.Inthat case, too, the scribe has added up the totals of his separate dynasties,withoutanyindicationof theirperiodsofoverlapping.Theexplanationinbothcasesis,ofcourse,thatthemodernsystemofarrangingcontemporaneousrulersinparallelcolumnshadnotbeenevolvedbytheBabylonianscribes.Moreover,wehaveevidencethatatleastoneothercompilerofadynasticlistwascarelessin adding up his totals; from one of his discrepancies it would seem that hecountedaperiodofthreemonthsasthreeyears,whileinanotherofhisdynastiesa similar period of three months was probably counted twice over both asmonthsandyears. Itistruethatthedynasticlistinquestionisalateandnota[31]

contemporaneousdocument,butatleastitinclinesustoacceptthepossibilityofsuchanoversightasthatsuggestedonthepartofthecompileroftheLarsalist.

Theonlyreasonwhichwehaveasyetexaminedforequatingthefirsttwenty-two years ofBabylon's suzerainty overLarsawith the latter part ofRîm-Sin'sreign has been the necessity of reducing the duration of that monarch's lifewithin the bounds of probability. If this had been the only ground for theassumption,itmightperhapshavebeenregardedasmoreorlessproblematical.But the Nippur contract-tablets and legal documents, to which reference hasalreadybeenmade, furnish uswith a number of separate and independentpiecesofevidenceinitssupport.ThetabletscontainreferencestoofficialsandprivatepeoplewhowerelivingatNippurinthereignsofDamik-ilishu,thelastkingofNîsin,andofRîm-SinofLarsa,andalsounderHammurabiandSamsu-ilunaofBabylon.MostofthetabletsofRîm-Sin'speriodaredatedbytheNîsinera, and, since the dates of those drawn up in the reigns of Hammurabi andSamsu-ilunacanbedefinitelyascertainedbymeansof theirdate-formulæ, it ispossibletoestimatetheintervalsoftimeseparatingreferencestothesamemanortoamanandhisson.Itisremarkablethatinsomecasestheintervaloftimeappearsexcessive if thewholeofRîm-Sin's reignofsixty-oneyearsbeplacedbeforeHammurabi'scaptureofLarsa.If,ontheotherhand,weregardRîm-Sinas Babylon's vassal for the last twenty-two years of his rule in Larsa, theintervals of time are reduced to normal proportions. As the point is of someimportanceforthechronology,itmaybeaswelltociteoneortwoexamplesofthisclassofevidence,inorderthatthereadermayjudgeofitsvalueforhimself.

The first example we will examine will be that furnished by Ibkushu, theanointing-priestofNinlil, towhomwehavealreadyreferredashavinglivedatNippurunderDamik-ilishuandalsounderHammurabiinthelatter'sthirty-firstyear ;bothreferences,itmaybenoted,describehimasholdinghispriestlyoffice,atNippur.Now,ifweacceptthefacevalueofthefiguresintheLarsaListweobtainan intervalbetween these two referencesof at least forty-fouryearsandprobablymore. BythesuggestedinterpretationofthefiguresintheListtheintervalwouldbereducedbytwenty-twoyears.AverysimilarcaseisthatofthescribeUr-kingala,whoismentionedinadocumentdatedintheeleventhyearof theNîsinera, andagain inoneofSamsu-iluna's fourthyear. In theone

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caseweobtainanintervaloffiftyyearsbetweenthetworeferences,whileintheother it is reduced to twenty-eight years. Very similar results follow if weexaminereferencesonthetabletstofathersandtheirsons.AcertainAdad-rabi,forexample,waslivingatNippurunderDamik-ilishu,whilehistwosonsMâr-irsitimandMutum-iluarementionedthereintheeleventhyearofSamsu-iluna'sreign. Intheonecasewemustinferanintervalofatleastsixty-sevenyears,andprobablymore,betweenfatherandsons;intheotheranintervalofforty-fiveyearsormoreisobtained.Itwillbeunnecessarytoexaminefurtherexamples,asthose alreadycitedmay suffice to illustrate thepoint. Itwill benoted that theunabridgedintervalcaninnosingleinstancebepronouncedimpossible.Butthecumulative effect produced is striking. The independent testimony of theseprivate documents and contracts thus converges to the same point as the datawith regard to the length ofRîm-Sin's life. Several of the figures so obtainedsuggestthat,takenattheirfacevalue,theregnalyearsintheLarsaListyieldatotal that isaboutonegeneration too long.Theyare thusstrongly in favourofthesuggestedmethodofinterpretingRîm-Sin'sreignintheLarsasuccession.

Wemaythusprovisionallyplacethesixty-firstyearofRîm-Sin'sruleatLarsainthetenthyearofSamsu-iluna'sreign,whenwemayassumethatherevoltedandtookthefieldagainsthissuzerain.ItwasinthatyearthatTellSifrchangedhandsforatime.ButitisprobablyasignificantfactthatnotasingledocumentofSamsu-iluna'sreignhasbeenfoundinthatdistrictdatedafterhistwelfthyear.InfactweshallseereasontobelievethatthewholeofSouthernBabyloniasoonpassedfromthecontrolofBabylon,thoughSamsu-ilunasucceededinretaininghisholdonNippurforsomeyearslonger.Meanwhileitwillsufficetonotethatthe suggested sequenceof events fits inverywellwithother references in thedate-lists.ThetwodefeatsofNîsinbyHammurabiandhisfatherSin-muballit,which have formed for so long a subject of controversy, now cease to be astumbling-block.WeseethatbothtookplacebeforeRîm-Sin'scaptureofNîsin,

and were merely temporary successes which had no effect upon thecontinuance of the Nîsin dynasty. That was brought to an end by Rîm-Sin'svictoryinhisseventeenthyear,whentheNîsineraofdatingwasinstituted.That,incitieswhereithadbeenlongemployed,thecontinueduseoftheeraalongsidehis own formulæ should have been permitted by Hammurabi for some eightyearsafterhiscaptureofLarsa,issufficientlyexplainedbyourassumptionthat

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Rîm-Sinwasnotdeposed,butwas retained inhisowncapitalas thevassalofBabylon.Therewouldhavebeenanaturalreluctancetoabandonanestablishedera, especially if Babylon's authoritywas not rigidly enforced during the firstfewyearsofhersuzerainty,aswithearliervassalstates.

TheoverlappingoftheDynastyofNîsinwiththatofBabylonforaperiodofonehundredandelevenyears,whichfollowsfromthenewinformationaffordedbytheYaletablets,merelycarriestheprocessstillfurtherthatwasnotedsomeyears ago with regard to the first three Dynasties of the Babylonian List ofKings.At the time of the earlier discovery considerable difference of opinionexistedas to thenumberofyears, ifany,duringwhich theSecondDynastyoftheListheldindependentswayinBabylonia.ThearchæologicalevidenceatthattimeavailableseemedtosuggestthatthekingsoftheSea-CountryneverruledinBabylonia, and that theThird, orKassite,Dynasty followed theFirstDynastywithoutanyconsiderablebreak. Otherwriters,intheirendeavourstouseandreconcilethechronologicalreferencestoearlierrulerswhichoccurinlatertexts,assumed a period of independence for the Second Dynasty which varied,according to their differing hypotheses, from one hundred and sixty-eight toeighty years. Since the period of the First Dynasty was not fixedindependently, the complete absence of contemporary evidencewith regard totheSecondDynastyledtoaconsiderabledivergenceofopinionuponthepoint.

So far as thearchæological evidence is concerned,weare stillwithout anygreatbodyofdocumentsdatedintheirreigns,whichshoulddefinitelyprovetherule of the Sea-Country kings in Babylonia. But two tablets have now beendiscovered in the Nippur Collections which are dated in the second year ofIluma-ilum,thefounderof theSecondDynasty. And this fact is important,since it proves that for twoyears at any rateheexercisedcontrolover agreatpartofBabylonia.Nowamongthenumerousdocumentsdated in thereignsofHammurabiandSamsu-iluna,whichhavebeenfoundatNippur,nonearelaterthan Samsu-iluna's twenty-ninth year, although the succession of dateddocuments up to that time is almost unbroken. Itwould thus appear that afterSamsu-iluna's twenty-ninth year Babylon lost her hold upon Nippur. It isdifficulttoresisttheconclusionthatthepowerwhichdrovehernorthwardswasthe kingdom of the Sea-Country,whose founder Iluma-ilumwaged successful

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campaignsagainstbothSamsu-ilunaandhissonAbi-eshu',aswelearnfromthelateBabylonianchronicle. Anotherfactthatisprobablyofequalsignificanceis that,of the tablets fromLarsaand itsneighbourhood,nonehavebeenfounddated after Samsu-iluna's twelfth year, although we have numerous examplesdrawn up during the earlier years of his reign.Wemay therefore assume thatsoon after his twelveyears of rule atLarsa,which are assigned tohimon thenewKings'List, that citywas lost toBabylon.And again it is difficult toresisttheconclusionthattheSea-Countrywastheaggressor.FromSamsu-iluna'sown date-formulæ we know that in his twelfth year "all the lands revolted"againsthim. Wemay thereforewith considerable probability place Iluma-ilum's revolt in that year, followed immediately by his establishment of anindependent kingdom in the south. He probably soon gained control overLarsa and gradually pushed northwards until he occupied Nippur in Samsu-iluna'stwenty-ninthorthirtiethyear.

IX. BRICK OF WARAD-SIN, KING OF LARSA, RECORDINGBUILDINGOPERATIONSINTHECITYOFUR

Suchappears tobe themostprobablecourseofevents, so far as itmaybedeterminedinaccordancewithournewevidence.AndsinceitdefinitelyprovesthatthefounderoftheSecondDynastyoftheKings'Listestablished,atanyrateforatime,aneffectivecontroloversouthernandcentralBabylonia,wearethemore inclined to credit the kings of the Sea-Country with having later onextended their authority farther to the north. The fact that the compiler of theBabylonianListofKingsshouldhaveincludedtherulersoftheSea-Countryin

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that document has always formed a weighty argument for regarding some ofthem as having ruled in Babylonia; and it was only possible to eliminate thedynastyentirelyfromthechronologicalschemebyaverydrasticreductionofhisfigures for some of their reigns. The founder of the dynasty, for example, iscredited with a reign of sixty years, two other rulers with reigns of fifty-fiveyears,andafourthwithfiftyyears.Buttheaveragedurationofthereignsinthedynasty is only six years in excess of that for the First Dynasty, which alsoconsistedofelevenkings.And,inviewofthesixty-oneyearscreditedtoRîm-Sin in the newly recoveredLarsaList,which is a contemporaneous documentandnotalatercompilation,wemayregardthetraditionallengthofthedynastyasperhapsapproximatelycorrect. Moreover, inallotherpartsof theKings'Listthatcanbecontrolledbycontemporaneousdocuments,thegeneralaccuracyof the figures has been amply vindicated. The balance of evidence appears,therefore,tobeinfavourofregardingthecompiler'sestimateforthedurationofhisSecondDynastyasalsorestingonreliabletradition.

In working out the chronological scheme it only remains therefore to fixaccurately the period of the First Dynasty, in order to arrive at a detailedchronologyforboththeearlierandthelaterperiods.Hitherto,indefaultofanyothermethod, ithasbeennecessary to relyon the traditionswhichhavecomedowntousfromthehistoryofBerossusoronchronologicalreferencestoearlyrulerswhichoccurinthelaterhistoricaltexts.Anewmethodofarrivingatthedate of the First Dynasty, in complete independence of such sources ofinformation,washituponthreeyearsagobyDr.Kugler,theDutchastronomer,inthecourseofhisworkonpublishedtextsthathadanybearingonthehistoryand achievements of Babylonian astronomy. Two such tablets had beenfound by Sir Henry Layard at Nineveh and were preserved in the KouyunjikCollectionoftheBritishMuseum.Oftheseonehadlongbeenpublishedanditscontents correctly classified as a series of astronomical omens derived fromobservationsoftheplanetVenus. ItwascertainthatthisAssyriantextwasacopy of an earlier Babylonian one, since that was definitely stated in itscolophon.Thesecondofthetwoinscriptionsprovedtobeinpartaduplicate,andbyusingthemincombinationDr.Kuglerwasabletorestoretheoriginaltextwithaconsiderabledegreeofcertainty. Butamoreimportantdiscoverywasthat he succeeded in identifying precisely the period at which the text was

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originallydrawnup, and theastronomicalobservations recorded.Forhenotedthat in the eighth section of his restored text there was a chronological note,dating that section by the old Babylonian date-formula for the eighth year ofAmmi-zaduga, the tenth king of the First Babylonian Dynasty. As his textcontainedtwenty-onesections,hedrewthelegitimateinferencethatitgavehimaseriesofobservationsoftheplanetVenusforeachofthetwenty-oneyearsofAmmi-zaduga'sreign.

TheobservationsfromwhichtheomenswerederivedconsistofdatesfortheheliacalrisingandsettingoftheplanetVenus.Thedatewasobservedatwhichtheplanetwasfirstvisibleintheeast,thedateofherdisappearancewasnoted,andthedurationofherperiodofinvisibility;similardateswerethenobservedofher firstappearance in thewestas theEveningStar, followedasbeforeby thedates of her disappearance and her period of invisibility. The taking of suchobservations does not, of course, imply any elaborate astronomical knowledgeon thepartof theearlyBabylonians.Thisbeautifulplanetmusthavebeen thefirst,after themoon,toattractsystematicobservation,andthankstohernearlycircularorbit,nowater-clocknorinstrumentformeasuringangleswasrequired.The astrologers of the period would naturally watch for the planet's firstappearanceintheglimmerofthedawn,thattheymightreadtherefromthewillofthegreatgoddesswithwhomshewasidentified.Theywouldnotehergradualascension, decline and disappearance, and then count the days of her absenceuntil she reappeared at sunset and repeated her movements of ascension anddecline. Such dates, with the resulting fortunes of the country, form theobservationsnotedinthetextthatwasdrawnupinAmmi-zaduga'sreign.

It will be obvious that the periodic return of the same appearance of theplanet Venus would not in itself have supplied us with sufficient means fordeterminingtheperiodoftheobservations.Butweobtainadditionaldataifweemploy our information with the further object of ascertaining the relativepositionsofthesunandmoon.OntheonehandtheheliacalrisingsandsettingsofVenusarenaturallyboundupinafixedrelationshipofVenustothesun;ontheotherhandtheseriesofdatesbythedaysofthemonthfurnishesuswiththerelativepositionof themoonwithregardtothesunonthedayscited.Withoutthesecondcriterion,thefirstwouldbeofverylittleuse.But,takentogether,thecombinationofthesun,Venusandthemoonareofthegreatestvalueforfixing

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thepositionofthegroupofyears,coveredbytheobservations,withinanygivenperiod of a hundred years ormore.Now ifwe eliminate the SecondDynastyaltogether from the Babylonian Kings' List, it is certain that Ammi-zaduga'sreigncouldnothavefallenmuchlaterthan1800b.c.;ontheotherhand,inviewoftheascertainedminimumofoverlappingoftheFirstDynastybytheSecond,itisequallycertainthatitcouldnothavefallenearlierthan2060b.c.Theperiodofhis reignmust thus be soughtwithin the interval between these dates.But, inordertobeonthesafeside,Dr.Kuglerextendedboththelimitsoftheperiodtobeexamined;heconductedhisresearcheswithintheperiodfrom2080to1740b.c.He began by taking two observations for the sixth year ofAmmi-zaduga,whichgavethedatesfortheheliacalsettingofVenusinthewestandherrisingintheeast,and,byusingthedaysofthemonthtoascertaintherelativepositionsof the moon, he found that throughout the whole course of his period thisparticularcombinationtookplacethreetimes. Hethenproceededtoexamineinthesamewaytherestoftheobservations,withtheirdates,assuppliedbythetwo tablets,and,byworking themout indetail for thecentraloneofhis threepossibleperiods,heobtainedconfirmationofhisviewthattheobservationsdidcoveraconsecutiveperiodof twenty-oneyears.Inorder toobtainindependentproofofthecorrectnessofhisfigures,heproceededtoexaminethedatesuponcontemporary legal documents,which could be brought into direct or indirectrelationtothetimeofharvest.Thesedates,accordingtohisinterpretationofthecalendar,offeredameansofcontrollinghis results, sincehewasable to showthatahigherorlowerestimatetendedtothrowoutthetimeofharvestfromthemonthofNisan,whichwaspeculiarlytheharvestmonth.

Itmustbeadmittedthatthelastpartofthedemonstrationstandsinadifferentcategorytothefirst;itdoesnotsharethesimplicityoftheastronomicalproblem.It formed, indeed,merely an additionalmethodof testing the interpretationoftheastronomicalevidence,andthedatesresultingfromthelatterwereobtainedin complete independence of the farming-out contracts of the period. Taking,then,thethreealternativedates,therecanbenodoubt,ifweacceptthefigureofthe Kings' List for the Second Dynasty as approximately accurate, that thecentralofthethreeperiodsistheonlyonepossibleforAmmi-zaduga'sreign;foreither of the other twowould imply too high or too low a date for the ThirdDynastyoftheKings'List.Wemaythusacceptthedateof1977b.c.asthatof

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Ammi-zaduga'saccession,andwetherebyobtainafixedpointforworkingoutthechronologyoftheFirstDynastyofBabylon,and,consequently,ofthepartlycontemporaneous Dynasties of Larsa and of Nîsin, and of the still earlierDynasty of Ur. Incidentally it assists in fixing within comparatively narrowlimits the period of the Kassite conquest and of the following dynasties ofBabylon. Starting from this figure as a basis, and making use of theinformation already discussed, it would follow that theDynasty ofNîsinwasfoundedintheyear2339b.c.,thatofLarsaonlyfouryearslaterin2335b.c.,andtheFirstDynastyofBabylonafterafurtherintervalofahundredandtenyearsin2225b.c.

It will have been seen that the suggested system of chronology has beensettled in complete independence of the chronological notices to earlier rulerswhichhavecomedown tous in the inscriptionsof someof the laterAssyrianandBabyloniankings.Hithertothesehavefurnishedtheprincipalstartingpoints,onwhich reliance has beenplaced to date the earlier periods in the history ofBabylon. In the present case it will be pertinent to examine them afresh andascertainhowfartheyharmonizewithaschemewhichhasbeenevolvedwithouttheirhelp. If theyarefoundtoaccordverywellwith thenewsystem,wemaylegitimatelyseeinsuchanagreementadditionalgroundsforbelievingweareontherighttrack.Withoutpinningone'sfaithtooslavishlytoanycalculationbyanativeBabylonianscribe,thepossibilityofharmonizingsuchreferencesatleastremovesanumberofdifficulties,which ithasalwaysbeennecessaryeither toignoreortoexplainaway.

Perhaps thechronologicalnoticewhichhasgivenrise tomostdiscussion istheoneinwhichNabonidusreferstotheperiodofHammurabi'sreign.Ononeofhis foundation-cylindersNabonidusstates thatHammurabi rebuiltE-babbar,thetempleoftheSun-godinLarsa,sevenhundredyearsbeforeBurna-Buriash.

AtatimewhenitwasnotrealizedthattheFirstandSecondDynastiesoftheKings'Listwerepartlycontemporaneous,themajorityofwriterswerecontenttoignoretheapparentinconsistencybetweenthefiguresoftheKings'ListandthisstatementofNabonidus.OthersattemptedtogetoverthedifficultybyemendingthefiguresintheListandbyotheringenioussuggestions;foritwasfeltthattoleave adiscrepancyof this sortwithout explanationpointed to apossibilityof

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errorinanyschemenecessitatingsuchacourse. Wewillsee, then,howfartheestimateofNabonidusaccordswiththedateassignedtoHammurabiunderour scheme.From theTellel-Amarna lettersweknow thatBurna-Buriashwasthe contemporary of Amen-hetep IV., to whose accession most historians ofEgyptnowagreetoassignadateintheearlypartofthefourteenthcenturyb.c.

We may take 1480 b.c. as representing approximately the date which,according to the majority of the schemes of Egyptian chronology, may beassignedtoAmen-hetepIV.'saccession.Andbyaddingsevenhundredyearstothis date we obtain, according to the testimony of Nabonidus, a date forHammurabi of about 2080 b.c. According to our scheme the last year ofHammurabi's reign fell in 2081 b.c., and, since the seven hundred years ofNabonidusisobviouslyaroundnumber,itsgeneralagreementwiththeschemeisremarkablyclose.

ThechronologicalnoticeofNabonidus thus serves to confirm, so far as itsevidencegoes,thegeneralaccuracyofthedateassignedtotheFirstDynasty.InthecaseoftheSecondDynastyweobtainanequallystrikingconfirmation,whenweexaminetheonlyavailablereferencetotheperiodofoneofitskingswhichis found in the record of a later ruler. The passage in question occurs upon aboundary-stonepreservedin theUniversityMuseumofPennsylvania, referringtoeventswhichtookplaceinthefourthyearofEnlil-nadin-apli. In the textengraveduponthestoneitisstatedthat696yearsseparatedGulkishar(thesixthking of the Second Dynasty) from Nebuchadnezzar, who is of course to beidentifiedwithNebuchadnezzarI.,theimmediatepredecessorofEnlil-nadin-apliupon the throne of Babylon.Nowwe know from the "SynchronisticHistory"thatNebuchadnezzar I.was the contemporaryofAshur-rêsh-ishi, the father ofTiglath-pileser I., and ifwe can establish independently thedateof the latter'saccession,we obtain approximate dates forNebuchadnezzar and consequentlyforGulkishar.

Inhis inscriptionon the rockatBavianSennacherib tellsus that418yearselapsedbetween thedefeatofTiglath-pileser I.byMarduk-nadin-akhêandhisownconquestofBabylonin689b.c. Tiglath-pileserwas therefore reigningin1107b.c.,andweknowfromhisCylinder-inscription that thisyearwasnotamongthefirstfiveofhisreign;onthisevidencethebeginningofhisreignhas

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beenassignedapproximatelyto1120b.c.NebuchadnezzarI.,thecontemporaryofTiglath-pileser'sfather,maythushavecometothethroneatabout1140b.c.;and,byaddingthe696yearstothisdate,weobtainanapproximatedateof1836b.c. as fallingwithin the reign ofGulkishar of the SecondDynasty. This datesupportsthefiguresoftheKings'List,accordingtowhichGulkisharwouldhavebeenreigningfromabout1876to1822b.c.Butitshouldbenotedthattheperiodof 696 years upon the boundary-stone, though it has an appearance of greataccuracy, was probably derived from a round number; for the stone refers toeventswhich took place in Enlil-nadin-apli's fourth year, and the number 696may have been based upon the estimate that seven hundred years separatedEnlil-nadin-apli's reign from that of Gulkishar. It is thus probable that thereferenceshouldnotbe regardedasmore thana rough indicationof thebeliefthataportionofGulkishar's reign fellwithin thesecondhalfof thenineteenthcentury.But,evenonthislowerestimateofthefigure'saccuracy,itsagreementwithourschemeisequallystriking.

One other chronological reference remains to be examined, and that is therecordofAshur-bani-pal,who,whendescribinghiscaptureofSusainabout647b.c.,relatesthatherecoveredtheimageofthegoddessNanâ,whichtheElamiteKudur-Nankhundi had carried off from Erech sixteen hundred and thirty-fiveyears before. This figure would assign to Kudur-Nankhundi's invasion anapproximatedateof2282b.c.Aswepossessnootherreferenceto,norrecordof,an early Elamite king of this name, there is no question of harmonizing thisfigurewithotherchronologicalrecordsbearingonhisreign.Allthatwecandois to ascertainwhether, according to our chronological scheme, the date 2282b.c.fallswithinaperiodduringwhichanElamitekingwouldhavebeenlikelytoinvadeSouthernBabyloniaandraidthecityofErech.Testedinthisway,Ashur-bani-pal's figure harmonizes well enough with the chronology, for Kudur-NankhundiwouldhaveinvadedBabyloniafifty-sevenyearsafteraverysimilarElamiteinvasionwhichbroughttheDynastyofUrtoanend,andgaveNîsinheropportunityofsecuringthehegemony. ThatElamcontinuedtobeamenacetoBabylonia issufficientlyprovedbyKudur-Mabuk's invasion,whichresultedin placing his sonWarad-Sin upon the throne ofLarsa in 2143 b.c. Itwill benotedthatAshur-bani-pal'sfigureplacesKudur-Nankhundi'sraidonErechintheperiodbetween the twomost notableElamite invasionsof earlyBabylonia, of

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whichwehaveindependentevidence.Anotheradvantageofthesuggestedchronologicalschemeisthatitenablesus

toclearupsomeoftheproblemspresentedbythedynastiesofBerossus,atleastso far as concerns thehistorical period in his systemof chronology. In a laterhistorian ofBabylonwe should naturally expect to find that period beginningwiththefirstdynastyofrulersinthecapital;buthithertotheavailableevidencedidnotseemtosuggestadatethatcouldbereconciledwithhissystem.ItmaybeworthwhiletopointoutthatthedateassignedunderthenewschemefortheriseoftheFirstDynastyofBabyloncoincidesapproximatelywiththatdeducedfor the beginning of the historical period in Berossus. Five of the historicaldynastiesofBerossus,followinghisfirstdynastyofeighty-sixkingswhoruledfor 34,090 years after the Deluge, are preserved only in the ArmenianversionoftheChroniclesofEusebius andarethefollowing:—

DynastyII.,8Medianusurpers,ruling224years;

DynastyIII.,11kings,thelengthoftheirrulewanting;

DynastyIV.,49Chaldeankings,ruling458years;DynastyV.,9Arabkings,rulingfor245years;DynastyVI.,45kings,rulingfor526years.ItisnotquitecleartowhatstageinthenationalhistoryBerossusintendedhis

sixthdynastytoextend; and inanycase, thefact that thefigure iswantingfor the length of his third dynasty, renders their total duration a matter ofuncertainty. But, in spite of these drawbacks, a general agreement has beenreached as to a date for the beginning of his historical period, based onconsiderations independent of the figures in detail. A. von Gutschmid'ssuggestionthatthekingsaftertheDelugeweregroupedbyBerossusinacycleoftensars,i.e.36,000years, furnishedthekeythathasbeenusedforsolvingtheproblem.For,ifthefirstdynastybesubtractedfromthistotal,theremainingnumberofyearswouldgivethetotallengthofthehistoricaldynasties.Thus,ifwe take the length of the first dynasty as 34,090 years, the duration of thehistorical dynasties is seen to have been 1910 years. Now the statementattributed toAbydenus byEusebius, to the effect that theChaldeans reckonedtheir kings from Alorus to Alexander, has led to the suggestion that the

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[69]

periodof1910yearswas intended to include thereignofAlexander theGreat(331-323b.c.).Ifthereforeweadd1910yearsto322b.c.,weobtain2232b.c.asthebeginningofthehistoricalperiodwithwhichtheseconddynastyofBerossusopened. It may be added that the same result has been arrived at by taking34,080yearsasthelengthofhisfirstdynasty, andbyextendingthehistoricalperiodof1920yearsdownto312b.c.,thebeginningoftheSeleucidEra.

Incidentally it may be noted that this date has been harmonized with thefigureassignedinthemarginofsomemanuscriptsasrepresentingthelengthoftin third dynasty of Berossus. It has usually been held that his sixth dynastyendedwiththepredecessorofNabonassaruponthethroneofBabylon,andthatthefollowingorseventhdynastywouldhavebegunin747b.c.Butithasbeenpointedoutthat,afterenumeratingthedynastiesII.-VI.,EusebiusgoesontosaythataftertheserulerscameakingoftheChaldeanswhosenamewasPhulus ;and this phrase has been explained as indicating that the sixth dynasty ofBerossusendedatthesamepointastheNinthBabylonianDynasty,in732b.c.,that is to say,with the reignofNabû-shum-ukîn, thecontemporaryofTiglath-pileserIV.,whoseoriginalnameofPuluispreservedintheBabylonianListofKings.ThustheseventhdynastyofBerossuswouldhavebegunwiththereignoftheusurperUkîn-zêr,whowasalsothecontemporaryofTiglath-pileser. Onthis supposition the figure "forty-eight,"whichoccurs in themarginof certainmanuscriptsof theArmenianversionofEusebius, may be retained for thenumber of years assigned by Berossus to his third dynasty. A furtherconfirmationof thedate2232b.c. for thebeginningof thehistoricalperiodofBerossushasbeen found in a statementderived fromPorphyrins, to the effectthat, according to Callisthenes, the Babylonian records of astronomicalobservations extended over a period of 1903 years down to the time ofAlexander of Macedon. Assuming that the reading 1903 is correct, theobservationswouldhaveextendedbackto2233b.c.,adatedifferingbyonlyoneyearfromthatobtainedforthebeginningofBerossus'historicaldynasties.

Thusthereareamplegroundsforregardingthedate2232b.c.asrepresentingthebeginningof thehistoricalperiod in thechronological systemofBerossus;

andwehavealreadynotedthatinalateBabylonianhistorian,writingduringthe Hellenistic period, we should expect the beginning of his history, in the

[70]

[71]

[72]

[73]

[74]

[75]

[76]

strictersenseoftheterm,tocoincidewiththefirstrecordeddynastyofBabylon,asdistinctfromrulersofotherandearliercity-states.ItwillbeobservedthatthisdateisonlysevenyearsoutwiththatobtainedastronomicallybyDr.Kuglerforthe riseof theFirstDynastyofBabylon.Now the astronomical demonstrationrelatesonly to the reignofAmmi-zaduga,whowas the tenthkingof theFirstDynasty;andtoobtainthedate2225b.c.forSumu-abum'saccession,relianceisnaturallyplacedonfiguresfortheintermediatereignswhicharesuppliedbythecontemporaneousdate-lists.ButtheBabylonianKings'Listgivesfigureswhichwere current in the Neo-Babylonian period; and, by employing it in place ofcontemporaneous records, we obtain the date 2229 b.c. for Sumu-abum'saccession,whichpresentsadiscrepancyofonlythreeyearstothatdeducedfromBerossus. In view of the slight inconsistencieswith theKings' Listwhichwefindinatleastoneofthelatechronicles,itisclearthatthenativehistorians,whocompiled their records during the later periods, found a number of smallvariations in thechronologicalmaterialonwhich theyhad to rely.While therewas probably agreement on the general lines of the later chronology, thetraditional length of some reigns and dynasties might vary in differentdocuments by a few years. We may conclude therefore that the evidence ofBerossus,sofarasitcanbereconstitutedfromthesummariespreservedinotherworks,may be harmonizedwith the date obtained independently for the FirstDynastyofBabylon.

Thenewinformation,whichhasbeendiscussedinthischapter,hasenabledustocarryfurtherthanwaspreviouslypossibletheprocessofreconstructingthechronology;andwehaveat lastbeenable toconnect theearlierepochs in thecountry'shistorywiththosewhichfollowedtheriseofBabylontopower.Ontheonehandwehaveobtaineddefiniteproofoftheoverlappingoffurtherdynastieswith that of the West Semitic kings of Babylon. On the other hand, theconsequent reduction in date is more than compensated by new evidencepointing to theprobabilityofaperiodof independent rule inBabyloniaon thepartofsomeoftheSea-Countrykings.Thegeneraleffectofthenewdiscoveriesis thus of no revolutionary character. It has resulted, rather, in localrearrangements,whichtoaconsiderableextentarefoundtocounterbalanceoneanother in their relation to the chronological scheme as a whole. Perhaps themostvaluableresultoftheregroupingisthatwearefurnishedwiththematerial

foramoredetailedpictureofthegradualriseofBabylontopower.Weshallseethat thecomingof theWesternSemiteseffectedothercities thanBabylon,andthat the triumph of the invadersmarked only the closing stage of a long andvariedstruggle.

[1]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.64.[2]The newdiscoveries, in their general effect, do not involve any drastic

changes in the accepted chronological scheme, as the local rearrangementslargelycounterbalanceoneanother;seebelow,p.117f.

[3]Cf."LettersofHammurabi,"III.,pp.lxviii,236f.[4]See"ChroniclesconcerningEarlyBabylonianKings,"I.,p.68f.;11.,p.

17f.[5]Cf.Thureau-Dangin,"InscriptionsdeSumeneretd'Akkad,"p.300,n.3;

and"Sum.undAkkad.Königsinschriften,"p.210f.,notek.[6]Cf."LettersofHammurabi,"III.,pp.xxviff.[7] Their votive inscriptions are collected by Thureau-Dangin,

"Königsinschriften,"pp.206ff.[8]KnowingthatIwasengageduponthisvolumeofmyHistoryandthatit

wouldprobablybeprintedoffbeforehisownworkleftthepress,ProfessorClayverykindlysentmeatranscriptofhisLarsaKings'Listwithfullpermissiontomakeuseof it.Toenable the reader to follow theargumentwith regard to thedynastyand its chronology, the following transliterationand renderingmaybegivenofthetext:"21MUNa-ap-la-nu-um|28MUE-mi-suI35MUSa-mn-um|9MUZa-ba-aia |27MUGu-un-gu-nu-um|11MUA-bi-sa-ri-e |29MUSu-mu-ilum|16MUNu-ur-(ilu)Adad|7(?)MU(ilu)Sin-idin-nam|2MU(ilu)Sin-i-ri-ba-am | 6(?) MU(ilu)Sin-i-ki-sha-am | 1 MU Sili(li)-(ilu)Adad | 12 MUWarad-(ilu)Sin|61MU(ilu)Ri-im-(ilu)Sin|12(?)MU(ilu)Ha-am-mu-ra-bi|12MU Sa-am-su-i-lu-na sharru | 289 MU-III." In the translation that follows, asemicolonseparateseachlineofthetext:"21yearsNaplanum;28yearsEmisa;35 years Samum; 9 years Zabâia; 27 yearsGungunum; 11 yearsAbi-sarê; 29years Sumu-ilum; 10 years Nûr-Adad; 7(?) years Sin-idinnam; 2 years Sin-iribam;6(?)yearsSin-iḳîsham;1yearSili-Adad;12yearsWarad-Sin;61yearsRîm-Sin;12(?)yearsHammurabi;12yearsSamsu-iluna,theking;289theyearsthereof." From the insertion of the word sharru, "king," after Samsu-iluna's

name,wemay infer that the list is acontemporaneousdocument,drawnup inSamsu-iluna'stwelfthyear.AnotherpointofinterestisthatthescribehaswrittenthedeterminativefordivinitybeforethenamesofRîm-SinandHammurabi,butnot before that of Samsu-iluna. The numbers followed by a query are thosesuggestedbyProfessorClayforthethreebrokenpassages;itwillbenotedthatthey make up the total of the figures, which is given by the scribe as twohundredandeighty-nineyears.

[9]Seeabove,p.88.[10]Seefurther,p.98f.[11] It should be noted that the name of the Babylonian city now usually

renderedasIsinshouldbemorecorrectlyreadasNîsin.Thisissuggestedbytwoformsof thename,whichProf.Clay tellsmeoccuron two tablets in theYaleBabylonian Collection, Nos. 5415 and 5417; in the date-formulæ upon thesetablets the city's name is written as Ni-i-si-in (KI) and Ni-i-si-in-na (KI).Eventuallytheinitialwasdropped;cf.p.254,n.2.

[12]Cf."Chronicles,"I.,p.168,n.1.[13]Cf.Hilprecht, "Mathematical,MetrologicalandChronologicalTablets"

(in"Bab.Exped.,"Ser.A.,Vol.X.,i.),p.55,n.1.[14]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"pp.63,313f.[15]TheidentificationofRîm-Sin'scaptureofNîsinwiththatreferredtoin

Sin-muballit'sseventeenthyearwasfirstsuggested in"LettersofHammurabi,"III.,p.228,n.39,anditwasadoptedforpurposesofchronology,'byHilprecht,"Math.,Met.,andChron.Tabl.,"p.50,note;Meyer,"Geschichte,"I.,ii.,pp.345,556;Ungnad,"Orient.Lit.-Zeit.,"1908,Col.66,and"Z.D.M.G.,"LVI.,p.714,andothers.LangdonhasrecentlysoughttoidentifyRîm-Sin'scapturewiththatreferred to in the formula forHammurabi's seventhyear; see "TheExpositor,"1910, p. 131, and "Babyloniaca," 1914, p. 41, and cf. Chiera, "Legal andAdministrativeDocuments,"p.24 f.ForChiera'sownresearcheson thepoint,seebelow,p.93f.

[16]Cf.EdwardChiera,"LegalandAdministrativeDocumentsfromNippurchiefly from theDynasties of Isin andLarsa" (in "University of PennsylvaniaMuseumPublications,BabylonianSection,"Vol.VIII.,No.1),pp.19ff.

[17]Op.cit.,p.22.[18]Cf.Chiera,op.cit.,pl.ix.,No.15,11.27ff.;pl.xxiii.,No.35,11.20ff.;

andp.21,No.26.[19]Op.cit.,pl.vii.,No.12,11.29,35f.;pl.xxxv.,No.81,11.2,23ff.;and

p.20,No.6.[20]ProfessorClayhaswritten to informme thaton the two tabletsY.b.c.,

Nos.4229and4270, theusual formula for the secondyearof theNîsinera isfollowedby thewordsshagmukiXVIII-kam,whichmaybe rendered "withintheeighteenthyear,"i.e.correspondingtotheeighteenthyear.Ononetablettheaddition to the usual date takes the formshagmu ki XVIII-kam in-ag (?), butProf.Clay is not quite certainof the readingof the signag,which, hewrites,"because the tabletwas cased, is badly twisted." If the reading is correct it isimportant,fortheadditionmaythenberendered"within(i.e.correspondingto)the eighteenth year that he reigned," the word in-ag being the verb usuallyemployedinSumeriandynasticlists insentencesstatingthenumberofyearsakingreigned.Twootherlongdate-formulæforthesameyear(ontabletsY.b.c.,Nos.4307and4481)beginasfollows:muki IIdim(?)mukiXIXgiš-ku-makhAna (dingir)En-lil (dingir)En-ki,etc.Here the readingof the signdim is notabsolutelycertain,but, assuming itscorrectness, the formulamaybe rendered:"The second year (corresponding to the nineteenth year) in which with theexaltedweaponofAnu,EnlilandEa,Rîm-SinthekingtookthecityofNîsin,"etc.Itwillbeseenthatthereadings,whicharesuggestedbyProf.Clayforthetwo uncertain signs in the formulæ, give excellent sense, and, if correct, theydefinitelyprovethatthesecondfiguresintheequationswerederivedfromRîm-Sin's regnalyears.Hut,even ifweregard the twosignsasquiteuncertain, thegeneralinterpretationofthedouble-datesisnotaffected;itwouldbedifficulttoexplainthemonanyotherhypothesisthanthatadoptedinthetext.

[21]Someofhisearlierdate-formulæhavebeenrecovered;seebelow,p.155.

[22]FormanyyearspastthelatestdaterecoveredoftheNîsinerawasoneofthethirtiethyear;seeScheil,"Recueildetravaux,"XXI.(1899),p.125,andcf."Letters of Hammurabi," III., p. 229. Prof. Clay informs me that among thetabletsoftheYaleBabylonianCollectionisonedatedinthethirty-firstyearof

thefallofNîsin.[23]Thefact that theyhadalwaysdatedbyformulæ,andnotbynumbered

years of the king's reign, is quite sufficient to explain the uncertainty as towhether the accession-year should be included in their reckoning. Thus theapparentdiscrepancyinthedouble-dates,sofarfromweakeningtheexplanationputforwardinthetext,reallyaffordsitadditionalsupportandconfirmation.

[24]Seebelow,p.190.[25]See"ChroniclesconcerningearlyBabylonianKings,"II..p.18.[26] Cf. Winckler, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1907, Col. 585 f., and Hrozný,

"WienerZeitschrift,"Bd.21(1908),p.382.[27]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.317,n.2.Thebroken line in thechronicle

reads:(.........)zu-na-a(m)Rîm-(ilu)Sinana(.........)illik(ik),"(.........)...Rîm-Sinto (.........)marched."The rendering suggestedbyWinckler andHroznýwas: "[.........]zuna, the son of Rîm-Sin, to (.........) marched;" but their translationignored thefact that, in these latechronicles,"son" isalwaysexpressedby thesignTUR(mâru,)neverbyA(aplu).

[28]Cf.Ungnad,"Zeits.fürAssyr.,"XXIII.,pp.73ff.,andThureau-Dangin,"JournalAsiatique,"xiv.,1909,pp.335ff.

[29]Thedifferenceinpricemayperhapsbetracedtothepoliticalrevolution,whichmayhaveenabledoneofthepartiestoexactbettertermsfromtheother.

[30]Seeabove,p.90f.[31]Cf."ChroniclesconcerningEarlyBabylonianKings,"I.,p.184f.[32]Seeabove,p.93f.[33]Seeabove,p.94,n.2.[34]IfIbḳushuwasappointedpriest inDamiḳ-ilishu's lastyear, theinterval

wouldbeexactlyforty-fouryears;butasDamiḳ-ilishureignedfortwenty-threeyears,Ibḳushumaywellhavebeenappointedseveralyearsearlier.

[35]SeePoebel,"BabylonianLegalandBusinessDocuments,"pl.3,No.6,11. 25, 30 ff., and pl. 11, No. 23, 11. 33, 36 ff.; and cf. Chiera, "Legal andAdministrativeDocumentsfromNippur,"p.21,No.24.

[36]Cf.Chiera,op.cit.,p.22.Chiera'sowndeductionfromthepropernames

(pp.29ff.)mustofcoursebemodifiedinviewoftheLarsaKings'List;buthisdataholdgood.

[37]On the suggested hypothesis with regard to the Larsa List, Rîm-Sin'scaptureofNîsinwouldhavetakenplacetwoyearsafterHammurabi'sattackonthatcity.But,ifwerejectthehypothesis,theNîsinerawouldhavebeguninSin-muballit'sseventhyear.

[38]Seepp. 142 ff.The survival of theNîsin era, during the first yearsofLarsa's vassalage, seems to offer less difficulties than those involved in anacceptanceofRîm-Sin'ssixty-oneyearsofindependentrule,followedatfirstbytwenty-oneor twenty-twoyears of political obscurity, and thenby a periodofactiveoperationsinthefield.And,apartfromtheimprobabilitiesinvolvedinthelengthofRîm-Sin'slife,thefurtherdifficultyoftheinterruptionoftheNîsinerabySin-muballit'sandHammurabi'sconquestsofthecitywouldstillremain(seeabove,p.92f.).

[39] That was the view I suggested in "Chronicles concerning EarlyBabylonianKings,"I.,pp.96ff.,anditwasadoptedbyMeyer,"GeschichtedesAltertums,"Bd.I.,Hft,ii.,p.340f.

[40]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.63,n.2.[41]SeePoebel, "BusinessDocuments,"pl.40,No.68,andChiera, "Legal

andAdministrativeDocuments,"pi.xl.,No.89.[42]Cf."Chronicles,"II.,pp.19ff.ThattheSea-CountrywasBabylon'smost

powerful rival at this timemaybe inferred from the inclusion of Iluma-ilum'snameintheChronicle.Heisevidentlyselectedformentionastheleaderofthemostnotableinvasionoftheperiod.

[43]Seeabove,p.90,note.[44]SeeSchorr,"Urkundendesaltbab.Ziv.undProzessrechts,"p.595.[45]WeknowthatIluma-ilumwasthecontemporaryofAbi-eshu'aswellas

ofSamsu-iluna.AsheiscreditedbytheKings'Listwithareignofsixtyyears,itis possible, ifwe accept that figure, that hehad establishedhis dynasty in theSea-CountrysomeyearsbeforeattackingLarsa.Hisaccessionhasbeenplacedas early as Hammurabi's twenty-sixth year (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Zeits. fürAssyr.,"XXI., pp. 176 ff.), though the samewriter, bymaking a reduction of

twenty years in his dates for the Third and Second Dynasties, afterwardsassumedthathesecuredhisthroneinSamsu-iluna'sfourthyear(op.cit.,p.185f.).AswehavenoevidencethatIluma-ilumwasHammurabi'scontemporary,itissafertoplacehisaccessioninSamsu-iluna'sreign;and,inthatcase,thedate-formulaforthetwelfthyearappearstoofferthemostprobableoccasionforhisrevolt.

[46]Thefiguresareprobablynotabsolutelyaccurate;seebelow,p.209,n.1.[47]seehis"SternkundeundSterndienstinBabel,"1907-1913.[48]This,theprincipaltext,isnumberedK.160,anditstextwaspublished

by George Smith in Rawlinson's "Cun. Inscr. West. Asia," III., pl. 63.Translations and studies have been given of it by Sayce, "Trans. Soc. Bibl.Arch.," III. (1874), pp. 316 ff.; bySayce andBosanquet, "MonthlyNoticesofthe RoyalAstronomical Society,"XL. (1880). p. 566 ff., and by Schiaparelli,"Venusbeobachtungen und Berechnungen der Babylonier" (1906). For otherreferences,seeBezold,"Catalogue,"I.,p.42.

[49]ThesecondofthetwoinscriptionsisnumberedK.2821+K.3032,anditstexthasbeenpublishedbyCraig,"Astrological-AstronomicalTexts."pl.46;cf.alsoVirolleaud,"L'AstrologieChaldéenne,"IshtarXII.,XV.andXIV.

[50]Cf."SternkundeundSterndienstinMabel,"BuchII.,Teilii.,Hft.I,pp.257 ff. Inaddition tobrokenpassagesoccurring in the two texts, somescribalerrorsappeartohavecreptininthecourseoftransmission.

[51]Fromcontemporarydate-formulæweknowthatAmmi-zadugareignedformorethanseventeenyears.TheBabylonianKings'Listascribeshimtwenty-one.

[52]Accordingtothiscriterion,Anuni-zaduga'ssixthyearcouldhavefallenin2036-5b.c.,orin1972-1b.c.,orin1853-2b.c.,thusgivingforhisfirstyearthethreepossibledates,2041-40b.c.,or1977-6b.c.,or1858-7b.c.

[53]For thispurpose itmaybeused inconjunctionwith the laterAssyriansynchronisms, andwith the date of Burna-Buriash as obtained from Egyptiansources(seebelow,p.111).

[54] Itmaybeworthwhilenoting-that, ifweplace thewholeofRîm-Sin'sreignofsixty-oneyearsbeforeHammurabi'sconquestofLarsa,weraisethefirst

twodatesgiveninthetextbytwenty-twoyears.OnthatassumptiontheDynastyofNîsinwouldhavebeenfounded in2361b.c.,and thatofLarsa in2357b.c.ConsequentlytheDynastiesofNîsinandofBabylonwouldhaveoverlappedforaperiodofeighty-nineyears,insteadofonehundredandeleven.Butthebalanceofprobabilityisinfavourofthelaterdates;seeabove,p.103,n.2.

[55]SeeBezold,"Proc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.,"XI.,pp.94,99,andpl. iv.,85-4-30,2,Col.II.,11.20ff.,andRawlinson,"Cun.Inscr.West.Asia,"I.,69,Col.II.,1.4;cf.alsoLangdon,"NeubabylonischenKönigsinschriften,"p.238f.

[56]See"Chronicles,"I.,p.87f.[57]An approximate date of 1430-1400 b.c. is assigned to him byBudge,

"HistoryofEgypt,"Vol. IV.,pp.113 ff.;whilehisaccession isplaced in1383b.c.byPétrie, "HistoryofEgypt,"Vol. II.,pp.205 ff.; in1380b.c.byMeyer,"ÆgyptischeChronologie,"p.68, and"Geschichte," I., ii.,p.335 f., andHall,"Ancient History of the Near East," p. 228; and in 1375 b.c. by Breasted,"History of Egypt," p. 509, and "Ancient Records," Vol. I., p. 43. Masperoimpliesadateofabout1380b.c.;cf."Histoireancienne,"II.,p.337,note.

[58]AccordingtoDr.Budge'sschemeofchronology,anapproximatedateof1400b.c.forBurna-BuriashwouldyieldforHammurabiadateofc.2100b.c.(equivalenttohistwenty-fourthyear).

[59]SeeHilprecht,"OldBabylonianInscriptions,"Pt.I.,pi.30f.,No.83;cf.alsoJensen,"Zeits.fürAssyr.,"VIII.,pp.220ff.

[60]Cf.King,"Tukulti-NinibI.,"p.118f.[61]SeeRawlinson,"Cun.Inscr.West.Asia,"Vol.III.,pl.38,No.1,Obv.1.

10.[62]Seebelow,p.133.[63]ThatBerossusdependedonnative lists of rulers in compilinghis first

dynasty of semi-mythical kings has been strikingly confirmed by documentsdiscovered recently in the Niffer Collection of tablets preserved in thePennsylvaniaMuseum.ThesehavebeenpublishedbyPoebel,"Univ.ofPennsyl.Mus.Publications,"Vol. IV.,No. I, andVol.V., and thenew information theyfurnishisofgreatinterestfortheearlierhistory.Itmaybenotedthatthefigure34,090isthatgivenforthedurationofthedynastyinSyncellus(ed.Dindorf,p.

147); in theequivalent insars,etc.,which isadded ( i.e.9sars,2ners,and 8soss = 34,080 years), it is probable that the units are intentionally ignored,thoughsomewouldregard34,080asthecorrectfigure(seebelow,p.115). InEusebius("Chron.lib.I.,"ed.Schoene,Col.25)thefigureis33,091(probablyamistake for 34,091); this figure at any rate confirms the reading of ninety(againsteighty)inSyncellus,cf.Meyer,"BeiträgezuraltenGeschichte(Klio),"III.,p.133;andseefurther,p.116f.,n.5.

[64]Eusebius, "Chron. lib. I.," ed. Schoene, Col. 25; see also Schwartz inPauly-Wissowa,"Real-Encyclopädie,"III.(i.).Col.311.

[65]InmarginofMSS.34years.[66]InmarginofMSS.48years.[67]Seefurther,p.115f.[68] Those before the Deluge are said to have reigned for a hundred and

twentysars,i.e.432,000years.[69] Eusebius, "Chron. lib. I.," ed. Schoene, Col. 53: "Hoc pacto Khaldæi

suæregionisregesabAlorousqueadAlexandrumrecensent."[70]Seeabove,p.114,n.1.[71]"Chron.lib.I.,"ed.Schoene,Col.25:"postquos,inquit(sc.Poly-histor),

rexChaldæorumextitit,cuinomenPhulusest."[72]Thatistosay,atthepointmarkedbythegroupΧίνξηροςκαὶΠῶrosin

thePtolemaicCanon.Ukîn-zêrisanabbreviationofNabû-mukîn-zêr.[73]Seeabove,p.114,n.4.[74]Cf.Meyer,"BeiträgezuraltenGeschichte(Klio),"III.,pp.131ff.[75]ThestatementoccursinthecommentaryofSimpliciusuponAristotle's

"DeCaelo,"and theGreek text reads31,000;cf.ed.Heiberg,p.506.But inaLatin translation byMoerbeka the figure is given as 1903, and this probablyrepresentstheoriginalreading;cf.Lehmann-Haupt,"ZweiHauptprobleme,"pp.109f.,210,andMeyer,op.cit.,p.131.

[76]ThePennsylvaniadocumentspublishedbyPoebel(seeabove,p.114,n.1) suggest that variant traditions were current with regard to the number ofmythical and semi-mythical rulers ofBabylonia and the durationof their rule.For instance, in twoof the listsdrawnupunder theNîsinkings,andseparated

fromoneanotherbyanintervalofonlysixty-sevenyears, thetotaldurationoftheprecedingdynastiesappearstobegiveninoneas32,243,andintheotheras28,876 years. But this fact does not, of course, prevent the use of the figureswhichhavecometousfromBerossus,inordertoascertainthebeginningofthehistoricalperiodinthesystemheemployed.

CHAPTERIV

THEWESTERNSEMITESANDTHEFIRSTDYNASTYOFBABYLON

The rise of Babylon to a position of pre-eminence among the warringdynastiesofSumerandAkkadmayberegardedassealingthefinaltriumphoftheSemiteovertheSumerian.Hissurvivalinthelongracialcontestwasduetothe reinforcements he received from men of his own stock, whereas theSumerian population, when once settled in the country, was never afterwardsrenewed.The great Semiticwave, underwhich theSumerian sank and finallydisappeared, reached the Euphrates from the coast-lands of the EasternMediterranean.But theAmurru,orWesternSemites, like theirpredecessors inNorthernBabylonia,hadcomeoriginally fromArabia.For it isnowgenerallyrecognized that the Arabian peninsula was the first home and cradle of theSemiticpeoples.Arabia,liketheplainsofCentralAsia,was,infact,oneofthemainbreeding-groundsofthehumanrace,andduringthehistoricperiodwemaytrace four greatmigrations of Semitic nomad tribes,which successively brokeawayfromthenorthernmarginoftheArabianpasture-landsandspreadovertheneighbouringcountrieslikeaflood.Thefirstgreatracialmovementofthekindis that of which the effects were chiefly apparent in Akkad, or NorthernBabylonia, where the Semites first obtained a footing when overrunning thevalleyoftheTigrisandEuphrates.Thesecondisdistinguishedfromthefirst,astheCanaanite orAmorite, since it gave toCanaan its Semitic inhabitants; buthowlonganintervalseparatedtheonemovementfromtheotheritisimpossibletosay.Theprocessmaywellhavebeenacontinuousone,withmerelyachangein the direction of advance; but it is convenient to distinguish them by theireffects as separate movements, the sensitization of Canaan following that ofBabylonia,butatthesametimecontributingtoitscompletesuccess.Ofthelatermigrationswearenot for themomentconcerned, and inanycaseonlyoneofthemfallswithintheperiodofthishistory.Thatwasthethirdgreatmovement,whichbegan in the fourteenthcenturyandhasbeen termed theArameanfrom

thekingdomitestablishedinSyriawithitscapitalatDamascus.Thefourth,andlast,tookplaceintheseventhcenturyofourownera,whenthearmiesofIslam,after conqueringWesternAsia andNorthernAfrica, penetrated even toSouth-Western Europe. It was by far the most extensive of the four in the area itcovered, and, in spiteofbeing the lastof the series, it illustrates the characterandmethods of the earlier movements in their initial stages, when the desertnomad, issuing in force fromhisownborders, camewithin theareaof settledcivilization.

ItistruethatgreattractsofCentralArabiaareto-dayquiteuninhabitable,butthereisreasontobelievethatitspresentconditionofariditywasnotsomarkedin earlier periods. We have definite proof of this in the interior of SouthernArabia,where there is still abeltof comparatively fertile countrybetween theflat coastal regions and the steep mountain range, that forms the southernboundary of the central plateau. On the coast itself there is practically norainfall,andevenonthehigherslopesawayfromthecoastitisveryscanty.Heretheherdsofgoats frequentlygowithoutwater formanyweeks,and theyhavelearnttopullupandchewthefleshyrootsofaspeciesofcactustoquenchtheirthirst. But further still inland there is a broad belt of country, which ismarvellouslyfertileandinahighstateofcultivation.Therainfallthereisregularduring a portion of the year, the country is timbered, and themainmountainrange, though possessing no towns of any size, is thickly dotted with strongfightingtowers,whichdominatethewell-farmedandflourishingvillages.Tothenorthof therange,beyondthecultivation, isabelt roamedoverby thedesert-nomadswith their typical black tents ofwoven goat-hair, and then comes thecentraldesert,a regionof rollingsand.Buthereand there the ruinsofpalacesand temples may still be seen rising from the sand or built on some slighteminenceaboveitslevel.

At the timeof theSabæankingdom, as early as the sixth centuryb.c., thisregion of Southern Arabia must have been far more fertile than it is at thepresent day. The shifting sand, under the driving pressure of the simoom,doubtlessplayed itspart inoverwhelming tractsofcultivatedcountry;but thatalone cannot account for the changed conditions. The researches of Stein,Pumpelly, Huntington and others have shown the results of desiccation inCentralAsia, and it is certain that a similar diminution of the rainfall has

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taken place in the interior of Southern Arabia. To such climatic changes,whichseem,accordingtothelatesttheories,tooccurinrecurrentcycles, wemayprobablytracethegreatracialmigrationsfromCentralArabia,whichhavegiventheirinhabitantstosomanycountriesofWesternAsiaandNorthAfrica.

ItispossibletoformaveryclearpictureoftheSemitewhoissuedfromthisregion,forthelifeofthepastoralnomad,alltheworldover,isthesame. Andeven at the present day, in the hollows of theArabian desert, there is enoughdeposit ofmoisture to allow of a sufficient growth of grass for pasture-lands,capableofsupportingnomadictribes,whomovewiththeirflocksofsheepandgoatsfromonemorefavouredareatoanother.Thelifeofsuchanomadisforcedinto one mould by the conditions imposed by the desert; for the grass-landcannotsupporthimandhemustliveonthemilkandyoungofhisflocks.Heispurelyashepherd,carryingwithhim thesimplestand lightest tents, tools,andweaponsforhisneeds.Thetypeofsocietyis thatof thepatriarchalfamily,foreach nomad tribe consists of a group of relatives; and, under the direction oftheirchief,notonlythemenoftheclan,butthewomenandchildren,alltakeanactivepartintendingtheflocksandinpractisingthesimpleartsofskin-curingandtheweavingofhairandwool.Solongasthepasture-landscansupporthisflocks, thenomadiscontent to leave thesettledagriculturistbeyondthedesertedgeinpeace.Someofthesemi-nomadtribesuponthemarginofthecultivationmay engage in barterwith theirmore civilised neighbours, and even at timesdemand subsidies for leaving their crops in peace. But the bulk of the tribeswould normally remainwithin their own area,while conditions existedwhichwerecapableofsupplyingtheneedsof theirsimplelife.It iswhenthepasturelandsdryupthatthenomadmustleavehisownareaorperish,anditisthenthathe descends upon the cultivation and proceeds to adapt himself to newconditions,shouldheconquerthesettledraceswhosehigherculturehehimselfabsorbs.

Whilestillheldwithinthegripofthedesert,therewasneveranyprospectofhis development or advance in civilization. The only great changes that havetakenplaceinthelifeoftheArabiannomadhavebeenduetotheintroductionofthe horse and the camel. But these havemerely increased hismobility, whileleaving the man himself unchanged. The Arabs of the seventh century b.c.,depicted in the reliefs from Nineveh as fleeing on their camels before the

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advance of theAssyrians, can have differed in no essential feature from theirearliest predecessors, whomade their way to the Euphrates valley on foot orwith only the ass as a beast of burden. For, having once succeeded indomesticatinghisflocksandinlivingbytheirmeansupontherollingsteppesofpasture-land, thenomad'sneedsarefullysatisfied,andhiswaysoflifesurvivethroughsucceedinggenerations.Hecannotaccumulatepossessions,ashemustbe able to carry all his goods continuallywith him, and his knowledge of theuneventfulpast isderivedentirely fromoral tradition.Theearliest inscriptionsrecoveredinArabiaareprobablynotanteriortothesixthcenturyb.c.,andtheywerenaturallynottheworkofnomads,butofSemitictribeswhohadforsakentheir wanderings for the settled life of village and township in the morehospitableregionsofthesouth.

FIG.32.ARABSOFTHESEVENTHCENTURYb.c.FromasculptureofthereignofAshur-bani-palintheNinevehGalleryofthe

BritishMuseum.TheAmurru,orWesternSemites,towhoseincursionintoBabyloniatherise

ofBabylonitselfwasdirectlydue,hadlongabandonedanomadicexistence,andinadditiontothehigherstandardsoftheagriculturisthadacquiredacivilizationwhich had been largely influenced by that ofBabylonia. Thanks to the activepolicyofexcavation,carriedoutduring the last twenty-fiveyears inPalestine,we are enabled to reconstruct the conditions of life which prevailed in thatcountry from a very early period. It is, in fact, now possible to trace thesuccessive stages of Canaanite civilization back to neolithic times. Rude flintimplementsofthepalaeolithicorOlderStoneAgehavealsobeenfoundonthe

surface of the plains of Palestine, where they had lain since the close of theglacial epoch.But at that time the climate and character of theMediterraneanlands were very different to their present condition; and a great break ofunknown length then occurs in the cultural sequence, which separates thatprimævalperiodfromtheneolithicorLaterStoneAge.It is to thisseconderathatwemay trace the real beginningsofCanaanite civilization.For, from thattimeonwards,thereisnobreakinthecontinuityofculture,andeachagewasthedirectheirofthatwhichprecededit.

FIG.33.ARABSOFTHESEVENTHCENTURYb.c.FromasculptureofthereignofAshur-bani-palintheNinevehGalleryofthe

BritishMuseum.The neolithic inhabitants of Canaan, whose implements of worked and

polished stone mark a great advance upon the rough flints of their remotepredecessors,belonged to theshort,dark-skinnedracewhichspread itselfoverthe shores of the Mediterranean. Dwelling in rude huts, they employed forhouseholduseroughvesselsofkneadedclaywhichtheyfashionedbyhandandbaked in the fire. They lived chiefly by the cattle and flocks they haddomesticated,and,tojudgebytheirclayspindle-whorls,theypractisedasimpleformofweaving, andbegan toclothe themselveswithcloth inplaceof skins.Overtheseprimitiveinhabitantsafreshtideofmigrationswept,probablyintheearly part of the third millennium b.c. The new-comers were Semites fromArabia, of the same stock as those nomadic hordes who had already overrunBabyloniaandhadestablishedthemselves inagreatpartof thatcountry.After

theyhadsettledinCanaanandSyriatheywereknowntotheBabyloniansastheAmurru or Amorites. They were taller and more vigorous than the neolithicCanaanites,andtheyseemtohavebroughtwiththemaknowledgeoftheuseofmetal,acquiredprobablybytrafficwithsouthernBabylonia. Theflintarrowsand knives of their enemies would have had little chance against weapons ofcopperandbronze.But,whetherhelpedbytheirsuperiorarmamentornot,theybecamethedominantraceinCanaan.ByintermarryingwiththeirpredecessorstheyproducedtheCanaanitesofhistory,apeopleofSemiticspeech,butwithavarying admixture in their blood of the dark-skinned Mediterranean race oflowertype.

SuchinoriginwastheCanaanitebranchoftheWesternSemites,anditmaybeworthwhile toglance foramomentat themain featuresof theircultureasrevealed by excavation in Palestine. One thing stands out clearly: theyrevolutionized conditions of life in Canaan. The rude huts of the first settlerswere supersededbyhousesofbrick and stone, and, inplaceofvillages, citiesrosesurroundedbymassivewalls.Thecity-wallofGezerwasmorethanthirteenfeetthickandwasdefendedbystrongtowers.ThatofMegiddowastwenty-sixfeet in thickness, and its foot was further protected by a slope, or glacis, ofbeaten earth. To secure their water-supply in time of siege, the arrangementswereequallythorough.AtGezer,forexample,ahugetunnelwasfound,hewninthesolidrock,whichgaveaccesstoanabundantspringofwateroverninetyfeetbelow the surface of the ground.Not only had the earlier nomad adopted theagricultural life, but he soon evolved a system of defence for his settlements,suggested by the hilly character of his new country and its ample supply ofstone. NotlessremarkableisthelightthrownbytheexcavationsondetailsofCanaanite worship. The centre of each town was the high place, where hugemonolithswereerected,someofthem,whenunearthed,stillwornandpolishedbythekissesoftheirworshippers.AtGezertensuchmonolithswerediscoveredinarow,anditisworthnotingthattheywereerectedoverasacredcaveoftheneolithic inhabitants, proving that the ancient sanctuarywas takenoverby theSemiticinvaders.ThereligiouscentresinheritedbytheBa'alîm,orlocal"Lords"ofCanaaniteworship,hadevidentlybeensanctifiedbylongtradition.Inthesoilbeneath the high places both at Gezer and atMegiddo numbers of jars werefound containing thebodiesof children, andwemayprobably see in this fact

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evidenceofinfant-sacrifice,thesurvivalofwhichintolaterperiodsisattestedbyHebrew tradition. In the cultural remains of these Semitic invaders a distinctdevelopmentisdiscernible.Duringtheearlierperiodthereisscarcelyatraceofforeign influence, but later onwe find importations from both Babylonia andEgypt.

ItisbutnaturalthatsouthernandcentralCanaanshouldhavelongremainedinaccessibletooutsideinfluence,andthattheeffectsofBabyloniancivilizationshouldhavebeen confined at first to easternSyria and to the frontier districtsscatteredalongthemiddlecourseoftheEuphrates.RecentdiggingbynativessofartothenorthastheneighbourhoodofCarchemish,forexample,haverevealedsomeremarkabletracesofconnexionwithBabyloniaataveryearlyperiod.IngravesatHammam,avillageon theEuphratesnear themouthof theSajûr,cylinder-seals were found which exhibit unmistakable analogies to very earlyBabylonianwork; andtheuseofthisformofsealataperiodanteriortotheFirstDynastyofBabylonisinitselfproofthatBabylonianinfluencehadreachedthe frontier of Syria by the great trade-route up the course of the Euphrates,alongwhichthearmiesofSargonofAkkadhadalreadymarchedintheirraidtotheMediterraneancoast. It is not improbable, too, thatCarchemish herselfsentherownproductsatthistimetoBabylon,foroneclassofherlocalpotteryat any rate appears tohavebeenvaluedbyother races and tohave formedanarticleofexport.AtthetimeofthelaterkingsoftheFirstDynastyaspecialkindof large clay vessel, in use in Northern Babylonia, was known as "aCarchemisian," and was evidently manufactured at Carchemish and exported.

ThetradewasnodoubtencouragedbythecloserelationsestablishedunderHammurabi and his successors with theWest, but its existence points to thepossibility of still earlier commercial intercourse, such as would explain theoccurrence of archaic Babylonian cylinder-seals in early graves in theneighbourhood.

But,apartfromsuchtraderelations,thereisnothingtosuggestthattheearlycultureofCarchemish and its adjacentdistrictshadbeen effected to anygreatextentbythatofBabylon,noristhereanyindicationthattheinhabitantsoftheearlycitywereSemites.Indeed,thearchæologicalevidenceisentirelyinfavourof the opposite view.The bronze age atCarchemish and its neighbourhood is

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distinguishedfromtheprecedingperiodbytheuseofmetal,bydifferentburialcustoms, and by new types of pottery, and must be regarded as marking theadventofaforeignpeople.ButthroughoutthebronzeageitselfatCarchemish,from its beginning in the thirdmillennium to its close in the eleventh centuryb.c., there is a uniform development. There is no sudden outcrop of newtypessuchashadmarkeditsownbeginning,and,sinceinitslaterperiodsitwasessentiallyHittite,wemayassumethatitwasneitherinauguratednorinterruptedbytheSemites.Itsearlierrepresentatives,beforethegreatHittitemigrationfromAnatolia, may well have been a branch of that proto-Mitannian stock, itselfpossiblyofAnatolianorigin,evidenceofwhosepresenceweshallnoteatAshurbeforetheriseofBabylon'sFirstDynasty.

X. TheCitadelMound ofCarchemish from the north-west.AfterHogarth,Carchemish,Pl.1A

CarchemishliesoutofthedirectroadfromBabylontoNorthernSyria,anditis remarkable that any trace of early Babylonian influence should have beenfound so far to thenorth as themouthof theSajûr. It is farther down stream,after the Euphrates has turned eastward towards its junctionwith theKhâbûr,thatwe should expect to find evidence of amore striking character; and it isprecisely there, along the river route from Syria to Akkad, that we haverecovered definite proof, at the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, of theexistence of Amorite or West-Semitic settlements with a culture that wasBabylonian in its essential features. The evidence is drawn mainly from onedistrict,thekingdomofKhana,whichlaynotfarfromthemouthoftheKhâbûr.Oneofthechieftowns,andprobablythecapitalofthekingdom,wasTirka,thesite of which probably lay near Tell 'Ashar or Tell 'Ishar, a place situated

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between Dêr ez-Zôr and Sâlihîya and about four hours from the latter. Theidentification is certain, sinceanAssyrian inscriptionof theninthcenturywasfound there, recording the rebuildingof the local templewhich is stated in thetexttohavebeen"inTirka." Fromabout this region three tabletshavealsobeenrecovered,alldatingfromtheperiodoftheFirstDynastyofBabylonandthrowingconsiderablelightonthecharacterofWestSemiticcultureinadistrictwithinthereachofBabylonianinfluence.

OneofthesedocumentsrecordsadeedofgiftbywhichIsharlim,akingofKhana,conveystooneofhissubjectsahouseinavillagewithinthedistrictofTirka. On a second document is inscribed a similar deed of gift bywhichanotherkingofthesamedistrict,Ammi-baïl,thesonofShunu'-rammu,bestowstwoplotsof landonacertainPagirum,describedas"hisservant,"evidentlyinreturnforfaithfulservice; and,asoneoftheplotswasinTirka,itisprobablethatthedeedwasdrawnupinthatcity.Thethirddocumentisperhapsthemostinterestingofthethree,sinceitcontainsamarriage-contractandisdatedinthereignofakingwhobearsthenameofHammurabih.ThislastrulerhasbysomebeenconfidentlyregardedasidenticalwithHammurabioftheFirstDynastyofBabylon,and ithasbeenassumed that itwasdrawnupata timewhenKhanahadbeenconqueredandannexedby thatmonarch,ofwhoseadvance into thatregionwehaveindependentevidence. Butsincethetabletappearstobethelatestofthethree,itisclearthatKhanahadbeensubjecttoBabylonianinfluencelongbeforeHammurabi'sconquest.And,evenifweregardHammurabihasnomore thana localkingofKhana, thedocumenthas furnisheduswith aWest-SemiticvariantofHammurabi'sname,oronethatiscloselyparalleltoit.

TheremarkablefactaboutallthesetextsisthattheyaredrawnupinthestyleoflegaldocumentsoftheperiodoftheFirstDynastyofBabylon.But,whiletheterminologyismuchthesame,ithasbeenadaptedtolocalconditions.TheearlyBabylonianmethodofdatingbyevents hasbeentakenover,buttheformulasarenotthoseinuseatthisperiodinBabylonia,butarepeculiartothekingdomofKhana.ThusthefirstdeedofgiftisdatedintheyearwhenIsharlim,theking,builtthegreatgateofthepalaceinthecityofKash-dakh;thesecondwasdrawnupintheyearinwhichAmmi-baïl,theking,ascendedthethroneinhisfather'shouse; while themarriage-contract is dated in the year that Hammurabih, the

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king, opened the canalKhabur-ibal-bugash from the city ofZakku-Isharlim tothe city ofZakku-Igitlim. The names of themonths, too, are not those ofBabylon, andwe find evidence that local laws and customswere in force.Each of the deeds of gift, for example, provides that any infringement of therightsbestowedbythekingistobepunishedbyamoney-fineoftenmanehsofsilver,andinadditionthedelinquentistoundergothequaintbutdoubtlessverypainfulprocessofhavinghisheadtarredwithhottar.Fromthelistofwitnesseswe gather that the community was already organized much on the lines of aprovincial district of Babylonia. For, though we find a cultivator or farmeroccupying an important position, we meet also a superintendent of themerchants,anotherofthebakers,achiefjudge,achiefseer,andmembersofthepriesthood.Itisinteresting,too,tonotethatthekingsofKhanawerestillgreatlandowners, to judgefromthefact that the landsconveyedin thedeedsofgiftweresurroundedonalmosteverysidebypalace-property.AtthesametimethechiefgodsofKhanaareassociatedwiththekingintheoath-formulæ,sincetheroyalpropertywasalsoregardedasthepropertyoftheBa'al,ordivine"Lord"ofthesoil.

ThetwochiefBaalimor"Lords"ofKhanaweretheSun-godandtheWest-Semiticdeity,Dagon.ThelatterisconstantlyreferredtointhedocumentsundertheBabylonianformofhisname,Dagan.HestoodbesideShamashontheroyalsealand in the localoath-formulæ,and isassociated in the latterwith Iturmer,whomaywellhavebeentheoldlocalgodofTirka,deposedaftertheinvasionofthe Semites. His temple in Tirka, which we know survived until the ninthcentury, was probably the chief shrine of the city, and the great part heplayedinthenationallifeisattestedbytheconstantoccurrenceofhistitleasacomponent part of personal names. Later evidence proves thatDagonwaspeculiarlythegodofAshdod,andtheprincelywriteroftwoofthelettersfromTellel-Amarna,whoborethenameDagan-takala,musthaveruledsomedistrictofnorthernorcentralCanaan.TheKhanadocumentsprove thatalreadyat thetimeoftheFirstDynastyhiscultwasestablishedontheEuphrates,and,inviewof this fact, the occurrence of two early kings of the Babylonian Dynasty ofNîsinwith the names of Idin-Dagan and Ishme-Dagan is certainly significant.Weknow,too,thattheoriginalhomeofIshbi-Ura,thefounderoftheDynastyofNîsin, was Mari, a city and district on the middle Euphrates. We may

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conclude, then, that theDynasties ofNîsin andBabylon, and probably that ofLarsa,wereproductsof thesamegreatracialmovement,andthat,morethanacenturybeforeSumu-abumestablishedhis throneatBabylon,WesternSemiteshaddescendedtheEuphratesandhadpenetratedintothesoutherndistrictsofthecountry.

Thenew-comers probablyowed their speedy success inBabylonia in greatpart to the fact that many of the immigrant tribes had already acquired theelements of Babylonian culture. During their previous residence within thesphere of settled civilization they had adopted a way of life and a socialorganizationwhich differed but little from that of the country intowhich theycame.That theyshouldhave immigratedatall ina south-easterlydirection, inpreference to remainingwithin their own borders,was doubtless due to racialpressure to which they themselves had been subjected. Canaan was still in afermentofunrestinconsequenceofthearrivaloffreshnomadtribeswithinhersettled districts, and,whilemanywere doubtless diverted southwards towardstheEgyptianborder,otherspressednorthwards intoSyria,exertinganoutwardpressureintheiradvance.ThattheWest-SemiticinvasionofBabyloniadifferedsoessentiallyfromthatofEgyptbytheHyksosistobeexplainedbythisfringeof civilized settlements and petty kingdoms, which formed a check upon thenomad hordes behind them and dominated such of them as succeeded inbreakingthrough.InEgypt thedamagewroughtbytheSemiticbarbarianswasrememberedforgenerationsaftertheirexpulsion, whereas inBabylonia theinvaderssucceededinestablishingadynastywhichgaveitspermanentformtoBabyloniancivilization.

Nîsin,thecityinwhich,aswehaveseen,wefirstobtainanindicationofthepresence ofWest-Semitic rulers, probably lay in Southern Babylonia, and wemay picture the earlier immigrants as descending the course of the Euphratesuntil they found an opportunity of establishing themselves in the Babylonianplain.TheElamiteconquest,whichputanendtothedynastyofUr,andstrippedBabylonia of her eastern provinces, afforded Nîsin the opportunity ofclaiming the hegemony. Ishbi-Ura, the founder of the new dynasty of kings,established his own family upon the throne for nearly a century, andwemayprobablyregardhissuccessinbringinghiscitytothefrontasduetotheSemiticelementsinSouthernBabylonia,recentlyreinforcedbyfreshaccretionsfromthe

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north-west.ThecentralizationofauthorityunderthelaterkingsofUrhadledtoabuses in the administration, and to the revolt of the Elamite provinces; andwhenaninvadingarmyappearedbeforethecapitalandcarriedtheking,whomhiscourtiershaddeified,tocaptivityinElam, Sumerianprestigereceivedablowfromwhichitneverrecovered.

Shortly after Ishbi-Ura had established himself in Nîsin, we find anothernoble, who bore the Semitic name Naplanum, following his example, andfoundinganindependentlineofrulersintheneighbouringcityofLarsa.But,inspite of the Semitic names borne by these two leaders and by the kingswhosucceeded them in their respective cities, it is clear that no great change tookplace in the character of the population. The commercial and administrativedocumentsoftheNîsinperiodcloselyresemblethoseoftheDynastyofUr,andevidentlyreflectanunbrokensequenceinthecourseofthenationallife. ThegreatbulkofthesouthernBabylonianswerestillSumerian,andwemayregardthenewdynastiesbothatNîsinandLarsaasrepresentingacomparativelysmallracial aristocracy,which by organizing the national forces in resistance to theElamites,hadsucceededinimposingtheirownruleuponthenativepopulation.AtNîsintheunbrokensuccessionoffiverulersisevidenceofasettledstateofaffairs,andthoughGimil-ilishureignedfornomorethantenyears,hissonandgrandson,aswellashisfather,Ishbi-Ura,allhadlongreigns.AtLarsa,too,wefindEmisuandSamum,whosucceededNaplanum,thefounderofthedynasty,each retaining the throne for more than a generation. It is probable that theSumerians accepted their new rulers without question, and that the latterattempted to introduce no startling innovations into their system ofadministrativecontrol.

Of the two contemporaneous dynasties in Southern Babylonia, there is nodoubtthatNîsinwasthemoreimportant.NotonlyhavewethedirectevidenceoftheNippurKings'ListthatitwastoNîsinthehegemonypassedfromUr,butwhat votive texts and building-records have been recovered prove that itsrulersextendedtheirswayoverotherofthegreatcitiesofSumerandAkkad.AfragmentarytextofIdin-Dagan,thesonandsuccessorofGimil-ilishu,foundatAbûHabba, proves that Sippar acknowledged his authority, and inscribedbricksofhisownsonIshme-DaganhavebeenfoundinthesouthatUr.

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Inalltheirinscriptions,too,thekingsofNîsinlayclaimtotheruleofSumerand Akkad, while Ishme-Dagan and his son Libit-Ishtar adopt furtherdescriptive titles implying beneficent activities on their part in the cities ofNippur,Ur,ErechandEridu.TherecentlypublishedinscriptionsofLibit-Ishtar,whichwererecoveredduringtheAmericanexcavationsatNippur,provethatinhis reign the central city and shrine of Babylonia were under Nîsin's activecontrol. But he was the last king in the direct line from Ishbi-Ura, and it isprobable that the break in the successionmay be connectedwith a temporarydepressioninthefortunesofthecity;forweshortlyhaveevidenceofanincreaseinthepowerofLarsa,inconsequenceofwhichthecityofUracknowledgedhersuseraintyinplaceofthatofNîsin.AtthetimeofLibit-Ishtar'sdeathZabâiawasreigningatLarsa,butafter threeyearsthelatterwassucceededbyGungunum,whonotonlyborethetitlesofkingofLarsaandofUr,butlaidclaimtotheruleofSumerandAkkad.

Atanyrate,onememberof theolddynastic familyofNîsinacknowledgedthesenewclaims.Enannatum,Libit-Ishtar'sbrother,wasatthistimechiefpriestof the Moon-temple in Ur, and on cones discovered at Mukayyar hecommemoratestherebuildingoftheSun-templeatLarsaforthepreservationofhisownlifeandthatofGungunum. ItispossiblethatwhenUr-Ninibsecuredthe throneofNîsin, thesurvivingmembersof Ishbi-Ura's family fled fromthecitytoitsrival,andthatEnannatum,oneofthemostpowerfuloftheirnumber,andpossiblythedirectheirtohisbrother'sthrone,wasinstalledbyGungunuminthehigh-priestlyofficeatUr.ItwouldbetemptingtoconnectLibit-Ishtar'sfallwith a fresh incursion ofWest-Semitic tribes,who, recking little of any racialconnexionwiththemselvesonthepartofthereigningfamilyatNîsinmayhaveattacked thecitywithsomesuccessuntildefeatedanddrivenoffbyUr-Ninib.We now know that Ur-Ninib conducted a successful campaign against the SutribesonthewestofBabylonia, andinsupportofthesuggestionitwouldbepossible to cite the much discussed date-formula upon a tablet in the BritishMuseum,whichwasdrawnupin"theyearinwhichtheAmurrudroveoutLibit-Ishtar." But since the Libit-Ishtar of the formula has no title, it is alsopossible to identify him with a provincial governor, probably of Sippar, whobore thenameofLibit-Ishtar, and seems tobe referred toonotherdocumentsinscribedinthereignofApil-Sin, thegrandfatherofHammurabi. Thedate

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assignedtotheinvasiononthesecondalternativewouldcorrespondtoanotherperiodofunrestatNîsin,whichfollowedthelongreignofEnlil-bani,sothatoneitheralternativewemayconjecturethatthecityofNîsinwasaffectedforatimebyanewincursionofAmorites.

WhetherthefallofLibit-Ishtarmaybetracedtosuchacauseornot,wenowknowthatitwasduringthereignsofUr-NinibandGungunum,atNîsinandatLarsa respectively, that a West-Semitic Dynasty was established at Babylon.NorthernBabylonianowfellunderthepoliticalcontroloftheinvaders,anditissignificantofthenewdirectionoftheiradvancethattheonlyconflictconnectedin later tradition with the name of Sumu-abum, the founder of Babylon'sindependentlineofrulers,wasnotwitheitherofthedominantcitiesinSumer,but with Assyria in the far north. On a late chronicle it is recorded that Ilu-shûma, King of Assyria, marched against Su-abu, or Sumu-abum, andthoughtheresultoftheencounterisnotrelated,wemayassumethathismotiveinmaking the attackwas to check encroachments of the invaders towards thenorthanddrivethemsouthwardintoBabylonia.Ilu-shûma'sownnameispurelySemitic,andsincetheAmoritegodDaganentersintothecompositionofanameborne by more than one early Assyrian ruler, we may assume that AssyriareceivedherSemiticpopulationat about thisperiodasanotheroffshootof theAmoritemigration.

FIG.34.HEADOFANARCHAICLIMESTONEFIGUREFROMASHUR.Theprimitivecharacterof thesculpture isapparent,and the inlayingof the

eyes with shell is characteristic of early work in Babylonia. The figure ispossiblythatofafemale.

(AfterMitt.derDeutsch.Orient-Gesellschaft,No.54,p.9.)This assumption does not rest entirely on evidence supplied by the royal

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names, but finds indirect confirmation in recent archæological research. TheexcavationsonthesiteofAshur,theearliestAssyriancapital,tendtoshowthatthe first settlements in that country, of whichwe have recovered traces, weremadebyapeople closely akin to theSumeriansofSouthernBabylonia. ItwasinthecourseofworkuponatemplededicatedtoIshtar,thenationalgoddessofAssyria,thatremainswerefoundofveryearlyperiodsofoccupation.Belowthefoundationofthelaterbuildingastilloldertemplewasfound,alsodedicatedtothatgoddess.Incidentallythisbuildinghasaninterestofitsown,foritprovedtobe theearliest templeyetdiscovered inAssyria,dating,as itprobablydoes,from the close of the thirdmillennium b.c. Still deeper excavation, below thelevelofthisprimitiveAssyrianshrine,revealedastratuminwhichwereseveralexamplesof rudesculpture,apparently representing,notSemites,but theearlynon-SemiticinhabitantsofSouthernBabylonia.

The extremely archaic character of the work is well illustrated by a head,possiblythatofafemalefigure, inwhich the inlayingof theeyes recallsafamiliarpractice inearlyworkfromBabylonia.But themoststrikingevidencewas furnished by heads of male figures, which, if offered for sale without aknowledge of their provenance, would undoubtedly have been accepted ascomingfromTelloorBismâya,thesitesoftheearlySumeriancitiesofLagashandAdab.TheracialtypepresentedbytheheadsappearstobepurelySumerian,and,thoughonefigureatleastisbearded,theSumerianpracticeofshavingtheheadwasevidentlyinvogue.

FIG.35.FIG.36.HEADSOFARCHAICMALEFIGURESFROMASHURANDTELLO.Amarkedfeatureofbothheadsistheshavenscalp,exhibitingacharacteristic

Sumerianpractice.Fig.35isfromAshur,Fig.36fromTello.(AfterM.D.O.G.,No.54,p.12,andDeSarzec,DécouvertesenChaldée,pl.6,No.1.)

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In other limestone figures, of which the bodies have been preserved, thetreatment of the garments corresponds precisely to that in archaic Sumeriansculpture. The figures wear the same rough woollen garments, and theconventionalizedtreatmentoftheseparateflocksofwoolisidenticalinbothsetsof examples. The evidence is not yet fully published, but, so far as it isavailable, it suggests that the Sumerians, whose presence has hitherto beentracedonlyuponsitesinSouthernBabylonia,werealsoataveryearlyperiodinoccupationofAssyria.

The violent termination of their settlement at Ashur is attested by anabundanceof charred remains,which separate theSumerian stratum from thatimmediatelyabove it.Hadwenoevidence to thecontrary, itmighthavebeenassumed that their successors were of the same stock as those early SemiticinvaderswhodominatedNorthernBabyloniaearlyinthethirdmillenniumb.c.,andpushedeastwardacrosstheTigrisintoGutium.ButitisrecognizedthatthefoundersofthehistoriccityofAshur,recordsofwhoseachievementshavebeenrecovered in the early building-inscriptions, bear names which are quite un-Semitic in character. There is a good deal to be said for regardingUshpia, orAushpia, the traditional founder of the great temple of the godAshir, andKikia,theearliestbuilderofthecity'swall, asrepresentingthefirstarrivalofthe Mitannian race, which in the fourteenth century played, under newleadership,sodominantapartinthepoliticsofWesternAsia. NotonlyhavetheirnamesaMitanniansound,butwehaveundoubtedevidenceoftheworshipof the Mitannian and Hittite god Teshub as early as the period of the FirstDynastyofBabylon;and thefact that theMitannianname,which incorporatesthatofthedeity,isbornebyawitnessonaBabyloniancontract,suggeststhathecameofacivilizedandsettledrace.

It is true that the name Mitanni is not met with at this period, but thegeographical termSubartu is, and in later traditionwasregardedashavingrankedwithAkkad,ElamandAmurruasoneofthefourquartersoftheancientcivilizedworld.

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FIG.37.—FIG.38.—FIG.39.EXAMPLESOFARCHAICSCULPTUREFROMASHURANDTELLO,

EXHIBITING THE SAME CONVENTION IN THE TREATMENT OFWOOLLENGARMENTS.

Theseatedstatuette(Fig.37)isfromAshur,andthetreatmentofthegarmentispreciselysimilartothatinearlyTellowork(Figs.38and39).AfterM.D.O.G.,No.54,p.18,andDéc.pl.2(bis,)No.1,andpl.21(ter,)No.3.)

In the astrological and omen texts,which incorporate very early traditions,the references to Shubartu are interpreted as applying to Assyria, but thetermevidentlyhadanearlierconnotationbeforetheriseofAssyriatopower.Itmaywell have included theNorth-Mesopotamian region known afterwards asthelandofMitanni,whoserulersarefoundintemporaryoccupationofNineveh,as their predecessorsmayhaveestablished themselves atAshur.But, howeverthatmaybe,itisclearthatthehistoriccityofAshurwasnotinitsorigineitheraSumerianoraSemitic foundation. Its later racialcharactermustdate from theperiodoftheWesternSemites,whoseamalgamationwithanalienandprobablyAnatolianstrain,whichtheyfoundthere,mayaccountinpartforthewarlikeandbrutalcharacterof theAssyriansofhistory,sostrikingacontrast to thatof themilderandmorecommercialSemiteswhosettledinthelowerEuphratesvalley.As inBabylonia, the languageand toagreat extent the featuresof theSemiteeventuallypredominated; and theotherelement in thecompositionof the racesurvivedonlyinanincreasedferocityoftemperament.

This was the people of whose attack on Sumu-abum, the founder ofBabylon'sgreatness,lateragespreservedthetradition.NoconflictwithAssyriaiscommemorated inSumu-abum'sdate-formulæ,and it ispossible that it tookplacebeforehesecuredhis throneinBabylon,andbuilt thegreatfortification-

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wallofthecitywithwhichheinauguratedhisreign.Whenoncehewassettledthere and had placed the town in a state of defence, he began to extend hisinfluenceoverneighbouringcitiesinAkkad.Kibalbarru,whichhefortifiedwitha city-wall in his thirdyear,wasprobably in the immediate neighbourhoodofBabylon,andweknowthatDilbat, thefortificationofwhichwascompletedinhisninthyear,layonlyaboutseventeenmilessouthofthecapital. Thefiveyearswhichseparated these twoeffortsatexpansionwereuneventful fromthepoint of view of political achievement, for the only noteworthy episodesrecordedwerethebuildingofatempletothegoddessNin-SinnaandanothertoNannar,theMoon-god,inwhichheafterwardssetupagreatcedardoor.ItmaybethattheconflictwithAssyriashouldbesetinthisinterval;butweshouldthenhaveexpectedsomesortofreferencetothesuccessfulrepulseoftheenemy,anditispreferabletoplaceitbeforehisfirstyearofrule.

HissuccessintheencounterwithAssyriamaywellhaveaffordedthisWest-SemiticchieftaintheopportunityoffortifyingoneofthegreattownsofAkkad,andofestablishinghimselfthereasitsprotectoragainstthedangerofaggressionfrom thenorth; and there is nodoubt thatBabylonhad longhad some sort oflocal governor, the traditions of whose office he inherited. Since we havereferencestoE-sagilainthetimeoftheDynastiesofAkkadandofUr, theformer rulers of Babylon were probably no more than the chief priests ofMarduk'ssanctuary.ThatSumu-abumshouldhavechangedtheofficetothatofking,andthathissuccessorshouldhavesucceededinestablishingadynastythatenduredfornearlythreecenturies,isevidenceoftheunabatedenergyofthenewsettlers. Even the later members of the dynasty retained their original West-Semitic character, and this fact, coupled with the speedy control of othercities thanBabylon, suggests that theWesternSemites had now arrived in fargreaternumbersthanduringtheirearliermigrationfartherdowntheEuphrates.

It is possible to trace the gradual growth of Babylon's influence in Akkadunderhernewrulers,andthestagesbywhichshethrewouthercontroloveranincreasingareaofterritory.AtDilbat,forexample,shehadnodifficultiesfromthe very first, and during almost the whole period of the First Dynasty thegovernmentof thecitywasscarcelydistinguishablefromthatofBabylon.ThegodUrash and thegoddessLagamalwere thepatrondeities ofDilbat, aroundwhose cult the life of the city centred; and there was a local secular

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administration.Butthelatterwascompletelysubordinatetothecapital,andnoeffortwasmade,norapparentlywasonerequired,toretainasemblanceoflocalindependence.ThetreatmentofSippar,ontheotherhand,wasratherdifferent.HereSumu-abumappearstohaverecognizedthelocalrulerashisvassal;and,asa further concession to its semi-independent state, he allowed the town theprivilegeofcontinuingtouseitsowndate-formulæ,derivedfromlocalevents.

Oaths,itistrue,hadtobetakeninthekingofBabylon'snameandinthatofthegreatSun-godofSippar;butthecitycouldarrangeanduseitsownsystemoftime-reckoning without reference to the capital's affairs. Perhaps the mostinterestingexampleofBabylon'searlysystemofprovincialgovernment is thatpresentedbythecityofKish,forwecantheretracethegradualextensionofhercontrolfromalimitedsuzeraintytocompleteannexation.

Kishlayfarnearer toBabylonthanDilbat, but ithadamore illustriouspast to inspire it than the other city. It had played a great part in the earlierhistoryofSumerandAkkad,andatthetimeoftheWest-SemiticoccupationofBabylon it was still governed by independent kings. We have recovered aninscription of one such ruler, Ashduni-erim, whomay well have been Sumu-abum'scontemporary,fortherecordreflectsastateofaffairssuchaswouldhavebeen caused by a hostile invasion and gradual conquest of the country.AlthoughAshduni-erim lays claim only to the kingdomofKish, he speaks ingrandiloquenttermsoftheinvasion,relatinghowthefourquartersoftheworldrevoltedagainsthim.Foreightyearshefoughtagainsttheenemy,sothatintheeighth year his army was reduced to three hundred men. But the city-godZamama and Ishtar, his consort, then came to his succour and brought himsuppliesoffood.Withthisencouragementhemarchedoutforawholeday,andthenforfortydaysheplacedtheenemy'slandundercontribution;andhecloseshisinscriptionratherabruptlybyrecordingthatherebuiltthewallofKish.Theclay cone was probably a foundation-record, which he buried within thestructureofthecity-wall.

Ashduni-erimdoesnotrefertohisenemybyname,butitistobenotedthatthehostile territory laywithin aday'smarchofKish, adescription that surelypoints to Babylon. The eight years of conflict fit in admirably with thesuggestion, forwe know that itwas in Sumu-abum's tenth year, exactly eightyearsafterhisoccupationofKibalbarru, thathissuzeraintywasacknowledged

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inKish.Sumu-abumnamedthatyearofhisreignafterhisdedicationofacrowntothegodAnuofKish, andwemayconjecturethatAshduni-erim,weakenedby the long conflict which he describes, came to terms with his strongerneighbourandacceptedthepositionofavassal.Havinggivenguaranteesforhisfidelity, he would have received Sumu-abum in Kish, where the latter as thesuzerain of the city performed the dedication he commemorated in his date-formula for that year. This would fully explain the guarded terms in whichAshduni-erimrefers to theenemy inhis inscription, the rebuildingof thecity-wallhaving,onthissupposition,beenundertakenwithBabylon'sconsent.

HAMMURABIRECEIVINGHISLAWSFROMTHESUNGOD.AfterDélég.enPerse,Mém.IV,pl.3ThatKishwasaccorded thepositionofavassalstate iscertain, for,among

contract-tablets recovered from thecity, severalweredrawnup in the reignofMananâ,whowasSumu-abum'svassal.InthesedocumentstheoathistakeninMananâ'sname,but theyaredatedby the formula forSumu-abum's thirteenthyear,commemoratinghiscaptureofKazallu.Theimportanceofthelattereventmay be held to explain the use of the suzerain's own formula, for otherdocumentsinMananâ'sreignaredatedbylocalevents,provingthatatKish,asatSippar,avassalcityofBabylonwasallowedtheprivilegeofretainingitsown

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systemof time-reckoning. Ifweare right in regardingAshduni-erimasSumu-abum'scontemporary, it isclear thathemusthavebeensucceededbyMananâwithinthreeyearsofhiscapitulationtoBabylon.DuringthenextfewyearsthethroneofKishwasoccupiedbyatleastthreerulersinquicksuccession,Sumu-ditana, Iawium, andKhalium, for we know that by the thirteenth year ofSumu-la-ilum,whosucceededSumu-abumonthethroneofBabylon,thecityofKishhadrevoltedandhadbeenfinallyannexed.

TheconquestofKazallu,winchSumu-abumcarriedout in thelastyearbutone of his reign, was the most important of Babylon's early victories, for itmarked an extension of her influence beyond the limits of Akkad. The cityappearstohavelaintotheeastoftheTigris,andthetwomostpowerfulempiresinthepasthistoryofBabyloniahadeachcomeintoactiveconflictwithitduringthe early years of their existence. Its conquest by Akkad was regarded inBabyloniantraditionasthemostnotableachievementofSargon'sreign;andatalater period Dungi of Ur, after capturing the Elamite border city of Dêr, hadextendedhisempiretothenorthoreastbyincludingKazalluwithinitsborders.

Sumu-abum'sconquestwasprobablylittlemorethanasuccessfulraid,forinthe reign of Sumu-la-ilumKazallu in its turn attacked Babylon, and, by fullyoccupyingherenergies,delayedhersouthwardexpansionforsomeyears.

IntheearlierpartofhisreignSumu-la-ilumappearstohavedevotedhimselftoconsolidating thepositionhispredecessorhadsecuredand to improving theinternalresourcesofhiskingdom.TheShamash-khegallumCanal,whichhecutimmediatelyonhisaccession,layprobablyintheneighbourhoodofSippar;andlateronhefurtherimprovedthecountry'ssystemofirrigationbyasecondcanalto which he gave his own name. The policy he thus inaugurated wasenergeticallymaintainedbyhis successors, andmuchofBabylon'swealth andprosperity under her early kings may be traced to the care they lavished onincreasingtheareaoflandundercultivation.Sumu-la-ilumalsorebuiltthegreatfortification-wallofhiscapital,butduringhisfirsttwelveyearsherecordsonlyone military expedition. It was in his thirteenth year that the revolt andreconquestofKishputanendtothisperiodofpeacefuldevelopment.

The importance attached by Babylon to the suppression of this revolt isattested by the fact that for five years it formed an era for the dating of

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documents, whichwas only discontinuedwhen the city ofKazallu, under theleadershipof Iakhzir-ilum,administereda freshshock to thegrowingkingdombyaninvasionofBabylonianterritory.Iakhzir-ilumappearstohavesecuredtheco-operationofKishby inciting itoncemore torebellion, for in thefollowingyearBabylondestroyedthewallofAnuinthatcity;and,afterre-establishingherauthority there, she devoted her next campaign to carrying the war into theenemy'scountry.That thesubsequentconquestofKazalluand thedefeatof itsarmyfailedtoaffordafreshsubjectforanascenterainthechronologyistobeexplainedbytheincompletenessofthevictory;forIakhzir-ilumescapedthefatewhichovertookhiscity,anditwasonlyafterfiveyearsofcontinuedresistancethathewasfinallydefeatedandslain.

After disposing of this source of danger from beyond the Tigris, Sumu-la-ilumcontinuedhispredecessor'spolicyofannexationwithinthelimitsofAkkad.Inhis twenty-seventhyearhecommemorates thedestructionand rebuildingofthewall ofCuthah, suggesting that the cityhadup to that timemaintained itsindependenceandnowonlyyielded it to forceofarms. It issignificant that inthesameyearherecords thathe treated thewallof thegodZakar inasimilarfashion, for Dûr-Zakarwas one of the defences of Nippur, and lay eitherwithinthecity-areaorinitsimmediateneighbourhood.Thatyearthusappearstomark Babylon's first bid for the rule of Sumer as well as of Akkad, for thepossession of the central city was regarded as carrying with it the right ofsuzeraintyoverthewholecountry.Itisnoteworthy,too,thatthissuccessappearstocorrespondtoaperiodofgreatunrestatNîsininSouthernBabylonia.

DuringtheprecedingperiodoffortyyearsthesoutherncitieshadcontinuedtorulewithintheirhometerritorywithoutinterferencefromBabylon.InspiteofSumu-abum'sincreasinginfluenceinNorthernBabylonia,Ur-NinibofNîsinhadclaimed thecontrolofAkkad invirtueofhispossessionofNippur, thoughhisauthoritycannothavebeenrecognizedmuchfarthertothenorth.Liketheearlierking of Nîsin, Ishme-Dagan, he styled himself in addition Lord of Erech andpatronofNippur,UrandEridu,andsodidhissonBûr-SinII.,whosucceededhis father after the latter's long reign of twenty-eight years. Of the group ofsoutherncitiesLarsaalonecontinued toboasta lineof independent rulers, thethronehavingpassedfromGungunumsuccessively toAbi-sarê andSumu-ilum; and in the latter's reign itwould seem thatLarsa for a timeevenousted

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Nîsinfromthehegemony inSinner.ForwehaverecoveredatTello thevotivefigureofadog,whichacertainpriestofLagashnamedAbba-duggadedicatedtoa goddess on his behalf, and in the inscription he refers to Sumu-ilum asKingofUr,provingthatthecityhadpassedfromthecontrolofNîsintothatofLarsa. The goddess, to whom the dedication was made, was Nin-Nîsin, "theLadyofNîsin,"afactsuggestiveofthefurtherpossibilitythatNîsinitselfmayhave acknowledged Sumu-ilum for a time. Itmay be noted that in the list ofNîsin kings one name ismissing after those of Itêr-pîsha andUra-imitti,whofollowed Bûr-Sin on the throne in quick succession. According to latertraditionUra-imittihadnamedhisgardener,Enlil-bani,tosucceedhim, andinthelistthemissingrulerisrecordedtohavereignedinNîsinforsixmonthsbeforeEnlil-bani's accession. It is perhaps just possible thatwe should restorehisnameasthatofSumu-ilumofLarsa, whomayhavetakenadvantageoftheinternaltroublesofNîsin,notonlytoannexUr,buttoplacehimselfforafewmonthsupontherivalthrone,untildrivenoutbyEnlil-bani.Howeverthatmaybe, it iscertain thatLarsaprofitedby theunrestatNîsin,andwemayperhapsalsoconnectwithitBabylon'ssuccessfulincursioninthesouth.

There is no doubt that Sumu-la-ilum was the real founder of Babylon'sgreatness as a military power.We have the testimony of his later descendantSamsu-iluna to thestrategic importanceof thefortresseshebuilt toprotecthiscountry'sextendedfrontier; and,thoughDûr-ZakarofNippuristheonlyonethepositionofwhichcanbeapproximatelyidentified,wemayassumethatthemajority of these lay along the east and the south sides of Akkad, where thegreatestdangerofinvasionwastobeanticipated.ItdoesnotseemthatNippuritselfpassedatthistimeundermorethanatemporarycontrolbyBabylon,andwe may assume that, after his successful raid, Sumu-la-ilum was content toremainwithinthelimitsofAkkad,whichhestrengthenedwithhislineofforts.In his later years he occupied the city of Barzi, and conducted some furthermilitaryoperations,detailsofwhichwehavenotrecovered;butthosewerethelasteffortsonBabylon'spartformorethanageneration.

The pause in expansion gave Babylon the opportunity of husbanding herresources, after the first effort of conquest hadbeen renderedpermanent in itseffect by Sumu-la-ilum. His two immediate successors, Zabum and Apil-Sin,

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occupied themselves with the internal administration of their kingdom andconfined their military activities to keeping the frontier intact. Zabum indeedrecords a successful attack on Kazallu, no doubt necessitated by renewedaggressiononthatcity'spart;buthisothermostnotableachievementswerethefortification ofKâr-Shamash, and the construction of a canal or reservoir.EquallyuneventfulwasthereignofApil-Sin,forthoughDûr-muti, thewallofwhichherebuilt,mayhavebeenacquiredastheresultofconquest,hetoowasmainlyoccupiedwiththeconsolidationandimprovementoftheterritoryalreadywon.Hestrengthened thewallsofBarziandBabylon,cut twocanals, andrebuilt someof thegreat temples. Asa resultofherpeacefuldevelopmentduring thisperiod the countrywas rendered capableof a still greater struggle,whichwas to freeSumerandAkkadfromaforeigndomination,and,byover-coming the invader, was to place Babylon for a time at the head of a morepowerful and united empire than had yet been seen on the banks of theEuphrates.

Thecountry'snew foewasherold rivalElam,whomore thanoncebeforehadbysuccessfulinvasionaffectedthecourseofBabylonianaffairs.Butonthisoccasionshedidmorethanraid,harry,andreturn:sheannexedthecityofLarsa,andbyusingitasacentreofcontrol,attemptedtoextendherinfluenceoverthewholeofSumerandAkkad. Itwasat thecloseofApil-Sin's reignatBabylonthatKudur-Mabuk,therulerofWesternElam,knownatthisperiodasthelandof Emutbal, invaded SouthernBabylonia and, after deposing Sili-Adad ofLarsa,installedhisownsonWarad-Sinuponthethrone.Itisatestimonytothegreatnessofthisachievement,thatLarsahadforsometimeenjoyedoverNîsinthe position of leading city in Sumer.Nûr-Adad, the successor of Sumu-ilum,had retained control of the neighbouring city ofUr, and, thoughEnlil-bani ofNîsinhadcontinuedtolayclaimtobeKingofSumerandAkkad,thisproudtitlewaswrestedfromZambiaorhissuccessorbySin-idinnam,Nur-Adad'sson.Sin-idinnam,indeed,onbricksfromMuḳayyarintheBritishMuseummakesareferencetothemilitaryachievementsbywhichhehadwonthepositionforhiscity.InthetexthisobjectistorecordtherebuildingoftheMoon-god'stempleinUr,butherelatesthathecarriedoutthisworkafterhehadmadethefoundationofthethroneofLarsasecureandhadsmittenthewholeofhisenemieswiththe

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sword. Itisprobablethathisthreesuccessorsonthethrone,whoreignedforless than ten years between them, failed tomaintain his level of achievement,and that Sin-magir recovered the hegemony for Nîsin. But Ur, no doubt,remainedunderLarsa'sadministration,anditwasnomeannorinferiorcitythatKudur-Mabukseizedandoccupied.

TheElamitehadseenhisopportunity in thecontinualconflictswhichweretaking place between the two rival cities of Sumer. In their contest for thehegemonyLarsahadprovedherselfsuccessful fora time,butshewasstill theweakercityanddoubtlessmoreexposedtoattackfromacrosstheTigris.Henceher selection by Kudur-Mabuk as a basis for his attempt on the country as awhole.HehimselfretainedhispositioninElamastheAddaofEmutbal;butheinstalledhistwosons,Warad-SinandRîm-Sin,successivelyuponthethroneofLarsa,andencouragedthemtoattackNîsinandtolayclaimtotheruleofSumerandAkkad.But thesuccesswhichattendedtheireffortssoonbroughtBabylonuponthescene,andwehavethecuriousspectacleofathree-corneredcontest,inwhichNîsinisatwarwithElam,whileBabylonisatwarinturnwithboth.ThatSin-muballit, the son of Apil-Sin, did not combine with Nîsin to expel theinvader from Babylonian soil, may have played at first into the hands of theElamites.ButitisnottobeforgottenthattheWesternSemitesofBabylonwerestillaconqueringaristocracy,andtheirsympathieswerefarfrombeinginvolvedinthefateofanypartofSumer.BothElamandBabylonmusthaveforeseenthatthe capture ofNîsinwould prove a decisive advantage to the victor, and eachwascontenttoseeherweakenedinthehopeofultimatesuccess.WhenRîm-Sinactually proved the victor in the long struggle, and Larsa under his regisinheritedthetraditionsaswellasthematerialresourcesoftheNîsinDynasty,thethree-cornered contest was reduced to a duel between Babylon and a morepowerfulLarsa.Thenforagenerationthereensuedafiercestrugglebetweenthetwo invading races, Elam and theWestern Semites, for the possession of thecountry;andthefactthatHammurabi,Sin-muballit'sson,shouldhaveemergedvictorious, was a justification in full of his father's policy of avoiding anyalliance with the south. The Western Semites proved themselves in the endstrongenoughtoovercometheconquerorofNîsin,andtherebytheywereleftinundisputedpossessionofthewholeofBabylonia.

Itispossible,withthehelpofthedate-formulæandvotiveinscriptionsofthe

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period,tofollowinoutlinethemainfeaturesofthisremarkablestruggle.AtfirstKudur-Mabuk'sfootinginSumerwasconfinedtothecityofLarsa,thougheventhen he laid claim to the title Adda of Amurru, a reference to be explainedperhapsby thesuggestedAmoriteoriginof theLarsaandNîsindynasties,andreflectingaclaimto thesuzeraintyof the landfromwhichhisnorthernfoesatanyrateboastedtheirorigin. Warad-Sin,onascending the throne,assumedmerelythetitleKingofLarsa,butwesoonfindhimbecomingthepatronofUr,and building a great fortification-wall in that city. He then extended hisauthority to the south and east,Eridu,Lagash, andGirsu all fallingbeforehisarmsor submitting tohis suzerainty. During this periodBabylon remainedaloofinthenorth,andSin-muballitisoccupiedwithcuttingcanalsandfortifyingcities,someofwhichheperhapsoccupiedfor thefirst time. Itwasonly inhisfourteenthyear,afterWarad-SinhadbeensucceededatLarsabyhisbrotherRîm-Sin, thatwe have evidence ofBabylon taking an active part in opposingElamitepretensions.

BRONZECONEANDVOTIVEFIGURE.Brit.Mus.,Nos.90951and91016.

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STONECYLINDERWITHAVOTIVEINSCRIPTIONBrit.Mus.,No.91085.InthatyearSin-muballitrecordsthatheslewthearmyofUrwiththesword,

and,sinceweknowthatUrwasatthistimeavassal-cityofLarsa,itisclearthatthe army referred towasoneof thoseunderRîm-Sin's command.Threeyearslaterhe transferredhisattentionfromLarsa toNîsin, thenunder thecontrolofDamiḳ-ilishu,thesonandsuccessorofSin-magir.OnthatoccasionSin-muballitcommemorateshis conquestofNîsin, but itmusthavebeen littlemore thanavictoryinthefield,forDamiḳ-ilishulostneitherhiscitynorhisindependence.InthelastyearofhisreignwefindSin-muballitfightingontheotherfront,andclaimingtohaveslainthearmyofLarsawiththesword.Itisclearthatintheselast seven years of his reign Babylon proved herself capable of cheeking anyencroachments to the north on the part of Larsa and the Elamites, and, by acontinuanceof thepolicyoffortifyinghervassal-cities, shepaved thewayforamorevigorousoffensiveonthepartofHammurabi,Sin-muballit'ssonandsuccessor. Meanwhile the unfortunate city of Nîsin was between two fires,though for a few years longerDamiḳ-ilishu succeeded in beating off both hisopponents.

ThemilitarysuccessesofHammurabifallwithintwoclearlydefinedperiods,thefirstduringthefiveyearswhichfollowedhissixthyearofruleatBabylon,andasecondperiod,oftenyears'duration,beginningwiththethirteenthofhisreign. On his accession he appears to have inaugurated the reforms in theinternaladministrationofthecountry,whichculminatedtowardsthecloseofhislifeinthepromulgationofhisfamousCodeofLaws;forhecommemoratedhissecond year as that in which he established righteousness in the land. Thefollowing years were uneventful, the most important royal acts being theinstallation of the chief-priest inKashbaran, the building of awall for theGagûm,orgreatCloisterofSippar,andofatempletoNannarinBabylon.ButwithhisseventhyearwefindhisfirstreferencetoamilitarycampaigninaclaimtothecaptureofErechandNîsin.ThistemporarysuccessagainstDamik-ilishuofNîsinwasdoubtlessamenacetotheplansofRîm-SinatLarsa,anditwouldappear that Kudur-Mabuk came to the assistance of his son by threateningBabylon'seasternborder.AtanyrateHammurabirecordsaconflictwiththeland

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of Emutbal in his eighth year, and, though the attack appears to have beensuccessfullyrepulsedwithagainofterritorytoBabylon, thediversionwassuccessful. Rîm-Sin took advantage of the respite thus secured to renew hisattack with increased vigour upon Nîsin, and in the following year, theseventeenthofhisownreign,thefamouscityfell,andLarsaunderherElamiterulersecuredthehegemonyinthewholeofCentralandSouthernBabylonia.

Rîm-Sin's victorymust have been a severe blow toBabylon, and itwouldseemthatshemadenoattemptatfirsttorecoverherpositioninthesouth,sinceHammurabioccupiedhimselfwitha raidonMalgûm in thewest andwiththe capture of the cities of Rabikum and Shalibi. But these were the lastsuccesses during his first military period, and for nineteen years afterwardsBabylon achieved nothing of a similar nature to commemorate in her date-formulæ.For themostpart theyears arenamedafter thededicationof statuesand the building and enrichment of temples. One canal was cut, and theprocessoffortificationwenton,Sipparespeciallybeingputinathoroughstateofdefence. ButthenegativeevidencesuppliedbytheformulæforthisperiodsuggeststhatitwasoneinwhichBabyloncompletelyfailedinanyattemptshemayhavemadetohinderthegrowthofLarsa'spowerinthesouth.

Inadditiontohiscapital,Rîm-Sinhadinheritedfromhisbrotherthecontrolofthesoutherngroupofcities,Ur,Erech,GirsuandLagash,allofwhichlaytotheeastofLarsaandnearertothecoast;anditwasprobablybeforehisconquestofNîsinthathetookErechfromDamiḳ-ilishu,whohadbeenattackedtherebyHammurabitwoyearsbefore.ForinmorethanoneofhisinscriptionsRîm-Sinrefers to the timewhenAnu,EnlilandEnki, thegreatgods,hadgiventhefaircityofErechintohishands. WealsoknowthathetookKisurra,rebuiltthewall of Zabilum, and extended his authority over Kesh, whose goddessNinmakh, he relates, gave him the kingship over the whole country. ThemostnotableresultofhisconquestofNîsinwasthepossessionofNippur,whichnowpassed to him and regularized his earlier claim to the rule of Sumer andAkkad.ThereafterhedescribeshimselfastheexaltedPrinceofNippur,orastheshepherd of the whole land of Nippur; and we possess an interestingconfirmationofhisrecognitionthereinaclayconeinscribedwithadedicationfortheprolongationofhislifebyaprivatecitizen,acertainNinib-gamil.

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[83]

[84]

[85]

[86]

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ThatRîm-Sin'sruleinSumerwasattendedbygreatprosperitythroughoutthecountry as awhole, is attestedby thenumerous commercial documentswhichhave been recovered both atNippur andLarsa and are dated in the era of hiscaptureofNîsin.Thereisalsoevidencethathedevotedhimselftoimprovingthesystem of irrigation and of transport by water. He canalized a section in thelowercourseoftheEuphrates,anddugtheTigristothesea,nodoubtremovingfrom itsmain channel an accumulationof silt,whichnotonlyhindered trafficbutincreasedthedangeroffloodandthegrowthoftheswamp-area.HealsocuttheMashtabbaCanal,andothersatNippurandontheKhabiluriver. Itwouldseem that, in spite of his Elamite extraction and the intimate relations hecontinued to maintain with his father Kudur-Mabuk, he completely identifiedhimselfwith the country of his adoption; for in the course of his long life hemarried twice, andbothhiswives, to judge from their fathers' names,wereofSemiticdescent.

It was not until nearly a generation had passed, after Rîm-Sin's capture ofNîsin, that Hammurabi made any headway against the Elamite domination,whichforsolonghadarrestedanyincreaseinthepowerofBabylon. Buthissuccess, when it came, was complete and enduring. In his thirtieth year herecordsthathedefeatedthearmyofElam,andinthenextcampaignhefollowedupthisvictorybyinvadingthelandofEmutbal, inflictingafinaldefeatontheElamites, and capturing and annexingLarsa.Rîm-Sin himself appears to havesurvived formany years, and to have given further trouble to Babylon in thereignofHammurabi'sson,Samsu-iluna.—AndtheevidenceseemstoshowthatforafewyearsatleasthewasaccordedthepositionofvassalruleratLarsa.OnthissuppositionHammurabi,afterhisconquestofSumer,wouldhavetreatedtheoldcapitalinthesamewaythatSumu-abumtreatedKish. But itwouldseemthatafteratimeLarsamusthavebeendeprivedofmanyofitsprivileges,including that of continuing its own era of time-reckoning; and Hammurabi'sletterstoSin-idinnam,hislocalrepresentative,givenohintofanydividedrule.WemayperhapsassumethatRîm-Sin'ssubsequentrevoltwasduetoresentmentat this treatment, and that in Samsu-iluna's reign he seized a favourableopportunitytomakeonemorebidforindependentruleinBabylonia.

The defeat of Rîm-Sin, and the annexation of Sumer to Babylon, freed

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Hammurabiforthetaskofextendinghisempireonitsotherthreesides.Duringthese later years he twice made successful raids in the Elamite country ofTupliash or Ashnunnak, and on the west he destroyed the walls ofMari andMalgûm, defeated the armies of Turukkum,Kagmum and Subartu, and in histhirty-ninthyearhe records thathedestroyedallhisenemies thatdweltbesideSubartu. It is probable that he includes Assyria under the geographical termSubartu, for bothAshur andNinevehwere subject to his rule; and one of hislettersprovesthathisoccupationofAssyriawasofapermanentcharacter,andthathisauthoritywasmaintainedbygarrisonsofBabyloniantroops.Hammurabitells us too, in the Prologue to his Code of Laws, that he subjugated "thesettlementsontheEuphrates,"implyingtheconquestofsuchlocalWest-SemitickingdomsasthatofKhana. OnthewestwemaythereforeregardtheareaofhismilitaryactivitiesasextendingtothebordersofSyria.Uptothecloseofhisreignhecontinuedtoimprovethedefencesofhiscountry,forhedevotedhislasttwoyearstorebuildingthegreatfortificationofKâr-ShamashontheTigrisandthewallofRabikumontheEuphrates,andheonceagainstrengthenedthecity-wall of Sippar. His building-inscriptions also bear witness to his increasedactivityinthereconstructionoftemplesduringhisclosingyears.

Anestimateof the extent ofHammurabi's empiremaybe formed from thevery exhaustive record of his activities which he himself drew up as thePrologue tohisCode.Hethereenumerates thegreatcitiesofhiskingdomandthe benefits he has conferred upon each one of them. The list of cities is notdrawnupwithanyadministrativeobject,butfromapurelyreligiousstandpoint,arecitalofhistreatmentofeachcitybeingfollowedbyareferencetowhathehasdoneforitstempleanditscity-god.Hencethemajorityofthecitiesarenotarrangedonageographicalbasis,but inaccordancewith their relative rankascentresofreligiouscult.Nippurnaturallyheadsthelist,anditspossessionatthistime by Babylon had, as we shall see, far-reaching effects upon thedevelopmentofthemythologyandreligioussystemofthecountry.NextinordercomesEridu,invirtueofthegreatageandsanctityofitslocaloracle.Babylon,asthecapital,comesthird,andthenthegreatcentresofMoon-andSun-worship,followed by the other great cities and shrines of Sumer and Akkad, the kingcharacterizing thebenefitshehasbestowedoneach.The list includessomeofhiswesternconquestsandendswithAshurandNineveh. It issignificantof

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[97]

the racial character of his dynasty that Hammurabi should here ascribe hisvictoriesonthemiddleEuphratesto"thestrengthofDagan,hiscreator,"provingthat,likehisancestorsbeforehim,hecontinuedtobeproudofhisWest-Semiticdescent.

In view of the closer relations which had now been established betweenBabyloniaandtheWest, itmaybeinterestingtorecall thatanechofromthesetroubled times found itsway into the early traditionsof theHebrews, andhasbeenpreservedintheBookofGenesis.Itisthererelated thatAmraphelkingofShinar,AriochkingofEllasar,ChedorlaomerkingofElam,andTidalkingofGoiimor the"nations,"actingasmembersofaconfederation, invadedEasternPalestine to subdue the revolted tribes of that district. Chedorlaomer isrepresentedastheheadoftheconfederation,andthoughweknowofnoElamiteruler of that name,wehave seen thatElamat about this periodhad exercisedcontrol over a great part of Southern and Central Babylonia, and that itsBabyloniancapitalwasthecityofLarsa,withwhichtheEllasaroftheHebrewtraditioniscertainlytobeidentified. Moreover,Kudur-Mabuk,thehistoricalfounder of the Elamite domination in Babylonia, did lay claim to the title ofAddaorruleroftheAmorites. AmraphelofShinarmaywellbeHammurabiof Babylon himself, though, so far from acknowledging the suzerainty of theElamites, hewas their principal antagonist andbrought their domination to anend. Tidal is a purelyHittite name, and it is significant that the close ofHammurabi's powerful dynastywas, aswe shall see presently, hastenedby aninvasionofHittitetribes.ThusallthegreatnationswhicharementionedinthispassageinGenesiswereactuallyonthestageofhistoryatthistime,and,thoughwehaveasyetfoundnotraceinsecularsourcesofsuchaconfederationundertheleadershipofElam,theHebrewrecordrepresentsastateofaffairsinWesternAsiawhichwasnotimpossibleduringtheearlierhalfofHammurabi'sreign.

While Sumu-la-ilum may have laid the foundations of Babylon's militarypower, Hammurabi was the real founder of her greatness. To his militaryachievements he added a genius for administrative detail, and his letters anddespatches,whichhavebeenrecovered,revealhimasinactivecontrolofevensubordinateofficialsstationedindistantcitiesofhisempire.Thatheshouldhavesuperintendedmattersofpublicimportanceiswhatmightbenaturallyexpected;

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[100]

[101]

[102]

butwealsoseehiminvestigatingquitetrivialcomplaintsanddisputesamongthehumblerclassesofhissubjects,andoftensendingbackacaseforretrialorforfurtherreport.Infact,Hammurabi'sfamewillalwaysrestonhisachievementsasalaw-giver,andonthegreatlegalcodewhichhedrewupforusethroughouthisempire. It is true that this elaborate system of laws,which deal in detailwitheveryclassof thepopulation from thenoble to the slave,wasnot thecreativeworkofHammurabihimself.Likeallotherancientlegalcodesitwasgovernedstrictlybyprecedent,andwhereitdidnotincorporateearliercollectionsoflaws,itwasbasedoncarefulconsiderationofestablishedcustom.Hammurabi'sgreatachievementwasthecodificationofthismassoflegalenactmentsandtherigidenforcement of the provisions of the resulting code throughout the wholeterritoryofBabylonia.Itsprovisionsreflecttheking'sownenthusiasm,ofwhichhis letters give independent proof, in the cause of the humbler and the moreoppressed classes of his subjects. Numerous legal and commercial documentsalso attest the manner in which its provisions were carried out, and we haveevidence that the legislative system so established remained in practical forceduring subsequent periods. It may be well, then, to pause at the age ofHammurabi, in order to ascertain the main features of early Babyloniancivilization,andtoestimateitsinfluenceonthecountry'slaterdevelopment.

[1]Cf.Hogarth,"ThePenetrationofArabia,"pp.206ff.[2]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"pp.352ff.[3]An interestingconfirmationof thisviewhasbeenmadebyGeneralP.J.

Maitland.HepointsoutthatthegreattanksatAden,whichwerehewnoutofthesolid rock in early Himyarite if not in Sabajan times, are at the present dayabsolutelydryforfouryearsoutoffive,andthattheheaviestrainfallssincetheywerediscoveredandclearedouthavenot filled themtoaneighthpartof theircapacity;cf.hisprefacetoG.W.Bury's"LandofUz,"p.xii.f.

[4]Ithasbeenestablishedthatthesepulsationsofclimaticchangeapplytoallthegreatinlandsteppesupontheearth'ssurface,periodsofmaximummoisturebeing followed by long intervals of comparative aridity; see especially,Huntington,"ThePulseofAsia"(1907).

[5]Onthissubject,seeespeciallyMyres,"TheDawnofHistory,"pp.16ff.,104ff.

[6]ThisviewseemstobemoreprobablethantheassumptionthattheSemiticinhabitantsofCanaanlearnttheuseofmetalaftertheirfirstperiodofsettlement.

[7]Forthemoreimportantmonographsonthesubject,seeMacalister,"TheExcavation of Gezer" (1912), and Bliss and Macalister, "Excavations inPalestine during the years 1898-1900" (1902), both issued by the PalestineExplorationFund;Sellin,"TellTa'annek,"publishedbytheViennaAcademyinits"Denkschriften,"Phil.-Hist.Kl.,Bd.60,No.4(1904),and"EineNachleseaufdemTellTa'annekinPalästina,"ibid.,Bd.52,No.3(1906);Schumacher,"Tellel-Mutesellim," published by the "Deutscher Palästina Verein" in 1908; andSellin and Watzinger, "Jericho," a volume issued by the "Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft"inits"WissenschaftlicheVeröffentlichungen,"Hft.22(1913).Forfurtherreferencesandausefulsummaryofthearchæologicalresults,seeDriver,"ModernResearchas illustrating theBible" (SchweichLectures,1908),pp.40ff.; for later summaries, see especially Sayce, "Patriarchal Palestine," new ed.(1912),pp.233ff.,andHandcock,"LatestLightonBibleLands,"1913;andforanestimateofartisticachievement,cf.Hall,"AncientHistoryoftheNearEast"(1913),pp.440ff.OntheracialcharacteroftheearliestinhabitantsofCanaan,seeespeciallySergi,"TheMediterraneanRace"(1901).

[8] There are few data for estimating the period at which these centres ofpopulation were first fortified. There is no doubt that the city-walls are longanterior to theEgyptian conquest, and from the accumulation of débris in thelowerstrata theyhavebeenprovisionallyplacedatanearlyperiod in the thirdmillennium b.c.; in any case they preceded the age of the First BabylonianDynasty.

[9]The evidence has been recovered in connexionwith the excavations atCarchemish,conductedbyMr.HogarthfortheBritishMuseum.Fordiscussionsof the problems presented by the main excavation, see his volume on"Carchemish"(1914),and"HittiteProblemsandtheexcavationofCarchemish,"inthe"ProceedingsoftheBritishAcademy,"Vol.V.Theresultsofrecentnativedigging in neighbouring mounds have been recovered on the spot by hisassistantsMessrs.Woolley and Lawrence, andMr.Woolley has published anaccountoftheminapaperou"HittiteBurialCustoms,"intheLiverpool"AnnalsofArchæology,"VI.,No.4(1914),pp.87ff.

[10] Inviewof thehaphazardnatureof thenativediggings, theabsenceofcylinder-sealsonsomeneighbouringsites isnot tobetakenasnecessarilydis-provingBabylonianinfluencethere.AtAmarna,forexample,someeightmilestothesouthofJerablus,nosealsnorcylindersarereportedtohavebeenfound,but at Kara Kuzal, on the Mesopotamian side of the Euphrates oppositeHammam,wherethepotteryisoftheAmarnatype,twocylinder-sealsofalaterperiodandprobablyoflocalmanufacturewererecovered;theyareengravedinthestyleclassifiedbyMr.Woolleyas"theSyrianGeometric"(op.cit.,p.92).Thefindisalsoofinterestasprovingtheassimilationofthecylindricalformofseal,whichhadthenceasedtobemerelyaforeignimport.

[11]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.233f.[12] One of these large vessels is mentioned in an inventory among the

belongingsofavotaryof theSun-god,ofwhichwepossess twocopiesdatingfrom the period of the FirstDynasty ofBabylon; see "Cun. Texts in theBrit.Mus.,"II.,pl.1,Obv.,1.8,andpl.6,1.11;andcf.Hogarth,"Carchemish,"p.17.Thevesselwasof largesize,as it isstated tohavebeenof two-thirdsofagur, the greatest Babylonian measure of capacity; it may have been used forgrain.

[13]Cf.Woolley,op.cit.,pp.88f.,92ff.[14]Seebelow,pp.137ff.[15]Cf.Condamin,"Zeits. fürAssyr.,"XXI. (1908),pp.247ff.Thevotive

inscriptionwasdrawnupbyShamshi-AdadIV.[16]SeeThureau-Dangin,"Rev.d'Assyr.,"IV.(1898),p.85f.,andpl.xxxii.,

No.85,andSchorr,"UrkundendesaltbabylonischenZivil-undProzessrechts,"p.302f.BothThureau-DanginandUngnad("Beitr.z.Assyr.,"VI.,No.5,p.26)hadregardeditasadeedofsale,butthetenmanehsmentionedinthetextisnotasale-pricebutafinetobeimposedforanyinfringementofthedeed.

[17]SeeUngnad,"Vorderasiat.Schriftdenkmäler,"VII.,No.204,and"Beitr.z.Assyr.,"VI.,No.5(1909),pp.26ff.ThetabletwaspurchasedbyProf.SarreatDêrez-Zôr,andissaidtohavebeenfoundatRahabasomehourstothesouth-eastofthemouthoftheKhâbûr.

[18] See below, pp. 157, 159; Hammurabi also bore the title "King ofAmurru"(cf."Letters,"III.,p.195).

[19]Seebelow,p.190f.[20]ThecityofZakku-Isharlimmayhavederivedthesecondpartofitsname

fromthekingreferredtointhefirstdeedofgift;inthatcaseIgitlimmayperhapshavebeenthenameofanotherkingofKhana.Thecanalevidentlysuppliedoneof the cities with water from the Khâbûr. The last element in its name issuggestive of Kassite influence, and the script of this document points to aperiodratherlaterthanthatofHammurabi;foritspublication,seeJohns,"Proc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.,"XXIX.(1907),pp.177ff.

[21]Theyare themonthsTeritum,Kinunu,andBirizzarru.ForotherWest-Semiticmonth-names,cf."LettersofHammurabi,"p.xxxvi.f.,n.;themajorityofthe"seltenereMonatsnamen,"referredtobySchorr,"Urkunden,"p.577,aretobeincludedinthiscategory.

[22]The votive inscription of Shamshi-Adad IV. (see above, p.129 , n. 1)recordsitsrestoration.

[23]WefindatKhanasuchpersonalnamesasAmursha-Dagan,Iazi-Dagan,Turi-Dagan, Bitti-Dagan and Iashma(?)-Dagan, in addition to the city-nameIa'mu-Dagan;cf.Unguad,op.cit.,p.27f.

[24]Cf.Poebel,"HistoricalTexts,"p.137.[25]Cf.Breasted,"HistoryofEgypt,"pp.215ff.[26]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.304.[27]Thetraditiontothiseffect,whichwasincorporatedinthelateraugural

literature(cf.Boissier,"Choixdetextes,"II.,p.64;andMeissner,"Orient.Lit.-Zeit.,"1907,col.114,n.1)maybeacceptedashistoricallyaccurate;cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.304.

[28]Cf.Huber,"DiePersonennamen...ausderZeitderKönigevonUrundNîsin" (1907),passim. Itwas this fact that at one time seemed to suggest theprobabilitythatthekingsofNîsin,likethebulkoftheirsubjects,mayhavebeenSumerians(cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.303);butwemaypreferablyregardthemas representing the first wave of the movement which was soon to floodNorthernBabylonia.

[29]Cf.Hilprecht,"Math.,Met.,andChron.Tablets,"p.46f.,pl.30,No.47.[30]SeeScheil,"Rec.detrav.,"XVI.,pp.187ff.

[31]Cf."Cun.TextsintheBrit.Mus.,"XXI.,pl.20f.[32] In the dynastic Kings' List published byHilprecht, "Math.,Met., and

Chron.Tablets,"pl.30,No.47,Libit-IshtarisstatedtohavebeenIshme-Dagan'sson;butonanother,recentlypublishedbyPoebel,heisstatedtohavebeenIdin-Dagan'sson,andsothebrotherofIshme-Dagan(cf."HistoricalTexts,"pp.94,137).

[33]Cf."Cun.TextsintheBrit.Mus.,"XXI.,pl.22.[34] Cf. Poebel, "Historical Texts," p. 138; he also notes the fact that Ur-

NinibsuccessfullyraidedthecountryofZabshaliontheeastofBabylonia.[35] See "Cun. Texts," IV., pl. 22, No. 78, 395: and Ranke, "Orient. Lit.-

Zeit.,"1907,col.109ff.[36]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.315f.[37]Cf."ChroniclesconcerningEarlyBabylonianKings,"II.,p.14.TheIlu-

shûma,thefatherofIrishumorErishu,whoisreferredtoinbuilding-inscriptionsofShalmaneser I. andEsarhaddon (op.cit., I., pp. 118 ff.), is probably to beregardedasalaterrulerthanSumu-abum'scontemporary.

[38] Since the year 1903 the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft has beenconductingexcavationsatShergât, thesiteofAshur, theoldcapitalofAssyriaon themiddle Tigris.Monographs on some of the temples of the city and itssystemof fortificationhavealreadybeenpublished,andduring thesummerof1913theexcavationsweredrawingtoaclose.Thegreaterpartofthepalaceandtemple-area had been uncovered, and detailed plans had been made of allexistingbuildings; itonly remained to trenchstilldeeper to thevirgin rock, inordertocompletethedigging.Thisprocessbadnaturallybeenlefttilllast,asitinvolvedconsiderabledestruction to thebuildingsalreadyuncovered.Itwas inthecourseofthedeepertrenchingthatthediscoveriesreferredtointhetextweremade;forbriefreportsofthembyAndrae,seethe"MitteilungenderDeutschenOrient-Gesellschaft,"No.54(June,1914).

[39]SeeFig.34.[40]SeeFigs.35and36.[41]Seep.140,Figs.37-39.[42]Thetraditionhassurvivedinthebuilding-inscriptionsofShalmaneserI.

andEsarhaddon,foundatShergât;cf."Chronicles,"I.,pp.120ff.[43]Heisreferredtoonasmallconeorcylinder,foundatShergâtin1904,

andinscribedwithatextofAshir-rîm-nishêshu;op.cit.,p.140f.[44]TheirnameshavebeencomparedwithsuchMitannianformsasPindiya,

Zuliya,etc.;cf.Ungnad,"Beitr.z.Assyr.,"VI.,No.5,pp.11ff.[45] The first witness to a loan, dated in the third year of Ammi-zaduga,

bears the nameTeshshub-'ari, corresponding to the laterMitannian nameAri-Teshub,meaning"Teshubhasgiven";cf.Ungnad,"Vorderas.Schriftdenkmäler,"VII.,No.72,1.10.

[46]A"manofSubartu"(awîlSubarti)ismentionedonadocumentoftheHammurabiperiod(cf.Scheil,"Rec.detray.,"XX.,p.64);andaprivateletterofthe time gives directions for the sale into slavery of certain "Shubareans" (Shubarî, ) who had probably been captured in battle (cf. Meissner, "Beitr. z.Assyr.,"II.,p.561f.,andDelitzsch,op.cit.IV.,p.95).Onanothertext"aslave-girlofShubartu"(amtumShubaritum)isreferredto(cf."Cun.TextsintheBrit.Mus.,"VIII.,pl.46.Bu.91-5-9,2179,Obv.,1.20),and"aShubarean"(Shubarâ) is mentioned in an account-tablet among recipients of daily rations (cf.Ungnad,"Vorderas.Schriftdenk.,"VII.,p.68,No.184,Col.III.,1.3,and"Beitr.z.Assyr.,"VI.,No.5,p.19,n.2).

[47] For the purpose of interpreting lunar observations, for example, andparticularlyforeclipses,thefaceofthemoonwasdividedintofourquarters,thaton the right referring toAkkad, that on the left to Elam, the upper quarter toAmurruandthelowertoSubartu;andoneAssyrianastrologer,whenreportingto his master an observation which related to Subartu, explains that "We areSubartu"; cf. Thompson, "Reports of theMagicians and Astrologers," II., pp.xviii.,lxxxv.

[48] Dilbat is now marked by the mound of Dêlem, which lies aboutseventeenmilestothesouthoftheḲaṣr,theoldcitadelandcentreofBabylon,andlessthantenmilestothesouth-eastofBirsNimrûd.ManyyearsagoRassamprocured a few tablets there by excavation (cf. "Asshur and the Land ofNimrod,"p.265),andinrecentyearslargenumbershavebeenobtainedthere,astheresultofnativedigging,andsoldinEurope;theyalldatefromtheperiodoftheFirstDynastyofBabylon.

[49]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"pp.226,282.[50]Thisisparticularlyapparentintheroyalnames,theforeigncharacterof

whichwasfirstpointedoutbyPognon,"JournalAsiatique,"8mesér.,Vol.XI.,pp.544ff.,whoonthisevidencealonesuggestedthatthedynastymightbeArabor Aramean; see further, "Letters of Hammurabi," III., p. lxv., and Meyer,"GeschichtedesAltertums,"I.,ii.,p.545.

[51] From a local date-formula on one of the tablets fromAbûHabbawehaverecoveredthenameofNarâm-Sin,agovernororvassal-rulerofSipparinSumu-abum's reign; cf. Ungnad, "Vorderas. Schriftdenkmäler," VIII., No. 3.Anothervassal-rulerofSippar,Bunutakhtun-ila,occupiedthethroneinSumu-la-ilum'sreign,andtothesameperiodaretobeassignedIluma-ilaandImmerum,ofwhomthelattercuttheAshukhiCanal;forreferences,seeSchorr,"UrkundendesaltbabylonischenZivil-undProcessrechts,"p.611.

[52]KishisnowmarkedbythemoundsofEl-Ohêmir,orAḥimer,whichlietotheeastofBabylon;cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.88f.

[53] The text is inscribed upon a clay cone from Aḥimer, and has beenpublishedbyThureau-Dangin,"Rev.d'Assyr.,"VIII.(1911),pp.65ff.

[54]ThatSumu-abumperformedthededicationinhischaracterofsuzerainisproved by a contract-tablet fromKish, which is dated by the formula for histenthyear.

[55]It isalsopossiblethattheeightyearsofconflictmaydatefromSumu-abum'saccession,inwhichcasethetextwouldcommemorateastrengtheningofthewall ofKish two years before the capture of the city byBabylon; but theevidenceofthedate-formulæisinfavourofthetenthyear.

[56]OnoneofthetabletsfromKishIawiumisassociatedwithMananâintheoath-formula,andfromanotherweknowthathesurvivedSumu-ditana,whomheprobablysucceededonthethrone;Khaliummayprobablybeplacedaftertheother three vassal-rulers whose names have been recovered. There appears tohavebeena localcustomatKishforeachruler tochooseadifferentgodwithwhomtobeassociatedintheoath-formulæ;thus,whileZamama,thecity-godofKish,appears in thoseofIawium'sreign,hisplace is takenbyNannarandSinunder Mananâ and Khalium respectively. For the tablets and their dates, seeThureau-Dangin, "Rev. d'Assyr.," VIII., pp. 68 ff.; Johns, "Proc. Soc. Bibl.

Arch.,"XXXII.(1910),p.279f.;andLangdon,op.cit.,XXXIII.(1911),pp.185ff.

[57]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"pp.227,285f.[58]TheSumu-la-ilumCanalwasfirstconstructedinhistwelfthyear,andit

wasrecutorextendedtwentyyearsafterwards.[59] The third year of his reign was named as that in which he slew the

Khalambûwiththesword.[60]ThatintheintervalBabylonhadnomarkedsuccesstocommemorateis

suggestedbythenamingofyearsaftertheconstructionofathroneforMardukinhistempleatBabylon,andofastatueforhisconsort,Sarpanitum.

[61]ThatthetwoaretobeidentifiediscertainfromSamsu-iluna'sreferencetoDûr-ZakarofNippurasamong thesix fortressesbuiltbySnmu-la-ilumandrebuiltbyhimself;seebelow,pp.148,204.

[62]SinceGungunum'sdeathisrecordedinalocaldate-formula(cf.Scheil,"Rec.detray.,"XXI.,p.125)wemayinferthathisendwasviolent;Abi-sarê'saccessionmaythusmarkabreakinthedirectsuccessionatLarsa.

[63]SeeThureau-Dangin,"Rev.d'Assyr.,"VI.,p.69f.[64]Ura-imittiwasnotthesonofItêr-pîsha,andsinceadate-formulaofhis

reignreferstohisrestorationofthecityofNippur,wemayregarditspreviousdestructionorcaptureasfurtherevidenceofpoliticaltroubleatNîsin;cf.Poebel."HistoricalTexts,"p.138f.

[65]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.312.[66]ThenamewasconjecturallyrestoredbyPoebel,fromadate-formulain

thePennsylvaniaMuseum,asSin-ikisha(cf."Orient.Lit.-Zeit.,"1907,col.461ff.).But fromProf.Clay's new king-listwe nowknow that that ruler is to beidentifiedwithSin-iḳîsham,theeleventhkingoftheDynastyofLarsa;thereisnoevidencetoconnecthimwithNîsin.Ontheotherhand,thesixmonths'ruleoftheunknownkingatNîsinfallsinthetwentiethyearofSumu-ilum'sreignatLarsa,who at least for a timewas recognized inUr, the former vassal-city ofNîsin.

[67]Accordingtoourschemeofchronology,Sumu-la-ilum'scaptureofDûr-Zakar at Nippur corresponds to the year of Ura-imitti's death and to the

subsequentstruggleforthethroneofNîsin.[68]InadditiontoDûr-ZakarofNippur,thesewereDûr-Padda,Dûr-Lagaba,

Dûr-Iabugani, Dûr-Cula-dûru, and Dûr-uṣi-ana-Ura. On their reconstructionSamsu-iluna dedicated the first four to Ninmakh, Adad, Sin and Lugal-diri-tugab,andthelasttwotoNergal;cf."LettersofHammurabi,"pp.199ff.

[69] To this he gave the name Tâmtum-khegallum, "the Ocean (gives)abundance."HealsorebuiltE-ibianu,E-sagila,andE-babbarinSippar,installingin the last-named temple abronze imageof himself, possiblywith the ideaofclaimingdivinehonours.

[70] The Sumu-dâri and Apil-Sin-khegallum Canals were both cut in hisreign.

[71]ThecostlythroneforShamashandShunirda,orthegoddessAia,whichhe dedicated in his third year, was probably for E-babbar in Sippar. Apil-Sindevoted special attention to Cuthah, the most recently acquired of Babylon'sgreater possessions, rebuilding on two occasions E-meslam, the temple ofNergal, thecity-god.HealsoenrichedBabylononthematerialside,erectingagreatcity-gateinitseasternwall,andbuildingwithinthecitythetempleE-kikuforthegoddessIshtarandanothershrinefortheSun-god.

[72]Forthereadingoftheweather-god'snameasAdad,cf.BudgeandKing,"Annalsof theKingsofAssyria,"p. lxxiv. f.ThenamewasprobablyofWestSemiticorigin, though the formRammânu,"the thunderer,"hasbeennotedbyProf. Sayce on a cylinder-seal beside the goddess Ashratum (cf. "Zeits. f.Assyr.,"VI.,p.161),andsheelsewhereappearsasthespouseofthegodAmurru(cf.Meyer,"Geschichte,"I.,ii.,p.406).TheSumerianequivalentofAdadisstilluncertain;Hrozný suggests the reading Ishkur (cf. "Zeits. f.Assyr.,"XX., pp.424 ff.), while Thureau-Dangin, Clay and others prefer Immer, suggested in"Königsinschriften," p. 208.Meanwhile it is preferable to employ the readingAdad,forperiodsatanyrateaftertheWest-Semiticinvasion.

[73] That Sin-idinnam's assumption of the title was justified by the actualpossession ofNippur is proved by a date-formula on a contract in theBritishMuseum, in which he records the dedication of a statue of himself as anornamentforNippur;cf.Rawlinson,"Cun.Inscr.West.Asia,"IV.,pl.36,No.2,andChiera,"LegalandAdministrativeDocuments,"p.72.

[74] Cf. Rawlinson, op. cit., I., pl. 5, No. xx. In addition to his militaryprowess, he reconstructed E-babbar at Larsa, built the great fortress of Dûr-gurgurri, andbycanalizing theTigris improvedhis country'swater-supply (cf."Cun.Texts in theBrit.Mus.,"XXL,pl. 30,No.30215;Delitzsch, "Beitr. zurAssyr.,"I.,pp.301ff.;andThureau-Dangin,"Königsinschriften,"p.208f.).Healsobuiltthecity-gateofMashkan-shabri;cf.Chiera,op.cit.,p.72f.

[75] On a broken clay cone from Babylon (cf. Weissbach, "BabylonischeMiscellen,"p.1,pl.1)Sin-magirbearsthetitleofKingofSumerandAkkad.

[76]IfwemayidentifyKhallabuwithAleppo,weshouldfindastillfirmerbasisforKudur-Mabuk'stitle.Forweknowthat,whileWarad-SinwasstillKingofLarsa,hededicatedachamberinIshtar'stempleatKhallabu(cf."Cun.Textsin the Brit. Mus.," XXI., pl. 31, No. 91144; and Thureau-Dangin,"Königsinschriften," p. 214 f.). We should then have to assume that, beforecompleting his conquest of Sumer, he had already pushed up and across theEuphratesandhadcapturedlargedistrictsofAmurru.Itispossiblethatthiswasso,butitshouldbenotedthatbothKhallabuandBît-Karkaraarementionedinthe Prologue toHammurabi's Code of Laws, notwith "the settlements on theEuphrates," but immediately after Lagash andGirsu, suggesting a Babylonianorigin(seebelow,p.159).

[77]Cf.Rawlinson,"Cun.Inscr.West.Asia,"I.,pl.5,No.xvi.;theerectionof the wall is also commemorated in a date-formula of his reign (cf. Chiera."Documents,"p.74).

[78]On a clay cone fromMukayyar, recording his building of a temple toNannar atUr,Warad-Sindescribes himself as "hewho carries out thedecreesanddecisionsofEridu(i.e.ofitsoracle),whoincreasedtheofferingsofE-ninnû(thetempleofNingirsuatLagash),whorestoredLavishmidGirsu,andrenewedthecityandtheland";cf.Rawlinson,op.cit.IV.,pl.35,No.6.

[79]DuringthefirstthirteenyearsofhisreignSin-muballitcutthreecanals,the firstnamedafterhimself, theSin-muballitCanal, and twootherswhichhetermed theAia-khegallum and the Tutu-khegallum.He also built thewalls ofRubatum,Zakar-dada,Dûr-Sin-muballit,Bît-Karkara,andMarad.Itispossible,of course, that conflicts with the south took place at this time, but, if so, theabsenceofanyreferencetothemintherecordsistobeexplainedbythewantof

successofBabylonianarms.[80]InthisperiodthecitywallsofNangaandBaṣuwererebuilt.[81]Fromtworecentlypublisheddate-listsofHammurabi's reignweknow

that thisevent tookplace inhis fifthyear,while the followingyearappears tohavebeendatedbyasimilarpriestlyinstallationoftheshepherdofthegoddessNinaz;cf.Boissier,"Rev.d'Assyr.,"XI.,No.iv.(1914),pp.161ff.

[82] The territory gained on the bank of the Shu-numum-dar Canal (cf.Boissier,op.cit.)mayhavelaininEmutbal.ThecanalwaspossiblyaportionofthefamousNâr-sharri,whichintheAchæmenianperiodwasregardedas lying"inElam."

[83]The town lay in theneighbourhoodofSukhion themiddleEuphrates,belowthemouthoftheKhâbûrandprobablytothesouthofKhana.

[84]The Tishit-Enlil Canal,whichwe now knowwas cut inHammurabi'stwenty-fourthyear(cf.Boissier,op.cit.);theHammurabi-khegallumCanalhadbeencutinhisninthyear,atthetimeofRîm-Sin'scaptureofNîsin.

[85]Twoyearsweredevoted to thefortificationofSippar;andthewallsofIgi-kharsagga,andprobablyofBaṣu,werebuilt.Inthevassal-cityofKibalbarruHammurabidedicatedanimagetoNinni,orIshtar,whileinBabylonhebuiltE-namkhe,thetempleofAdad,andashrinealsoforEnlil.

[86]Cf."Déc.enChaldée,"pl.41;Rawlinson,"Cun. Inscr.West.Asia," I.,pl.3,No.X.;andThureau-Dangin,"Königsinschriften,"p.218f.

[87]Seethedate-formulæcitedbyChiera,"Documents."p.80f.[88]Cf.Hilprecht,"OldBabylonianInscriptions,"Pt.II.,pl.58,No.128.[89]Cf.Hilprecht,loc.cit.,andChiera,op.cit.,p.82f.[90]Oneofhiswives,Si[...]-Ninni,thedaughterofArad-Nannar,dedicateda

temple,onhisbehalfandherown,tothegoddessNin-egal(cf.Thureau-Dangin,"Königsinschriften," p. 218 f.). The other wife, who bore the name Rîm-Sin-Shala-bashtashu,was thedaughterofacertainSin-magir,andRîm-SinhimselfhadadaughternamedLirish-gamium;cf.Poebel,"HistoricalTexts,"p.140,whoquotes the information froman inscriptionofRîm-Sin-Shala-bashtashu,whichProf.ClayinformsmeisnowintheYaleCollection.AsisterofRîm-Sin,whowasapriestess,ismentionedonacylinderofNabonidus(cf.Scheil,"Comptes

rendusdel'AcadémiedesInscriptionsetBellesLettres,"1912,p.680f.).[91] The period would be forty-five years, instead of twenty-three, if we

placethewholesixty-oneyearsofRîm-Sin'sreignbeforeHammurabi'sconquestofLarsa;inthatcasethefallofNîsinwouldhavetakenplaceinSin-muballit'sseventhyear.ButtheavailableevidenceisstronglyinfavourofcurtailingRîm-Sin'speriodofindependentrule;seeabove,pp.97ff.

[92]ThisseemstofollowfromthecontinuationoftheNîsinerainthesouthforafewyearsafterthefallofLarsa;seeabove,p.103.

[93]Seeabove,p.144.[94] See above, pp. 129 ff.; it was probably after these conquests that he

adoptedthetitleKingofAmurru.[95]Cf.,e.g.,"LettersandInscriptionsofHammurabi,"pp.180ff.Itisclear

fromthe titles in themajorityof themthat theydatefromthe latterpartofhisreign. It was also after his annexation of Larsa that he cut the Hammurabi-nukhush-nishiCanal,buildingafortressattheheadofthecanalforitsdefence,whichhenamedafterhisfatherDûr-Sin-muballit-abim-walidia.Theerectionofthe granary at Babylon ( op. cit., p. 192 f.) was evidently one of his earlierworks.

[96]Seebelow,p.194f.[97]As the list of cities is practically a gazetteer of Hammurabi's empire

duringhisclosingyears, thenameswillrepayenumeration, togetherwiththeirtemplesandcity-gods;theyareheregivenintheorderinwhichtheyoccurinthePrologue, the names of gods,when omitted in the text, being suppliedwithinparentheses:(1)Nippur,andEkur,thetempleofEnlil;(2)Eridu,andE-apsû(thetempleofEnki);(3)Babylon,andE-sagila,thetempleofMarduk;(4)Ur,andE-gishshirgal (the temple of Sin); (5) Sippar, and E-babbar (the temple ofShamash);(6)Larsa,andE-babbar(thetempleofShamash);(7)Erech,andE-anna, the temple of Anu and Ninni, or Ishtar; (8) Nîsin, and the temple E-galmakh;(9)Kish,andE-mete-ursag,thetempleofZamama;(10)Cuthah,andE-meslam (the temple of Nergal); (11) Borsippa, and E-zida (the temple ofNabû); (12)Dilbat, and its godUrash; (13) the cityofKesh; (14)Lagash andGirsu, and E-ninnû (the temple of Ningirsu); (15) Khallabu, and the goddessNinni,orIshtar;(16)Bît-Karkara,andE-ugalgal,thetempleofAdad;(17)Adab,

and its temple E-makh; (18) Mashkan-shabri and the temple Meslam; (19)Malgûm; (20) the dwellings, or settlements, on the Euphrates, and the godDagan;(21)MeraandTutul;(22)Akkad(Agade),andE-ulmash,thetempleofIshtar;(23)Ashur,and"itsfavourableprotectingdeity";and(24)Nineveh,andE-mishmish,thetempleofIshtar.

[98]Gen.xiv.[99] For the Elamite character of Chedorlaomer's name, cf. "Letters of

Hammurabi," I., p. iv. f.; but there are too many difficulties in the way ofaccepting the suggested identification of Arioch with Warad-Sin, the son ofKudur-Mabuk(op.cit.,pp.xlix.ff.).

[100]Seeabove,p.152.[101]Prof.Saycewasthefirst topointout thatTidal isaHittitename,and

was borne by one of the last kings of the Hittite Empire, Dudkhalia; cf."PatriarchalPalestine,"p.60.

[102]Wearenothereconcernedwith the textualcharacterofGen.xiv. (onthat subject, see especially Skinner, "Genesis," pp. 256 ff.), nor with theevolutionof theAbrahamic traditions(seeMeyer,"DieIsraeliten,"p.248,andcp.Hall, "Anc.Hist, of theNearEast," p. 401). Itwill suffice to note that, inviewof the recoveryofNeo-Babylonianchroniclesandpoetical compositions,dealingwithearlyhistoricalevents,theemploymentofsuchadocumentamongHebrewliterarysourcesseemstoofferasufficientexplanationofthefacts.

CHAPTERV

THEAGEOFHAMMURABIANDITSINFLUENCEONLATERPERIODS

Of no other period in the history of Babylon have we so intimate aknowledgeasthatoftheWest-Semitickingsunderwhomthecityfirstattainedtherankofcapital.Itwasatimeofstrenuousgrowth,inthecourseofwhichthelong struggle with regard to language and racial dominance was decided infavouroftheSemite.Butthevictoryinvolvednobreakofcontinuity,foralltheessential elements of Sumerian culturewere preserved, the very length of thestrugglehavingprovedthemainfactorinsecuringtheirsurvival.Therehadbeenagradualassimilationonbothsides,thoughnaturallytheSumerianhadthemoreto give, and, in spite of his political disappearance, he continued to exert anindirectinfluence.ThisheowedinthemaintotheenergyoftheWesternSemite,who completed the task of transforming a dying culture, so that in its newembodimentitcouldbeacceptedbymenofanewerrace.

Hammurabi'sagewasoneoftransition,andwehavefortunatelyrecoveredagreat body of contemporaneous evidence on which to base an analysis of itssocialandpoliticalstructure.OntheonehandthegreatCodeofLawssuppliesuswith thestate'sadministrative idealandstandardof justice. On theotherwe have the letters of the kings themselves, and the commercial and legaldocumentsoftheperiod, toprove that theCodewasnodead letterbutwasaccuratelyadjustedto theconditionsof thetime.Thepossibilityhas longbeenrecognizedoftheexistenceofsimilarcodesofearlySumerianorigin,andacopyof one of them, on a tablet of the Hammurabi period, has recently beenrecovered. ButthevalueofHammurabi'sCoderestsnotsomuchinanyclaimtoextensiveoriginality,butratheronitscorrespondencetocontemporaryneeds.Itthusformsafirst-ratewitnessonthesubjectswithwhichitdeals,andwhereitgivesno information, the letters andcontractsof theperiodoftenenableus tosupplythedeficiency.

[1]

[2]

[3]

For the purpose of legislation theBabylonian communitywas divided intothree main classes or grades of society, which corresponded to well-definedstratainthesocialsystem.Thehighestorupperclassembracedalltheofficersorministersattachedtothecourt,thehigherofficialsandservantsofthestate,andthe owners of considerable landed property. But wealth or position did notconstitute the sole qualification distinguishing themembers of the upper classfrom that immediatelybelow them. In fact,while themajority of itsmembersenjoyedtheseadvantages,itwaspossibleforamantoforfeitthemthroughhisown fault ormisfortune andyet to retain his social standing andprivileges. Itwouldseemthereforethatthedistinctionwasbasedonaracialqualification,andthattheupperclass,ornobles,aswemayperhapstermthem, weremenofthepredominant, race, sprung from theWest-Semitic orAmorite stockwhich hadgivenBabylon its first independent dynasty. In course of time its racial puritywould tend to become diluted by intermarriage with the older inhabitants,especially where these had thrown in their lot with the invaders and hadespousedtheircause.Itisevenpossiblethatsomeofthelatterhadfromthefirstobtainedrecognition in its ranks in returnformilitaryorpoliticalservice.But,speaking broadly, we may regard the highest class in the social order asrepresentingaracialaristocracythathadimposeditself.

Thesecondclassinthepopulationcomprisedthegreatbodyoffreemenwhodidnotcomewithintheranksofthenobles;infact,theyformedamiddleclassbetweenthearistocracyandtheslaves.Theyboreatitlewhichinitselfimpliedastate of inferiority, and though they were not necessarily poor and couldpossessslavesandproperty,theydidnotsharetheprivilegesoftheupperclass.Itisprobablethattheyrepresentedthesubjectrace,derivedinpartfromtheoldSumerianelement in thepopulation, inpart from theSemitic strainwhichhadlong been settled inNorthernBabylonia and by intercourse and intermarriagehad lost much of its racial purity and independence. The difference, whichdividedandmarkedofffromoneanotherthesetwogreatclassesoffreemeninthepopulation,iswellillustratedbythescaleofpaymentsascompensationforinjurywhich theywere obliged tomakeorwere entitled to receive.Thus if anobleshouldbeguiltyofstealinganox,orotheranimal,oraboat,whichwasprivateortempleproperty,hehadtopaythirtytimesitsvalueascompensation;whereas,ifthethiefwereamemberofthemiddleclassthepenaltywasreduced

[4]

[5]

totentimestheprice,and,shouldhehavenopropertywithwhichtopay,hewasputtodeath.Thepenaltyforman-slaughterwasalsolessif theassailantwasamanofthemiddleclass;hecouldobtainadivorcemorecheaply,andhepaidhisdoctor or surgeon a smaller fee for a successful operation.On the other hand,these privileges were counterbalanced by a corresponding diminution of thevalueatwhichhislifeandlimbswereassessed.

That a racial distinction underlay the difference in social position andstanding is suggested by the current penalties for assault, in accordance withwhichanoblecoulddemandanexactretaliationforinjuriesfromoneofhisownclass,whereashemerelypaidamoneycompensationtoanymanofthemiddleclasshemighthaveinjured.Thusifonenoblehappenedtoknockouttheeyeorthetoothofanother,hisowneyeorhisowntoothwasknockedoutinreturn,andif he broke the limb of one of the members of his own class, he had hiscorresponding limbbroken;but, ifheknockedout theeyeofamemberof themiddle class, or broke his limb, he was fined one maneh of silver, and forknockingoutthetoothofsuchaman,hewasfinedone-thirdofamaneh.Otherregulations point to a similar cleavage in the social strata, which can best beexplained by a difference in race. Thus if two members of the same classquarrelledandoneofthemmadeapeculiarlyimproperassaultontheother,theassailantwas only fined, the fine being larger if the quarrelwas between twonobles.Butifsuchanassaultwasmadebyamemberofthemiddleclassuponanoble,theassailantwaspunishedbybeingpubliclybeateninthepresenceoftheassembly,whenhereceivedsixtystripesfromanox-hidescourge.

The third and lowest class in the community were the slaves, who wereowned by both the upper classes, but were naturally more numerous in thehouseholdsofthenoblesandontheirestates.Theslavewashismaster'sabsoluteproperty,andonthecontract-tabletsheisoftenreferredtoas"ahead,"asthoughheweremerely an animal.He constantly changed hands, by sale, bequest, orwhen temporarilypledged foradebt.Forbadoffenceshewas liable to severepunishment, suchascuttingoff theear,whichwas thepenalty fordenyinghismaster,orformakinganaggravatedassaultuponanoble.But,onthewhole,hislot was not a particularly hard one, for he was a recognized member of hismaster'shousehold,and,asavaluablepieceofproperty,itwasobviouslytohisowner'sinteresttokeephimhealthyandingoodcondition.Infact,thevalueof

theslaveisattestedbytheseverityofthepenaltiesexactedforabductingamaleorfemaleslavefromtheowner'shouseandremovingonefromthecity;forthedeath penaltywas imposed in such a case, as also on anyone harbouring andtaking possession of a runaway slave.On the other hand, a fixed rewardwaspaid by the owner to anyone by whom a runaway was captured and broughtback.Speciallegislationwasalsodevisedwiththeobjectofrenderingthetheftofslavesdifficultandtheirdetectioneasy.Thus,ifabranderputamarkuponaslavewithouttheowner'sconsent,hewasliabletohavehishandscutoff;and,ifhecouldprovethathehaddonesothroughbeingdeceivedbyanotherman,thatmanwasput todeath.Therewas a regular trade in slaves, andnodoubt theirnumberswereconstantlyincreasedbycaptivestakeninwar.

Though the slaves, as a class, had few rights of their own, there wereregulations in accordancewithwhich, under certain circumstances, they couldacquire them, and even obtain their freedom. Thus it was possible for anindustrious slave,while still in hismaster's service, to acquire property of hisown,oraslavemightinheritwealthfromrelatives;and,insuchcircumstances,hewasablewithhismaster'sconsenttopurchasehisfreedom.Again,ifaslavewerecapturedbytheenemyandtakentoaforeignlandandsold,andwerethenbroughtbackbyhisnewowner tohisowncountry,hecouldclaimhis libertywithouthavingtopaycompensationtoeitherofhismasters.Moreover,aslavecouldacquirecertainrightswhilestillinslavery.Thus,iftheownerofafemaleslavehadbegottenchildrenbyher,hecouldnotuseheraspaymentforadebt;and,intheeventofhishavingdoneso,hewasobligedtoransomherbypayingtheoriginalamountofthedebtinmoney.Itwasalsopossibleforamaleslave,whetherownedbyanobleorbyamemberofthemiddleclass,tomarryafreewoman,andifhedidsohischildrenwerefreeanddidnotbecomethepropertyofhismaster.Hiswife, too, ifa freewoman, retainedhermarriage-portiononherhusband'sdeath,andsupposingthecouplehadacquiredpropertyduringthetime they lived together as man and wife, the owner of the slave could onlyclaimhalfofsuchproperty,theotherhalfbeingretainedbythefreewomanforherownuseand for thatofherchildren.Themere fact that suchaunionwaspossible suggests that there was no verymarked cleavage between the socialstatusofthebetterclassofslavesandthatofthehumblermembersofthemiddleclass.

Thecultivationoftheland,whichformedtheprincipalsourceofthewealthofBabylonia, wascarriedonmainlybyslavelabour,underthecontrolofthetwoupperclassesofthepopulation.Thelanditselfwaslargelyinthehandsofthe crown, the temples, and the great nobles andmerchantswhowere landedproprietors;and,includingthatstillincommunalortribalpossession, averylarge proportionwas cultivated on lease. The usual practice in hiring land forcultivation was for the tenant to pay his rent in kind, by assigning a certainproportionof thecrop,generallya thirdorahalf, to theowner,whoadvancedthe seed-corn. The tenant was bound to till the land and raise a crop, andshouldheneglect todosohehad topay theownerwhatwas reckonedas theaverage rent of the land, and he had also to break up the land and plough itbefore handing it back. Elaborate regulations were in force to adjust thelandowner'sdutiesandresponsibilitiesontheonehand,andwhatwasduetohimfrom his tenant on the other. As the rent of a field was usually reckoned atharvest, and its amount depended on the size of the crop, itwould have beenunfairthatdamagetothecropfromfloodorstormshouldhavebeenmadeupbythe tenant; such a loss was shared equally by the owner of the field and thefarmer, though, if the latter had already paid his rent at the time the damageoccurred, he could not make a claim for repayment. There is evidence thatdisputes were frequent not only between farmers and landowners, but alsobetween farmers and shepherds, for the latter,whenattempting to findpasturefortheirflocks,oftenallowedtheirsheeptofeedoffthefarmers'fieldsinspring.Forsuchcasesascaleofcompensationwasfixed.Ifthedamagewasdoneintheearlyspring,whentheplantswerestillsmall,thefarmerharvestedthecropandreceivedaprice inkindascompensation fromtheshepherd.But if itoccurredlater in the year,when the sheep had been brought in from themeadows andturnedontothecommonlandbythecity-gate,thedamagewasheavier;insuchacasetheshepherdhadtotakeoverthecropandcompensatethefarmerheavily.

Thekinghimselfwasaverylargeownerofcattleandsheep,andheleviedtributeontheflocksandherdsofhissubjects.Theownerswereboundtobringtheyoungcattleandlambs,thatwereduefromthem,tothecentraltownofthedistrictinwhichtheydwelt,andtheywerethencollectedandaddedtotheroyalflocks and herds. If the owners attempted to hold back any that were due astribute, theywere afterwards forced to incur the extra expense and trouble of

[6]

[7]

[8]

drivingthebeaststoBabylon.Theflocksandherdsownedbythekingandthegreat templeswere probably enormous, and yielded a considerable revenue inthemselves apart from the tribute and taxes levied upon private owners.Shepherdsandherdsmenwereplacedinchargeofthem,andtheyweredividedintogroupsunderhead-men,whoarrangedthedistricts inwhichtheherdsandflocks were to be grazed. The king received regular reports from his chiefshepherdsandherdsmen,anditwasthedutyofthegovernorsofthelargertownsanddistrictsofBabyloniatomaketoursofinspectionandseethatduecarewastakenoftheroyalflocks.Thesheep-shearingforalltheflocksthatwerepasturednearthecapitaltookplaceinBabylon,andthekingusedtosendoutsummonsestohischiefshepherdstoinformthemofthedaywhentheshearingwouldtakeplace. Separateflocks,thatwereroyalandpriestlyproperty,weresometimesunder the same chief officer, a fact that tends to show that the king himselfexercisedaconsiderablemeasureofcontroloverthesacredrevenues.

PORTIONOFTHECODEOFHAMMURABI,COLS.6-8.AfterDélég.enPerse,Mém.IV,pl.4.In the regulation of the pastoral and agricultural life of the community,

customplayedavery importantpart,and thiswas recognizedandenforcedby

[9]

royalauthority.Carelessnessinlookingaftercattlewaspunishedbyfine,buttheownerwasnotheldresponsible fordamageunlessnegligencecouldbeprovedonhispart.Thusabullmightgowildatanytimeandgoreaman,whowouldhavenoredressagainstitsowner.Butifthebeastwasknowntobevicious,andits owner had not blunted its horns nor shut it up, he was obliged to paycompensationfordamage.Ontheotherhand,theownerofcattleorasses,whohadhiredthemout,couldexactcompensationforthelossorill-treatmentofhisbeasts.Thesewere framedon theprinciple that thehirerwas responsibleonlyfordamageorlosswhich;hecouldreasonablyhaveprevented.If,forexample,alion killed a hired ox or ass in the open country, or if an ox was killed bylightning, the loss fell upon the owner and not on themanwhohad hired thebeast. But if the hirer killed the ox through carelessness or by beating itunmercifully,orifthebeastbrokeitslegwhileinhischarge,hehadtorestoretotheowneranotheroxinitsplace.Forlessseriousdamagetothebeastthehirerpaidcompensationonafixedscale. It isclear thatsuchregulationsmerelygavetheroyalsanctiontolong-establishedcustom.

Bothfor lookingafter theirherdsandfor thecultivationof theirestates thelandedproprietorsdependedtoagreatextentuponhiredherdsmenandfarmers;andanydishonestyonthepartof the latterwithregardtocattle,provender,orseed-cornwasseverelypunished.A theftofprovender, forexample,had tobemadegood, and theculprit ran theadditional riskofhavinghishandscutoff.Heavycompensationwasexactedfromanyman,who,forhisownprofit,hiredout oxenwhich had been entrusted to his charge;while, if a farmer stole theseed-corn supplied for the field he had hired, so that he produced no crop tosharewiththeowner,notonlyhadhetopaycompensationbuthewasliabletobetorninpiecesbyoxeninthefieldheshouldhavecultivated. IntheageofHammurabitheheavierpenaltieswerenodoubtlargelytraditional,havingcomedownfromamorebarbaroustimewhendishonestycouldonlybekeptincheckby strong measures. Their retention among the statutes doubtless acted as aneffectivedeterrent,andaseveresentence,ifcarriedoutoccasionallyinthecaseof an aggravated offence, would have sufficed to maintain respect for theregulations.

In the semi-tropical climate of Babylonia the canals played a vitallyimportant part for the successful prosecution of agriculture, and it was to the

[10]

[11]

royalinteresttoseethattheirchannelswerekeptinaproperstateofrepairandcleanedoutatregularintervals.ThereisevidencethatnearlyeverykingoftheFirstDynastyofBabyloncutnewcanalsandextendedthesystemof irrigationand transportbywater thathehad inherited.The richsiltcarrieddownby theriverswasdepositedpartlyinthecanals,especiallyinthosesectionsnearerthemainstream,withtheresultthatthebedofacanalwasconstantlyinprocessofbeingraised.Everyyearitwasnecessarytodigthisdepositoutandpileituponthebanks.Everyyearthebanksrosehigherandhigher,untilapointwasreachedwhen the labour involved in getting rid of the silt became greater than thatrequired for cutting a new channel.Hence sections of a canalwere constantlybeingrecutalongsidetheoldchannel,anditisprobablethatmanyofthecanals,thecuttingofwhichiscommemoratedinthetexts,werereallyreconstructionsofolderstreams,thebedsofwhichhadbecomehopelesslysiltedup.

AtthepresentdaythetravellerincertainpartsofBabyloniacomesacrosstheraised embankments of old canals extending across the plain within a shortdistanceofeachother,andtheirparallelcourseistobeexplainedbytheprocessofrecutting,whichwasputoffaslongaspossible,butwasat lastnecessitatedbythegrowingheightofthebanks.Asthebedofacanalgraduallyrosetoo,thehigh banks served the purpose of retaining the stream, and these were oftenwashedawaybytheflood-waterwhichcamedownfromthehillsinspring.Aninterestingletterhasbeenpreserved,thatwaswrittenbyHammurabi'sgrandson,Abi-eshu',whodescribesasuddenriseofthissortintheleveloftheIrninaCanalsothatitoverfloweditsbanks. AtthetimethekingwasbuildingapalaceinthecityofKâr-Irnina,whichwassuppliedbytheIrninaCanal,andeveryyearacertain amount of work was put into the building. At the time the letter waswritten little more than a third of the year's work had been done, when thebuilding-operations were stopped by flood, the canal having overflowed itsbankssothatthewaterroserightuptothetown-wall.

Itwasthedutyofthelocalgovernorstoseethatthecanalswerekeptingoodrepair,and theyhad thepowerof requisitioning labour from the inhabitantsofvillages and the owners of land situated on or near the banks. In return, thevillagershadtherightoffishinginthewatersofacanalalongthesectionintheircharge, and any poaching by other villagers in their part of the stream wasstrictly forbidden.On one occasion in the reign of Samsu-iluna,Hammurabi's

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son,fishermenfromthevillageofItabimwentdownintheirboatstothedistrictofShakanim,andcaughtfishtherecontrarytolocalcustom.SotheinhabitantsofShakanimcomplainedtothekingofthisinfringementoftheirrights,andhesentapalace-officialtotheauthoritiesofSippar.inthejurisdictionofwhichthevillagesinquestionlay,withinstructionstoinquireintothematterandtakestepsto prevent any poaching in the future. Fishing by line and net was a regularindustry,andthepreservationofrightsinlocalwaterswasjealouslyguarded.

The larger canals were fed directly from the river, especially along theEuphrates,whosebankswere lower than thoseof theswifterTigris.Butalongthe latter river, and also along the banks of the canals, itwill be obvious thatsomemeans had to be employed to raise the water for purposes of irrigationfromthemainchanneltothehigherleveloftheland.ReferenceismadeintheBabylonian inscriptions to irrigation-machines, and, although their exactform and construction are not described, theymust have been very similar tothoseemployedatthepresentday.Themostprimitivemethodofraisingwater,whichiscommonerto-dayinEgyptthaninMesopotamia,istheshadduf,whichisworkedbyhand.Itconsistsofabeamsupportedinthecentre;andatoneendabucket is suspended for raising the water, while at the other end is fixed acounter-weight.Thuscomparatively little labour is required to raise thebucketwhen full. That this contrivancewas employed on the Tigris is proved by anAssyrian bas-relief, found atKuyunjik,with representations of the shadduf inoperation. Two of them are being used, the one above the other, to raise thewater to successive levels. These were probably the contrivances usuallyemployed by the early Babylonians for raising the water to the level of theirfields,andthefactthattheywerelightandeasilyremovedmusthavemadethemtemptingobjectstothedishonestformer.Ascaleofcompensationwasthereforein force, regulating thepayments tobemade to theownerbyadetected thief.Fromthefactthatthesevaried,accordingtotheclassandvalueofthemachinehestole,wemayinferthatothercontrivances,ofaheavierandmorepermanentcharacter,werealsoemployed.

One of these must certainly have corresponded to a very primitivearrangement that is in general use at the present day in Mesopotamia,particularly along the Tigris,where the banks are high and steep.A recess orcuttingwithperpendicularsidesisdrivenintothebank,andawoodenspindleis

[13]

supportedonstruts inahorizontalpositionover the recess,which resemblesawellwithone sideopeningon to the river.A rope runningover the spindle isfastenedtoaskininwhichthewaterisraisedfromtheriver,beingdrawnupbyhorses,donkeys,orcattleharnessedto theotherendof therope.Toemptytheskin by hand into the irrigation channel would, of course, entail considerabletime and labour, and, to avoid this necessity, an ingenious contrivance isemployed.The skin is sewnup, not in the formof a closedbag, but of a bagendinginalongnarrowfunnel.Whiletheskinisbeingfilledanddrawntothetop, the funnel is kept raised by a thin line running over a lower spindle andfastenedofftothemainrope,sothatbotharepulleduptogetherbythebeasts.Thepositionsofthespindlesandthelengthoftheropesaresoadjusted,thattheendofthefunnelstopsjustaboveawoodentroughonthebankbelowthestruts,while the rest of the skin is drawnuphigher and shoots itswater through thefunnelintothetrough.Thetroughisusuallymadefromhalfthetrunkofadate-palm,hollowedout,andoneendleadstotheirrigation-channelonthebank.Togive thebeastsabetterpurchase inpullingup theweightofwater,an inclinedplaneiscutintheground,slopingawayfromthemachine,andupanddownthisthe beasts are driven, the skin filling and emptying itself automatically. Toincrease the supply ofwater, two skins are often employed side by side, eachwithitsowntackleandsetofbeasts,and,asoneisdrawnupfull,theotherisletdownempty.Thusacontinuousflowofwaterissecured,andnotmorethanonemanorboyisrequiredtokeepeachsetofbeastsmoving.Nomoreeffectiveorsimplermethodcouldbedevisedofraisingwatertoaconsiderableheight,andthere can be no doubt that, at the period of the First Dynasty, cattle wereemployednotonlyforploughing,butforworkingprimitiveirrigation-machinesofthischaracter.

OntheEuphrates,where theriver-banksare lower,asimpleformofwater-wheel was probably in use then as it is to-day, wherever there was sufficientcurrenttoworkone.Andtheadvantageofthisformofmachineisthat,solongasitisinorder,itcanbeunlockedatwillandkeptworkingwithoutsupervisionday and night. The wheel is formed of stripped boughs and branches nailedtogether,withspokesjoiningtheouterrimstoaroughlyhewnaxle.Aroundtheouterrimaretiedaseriesofroughearthenwarecupsorbottles,andafewrudepaddlesarefixedtothewheel,projectingbeyondtherim.Thewheelisthenset

up in place near the bank of the river, its axle resting on pillars of roughmasonry.Thecurrentturnsthewheel,andthebottles,dippingbelowthesurface,are raisedup full, andempty theirwater intoawooden troughat the top.ThebanksoftheEuphratesareusuallysloping,andthewaterisconductedfromthetroughtothefieldsalongasmallaqueductorearthenembankment.Suchwheelsto-day are usually set upwhere there is a slight drop in the river-bed and thewaterrunsswiftlyovershallows.Inordertospanthedifferenceinlevelbetweenthe fields and the summer height of the stream the wheels are often hugecontrivances, and their rough construction causes them to creak and groan astheyturnwiththecurrent.Inaconvenientplaceintheriverseveralofthesearesometimessetupsidebyside,and theirnoisewhenatworkcanbeheardatagreatdistance.

ItisnotunlikelythatthelaterSumerianshadalreadyevolvedtheseprimitiveforms of irrigation-machine, and that the Babylonians of the First Dynastymerely inherited them and passed them on to their successors. When onceinvented they were incapable of very great improvement. In the one the skinmust always remain a skin; in the other the wheel must always be lightlyconstructedofboughs,orthestrengthofthecurrentwouldnotsufficetoturnit.We have seen reason to believe that, in the palace of Nebuchadnezzar II. atBabylon,thetriplewellinthenorth-westcornermaybebestexplainedashavingformedthewater-supplyforahydraulicmachine,consistingofanendlesschainofbucketspassingoveragreatwheel.SuchisaverycommonformofraisingwaterinBabyloniaat thepresentday.It is truethatinsomeofthesemachinesthewheelforthebucketsisstillgearedbymeansofroughwoodencogstothelongpoleorwinch,turnedbybeasts,whomoveroundinacircle.Butitisveryunlikely that the early Babylonians had evolved the principle of the coggedwheel,and itwasprobablynot till theperiodof the laterAssyrianempire thatbronzewas so plentiful that it could have been used in sufficient quantity forbuckets on an endless chain. There seems reason to believe that Sennacheribhimselfintroducedaninnovationwhenheemployedmetalintheconstructionofthemachinesthatsuppliedwatertohispalace; andwemayinferthatevenintheNeo-Babylonianperiodacontrivanceofthatsortwasstillaroyalluxury,andthat the farmer continued to use the more primitive machines, sanctioned byimmemorialusage,whichhecouldmakewithhisownhands.

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[15]

FIG.40.THEOLDBABYLONIANFORMOFPLOUGHINUSE.Thedrawingistakenfromseal-impressionsonatabletoftheKassiteperiod.(AfterClay.)The manner in which the agricultural implements employed in early

Babyloniahave survived to thepresentday iswell illustratedby their formofplough,whichclosely resembles thatstill inuse inpartsofSyria.Wehavenorepresentation of the plough of the First Babylonian Dynasty, but this wasdoubtless the same as that of the Kassite period, of which a very interestingrepresentation has recently been recovered. On a tablet found at Nippur anddatedinthefourthyearofNazi-Maruttash,areseveralimpressionsofacylinder-sealengravedwitha representationof threemenploughing. Theplough isdrawnbytwohumpedbulls,orzebu,whoarebeingdrivenbyoneofthemen,whileanotherholdsthetwohandlesoftheploughandguidesit.Thethirdmanhasabagofseed-cornslungoverhisshouldersandisintheactoffeedingseedwith his right hand into a tube or grain-drill, down which it passed into thefurrowmadebytheplough.Atthetopofthetubeisabowl,withaholeinthebottomopeningontothetube,whichactedasafunnelandenabledthesowertodrop the seed inwithout scattering it.This is the earliest representationof theBabylonianploughthatwepossess,anditsvalueisincreasedbythefactthattheplough is seen in operation. The same seed-drill occurs in three laterrepresentations. One of these also dates from theKassite period, being foundupon a boundary-stone of the period of Meli-Shipak II., on which it issculpturedasthesacredsymbolofGeshtinna,thegoddessoftheplough. Theother twoareof theAssyrianperiod,onebeingrepresentedinenamelledbrickon thewallsof thepalaceatKhorsabad, theotherbeingcarvedamong thesymbolsontheBlackStoneofEsarhaddon,onwhichhegivesanaccountofhis

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[18]

[19]

[20]

restoration of Babylon. Similar ploughs, with grain-drills of precisely thesamestructure,arestillusedinSyriaatthepresenttime.

BeforeploughingandsowinghislandtheBabylonianfarmerprepareditforirrigation by dividing it up into a number of small squares or oblong patches,eachseparatedfromtheothersbyalowbankofearth.Someofthebanks,thatran lengthways through the field,weremade into small channels, the ends ofwhichwereconnectedwithhismainirrigation-stream.Nogatesnorsluiceswereemployed,and,whenhewishedtowateroneofhisfields,hesimplybrokeawaythebankoppositeoneofhissmallchannelsandletthewaterflowintoit.Whenitreachedthepartofhislandhewishedtowater,heblockedthechannelwithalittle earth and broke down its bank so that thewater flowed over one of thesmallsquaresandsoakedit.

AMODERNGUFA.PhotobyMessrs.Underwood&Underwood.Hecouldthenrepeattheprocesswiththenextsquare,andsoon,afterwards

returningtothemainchannelandstoppingtheflowofwaterbyblockingupthehole he had made in the bank. Such is the present process of irrigation inMesopotamia, and there is no doubt that it was adopted by the earlyBabylonians.Itwasextremelysimple,butneededcareandvigilance,especiallywhenwaterwasbeingcarriedintoseveralpartsofanestateatonce.Moreover,

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[21]

onemainchanneloftensuppliedthefieldsofseveralfarmers,and,inreturnforhis shareof thewater, itwas thedutyofeachman tokeep itsbanks,where itcrossedhisland,inrepair.Ifhefailedtodosoandthewaterforcedabreachandfloodedhisneighbour'sfield,hehadtopaycompensationinkindforanycropthat was ruined, and, if he could not pay, his goods were sold, and hisneighbours, whose fields had been damaged, shared the proceeds of the sale.Similarly, ifa farmer lefthiswater runningandforgot toshut itoff,hehad topaycompensationforanydamageitmightdotoaneighbouringcrop.

Thedate-palmformedthechiefsecondarysourceofthecountry'swealth,forit grew luxuriantly in the alluvium and supplied the Babylonianswith one oftheirprincipalarticlesofdiet. Fromit,too,theymadeafermentedwine,andaspeciesofflourforbaking;itssapyieldedpalm-sugar,anditsfibrousbarkwassuitableforweavingropes,whileitstrunkfurnishedalightbuttoughbuilding-material. The early Babylonian kings encouraged the laying out of date-plantations and the planting of gardens and orchards; and special regulationswere made with that object in view. For a man could obtain a field for thepurposewithoutpayingayearlyrent.Hecouldplantandtenditforfouryears,andinthefifthyearofhistenancytheoriginalownerofthelandtookhalfthegarden inpayment,while theplanterkept theotherhalf forhimself.Carewastaken to see that thebargainwasproperly carriedout, for, if abarepatchhadbeenleft intheplantation, itwasreckonedintheplanter'shalf;andshouldthetenant neglect the trees during his first four years of occupation, he was stillliabletoplantthewholeplotwithoutreceivinghishalfofit,andhehadtopaycompensation in addition, which varied in amount according to the originalconditionoftheland.Inthiswaytheauthoritiesensuredthatlandshouldnotbetakenoverandallowedtodeteriorate.For thehireofaplantation therentwasfixedattwo-thirdsofitsproduce,thetenantprovidingalllabourandsupplyingthenecessaryirrigation-water.

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FIG.41.ASSYRIANKELEKONTHETIGRIS.(AfterLayard.)From the royal letters of the period of theFirstDynastywe know that the

canalswerenotonlyusedforirrigation,butalsoaswater-waysfortransport.—-The letterscontaindirections for thebringingofcorn,dates, sesame-seed,andwoodtoBabylon,andwealsoknowthatwoolandoilwerecarried inbulkbywater.FortransportofheavygoodsontheTigrisandEuphratesitispossiblethatrafts, floated on inflated skins, were used from an early period, though theearliest evidencewe have of their employment is furnished by the bas-reliefsfrom Nineveh. Such rafts have survived to the present day, and they arespeciallyadaptedforthetransportofheavymaterials,fortheyarecarrieddownbythecurrent,andarekeptinthemainstreambymeansofhugesweepsoroars.Beingformedonlyoflogsofwoodandskins,theyarenotcostly,forwoodwasplentiful in theupper courseof the rivers.At the endof the journey, after thegoodswerelanded,theywerebrokenup,thelogsbeingsoldataprofit,andtheskins, after being deflated, were packed on donkeys to return up stream bycaravan.

FIG.42.THEASSYRIANPROTOTYPEOFTHEGUFA.(Fromabas-reliefintheBritishMuseum.)The use of such keleks can only have been general when through-river

communication was general, but, since we know that Hammurabi includedAssyriawithin his dominions, it is not impossible that theymay date from atleastasearlyaperiodastheFirstDynasty.Forpurelylocaltrafficinsmallbulkthegufa,orlightcoracle,mayhavebeenusedinBabyloniaatthistime,foritsrepresentationontheAssyrianmonumentscorrespondsexactlywithitsstructureat the present time as used; on the lower Tigris and Euphrates. The gufa is

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[24]

formedofwicker-workcoatedwithbitumen,butsomeof thoserepresentedonthe sculptures fromNineveh appear tohavebeen coveredwith skins as in thedescriptionofHerodotus.

Inthetextsandinscriptionsoftheearlyperiodshipsarereferredto,andthesewere undoubtedly the only class of vessels employed on the canals forconveying supplies in bulk by water. The size of such ships, or barges, wasreckonedbytheamountofgraintheywerecapableofcarrying,measuredbythegur, the largest measure of capacity. We find vessels of very different sizereferred to, varying from five to seventy-five gur and over. The larger classprobably resembled the sailingbargesand ferry-boats inuse to-day, whicharebuiltofheavytimbersandhaveflatbottomswhenintendedforthetransportof beasts. InBabylon at the time of the FirstDynasty a boat-builder's fee forconstructingavesselofsixtygurwasfixedattwoshekelsofsilver,anditwasproportionately less for vessels of smaller capacity. A boat-builder was heldresponsible forunsoundwork,andshoulddefectsdevelop inavesselwithinayearofitsbeinglaunched,hewasobligedtostrengthenorrebuilditathisownexpense.Boatmenandsailors formedanumerousclass in thecommunity,andtheyearlywageof aman in suchemploymentwas fixedat sixtygurof corn.Largervesselscarriedcrewsunderthecommandofacaptain,orchiefboatman,and there isevidence that thevesselsownedby theking includedmanyof thelarger type,which he employed for carrying grain,wool and dates, aswell aswoodandstoneforbuilding-operations.

FIG.43.ASSYRIANRAFTOFLOGSONTHETIGRIS.(Fromabas-reliefintheBritishMuseum.)Itisprobablethattherewereregularofficials,undertheking'scontrol,who

collectedduesandlookedafterthewater-transportintheseparatesectionsoftheriver,orcanal,onwhich theywerestationed. Itwouldhavebeen theirduty toreportanydamageordefectinthechanneltotheking,whowouldsendordersto

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the local governor that the necessary repairs should be put in hand. One ofHammurabi'slettersdealswiththeblockingofacanalatErech,aboutwhichhehad received such reports. The dredging already undertaken had not beenthoroughly done, so that the canal had soon silted up again and boats wereprevented fromreaching thecity; inhis letterHammurabi sentpressingordersthat the canal was to be rendered navigable within three days. Specialregulationswere also in forcewith regard to the respective responsibilities ofboat-owners,boatmenandtheirclients.Ifaboatmanhiredaboatfromitsowner,hewasheldresponsibleforit,andhadtoreplaceitshoulditbelostorsunk;butifherefloatedit,hehadonlytopaytheownerhalf itsvalueforthedamageithad sustained.Boatmenwere also responsible for the safetyofgoods, such ascorn,wool,oilordates,which theyhadundertaken tocarry forhire,and theyhad to make good any total loss due to their own carelessness. Collisionsbetween twovesselswerealsoprovided for, and shouldoneof theboatshavebeen moored at the time, the boatman of the other vessel had to paycompensationfortheboatthatwassunkaswellasforthelostcargo,theownerof the latterestimating itsvalueuponoath.Manycases in thecourtsprobablyaroseoutoflossordamagetogoodsincourseoftransportbywater.

ThecommercialactivitiesofBabylonatthetimeoftheFirstDynastyledtoaconsiderablegrowth in the sizeof the largercities,whichceased tobemerelylocal centres of distribution and began to engage in commerce farther afield.Between Babylonia and Elam close commercial relations had long beenmaintained,butHammurabi'swesternconquestsopenedupnewmarkets tothemerchantsofhiscapital.Thegreat trade-routeup theEuphratesand intoSyriawasnolongerblockedbymilitaryoutpostsandfortifications,placedthereinthevainattempttokeepbacktheinvasionofAmoritetribes;andthetradeinpotterywithCarchemish,ofwhichwehaveevidenceunder the laterkingsof theFirstDynasty, is significant of the new relations established betweenBabyloniaandtheWest.Thegreatmerchantswere,asabody,membersoftheupperclass,andwhiletheythemselvescontinuedtoresideinBabylon,theyemployedtraderswhocarriedtheirgoodsabroadforthembycaravan.

EvenHammurabicouldnotentirelyguaranteethesafetyofsuchtraders,forattacksbybrigandswere thenas common in theNearerEast as at thepresentday;andtherewasalwaystheadditionalriskthatacaravanmightbecapturedby

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[28]

the enemy, if it ventured toonear a hostile frontier. In such circumstances theking saw to it that the lossof thegoodswasnotborneby theagent,whohadalreadyriskedhislifeandlibertyinundertakingtheirtransport.For,ifsuchanagenthadbeenforcedinthecourseofhisjourneytogiveupsomeofthegoodshewascarrying,hehadtospecifytheexactamountonoathonhisreturn,andhewas then acquitted of all responsibility. But if it could be proved before theelders of the city that he had attempted to cheat his employer bymisappropriating money or goods to his own use, he was obliged to pay themerchantthreetimesthevalueofthegoodshehadtaken.Thelawwasnotone-sided and afforded the agent equal protection in relation to hismorepowerfulemployer;forshouldthelatterbeconvictedofanattempttodefraudhisagent,by denying that the due amount had been returned to him, he had to pay hisagent as compensation six times the amount in dispute. Themerchant alwaysadvancedthegoodsormoneywithwhichtotrade,andthefactthathecould,ifhewished todo so, fixhisownprofit atdouble thevalueof thecapital, is anindication of the very satisfactory returns obtained at this period from foreigncommerce.Butthemoreusualpracticewasformerchantandtradertosharetheprofitsbetween them,and, in theeventof the lattermakingsuchbadbargainsthat therewas a lossonhis journey,hehad to refund to themerchant the fullvalueof thegoodshehadreceived.At the timeof theFirstDynastyassesanddonkeyswere thebeastsofburdenemployedforcarryingmerchandise, for thehorsewasasyetagreatrarityandwasnotingeneraluseinBabyloniauntilaftertheKassiteconquest.

AlargenumberoftheFirstDynastycontractsrelatetocommercialjourneysof this sort, and record the terms of the bargains entered into between theinterested parties. Such partnerships were sometimes concluded for a singlejourney, but more often for longer periods of time. The merchant alwaysdemandedaproperly executed receipt for themoneyorgoodshe advanced tothe trader,and the latter receivedone foranydepositorpledgehemighthavemadeintokenofhisgoodfaith.Inreckoningtheiraccountsontheconclusionofajourney,onlysuchamountsaswerespecifiedinthereceiptswereregardedaslegalobligations,and,ifeitherpartyhadomittedtoobtainhisproperdocuments,hedidsoathisownrisk.Themarket-placesofthecapitalandthelargertownsmusthavebeenthecentreswheresuchbusinessarrangementsweretransacted,

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andofficialscribeswereprobablyalwaysinattendancetodrawupthetermsofany bargain in the presence of other merchants and traders, who acted aswitnesses.Thesehadtheirnamesenumeratedatthecloseofthedocument,andsincetheywerechosenfromlocalresidents,somewerealwaysathandtotestifyincaseofanysubsequentdispute.

The town-life in Babylonia at this time must have had many features incommonwiththatofanyprovincialtowninMesopotamiato-day,exceptthatthepaternalgovernmentof theFirstDynastyundoubtedlysawto it that thestreetswerekeptclean,andmadestrenuouseffortstoensurethatprivatehousesshouldbesoundlybuiltandmaintainedinproperrepair.WehavealreadyfollowedoutthelinesofsomeofthestreetsinancientBabylon, andnotedthat,whilethefoundationsofthehouseswereusuallyofburntbrick,crudebrickwasinvariablyemployedfortheirupperstructure.Theywereprobablyallbuildingsofasinglestory, their flatmud roofs, supported on a layer of brush-woodwith poles forrafters, serving as a sleeping-place for their inmates during the hot season.Contemporary evidence goes to show that, before the period of Hammurabi,privatehouseshadnotbeenvery solidlybuilt, forhis legislationcontemplatesthepossibilityoftheirfallingandinjuringtheinmates.Inthecaseofnewhousesthelawfixedtheresponsibilityuponthebuilder,andwemayinferthattheveryheavy penalties exacted for bad work led to a marked improvement inconstruction.For,whensuchanewlybuilthousefellandcrushedtheownersothathedied,thebuilderhimselfwasliabletobeputtodeath.Shouldthefallofthe housekill the owner's son, the builder's own sonwas slain; and, if oneormoreoftheowner'sslaveswerekilled,thebuilderhadtorestorehimslaveforslave. Any damage to the owner's possessions was also made good by thebuilder,whohadinadditiontorebuildthehouseathisowncost,orrepairanyportion of it that had fallen.On the other hand, payment for soundworkwasguaranteed, and the fact that the scale of payment was fixed by the area ofgroundcoveredbythebuilding,isdirectevidencethatthehousesoftheperiodconsisted of no more than one story. The beginning of town-planning onsystematic lines,with streets running through and crossing each other at rightangles,ofwhichwehavenotedevidenceatBabylon,mayperhapsdatefromtheHammurabiperiod;butnoconfidentopiniononthepointcanbeexpresseduntilfurtherexcavationhasbeenundertakenintheearlierstrataofthecity.

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I.ASMALLKELEKONTHETIGRISATBAGHDAD.II.FERRY-BOATSONTHEEUPHRATESATBIREJIK.We have recovered from contemporary documents a very full picture of

familylifeinearlyBabylonia,forthedutiesoftheseparatemembersofafamilytooneanotherwereregulatedbylaw,andanychangeinrelationshipwasdulyattestedandrecordedinlegalformbeforewitnesses.Minuteregulationswereinforce with regard to marriage, divorce and the adoption and maintenance ofchildren, while the provision and disposal of marriage-portions, the rights ofwidows and the laws of inheritance were all controlled by the state upontraditional lines.Perhaps themoststrikingfeature in thesocialsystemwas therecognized status of thewife in theBabylonian household, and the extremelyindependentpositionenjoyedbywomeningeneral.Anymarriagetobelegallybinding had to be accompanied by a duly executed and attested marriage-contract,andwithoutthisnecessarypreliminaryawomanwasnotregardedasawifeinthelegalsense.Ontheotherhand,whenoncesuchamarriage-contracthad been drawn up and attested, its inviolability was stringently secured.Chastity on thewife's partwas enforced under severe penalty; but on the[32]

otherhandthehusband'sresponsibilitytomaintainhiswifeinapositionsuitabletotheircircumstanceswasalsorecognized.

The law gave the wife ample protection, and in the case of the husband'sdesertion allowed her, under certain conditions, to become the legal wife ofanother man. If the husband wilfully deserted her and left his city under nocompulsion,shemightremarryandhecouldnotreclaimheronhisreturn.Butifhisdesertionwasinvoluntary,asinthecaseofamantakeninbattleandcarriedoffasaprisoner,thisruledidnotapply;andthewifewasallowedtoshapeheraction during his absence in accordance with the condition of her husband'saffairs. The regulations in such a case were extraordinarily in favour of thewoman.Ifthehusbandwaspossessedofpropertysufficienttomaintainthewifeduringtheperiodofhiscaptivity,shehadnoexcuseforremarriage;and,shouldshebecomethewifeofanotherman,themarriagewasnotregardedaslegalandshewas liable to the extremepenalty for adultery.But if thehusbandhadnotsufficientmeansforhiswife'smaintenance,itwasrecognizedthatshewouldbethrownonherownresources,andshewaspermittedtoremarry.Thereturningcaptivecouldclaimhiswife,but thechildrenof thesecondmarriageremainedwith their own father. The laws of divorce, too, safeguarded the woman'sinterests, and only dealt with her severely if it could be proved that she hadwastedherhouseholdandfailedinherdutyasawife;insuchacaseshecouldbedivorcedwithoutcompensation,andevenreducedtotheconditionofaslaveinherhusband'shouse.But,intheabsenceofsuchproof,hermaintenancewasfully secured; for thehusbandhad to returnhermarriage-portion, and, if therehadbeennone,hemustmakeheranallowance.Shealsohadthecustodyofherchildren,forwhosemaintenanceandeducationthehusbandhadtoprovide;and,athisdeath,thedivorcedwifeandherchildrencouldinheritashareofhisestate.

The contraction of a permanent disease by the wife was also held toconstitutenogroundsforadivorce.

Such regulations throw an interesting light on the position of the marriedwoman in the Babylonian community, which was not only unexampled inantiquitybutcomparesfavourably,inpointoffreedomandindependence,withherstatusinmanycountriesofmodernEurope.Stillmoreremarkableweretheprivilegescapableofattainmentbyunmarriedwomenoftheupperclass,whoincertain circumstances were entitled to hold property in their own names and

[33]

engage in commercial undertakings. To secure such a position a woman tookvows,bywhichshebecameamemberofaclassofvotariesattachedtooneofthechieftemplesinBabylon,Sippar,oranotherofthegreatcities. Thedutiesofsuchwomenwerenotsacerdotal,and,thoughtheygenerallylivedtogether,inaspecialbuilding,orconvent,attachedtothetemple,theyenjoyedapositionofgreat influence and independence in the community. A votary could possesspropertyinherownname,andontakinghervowswasprovidedwithaportionby her father, exactly as though she were being given in marriage. This wasvestedinherself,anddidnotbecomethepropertyofherorder,norofthetempletowhichshewasattached;itwasdevotedentirelytohermaintenance,andafterherfather'sdeath,herbrotherslookedafterherinterest,andshecouldfarmthepropertyout.Uponherdeathherportionreturnedtoherownfamily,unlessherfatherassignedhertheprivilegeofbequeathingit;butanypropertysheinheritedshe could bequeath, and she had not to pay taxes on it. She had considerablefreedom,couldengageincommerceonherownaccount,and,shouldshedesiretodoso,couldleave,theconventandcontractaformofmarriage.

Whilesecuringhertheseprivileges,thevowsshetookentailedcorrespondingresponsibilities. Even when married, a votary was still obliged to remain avirgin,and,shouldherhusbanddesirechildren,shecouldnotbearthemherself,butmustprovidehimwithamaidorconcubine.But, inspiteofthisdisability,shewas secured in her position as the permanent head of the household. Theconcubine, thoughshemightbear thehusbandchildren,wasalways thewife'sinferior, and should she attempt to put herself on a level with the votary, thelattercouldbrandherandputherwiththefemaleslaves;whileintheeventoftheconcubineprovingbarren,shecouldbesold.Unmarriedvotaries,too,couldlive in houses of their own anddispose of their time andmoney in their ownway.Butahighstandardofcommercialandsocialmoralitywasexpectedfromthem, and severe penalties were imposed for its infringement. No votary, forexample,waspermittedtoopenabeer-shop,andshouldsheevenenterone,sherantheriskofbeingputtodeath.Anunmarriedvotaryalsoenjoyedthestatusofa married woman, and the penalty for slandering one was branding in theforehead. That the social position enjoyed by a votary was considerable isprovedbythefactthatmanywomenofgoodfamily,andevenmembersoftheroyalhouse,tookvows.

[34]

ItisastrikingfactthatwomenofanEasternraceshouldhaveachievedsucha position of independence at the beginning of the second millennium. TheexplanationisperhapstobesoughtinthegreatpartalreadyplayedbycommerceinBabylonianlife.Amongcontemporaryraces,occupiedmainlybyagricultureandwar,woman's activitywas necessarily restricted to the rearingof childrenand to the internal economy of the household. But with the growth ofBabylonian trade and commercial enterprise, it would seem that the demandarose,onthepartofwomenoftheupperclass,totakepartinactivitiesinwhichthey considered themselves capable of joining. The success of theexperimentwasdoubtlessdue inpart to thehighstandardofmoralityexacted,andinparttotheprestigeconferredbyassociationwiththereligiouscult.

Theadministrationof justiceat theperiodof theFirstDynastywascarriedout by duly appointed courts of law under the supervision of the king. Thejudgeswere appointed by the crown, and a checkwas put upon any arbitraryadministrationofthelawbythefactthattheeldersofthecitysatwiththemandassistedtheminhearingandsiftingevidence.Whenonceajudgmenthadbeengivenandrecorded,itwasirrevocable,andifanyjudgeattemptedtoaltersuchadecision,hewasexpelledfromhisjudgment-seatanddebarredfromexercisingjudicialfunctionsinthefuture.Theregulationwasprobablyintendedtopreventthepossibilityofsubsequentbribery;and,ifalitigantconsideredthatjusticehadnotbeendone, itwas alwaysopen tohim to appeal to theking.Hammurabi'slettersprovethatheexercisedstrictsupervision,notonlyoverthecasesdecidedin the capital, but alsoover thosewhichwere tried in theother great cities ofBabylonia,anditisclearthatheattemptedtostampoutcorruptiononthepartofall those investedwith authority.On one occasion he had been informed of acaseofbriberyinthetownofDûr-gurgurri,andheatonceorderedthegovernorofthedistricttoinvestigatethechargeandsendtheguiltypartiestoBabylonforpunishment. The bribe, too,was to be confiscated and despatched toBabylonunderseal,awiseprovisionthatwouldhavetendedtodiscouragethoseinclinedtotamperwiththecourseofjustice,whileatthesametimeitenrichedthestate.

Thekingprobablytriedallcasesofappealinperson,whenitwaspossible;butindistantcitieshedeputedthisdutytolocalofficials.Manyofthecasesthatcamebeforehimarose from theextortionsofmoney-lenders, and thekinghadnomercywhenfraudontheirpartwasproved.

[35]

[36]

[37]

The relations maintained by the king with the numerous classes of thepriesthood was also very close, and the control he exercised over the chiefpriests and their subordinates appears to have been as effective as that hemaintained over the judicial authorities throughout the country. Under theSumerians therehadalwaysbeena tendencyon thepartof themorepowerfulmembers of the hierarchy to usurp the prerogatives of the crown, but thisdanger appears to have been fully discounted under the rule of the WesternSemites.Oneimportantsectionofthepriestlybodyweretheastrologers,whosedutyitprobablywastomakeperiodicalreportstothekingontheconjunctionsandmovementsoftheheavenlybodies,withtheobjectofascertainingwhethertheyportendedgoodor evil to the state.The laterAssyrianpracticemaywellhavehaditsoriginatthisperiod,andwemayconcludethattheregulationofthecalendarwascarriedout inaccordancewithsuchadvice.OneofHammurabi'slettershascomedowntousinwhichhewritestoinformSin-idinnam,hislocalgovernorofLarsa,thatithadbeendecidedtoinsertanintercalarymonthinthecalendar.Hewrites that, as theyear, that is thecalendar,hadadeficiency, themonththatwasbeginningwastoberegisteredasthesecondElul;andheaddsthe very practical reminder, that the insertion of the extra month would notjustifyanypostponementinthepaymentoftheregulartributeduefromthecityof Larsa. The lunar calendar of the Babylonians rendered the periodicalintercalationofmonthsnecessary,inorderthatitshouldbemadetocorrespondtothesolaryear;andthedutyofwatchingfortheearliestappearanceofthenewmoonandfixingthefirstdayofeachmonth,wasamongthemostimportantofthefunctionsperformedbytheofficialastrologers.

Inthenamingoftheyearthepriesthoodmustalsohaveplayedanimportantpart,sincethemajorityoftheeventsfromwhichtheyearswerenamedwereofareligiouscharacter.Thesystem,whichwasinheritedfromtheSumerians,cannothavebeenaveryconvenientone, andnodoubt itowed its retention to thesanctityofthereligiousritesandassociationsattachingtoit.Therecanbelittledoubtthat,normally,thenamingoftheyeartookplaceattheNewYear'sFeast,and,whentheeventcommemoratedintheformulawastheinstallationofachiefpriestor thededicationof temple-furniture, theroyalact,wemayassume,wasperformedonthedaytheyearwasnamed. Oftenmerelyaprovisional titlewas adopted from the preceding formula, and then perhaps no ceremony of

[38]

[39]

[40]

[41]

namingwasheld, unless in the courseof it a great victory, or other importantoccurrence, was commemorated by the renaming of the year. The king musthave consultedwith his priestly advisers before the close of the old year, andhavesettledonthenewformulaingoodtimetoallowofitsannouncementintheoutlyingdistrictsofthekingdom.

Anotherimportantreligiousclassatthisperiodwastheguildofsoothsayers,and they also appear to have been directly under the royal control. This wegatherfromaletterofAmmi-ditana,oneofthelaterkingsoftheFirstDynasty,written to three high officials of Sippar, which illustrates the nature of theirdutiesandthesortofoccasiononwhichtheywerecalledupontoperformthem.

It had come to the king's knowledge that there was a scarcity of corn inShagga,andsincethattownwasintheadministrativedistrictofSippar,hewrotetotheofficialsconcernedorderingthemtosendasupplythither.But,beforethecornwasbroughtintothecity,theyweretoconsultthesoothsayers,inordertoascertain whether the omens were favourable. The method of inquiry is notspecified,butitwasprobablyliver-divination,whichwasincommonuseduringallperiods. Onlyiftheomensprovedfavourable,wasthecorntobebroughtinto the town, andAvemay conclude that the king took this precaution as hefeared that the scarcity of corn inShaggawas due to the anger of some localdeity.Theastrologerswouldbeable toascertain thefacts,and, in theeventoftheirreportingunfavourably,nodoubttheservicesofthelocalpriesthoodwouldhavebeencalledin.

Wehavealreadyseenthatflocksandherdswhichwereownedbythegreattemplesweresometimespasturedwiththoseoftheking,andthereisabundantevidence that the king also superintended the collection of temple-revenuesalong with his own. Collectors of both secular and ecclesiastical tribute sentreportsdirectlytotheking,and,iftherewasanydeficitinthesupplyexpectedfromacollector,hehadtomakeituphimself.FromoneofHammurabi'sletters,forexample,wegatherthattwolandowners,ormoney-lenders,hadlentmoneyor advanced seed-corn to certain farmers near the towns of Dûr-gurgurri andRakhabuandalong theTigris,and insettlementof theirclaimshadseized thecrops,refusingtopaytheproportionduetoBît-il-kittim,thegreattempleoftheSun-godatLarsa.ThegovernorofLarsa, theprincipalcity in thedistrict,hadrightly,as therepresentativeof thepalace,caused the tax-collector tomakeup

[42]

[43]

thedeficiency,butHammurabi,onreceivingthesubordinateofficer'scomplaint,referred thematterback to thegovernor, andwemay infer fromsimilar casesthat the defaulting parties had to make good the loss and submit to fines orpunishment. The document throws an interesting light on the methods ofgovernment administration, and the manner in which the king gave personalsupervisiontothesmallestdetails.

Itwillbeobvious that for theadministrationof thecountrya largebodyofofficials were required, and of their number two classes, of a semi-militarycharacter,enjoyedtheking'sspecialfavourandprotection.Theywereplacedincharge of publicworks and looked after and controlled the public slaves, andtheyprobablyalsohadagooddealtodowiththecollectionoftherevenue.Aspaymentfortheirduties,theywereeachgrantedlandwithahouseandgarden;they were assigned sheep and cattle to stock their land, and in addition theyReceivedaregularsalary.Theywere,inasense,personalretainersoftheking,andwereliabletobesentatanymomentonaspecialmission.Disobediencewasseverelypunished,forifsuchanofficer,whendetailedforspecialservice,hireda substitute, hewas liable to be put to death and the substitute could take hisoffice.Sometimesanofficerwassent to takechargeofadistantgarrisonforalongperiod,andwhenthiswasdonehishomedutieswereperformedbyanotherman, who temporarily occupied his house and land, and gave it back to theofficeronhisreturn.Iftheofficerhadasonoldenoughtoperformthedutyinhis father's absence, he war allowed to do so; and, if he was too young, hismaintenancewas paid for out of the estate. Should the officer fail to arrange,beforehisdeparture,for thepropercultivationofhis landandthedischargeofhislocalduties,anothercouldtakehisplaceafterthelapseofayear,andonhisreturn he could not reclaim his land or office.When on garrison duty, or onspecial service, he ran the risk of capture by the enemy, and in that event hisransomwasassured.Forifhisownmeansdidnotsuffice,thesumhadtobepaidfromthe treasuryof the local temple,and in the last resortby thestate. Itwasspeciallyenactedthathisland,garden,andhousewereinnocasetobesoldtopayforhisransom.Theywereinalienablyattachedtotheofficeheheld,whichappears to have been entailed in the male line, since he was precluded frombequeathinganyof theproperty tohiswifeordaughter.Theycouldonlypassfromhimandhismaleissuethroughneglectordisobedience.

[44]

IMPRESSIONSOFBABYLONIANCILINDERSEALS.Brit.Mus.,Nos.89771,89388,89110,89367.It is not improbable that the existence of this specially favoured class of

officerdatesbacktotheearliestsettlementoftheWesternSemitesinBabylonia.ThefirstoftheirnumbermaywellhavebeenpersonalretainersandfollowersofSumu-abum,thefounderofthedynasty.Originallysoldiers,theywereprobablyassignedlandsthroughoutthecountryinreturnfortheirservicestotheking,andtheycontinuedtoservehimbymaintainingorderandupholdinghisauthority.Inthecourseoftimespecifieddutieswereassignedtothem,buttheyretainedtheirprivileges, and theymust have remained a very valuable body of officers, onwhosepersonalloyaltythekingcouldalwaysrely.Inthecaseofwar,theymayhave assisted inmobilization for the armywasprobably raisedon a territorialbasis,muchon the linesof thecorvée forpublicworkswhichwasunder theircontrol.

By contemporary documents of the period much light is thrown on otherclasses of the population, but, as they were all connected with variousdepartments in thecommercialoragricultural lifeof thecommunity, itwillbeunnecessary to describe them in further detail. One class perhaps deserves

mention, the surgeons, since lack of professional skill was rather heavilypenalized.Forifasurgeon,whencalledinbyanoble,carriedoutanoperationsounskilfullyastocausehisdeathorinflictapermanentinjuryuponhim,suchasthelossofaneye,thepunishmentwasamputationofbothhands.Nopenaltyappearstohavebeenenactedifthepatientwereamemberofthemiddleclass,butshouldtheslaveofsuchamandieastheresultofanoperation,thesurgeonhadtogivetheowneranotherslave;and,intheeventoftheslavelosinghiseye,hehadtopaytheownerhalftheslave'svalue.Therewas,ofcourse,nosecularclass in the population which corresponded to the modern doctor, for themedicinaluseofherbsanddrugswasnot separated from their employment inmagic.Diseasewaslookeduponasduetotheagencyofevilspirits,orofthosethat controlled them, and though many potions were doubtless drunk of acurative nature, they were taken at the instance of the magician, not of thedoctor,andtotheaccompanimentofmagicalritesandincantations.

Inthereligioussphere,theriseofBabylontothepositionofcapitalledtoanumber of important changes, and to a revision of the Babylonian pantheon.Marduk, the god of Babylon, from being a comparatively obscure city-god,underwentatransformationinproportiontotheincreaseinhiscity'simportance.TheachievementsandattributesofEnlil,thechiefSumeriandeity,wereascribedto him, and the old Sumerian sagas and legends, particularly those of thecreation of the world, were rewritten in this new spirit by the Babylonianpriesthood.ThebeginningoftheprocessmaybeaccuratelydatedtotheyearofHammurabi's conquest of Rîm-Sin and his subsequent control of Nippur, theancient centre of the old Sumerian faith. It does not appear that the earlierSemites,when they conquered that city, had ever attempted tomodify the oldtraditionstheyfoundthere,ortoappropriatethemfortheirlocalgods.Butanewspiritwas introducedwith the triumphof theWesternSemites.TheSumerianswere then a dying race, and the gradual disappearance of their language as aliving tongue was accompanied by a systematic translation, and a partialtransformation,oftheirsacredliterature.Enlilcouldnotbeentirelyoustedfromthe position he had so long enjoyed, butMardukbecamehis greater son.Theyoungergodisrepresentedaswinninghispositionbyhisownvalour,incomingto the help of the older godswhen their very existencewas threatened by thedragonsofchaos;and,havingslainthemonsterofthedeep,heisportrayedas

[45]

[46]

creating theuniverse fromher severedbody. The older legends, no doubt,continued to be treasured in the ancient cult-centres of the land, but theBabylonian versions, under royal sanction and encouragement, tended to gainwiderecognitionandpopularity.

UnderthelaterkingsoftheFirstDynastyagreatimpetuswasalsogiventoallbranchesofliteraryactivity.TheoldSumerianlanguagestillbulkedlargelyinthe phraseology of legal and commercial documents, as well as in the purelyreligiousliteratureofthecountry.And,toaidthemintheirstudyoftheancienttexts,theSemiticscribesundertookasystematiccompilationofexplanatorylistsofwordsand ideograms—theearliest formofdictionary,—whichcontinued inuse into the Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods. The Sumerian texts, too,were copied out and furnished with inter-linear Semitic translations. Theastronomicalandastrological studiesand recordsof theSumerianpriestsweretakenover, andgreat collectionswere compiled in combinationwith the earlyAkkadian records that had come down to them. A study of the Babylonianliteratureaffordsstrikingproofthatthesemitizingofthecountryledtonobreak,nor set-back, inBabylonian culture. The older texts and traditionswere takenover in bulk, and, exceptwhere the rank or position ofMardukwas affected,littlechangeormodificationwasmade.TheSemiticscribesnodoubtdevelopedtheirinheritance,butexpansiontookplaceontheoldlines.

In commercial life, too, Sumerian customs remained to a great extentunaltered.Taxes, rent,andpricescontinued tobepaid inkind,and though thetalent,maneh,andshekelwereinuseasmetalweights,and;silverwasinpartialcirculation, no true currencywas developed. In the sale of land, for example,even during the period of theKassite kings, the purchase-pricewas settled inshekel-weights of silver, but very littlemetal actually changed hands.Variousitems were exchanged against the land, and these, in addition I to corn, theprincipal medium of exchange, included slaves, animals, weapons, garments,etc., the value of each itembeing reckonedon the same silver basis, until theagreedpurchase-pricewasmadeup.TheearlySemiticBabylonian,despitehiscommercial activity,didnot advancebeyond the transition stagebetweenpurebarterandaregularcurrency.

OneimportantadvantageconferredbytheWesternSemiteonthecountryof

[46]

his adoption was an increase in the area of its commercial relations and apoliticalexpansionto thenorthandwest.Hesystematizedits laws,andplaceditsinternaladministrationonawider—andmoreuniformbasis.Butthegreatestandmost far-reaching change of theHammurabi periodwas that the commonspeech of thewhole ofBabylonia becameSemitic, as did the dominant racialelement in the population. And it was thanks to this fact that all subsequentinvasionsofthecountryfailedtoalterthemainfeaturesinhercivilization.Suchalien strains were absorbed in process of time, and, though they undoubtedlyintroducedfreshblends into theracialmixture, theSemiticelement triumphed,and continued to receive reinforcements from the parent stock. The Sumerianraceand languageappear tohavesurvived longest in theextremesouthof thecountry,andweshallseethattheriseoftheSea-Countrykingsmayperhapsberegardedastheirlasteffectiveeffortinthepoliticalsphere.

[1]TheCodewasfirstpublishedandtranslatedbyScheil,inthe"MémoiresdelaDélégationenPerse,"Vol.IV.(1902),andtheaccompanyingphotographiefacsimile remains the best authority for the text. For the fullest and bestbibliography to the immensemassof literaturewhichhasgrownuparound it,seeJohns,"SchweichLectures,"1912,pp.65ff.;themostaccessibleversionsinEnglish are those by Johns in "Babylonian andAssyrian Laws,Contracts andLetters"(1904),pp.44ff.,andinHastings'"DictionaryoftheBible,"Vol.V.Forthe linguistic study of the textUngnad's transliteration and glossary inKohlerand Ungnad's "Hammurabi's Gesetz," Bd. II. (1909), may be speciallymentioned.

[2] For the latest bibliography to the early contract-literature see Schorr,"Urkunden des altbabylonischen Zivil- und Prozessrechts" (published in the"Vorderasiatische Bibliothek," 1913), pp. xlix. ff. The great bulk of the royallettersareintheBritishMuseumandaretranslatedin"LettersandInscriptionsofHammurabi,etc." (1898-1900);and forpublicationsofprivate lettersof theperiod,seeSchorr,opcit.,p.lvi.

[3]SeeClay, "Orient.Lit.-Zeit,"1914 (January), "ASumerianPrototypeoftheHammurabiCode."Thetext,ofwhichProf.Clayhassentmeaphotograph,is of thegreatest importance for the studyofBabylonian law;he is at presentpreparingitforpublication.

[4] The Babylonian name for a member of the upper class was awîlum,"man,"and,whenemployed in this special sense, it isbest translatedbysomesuchexpressionas"patrician"or"noble."Butforlegislativepurposes,aswellasincommonparlance,awîlumcouldbeemployedinitsmoregeneralmeaningtoincludemembersofthemiddleclass.

[5]Theywere known asmushkênum,derived from the Shafel-Piel stem oftheroot(kânu),with themeaning"tohumbleoneself, tobehumble."Combehascompared the similaruseofmiskîn inArabic for amanofhumble stationwho is not a descendant of the prophet (cf. "Babyloniaca," III., p. 73 f.). Thewordpassed intoHebrewasmiskên,and,withmodifications ofmeaning, intomore than one European language (cf. Ital. meschino, meschinello, Portug.mesquinho,Frenchmesquin);seeJohns,"SchweichLectures(1912),pp.8,74.

[6] Herodotus (I., 193) bears witness to the great fertility of Babylonia,statingthatofallcountriesoftheancientworlditwasthemostfruitfulingrain.

[7]Ontheearlysystemoftribalownership,whichsurvivedeventheKassiteconquestandrequisitions,seebelow,pp.249ff.

[8]In fact, themétayer systemwas in force, the landlordfinding thecattle,agricultural implements, and seed for the culture of the fields; cf. Johns,"SchweichLectures,"p.5.

[9]SeethefivelettersofAmmi-zaduga,in"LettersofHam."III.,pp.162ff.[10]Forthelossofaneyethehirerpaidhalfthebeast'svalue,andaquarter

forabrokenhorn,thelossofthetail,oratornmuzzle.[11]See§256oftheCode.[12]Cf."LettersofHammurabi,"III.,pp.130ff.[13]TheyarealsoreferredtobyHerodotus(I.,193),butnotdescribed.[14] At Hit on the Euphrates are some of the largest water-wheels in

Mesopotamia,alineofthembeingbuiltacrossoneportionoftheriver.[15]Cf."Cun.TextsintheBrit.Mus.,"XXVI.,p.26.[16] See Fig. 40, and cf. Clay, "Documents from the Temple Archives of

Nippur," in the "MuseumPublications of theUniv. of Pennsylvania,"Vol. II.,No.2(1912),p.65,fromwhichthedrawinghasbeentaken.

[17]SeePlateXXI.,oppositep.248.

[18] Cf. Frank, "Das Symbol der Göttin Gestinna," in the "HilprechtAnniversaryVolume"(1909),pp.104ff.

[19]Cf.Place,"Niniveetl'Assyrie,"III.,pl.31;theploughistheredepictedinyellowenamelonablueground.

[20]SeeBudgeandKing,"GuidetotheBabylonianandAssyrianAntiquitiesin the British Museum," 2nd ed. (1908), p. 221, Figure. George Rawlinson("AncientMonarchies," I., p. 567) had already explained the seed-drill in theploughonEsarhaddon'sstone.

[21] The Babylonian word for plough, ḳanḳannu, has also survived in theSyriackenkĕnā,and theRabbinicḳanḳannâ ;cf.Frank,op.cit.,p. 165 f. Thisuse of the determinative erû, "copper," before the Babylonian word, suggeststhatmetalwasemployedfortheplough-sharefromaveryearlyperiod.

[22] On the cultivation of the date-palm and the Babylonian method ofartificial fertilization, see Herodotus, I., 193; and cp. Tylor, "Proc. Soc. Bibl.Arch.,"XII.(1890),pp.383ff.

[23]EventhemodernArabicnameforsucharaft,kelek,isderivedfromtheAssyrianwordforthesameformofvessel,kalaku,aswasfirstpointedoutbyJohnson.

[24]Thisisthecustomatthepresentday,andweknowthatitalsoexistedatthe time of Herodotus (cf. I., 194); but his description of the structure of the"boats"applies,not to theraftorkelek,but to thegufa,asmallcoracle,whichwasusedonlyforlocaltraffic.

[25]SeeFig.42;andcf.p.179,n.2.[26]SeePlateXV.,oppositep.184.[27]Cf."Letters,"III.,p.16f.[28]Seeabove,p.127f.[29]Seebelow,p.215f.[30]Seeabove,pp.82ff.[31]The fact that, so far as they have yet been examined, the lines of the

streetsappeartohavealteredlittleduringthetimefromtheFirstDynastytotheNeo-BabylonianandPersianperiods,isatleastpresumptiveevidenceinfavourofassigningthemainlinesofthestreet-planontheMerkesMoundtotheageof

Hammurabiandhisdescendants;seeabove,p.85f.[32]Inthecaseofprovedadultery,drowningwasthepenaltyfor theguilty

parties;butthehusbandcouldsavehiswife,ifhewishedtodoso,byappealtotheking.Ifthechargewasbroughtbythehusbandhimself,awomancouldclearherselfbyswearingtoherowninnocence;but,ifothersbroughtthecharge,shehadtosubmittotheordealbywater.SheplungedintotheEuphrates,andshouldshebedrowned, itwas regarded as proof of guilt; but if shegot safely to thebankherinnocencewasestablished.ItwasbelievedthattheSacredRiverwouldseethatjusticewasdone;see§§131f.oftheCode,andcp.§2.

[33]Thewifecouldalsodivorceherhusband,ifshecouldprovethatherpastlife had been seemly; she then took her marriage-portion and returned to herfather'shouse.For lawsas tobreachofpromise (basedon thepaymentof thebride-price),see§§159-101oftheCode.

[34] There was an important guild of votaries attached to E-babbar, thetemple of the Sun-god at Sippar, a second at Ur, and another at E-sagila, thegreattempleofMardukatBabylon,wheretheyhadspecialprivileges.

[35] Prof. Myres, in commenting on the industrial status found for theseunmarriedwomen, remarks that,withmanufacturesandcommercestandingsohigh in the economy of Babylonia, it is not to be wondered at if the socialstructureofthecountrydevelopedsomeofthesamefeaturesasbegintoperplexourmodernworld:cf."DawnofCivilization,"p.97.

[36]See"LettersofHammurabi,"III.,pp.20ff.[37]Op.cit.,III.,pp.23ff.,26f.[38]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"pp.167f.,172f.[39]Cf."Letters,"III.,p.12f.[40]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.57f.[41]Ungnad("Beitr.z.Assyr.,"VI.,Hft.3,p.7f.)hascollectedanumberof

formulæ fromdocuments, dated either on the first dayofNisan, orwithin thefirst six days of the year, which suggest that this was the practice; even thecompletion of the cutting of a canalmight have been foreseen.Very rarely, aformulamayhavebeenframedfromanimportanteventof theprecedingyear,perhaps occurring towards its close; the defeat of Nîsin in Sin-muballit's

seventeenth date-formula is an instance in point, since one document whichbearstheformulaisdatedonthesixthofNisan.ButthereislittletobesaidforPoebel's theory (cf. "BabylonianLegalandBusinessDocuments,"pp.109 ff.),whichisbasedontheassumptionthatthiswastheusualpractice.Foreditionsofthe FirstDynasty date-formulæ, see "Letters and Inscriptions ofHammurabi,"III., pp. 212 ff.; Poebel, "Legal and Business Documents," pp. 56 ff.; Johns,"Year-NamesoftheFirstDynastyofBabylon"(1911);andSchorr,"Urkunden,"pp.582ff.

[42]See"LettersofHammurabi,"III.,pp.157ff.[43]SeeJastrow,"Religion,"Bd.II.,passim.[44]See"Letters,"III.,pp.49ff.FromaletterofAbi-eshu'(op.cit.,p.153

f.),wegatherthat thekingheldthemerchantsofSipparultimatelyresponsiblefortheircity'stribute.

[45]Seebelow,p.240.[46] On the composite character of the Creation Series, and the historical

linesofitsdevelopment,see"TheSevenTabletsofCreation,"I.,pp.lxvi.ff.

CHAPTERVI

THECLOSEOFTHEFIRSTDYNASTYOFBABYLONANDTHEKINGSFROMTHE

COUNTRYOFTHESEA

IntheclosingyearsofHammurabi'sreignBabylonhadreachedtheclimaxofherearlypower.TheproudphraseologyoftheProloguetohisCodeconveystheimpression that the empire was solidly compact, and its component cities thewillingrecipientsofhisroyalclemencyandfavour.Andtherecanbenodoubtthatheowedhissuccessingreatmeasuretotheefficientadministrationhehadestablished under his personal control. His son, Samsu-iluna, inherited hisfather's traditions, and in his letters that have survived we have abundantevidence that he exercised the same close supervision over the judicial andadministrativeofficersstationedincitiesdistantfromthecapital.Anditwouldappear that the first eight years of his reign passed under the same peacefulconditions,thathadprevailedatthetimeofhisaccessiontothethrone.Hecuttwo canals, and the names he gave them commemorate the wealth andabundance he hoped by theirmeans to bestow upon the people. Itwas in histhirdandfourthyearsthattheSamsu-iluna-nagab-nukhush-nishiandtheSamsu-iluna-khegallum Canals were completed, and the royal activities were thenconfined to the furtheradornmentof thegreat templesofBabylonandSippar.Hisninthyearmarksthecrisis,notonlyinSamsu-iluna'sownreign,butintheearly fortunes of the kingdom. It is then that we first hear of Kassite tribesappearing in force upon Babylon's eastern frontier, and, though Samsu-ilunadoubtless defeated them, as he claims to have done, it is clear that theiremergence from the foothills of Western Elam, followed speedily by theirpenetration of Babylonian territory, was the signal for setting the empire in ablaze.

Theymusthavemetwithsomesuccessbefore theironslaughtwasarrestedbythearmysentagainstthem, andtherenewalofhostilitiesinanyformmust[1]

havearousedoncemorethefightinginstinctoftheElamitebordertribes,whichhad been temporarily laid to rest byHammurabi's victories. Hammurabi's oldantagonist, Rîm-Sin himself, had long been living in comparative retirement,and,inspiteofhisadvancedage,thenewsfiredhimtofreshefforts.Hisnamewasstillonthelipsofthosewhohadfoughtunderhim,andsincethedeathofhis conqueror, Hammurabi, his prestige must have tended to increase.When,therefore, his native land of Emutbal, allying itself with the neighbouringElamitedistrictofIdamaraz,followeduptheKassiteonslaughtbyanorganizedinvasion, Rîm-Sin raised a revolt in Southern Babylonia, and succeeded ingaining possession of Erech and Nîsin. It would appear that the BabyloniangarrisoninLarsa,too,wasovercome,andthatthecitypassedoncemoreundertheindependentcontrolofitsoldruler.

Withthewholesouthofthecountryinarmsagainsthim,wemayconjecturethat Samsu-iluna detailed sufficient forces to contain Rîm-Sin, while he dealtwith the invasion of Babylon's home-territory. He had little difficulty indisposing of the Elamites, and, marching southwards, he defeated Rîm-Sin'sforcesandreoccupiedLarsa. Itmaybethatitwasatthistimehecaptured,orburnt,Rîm-Sinalive, andthatthepalacewherethistookplacewastherebelleader'soldpalaceatLarsa,whichhehadbeenmakinghisheadquarters.Buttherevoltwasnotcompletelysubdued.UrandErechstillheldout,anditwasonlyafterafurthercampaignthatSamsu-ilunarecapturedthemandrazedtheirwalls.Hehadthussucceededincrushingthefirstseriesoforganizedattacksupontheempire,buttheeffortofdealingsimultaneouslywithinvasionandinternalrevolthad evidently strained the national resources. Garrisons had probably beenreducedindistantprovinces,othershadbeencutdowninordertoreinforcehisarmiesinthefield,anditisnotsurprisingthatinhistwelfthyeartheseoutlyingdistrictsshouldhavefollowedtheprevailinglead.Inthatyearitisrecordedthatallthelandsrevoltedagainsthim.

[2]

[3]

[4]

IMPRESSIONSOFKASSITECILINDERSEALS.Brit.Mus.,Nos.89128,89001,28799,89240,89258.WemaywithsomeconfidencetracethemainsourceofSamsu-iluna'sfresh

troublestotheactionofIluma-ilum,who,probablyatthistime,headedarevoltin the Sea-Country on the shore of the Persian Gulf, and declared hisindependenceofBabylon.Samsu-iluna'sanswerwastoraisefurther leviesandleadthemagainsthisnewfoe.Thesubsequentbattlewasfiercelycontestedontheveryshoreof theGulf, fora laterchronicler records that thebodiesof theslainwerecarriedoffbythesea;yet itwaseitherindecisive,orresultedinthediscomfitureoftheBabylonians.Wemayconjecturethatthekingwaspreventedfrom employing his full forces to stamp out the rebellion, in consequence oftroubleinotherquarters.Forinthefollowingtwoyearswefindhimdestroyingthe cities Kisurra and Sabum, and defeating the leader of a rebellion in thehome-territoryofBabylonitself.

Iluma-ilumwas thus afforded theopportunityof consolidatinghis position,and we may perhaps see evidence of his growing influence in SouthernBabyloniainthefactthatatTellṢifrnotasingledocumenthasbeenfounddatedinalateryearofSamsu-iluna'sreignthanthetenth. Inviewof thefact thatthecentralcityofNippureventuallypassedunderIluma-ilum'scontrol,wemayprobablyassumethathewasalreadyencroachingnorthwards,andthatterritory

[5]

[6]

inthesouthofSumer,perhapsincludingthecityofLarsa,passednowintohispossession. In support of this suggestion it may be noted that, when Samsu-iluna, after suppressing the Akkadian usurper, began repairing the damagewrought insixyearsofcontinuousfighting, it isatNîsinandatSippar thatherebuilds the ruined walls, and in Emutbal that he repairs the great garrison-fortresses.Nîsinmaywell havemarked themost southerly limit ofBabylon'scontrol, andwemay picture the gradual expansion of the Sea-Country, as thepower of Babylon declined. The "rebellious land," which Samsu-iluna boaststhat he overthrew in his twentieth year, was perhaps the Sea-Country, for weknow that he conducted a second campaign against Iluma-ilum,who this timesecured a victory. If the Babylonian army succeeded in retreating incomparatively good order, it would have formed a sufficient justification forSamsu-iluna'sboastthathehadgiventherebelliouslandalesson.

The fringe of territory in the extreme south-east of Babylonia alwaysexhibited a tendency to detach itself from the upper riverain districts ofBabyloniaproper.FormingthelittoralofthePersianGulf,andencroachinginitsnorthern area upon Elam, it consisted of great stretches of rich alluvial soilinterspersed with areas of marsh-land and swamps, which tended to increasewhere the rivers approached the coast. The swamps undoubtedly acted as aprotection to the country, for while tracks and fords were known to theinhabitants, a stranger from the north-west would in many places have beencompletely baffled by them. The natives, too, in their light reed-boats couldescapefromonedistricttoanother,pushingalongknownpassagesandeludingtheir pursuers, when once the tall reeds had closed behind them. The laterAssyriansattheheightoftheirpowersucceededinsubduingaseriesofrevoltsintheSea-Country,butitwasonlybyenlistingthehelpofnativeguidesandbycommandeering the light canoesofneighbouringvillages.TheearlierkingsofBabyloniahadalwaysbeencontenttoleavetheswamp-dwellerstothemselves,andatmosttoexactanominalrecognitionofsuzerainty.Butitisprobablethatfreshenergyhadbeenlatelyintroducedintothedistrict,andofthisIluma-ilumdoubtlesstookadvantagewhenhesucceeded,notonlyinleadingarevolt,butinestablishinganindependentkingdom.

FIG.44.SWAMPINSOUTHERNBABYLONIAORTHESEA-COUNTRY.An Assyrian conquest of the country is here represented, amid all the

difficultiespresentedbyitsswampsandreed-beds.(Afterabas-reliefatNineveh.)It is clear that the pressure exerted upon Babylonia by the West-Semitic

migrationmusthavetendedtodisplacesectionsoftheexistingpopulation.Thedirection of advance was always down-stream, and the pressure continued inforceevenafter theoccupationof thecountry.Thosestrains in thepopulation,which differedmost radically from the invaders, would be themore likely toseek sanctuary elsewhere, and, with the exception of Elam, the Sea-Countryoffered the only possible line of retreat. We may assume, therefore, that themarsh-dwellers of the south had been reinforced for a considerable period bySumerian refugees, and, though the first three rulersof thenewkingdomboreSemiticnamesandwereprobablySemites,thenamesoflaterrulersoftheSea-CountrysuggestthattheSumerianelementinthepopulationafterwardssecuredthe control, no doubt with the assistance of fresh drafts from their ownkindredaftertheirsuccessfuloccupationofSouthernBabylonia.Underthemorepowerful kings of the Second Dynasty, the kingdom may have assumed acharacter resembling that of its predecessors in Babylonia. The centre ofadministration was certainly shifted for a time to Nippur, and possibly evenfurthernorth,but theSea-Country,as thehome-landof thedynasty,musthavealwaysbeenregardedasadominantprovinceof thekingdom,and itofferedasecure refuge to its rulers in the event of their being driven again within its

[7]

borders. In spite of its extensive marshes, it was capable of sustaining itsinhabitants in a considerable degree of comfort, for the date-palm flourishedluxuriantly,andtheareasundercultivationmusthavebeenatleastasproductiveas those further to the north-west. Moreover, the zebu, or humped cattle ofSumer, thrived in the swamps and water-meadows, and not only formed animportant source of supply, but were used for ploughing in the agriculturaldistricts.

Withsuchacountryasabaseofoperations,protectedinnosmalldegreebyitsmarshes,itisnotsurprisingthattheSea-Countrykingsshouldhavemetwithconsiderablesuccessintheireffortsatextendingtheareaofterritoryundertheircontrol.

After his second conflict with Iluma-ilum, Samsu-iluna appears to havereconciled himself to the loss of his southern province, and to havemade nofurthereffort at reconquest.Hecould stillboastof successes inotherdistricts,for he destroyed the walls of Shakhnâ and Zarkhanum, doubtless after thesuppressionofa revolt,andhestrengthened the fortificationsofKish.HealsoretainedthecontroloftheEuphratesroutetoSyria,andhedoubtlessencouragedthecommercialenterpriseofBabyloninthatdirectionasaset-offtohislossesinthe south. We possess an interesting illustration of the close relations hemaintained with the west in the date-formula for the twenty-sixth year of hisreign,whichtellsusthatheprocuredamonolithfromthegreatmountainofthelandofAmurru.ThismusthavebeenquarriedintheLebanon,andtransportedoverlandtotheEuphrates,andthenceconveyedbykelektothecapital.Fromthedetailshegivesusofitssize,itappearstohavemeasuredsomethirty-sixfeetinlength,anditwasnosmallachievementtohavebroughtitsofartoBabylon.

[8]

FIG.45.THEZEBUORHUMPEDOXENOFTHESEA-COUNTRY.They are here represented as beingdrivenoff from theSoa-Country, along

withotherbooty,underaconvoyofAssyriansoldiers.(Afterabas-relieffromNinevehintheBritishMuseum.)During thisperiodof comparative tranquillitySamsu-ilunadevotedhimself

oncemore to rebuilding andbeautifyingE-sagila and the templesofKish andSippar; but in his twenty-eighth year Babylon suffered a fresh shock, whichappearstohaveresultedinstillfurtherlossofterritory.Inthatyearheclaimstohave slain Iadi-khabum andMuti-khurshana, two leaders of an invasion, or arevolt,ofwhichwehavenodetails.Butitisclearthatthevictory,ifsuchitwas,resultedinfurthertrouble,forinthefollowingtwoyearsnofreshdate-formulæwerepromulgated,anditisprobablethatthekinghimselfwasabsentfromthecapital.ItissignificantthatnodocumenthasbeenrecoveredatNippurwhichisdated after Samsu-iluna's twenty-ninth year, although in the preceding period,fromthethirty-firstyearofHammurabionward,whenthecityfirstpassedintoBabylon'spossession,nearlyeveryyeariswellrepresentedinthedatedseries.ItisdifficultnottoconcludethatSamsu-ilunanowlostthecontrolofthatcity,and,sinceoneof thedocuments fromNippur isdated in Iluma-ilum's reign, itcan only have passed into the latter's possession. Further evidence of thediminishingterritoryofBabylonmaybeseeninthefactthatSamsu-ilunashouldhaverebuilttheoldlineoffortresses,foundedbyhisancestorSuma-la-ilumatatime when the kingdom was in its infancy. This work was doubtlessundertakenwhen he foresaw the necessity of defending the Akkadian border,

[9]

[10]

andhemusthavelostoneatleastofthefortresses,Dûr-Zakar,whenNippurwastaken. His activities during his closing years were confined to the north andwest, and to the task of keeping open theEuphrates route. For he cut a canalbesideKâr-Sippar,recoveredpossessionofSaggaratum,andprobablydestroyedthecitiesofArkumandAmal.HisdefeatofanAmoriteforcesometwoyearsbefore his death is of interest as proving that theWestern Semites of Akkad,nearlytwocenturiesaftertheirsettlementinthecountry,wereexperiencingthesametreatmentfromtheirownstockthattheythemselveshadcausedtothelandoftheiradoption.

Samsu-iluna,withthepossibleexceptionofAmmi-ditana,wasthelastgreatkingoftheWest-Semiticdynasty.ItistruethathissonAbi-eshu'madeafreshattempt to dislodge Iluma-ilum from his hold upon Central and SouthernBabylonia. A late chronicle records that he took the offensive and marchedagainst Iluma-ilum. It would seem that his attack was in the nature of asurprise, and that he succeeded in cutting off the king and part of his forces,possiblyontheirreturnfromsomeotherexpedition.ItisclearthathecameintotouchwithhimintheneighbourhoodoftheTigris,andprobablyforcedhimtotakerefugeinafortress,sinceheattemptedtocutoffhisretreatbydammingtheriver.Heissaidtohavesucceededindammingthestream,buthefailedtocatchIluma-ilum.Thechronicle recordsnofurtherconflictbetween the two,andwemay assume that he then adopted his father's later policy of leaving the Sea-Country in possession of its conquered territory. In some of his broken date-formulæwehaveechoesofafewfurthercampaigns,andweknowthathecuttheAbi-eshu'Canal,andbuiltafortressatthegateoftheTigris,whichhealsonamed after himself,Dûr-Abi-eshu'.Thiswas probably a frontier fortification,erectedforthedefenceoftheriveratthepointwhereitpassedfromBabylon'sareaofcontroltothatoftheSea-Country.HealsobuiltthetownofLukhaiaontheArakhtuCanal in the immediateneighbourhoodofBabylon.ButbothAbi-eshu'andhissuccessorsonthethronegiveevidenceofhavingbecomemoreandmore engrossed in cult-observances. The supply of temple-furniture begins tohaveforthemtheimportancethatmilitarysuccesshadfortheirfathers.Anditisa symptom of decadence that, even in the religious sphere, they are asmuchconcernedwiththeirownworshipaswiththatofthegods.

ItissignificantthatAbi-eshu'shouldhavenamedoneofhisyearsofruleby

[11]

hisdecorationofastatueofEntemena,theearlypatesiofLagash,whohadbeenaccordeddivinehonours,and,atsomeperiodafterHammurabi'soccupationofthatcity,hadreceivedacult-centreofhisowninBabylon.Fortheactindicatesan increased interest, on Abi-eshu's part, in the deification of royalty. ThishonourwaspeculiarlyassociatedwiththepossessionofNippur,thecentralcityandshrineof thecountry, andBabylonhadadopted thepracticeofdeificationforherkingsafterNippurhadbeenannexedbyHammurabi.ThoughthecityhadnowpassedfromBabylon'scontrol,Abi-eshu'didnotrelinquishtheprivilegehisfather and grandfather had legitimately enjoyed. Since Babylon no longerpossessedthecentralshrineofEnlil,inwhichhisowndivinestatueshouldhavebeensetup,hededicatedoneinEnlil'slocaltempleatBabylon.Butnotcontentwiththathefashionednolessthanfiveotherstatuesofhimself,whichhesetupinthetemplesofothergods,atBabylon,Sipparandelsewhere.

His three successors followed the same practice, and Ammi-ditana andAmmi-zaduga, his son and grandson, have left descriptions of some of thesecult-imagesofthemselves. Afavouritecharacter,inwhichthekingwasoftenrepresented,washoldingalambfordivination,andanotherwasintheattitudeofprayer. The later kings of the First Dynasty love, too, to dwell on theirsumptuous votive offerings.Marduk is suppliedwith innumerableweapons ofred gold, and the Sun-god's shrine at Sippar is decorated with solar disks ofpreciousdushû-stone,inlaidwithredgold,lapis-lazuli,andsilver.Greatreliefs,withrepresentationsofriversandmountains,werecastinbronzeandsetupinthetemples;andSamsu-ditana,thelastofhisline,recordsamonghisofferingstothegodsthededicationtoSarpanitumofarichsilvercasketforperfumes.

Incidentally,thesereferencesaffordstrikingproofofthewealthBabylonhadnowacquired,duenodoubttoherincreasedcommercialactivities.ElamontheonesideandSyriaontheother hadfurnishedherwith importsofpreciousstone, metal, and wood; and her craftsmen had learnt much from foreignteachers. In spite of the contraction of Hammurabi's empire, the life of thepeople in both the town and country districts of Akkad was not materiallyaltered. The organized supervision of all departments of national activity,pastoral,agriculturalandcommercial,whichthenationowedingreatmeasuretoHammurabi,wascontinuedundertheselaterkings;andsomeoftheroyallettersthathavebeenrecoveredshowthatordersoncomparativelyunimportantmatters

[12]

[13]

[14]

continuedtobeissuedintheking'sname.Weknow,too,ofagoodmanypublicworkscarriedoutbyAmmi-ditana,Abi-eshu'sson.Hecutonlyonecanal,andhe built fortresses for the protection of others, and named them alter himself.Thus, in addition to theAmmi-ditanaCanal,we learn of aDûr-Ammi-ditana,whichheerectedontheZilakumCanal,andanotherfortressofthesamenameontheMê-EnlilCanal.HestrengthenedthewallofIshkun-Marduk,whichwasalso on the Zilakum, and built Mashkan-Ammi-ditana and the wall of Kâr-Shamash,bothonthebankoftheEuphrates.

The systematic fortification of the rivers and canals may perhaps beinterpretedasmarkinganadvanceofthefrontiersouthward,inconsequenceofwhichitwasadvisabletoprotectthecropsandthewater-supplyofthedistrictsthusrecoveredfromthedangerofsuddenraids.OntwooccasionsAmmi-ditanaclaims, in rather vague terms, to have freed his land from danger, once byrestoring themight ofMarduk, and later on by loosing the pressure from hisland; and that, in his seventeenth year, he should have claimed to haveconqueredArakhab,perhapsreferredtoas"theSumerian," isan indicationthattheSea-Countrykingsfoundreadyassistancefromtheolderpopulationofthe South. Moreover, of the later West-Semitic kings, Ammi-ditana aloneappears tohavemadeheadwayagainst the encroachmentsof theSea-Country.Themostconclusiveproofofhisadvanceis tobeseeninthedate-formulaforhis thirty-seventh year,which records that he destroyed thewall ofNîsin,proving that he had penetrated to the south ofNippur. ThatNippur itselfwasheldbyhimforatimeismorethanprobable,especiallyasoneofhisbuilding-inscriptions, still unpublished, is said to have been found there ; and weknowalso, fromaNeo-Babylonian copyof a similar text, that he claimed thetitle "King of Sumer andAkkad." Under him, then, Babylon recovered asemblanceofher formerstrength,butwemayconjecture that theSea-CountryretaineditsholdonLarsaandthesoutherngroupofcities.

WearefurnishedwithathirdvaluablesynchronismbetweenthedynastiesofBabylonandof thesouthby the reference toAmmi-ditana'sdestructionof thewallofNîsin,forthedate-formulaaddsthatthishadbeenerectedbythepeopleofDamiḳ-ilishu.Therulerreferredtoisobviouslythethirdkinginthedynastyof the Sea-Country, who succeeded Itti-ili-nibi upon the throne. We may

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

concludethatitwasinhisreign,orshortlyafterit,thatAmmi-ditanasucceededin recovering Nîsin, after having already annexed Nippur on his southwardadvance.Inhisthirty-fourthyear,twoyearsbeforethecaptureofNîsin,hehaddedicatedanimageofSamsu-ilunainthetempleE-namtila,andwemayperhapsconnectthistributetohisgrandfatherwiththefactthatinhisreignBabylonhadlastenjoyedthedistinctionconferredbythesuzeraintyofNippur.

In the year following the recovery of Nîsin Ammi-zaduga succeeded hisfatheronthethrone,andsinceheascribesthegreatnessofhiskingdomtoEnlil,andnottoMardukoranyothergod,wemayseeinthisafurtherindicationthatBabyloncontinuedtocontrolhisancientshrine.Buttheremainingdate-formulæforAmmi-zaduga'sreigndonotsuggestthatAmmi-ditana'sconquestswereheldpermanently.Asuccessionofreligiousdedicationsisfollowedinhistenthyearby the conventional record that he loosed the pressure of his land, suggestingthat his country had been through a period of conflict; and, though in thefollowing year he built a fortress, Dûr-Ammi-zaduga "at the mouth of theEuphrates," the nearly unbroken succession of votive acts, commemoratedduringhis remainingyears and in the reignof his sonSamsu-ditana,makes itprobable that the kings of Sea-Country were gradually regaining some of theterritorytheyhadtemporarilylost.

But it was not from the Sea-Country that the West-Semitic Dynasty ofBabylon received its death-blow. In the late chronicle, which has thrown somuch light on the earlier conflicts of this troubled period,we read of anotherinvasion,whichnotonlybroughtdisastertoBabylonbutprobablyputanendtoherfirstdynasty.ThechroniclerstatesthatduringthereignofSamsu-ditana,thelastkingofthedynasty,"menofthelandofKhattimarchedagainstthelandofAkkad," in other words, that Hittites from Anatolia marched down theEuphrates and invadedBabylonia from thenorth-west.Thechronicledoesnotrecord the result of the invasion, butwemayprobably connect itwith thefactthattheKassitekingAgum-kakrimebroughtbacktoBabylonfromKhanî,the old Khana on the middle Euphrates, the cult-images of Marduk andSarpanitumandinstalledthemoncemorewithgreatpompandceremonywithintheirshrinesinE-sagila.WemaylegitimatelyconcludethattheywerecarriedoffbytheHittitesduringtheirinvasioninSamsu-ditana'sreign.

[21]

[22]

[23]

[24]

BRICK OF SIN-GASHID, KING OF ERECH, RECORDING THEBUILDINGOFHISPALACEINTHATCITY.FromWarka;Brit.Mus.,No.90268;PhotobyMessrs.Mansell&Co.IftheHittitessucceededindespoilingBabylonofhermostsacreddeities,it

isclearthattheymusthaveraidedthecity,andtheymayevenhaveoccupieditforatime.ThustheWest-SemiticDynastyofBabylonmayhavebeenbroughttoanendbytheseHittiteconquerors,andSamsu-ditanahimselfmayhavefallenindefenceofhisowncapital.ButthereisnoreasonforsupposingthattheHittitesoccupiedBabylonforlong.Eveniftheirsuccesswascomplete,theywouldsoonhavereturned to theirowncountry, ladenwithheavyspoil;and theydoubtlessleft some of their number in occupation ofKhana on theirwithdrawal up theEuphrates.SouthernBabyloniamayalsohavesufferedintheraid,butwemayassume that its forcewas feltmost in thenorth,and that thekingsof theSea-Country profited by the disaster. We have as yet no direct evidence of theiroccupationofBabylon,but,astheirkingdomhadbeenBabylon'smostpowerfulrivalpriortotheHittiteraid,itmaywellhaveincreaseditsbordersafterherfall.

TothisperiodwemayprobablyassignalocaldynastyofErech,representedbythenamesofSin-gashid,Sin-gamilandAn-am.Frombricksandfoundation-recordsrecoveredatWarka,thesiteoftheancientcity,weknowthatthefirstoftheserulersrestoredtheoldtempleofE-annaandbuilthimselfanewpalace.ButthemostinterestingofSin-gashid'srecordsisavotivecone,commemoratingthe dedication ofE-kankal toLugal-banda and the goddessNinsun, for,whenconcludinghistextwithaprayerforabundance,heinsertsalistortariff,stating

[25]

themaximum-pricewhichhehadfixedforthechiefarticlesofcommerceduringhis reign, Sin-gamilwasAn-am's immediate predecessor on the throne ofErech,andduringhisreignthelatterdedicatedonhisbehalfatempletoNergalinthetownofUsipara. An-amwasthesonofacertainBêl-shemea,andhisprincipalworkwastherestorationofthewallofErech,thefoundationofwhichheascribestothesemi-mythicalrulerGilgamesh.

DoubtlessotherlocalkingdomsaroseduringtheperiodfollowingBabylon'stemporarydisappearanceasapoliticalforce,butwehaverecoverednotracesofthem, andtheonlyfactofwhichwearecertainisthecontinuedsuccessionof theSea-Countrykings.Tooneof these rulers,Gulkishar, reference ismadeupon a boundary stone of the twelfth century, drawn up in the reign ofEnlil-nadin-apli,anearlykingoftheFourthDynasty.OnitheisgiventhetitleofKingof theSea-Country,which isalso the latechronicler'sdesignation forE-gamil,the last member of the dynasty, in the account he has left us of the Kassiteinvasion. Such evidence seems to show that the administrative centre of theirrule was established at those periods in the south; but the inclusion of thedynastyintheKings'Listisbestexplainedontheassumptionthatatleastsomeofitslatermembersimposedtheirsuzeraintyoverawiderarea. Theywereevidently the only stable line of rulers in a period after the most powerfuladministrationthecountryhadyetknownhadbeensuddenlyshattered.Thelandhadsufferedmuch,notonlyfromtheHittiteraid,butalsoduringthecontinuousconflictsofmorethanacenturythatprecededthefinalfallofBabylon.Itmusthave been then thatmany of the old Sumerian cities of Southern andCentralBabyloniaweredeserted,afterbeingburneddownanddestroyed;andtheywerenever afterwards re-occupied. Lagash, Umma, Shuruppak, Kisurra and AdabplaynopartinthesubsequenthistoryofBabylonia.

OfthefortunesofBabylonatthistimeweknownothing,butthefactthattheKassitesshouldhavemadethecitytheircapitalshowsthattheeconomicforces,which had originally raised her to that position, were still in operation. TheSumerian elements in the population of Southern Babylonia may now haveenjoyeda lastperiodof influence, and their racial survival in theSea-Countrymayinpartexplainitscontinualstrivingforindependence.ButinBabyloniaasawholetheeffectsofthreecenturiesofWest-Semiticrulewerepermanent.When,

[26]

[27]

[28]

[29]

[30]

aftertheKassiteconquest,Babylonemergesoncemoreintoview,itisapparentthatthetraditionsinheritedfromherfirstempirehaveundergonesmallchange.

[1]Wemay assume that they owed the partial success of the raid to theirmobility, although on this occasion, their earliest invasion of Babylonianterritory, the horse probably played a still more useful part in the retreat; seefurther,p.215f.

[2]Suchappearstobethemostprobableexplanationoftheduplicatecopiesof the sale-contract from Tell Ṣifr, in the neighbourhood of Larsa, with theirvariantdatesbyformulæofRîm-SinandSamsu-iluna;seeabove,p.98.

[3]Cf."ChroniclesconcerningearlyBabylonianKings,"II.,p.18.[4]Cf.thedate-formulaforSamsu-iluna'stwelfthyear,whichinitsfullform

commemorated some royal act "after all the lands had revolted." Since thesuccess against Ur and Erech was commemorated in the preceding year, therevoltinquestioncanhardlyrefertothetroubleswithRîm-SinandtheElamites,butmustbetakenasimplyingthatotherprovinceswerenowmakingabidforindependence.

[5]Theformulaforhisfourteenthyearcommemorateshisoverthrowof"theusurpingking,whomtheAkkadianshadcausedtoleadarebellion."

[6]ThelatestdocumentfromLarsa(Senkera)isdatedinhistwelfthyear;seeabove,p.104f.

[7] Such names as Ishkibal, Gulkishar, Peshgal-daramash, A-dara-kalama,Akur-ul-anaandMelam-kurkuraareallSumerian.Thelastkingofthedynasty,Ea-gamil,bearsaSemiticname,andShushshi,thenameofIshkibal'sbrother,isprobablySemitic.

[8] The zebu, or Bos indicus, is represented on Sumerian sculpture fromLagash, dating from the middle of the third millennium b.c. (cf. "Sumer andAkkad,p.69,Fig.21);menarerepresentedploughingwithitinaKassiteseal-impression (seeabove,p.175Fig.40 ); and it formedoneof themostvaluedclassesofbootyfromtheSea-Countryat the timeof the laterAssyrianempire(seeFig.45).

[9]Cf.Poebel,"LegalandBusinessDocuments,"p.119;andChiera,"LegalandAdministrativeDocuments,"p.25.

[10]Seeabove,p.148f.[11]Cf."ChroniclesconcerningEarlyKings,"II.,p.21.[12] One of these statues was set up in E-gishshirgal, a name which

correspondstothatof theoldMoon-templeatUr;andonthisevidencePoebelhasassumedthatAbi-eshu'succeededingettingcontrolofSouthernBabylonia(cf."LegalandBusinessDocuments,"p.120).Butafullerformofthedatehassincebeenrecovered,showingthatthisE-gishshirgal,anddoubtlessthetempleof Enlil coupled with it, were in Babylon. It would seem therefore that afterSamsu-iluna had lost his hold upon the great centre of the Moon-cult in thesouth, a local temple for theMoon-god'sworshipwas established atBabylon,undertheancientname,inwhichtheoldcult-practiceswerereproducedasfaraspossible. Similarly, having lost Nippur, a new shrine to Enlil was built atBabylon,oranoldoneenlargedandbeautified.Bysuchmeansitwasdoubtlesshopedtosecureacontinuanceof thegods' favour,andanultimaterecoveryoftheircities;andthecontinualdedicationofroyalimages,thoughdoubtlessasignofroyaldeification,mustalsohavebeenintendedtobringtheking'sclaimstothedivinenotice.

[13]AsAmmi-ditana appears tohave recoveredNippur for a time towardstheendofhisreign,andasAmmi-zadugaprobablyretaineditduringhisearlieryears (see below, p. 208 f.), Babylon could legitimately claim her formerprivilegesduringtheperiodofoccupation.

[14]Thebronze-castingmaywellhavebeenlearntfromElam;andwehavestriking evidence of increased relations with the west in the fact that underAmmi-zaduga a district of Sippar was known as Amurrî, from its Amoritequarterorsettlement;cf.Meissner,"AltbabylonischesPrivatrecht,"p.41f.,No.42,andMeyer,"Geschichte,"I.,ii.,p.467f.

[15]Hisotherbuildingactivities includedthefoundingofaroyalsuburbatBabylon,namedShag-dugga,onthebankoftheArakhtuCanal,wherehebuilthimselfapalace;whileatSipparheoncemorerebuilt theGagûm,orspaciousCloisterattachedtothetempleoftheSun-god.

[16] Cf. Poebel, "Legal and Business Documents," p. 121, and Schorr,"Urkunden,"p.602.

[17]Forreferences,seeSchorr,op.cit.,p.604.

[18]According to a verbal communicationmade by Prof.Hilprecht toDr.Poebel.

[19]Cf."LettersandInscriptionsofHammurabi,"III.,p.207f.;inthesameinscriptionhealsolaysclaimtotheruleofAmurru.

[20]ItismostimprobablethatheshouldbeidentifiedwithDamiḳ-ilishu,thelastkingoftheearlierDynastyofNîsin,whoperishedonehundredandthirty-seven years before this time. It is true that Nabonidus, to judge from hisbuilding-inscriptions,evincesaninterestinthepast,butinmanywayshewasauniquemonarch and he lived in a later age.These early date-formulæ, on theother hand, always refer to contemporaneous events, not to matters ofarchæological interest. We know definitely that Iluma-ilum (the first Sea-Countryking)wasthecontemporaryofSamsu-ilunaandAbi-eshu',anditisnotunreasonabletofindareferencetoDamiḳ-ilishu(thethirdSea-Countryking)inthe last year ofAmmi-ditana, Abi-eshu's son. Granting this assumption, therefollows the important inference that the exceptionally long period of onehundredandfifteenyears,assignedby theKings'List to thereignsof thefirsttwokingsof theSea-Country, isa littleexaggerated.Theaccuracyofsomeofthe longer figures assigned in the List to kings of this dynasty has long beencalled inquestion(cf."Chronicles," I.,pp.111ff.,andseeabove,p.106),andthesynchronismjustifiesthisdoubt.WhilethehistoricalcharacteroftheSecondDynasty has been amply confirmed, we must not regard the total durationassignedtoitintheKings'Listasmorethanapproximatelycorrect.UnderthesecircumstancesdetaileddateshavenotbeenassignedtomembersofthatdynastyintheDynasticListofKings;seeAppendixII.,p.320.

[21]Successdoubtlessfluctuatedfromonesidetotheother,Ammi-zadugainoneof his later years commemorating that hehadbrightenedhis land like theSun-god,andSamsu-ditanarecordingthathehadrestoredhisdominionwiththeweapon of Marduk. How far these rather vague claims were justified it isimpossibletosay.Apartfromvotiveacts,theonlydefiniterecordofthisperiodisthatofAmmi-zaduga'ssixteenthyear,inwhichhecelebratesthecuttingoftheAmmi-zaduga-nukhush-nishiCanal.

[22] We may confidently regard the phrase as referring to the AnatolianHittites,whosecapitalatBoghazKeuimusthavebeenfoundedfarearlierthan

theendofthefifteenthcenturywhenweknowthatitborethenameofKhatti.Itis true that, after the southernmigration of theHittites in the twelfth century,Northern Syria was known as "the land of Khatti," but, if the invasion ofBabyloniainSamsu-ditana'sreignhadbeenmadebySemitictribesfromSyria,nodoubtthechroniclerwouldhaveemployedthecorrectdesignation,Amurru,whichisusedinanearliersectionofthetextforSargon'sinvasionofSyria.Inthe late omen-literature, too, the use of the early geographical terms is notconfused. Both chronicles and omen-texts are transcripts of early writtenoriginals,notlatecompilationsbasedonoraltradition.

[23]Thereasonfortheomissionisthatthewholeofthissectionofthetexthad evidently been left out by the scribe in error, and he afterwards only hadroomtoinsertthefirstline;cf."Chronicles,"II.,p.22,n.1.

[24]Thisdistrictwasinthepathof theHittiteraid,anditsoccupationbyasectionoftheinvaderswasevidentlymorepermanentthanthatofBabylon.

[25]Cf."Cun.Texts in theBrit.Mus.,"XXI.,pl.12,andKing,"Proc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.,"XXXVII.,p.22f.

[26] See "Cun. Texts," XXI., pl. 15 ff., and cf. Thureau-Dangin,"Königsinschriften,"p. 222 f.Thepurchasingpowerofone shekelof silver isfixedatthreegurofcorn,ortwelvemanehsofwool,ortenmanehsofcopper,orthirtyḳaofwood.Thechiefinterestoftherecordisitsproofthatatthisperiodthe values of copper and silver stood in the ratio of 600:1 (cf. Meyer,"Geschichte,"I.,ii.,p.512).

[27]Cf."Cun.Texts,"XXI.,pl.17.[28]SeeHilprecht, "OldBab. Inscriptions," I., pl. 15,No. 26.A tablet has

been recovered dated in the reign ofAn-am, and another of the same type isdated in the reign ofArad-shasha,whomwemay therefore regard as anotherking of this local dynasty; cf. Scheil, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1905, col. 351, andThureau-Dangin,op.cit.,p.238.Thestyleofwritingon these tablets is ratherlaterthanthatoftheFirstDynastyofBabylon.

[29]ForPukhia,sonofAsiruandkingof the landofKhurshitu,see"Sum.andAkk.,"p.287.KhurshitumayhavebeenthenameofadistrictontheAk-su,a tributary of the Adhem, since a brick from his palace is said to have beenfoundatTuz-khurmationthatstream;cf.Scheil,"Rec.detrav.,"XVI.,p.186;

XIX.,p.64.TheregionofKingManabaltel'srule(cf.Pinches,"Proc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.,"XXI.,p.158)isquiteuncertain,butthearchaicstyleofthewritingofthetablet, dated in his reign, suggests that he was a contemporary of one of theearlierWest-Semitickings.

[30]Seeabove,p.105f.

CHAPTERVII

THEKASSITEDYNASTYANDITSRELATIONSWITHEGYPTANDTHEHITTITEEMPIRE

TheKassiteconquestofBabylonia,thoughitmetwithimmediatesuccessinagreatpartofthecountry,wasagradualprocessinthesouth,beingcarriedoutbyindependentKassitechieftains.TheSea-Countrykingscontinuedfora timetheirindependentexistence;andevenafterthatdynastywasbroughttoanend,thestrugglefor thesouthwenton. Itwasaftera furtherperiodofconflict thatthe Kassite domination was completed, and the administration of the wholecountrycentredoncemoreinBabylon.ItisfortunateforBabyloniathatthenewinvaders did not appear in such numbers as to over-whelm the existingpopulation.Theprobabilityhas longbeen recognized that theywereAryanbyrace,andwemaywithsomeconfidenceregardthemasakintothelaterrulersofMitanni, who imposed themselves upon the earlier non-Iranian population ofSubartu, orNorthernMesopotamia. Like theMitannian kings, theKassites ofBabyloniawerearulingcasteoraristocracy,and,thoughtheydoubtlessbroughtwith them numbers of humbler followers, their domination did not affect thelinguisticnortheracialcharacterofthecountryinanymarkeddegree.Insomeof its aspects we may compare their rule to that of Turkey in the Tigris andEuphratesvalley.Theygivenoevidenceofhavingpossessedahighdegreeofculture, and though they gradually adopted the civilization of Babylon, theytendedforlongtokeepthemselvesaloof,retainingtheirnativenamesalongwiththeirseparatenationality.Theywereessentiallyapracticalpeopleandproducedsuccessful administrators. The chief gain they brought to Babylon was animprovedmethodof time-reckoning. In place of the unwieldy systemof date-formulæ, inheritedby theSemites from theSumerians,underwhicheachyearwasknownbyanelaboratetitletakenfromsomegreateventorcult-observance,the Kassites introduced the simpler plan of dating by the years of the king'sreign.Andweshallseethatitwasdirectlyowingtothepoliticalcircumstancesoftheiroccupationthat theoldsystemoflandtenure,alreadytoagreatextent

underminedbytheWesternSemites,wasstillfurthermodified.But, on the material side, the greatest change they effected in the life of

Babyloniawasdue to their introductionof thehorse.Therecanbe littledoubtthattheywereahorse-keepingrace, andthesuccessoftheirinvasionmayinlargepartbetracedtotheirgreatermobility.Hithertoassesandcattlehadbeenemployedforallpurposesofdraughtandcarriage,but,with theappearanceofthe Kassites, the horse suddenly becomes the beast of burden throughoutWesternAsia.Beforetheirtime"theassofthemountain,"asitwasdesignatedinBabylonia,wasagreatrarity,theearliestreferencetoitoccurringintheageofHammurabi. InthatperiodwehaveevidencethatKassitetribeswerealreadyformingsettlementsinthewesterndistrictsofElam,andwhenfromtimetotimesmallpartiesofthemmadetheirwayintotheBabylonianplaintobeemployedasharvesters, theydoubtlesscarriedtheirgoodswiththemintheusualway.Theusefulnessofhorsesimportedinthismannerwouldhaveensuredtheirreadysale to theBabylonians,whoprobably retained the servicesof theirowners totendthestrangeanimals.ButtheearlyKassiteimmigrantsmusthavebeenmenofasimpleandunprogressivetype,forinallthecontract-literatureoftheperiodwe find no trace of their acquiring wealth, or engaging in the commercialactivities of their adopted country. The only evidence of their employment inother than amenial capacity is suppliedby a contract ofAmmi-ditana's reign,whichrecordsatwo-years'leaseofanuncultivatedfieldtakenbyaKassiteforfarming.

TheKassiteraidintoBabylonianterritoryinSamsu-iluna'sreign mayhavebeenfollowedbyothersofalikecharacter,butitwasonlyatthetimeofthelaterkingsof theSea-Country that the invaders succeeded ineffectingapermanentfootholdinNorthernBabylonia.AccordingtotheKings'ListthefounderoftheThirdDynastywasGandash,andwehaveobtainedconfirmationoftherecordinaNeo-Babyloniantabletpurportingtocontainacopyofoneofhisinscriptions.TheBabylonianking,whosetext thecopyreproduces, therebears thename

Gaddash,evidentlyacontractedformofGandashaswrittenintheKings'List;andtherecordcontainsanunmistakablereferencetotheKassiteconquest.Fromwhat is left of the inscription it may be inferred that it commemorated therestorationof the templeofBêl, that is,ofMarduk,whichseemstohavebeen

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

damaged"intheconquestofBabylon."Itisclear,therefore,thatBabylonmusthave offered a strenuous opposition to the invaders, and that the city held outuntilcapturedbyassault.Itwouldseem,too,thatthissuccesswasfollowedupbyfurtherconquestsofBabylonianterritory,forinhistext,inadditiontostylinghimselfKingofBabylon,Gaddashadoptstheothertime-honouredtitlesofKingofthefourquarters(oftheworld),andKingofSinnerandAkkad.WemayseeevidenceinthisthatthekingdomoftheSea-Countrywasnowrestrictedwithinitsoriginallimits,thoughsomeattemptsmayhavebeenmadetostemthetideofinvasion. Ea-gamil, at any rate, the last king of the SecondDynasty, was notcontenttodefendhishome-territory,forweknowthatheassumedtheoffensiveand invadedElam.But he appears to havemetwith no success, and after hisdeath aKassite chieftain,Ula-Burariash orUlam-Buriash, conquered the Sea-Countryandestablishedhisdominionthere.

Thelatechronicler,whorecordstheseevents,tellsusthatUlam-BuriashwasthebrotherofKashtiliash,theKassite,whomwemayprobablyidentifywiththethirdruleroftheKassiteDynastyofBabylon.ThereGandash,thefounderofthedynasty, had been succeeded by his son Agum, but after the hitter's reign oftwenty-two years Kashtiliash, a rival Kassite, had secured the throne. HeevidentlycameofapowerfulKassitetribe,foritwashisbrother,Ulam-Buriash,who conquered theCountry of theSea.Wehave recovered amemorial of thelatter's reign in a knob or mace-head of diorite. which was found during theexcavationsatBabylon. OnithetermshimselfKingoftheSea-Country,andwelearnfromit,too,thatheandhisbrotherwerethesonsofBurna-Burariash,orBurna-Buriash,whomayhaveremainedbehindasalocalKassitechieftaininElam,while his sons between them secured the control ofBabylonia.After acertainintervaltheSea-CountrymusthaverevoltedfromUlam-Buriash,foritsreconquest was undertaken by Agum, a younger son of Kashtiliash, who isrecordedtohavecapturedthecityofDûr-EnlilandtohavedestroyedE-malga-uruna,thelocaltempleofEnlil. TheeldestsonofKashtiliashhadmeanwhilesucceededhisfatheronthethroneofBabylon,and,ifAgumestablishedhisrulein the Sea-Country, we again have the spectacle of two brothers, in the nextgeneration of this Kassite family, dividing the control of Babylonia betweenthem. But as the chronicler does not record that Agum, like his uncle Ulam-Buriash, exercised dominion over the Sea-Country as a whole, he may have

[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

secured littlemore thana local success.The throneofBabylon thenpassed tothesecondsonofKashtiliash,Abi-rattash,anditwaspossiblybyhim,orbyoneofhissuccessors,thatthewholecountrywasoncemoreunitedunderBabylon'srule.

WeknowoftwomoremembersofthefamilyofKashtiliash,whocarriedonhis line at Babylon. For Abi-rattash was succeeded by his son and grandson,Tashshi-gurumashandAgum-kakrime,ofwhomthelatterhasleftustherecordalreadyreferred to,commemoratinghis recoveryof thestatuesofMardukandSarpanitumfromthelandofKhanî. And then thereoccursagreatbreak inour knowledge of the history of Babylon. For a period extending over somethirteen reigns, from about the middle of the seventeenth to the close of thefifteenth century b.c., our native evidence is confined to a couple of briefrecords,dating fromthe latterhalfof the interval,and tooneor twohistoricalreferencesinlatertexts.Bytheirhelpwehaverecoveredthenamesofafewofthemissingkings,thoughtheirrelativeorder,andinoneortwocaseseventheirexistence, are still matters of controversy. In fact, were we dependent solelyuponBabyloniansources,ourknowledgeofthecountry'shistory,evenwhenwecan again establish the succession, would have been practically a blank. But,thanksingreatparttothecommercialrelationsestablishedwithSyriasincetheageoftheWest-Semitickings,theinfluenceofBabylonianculturehadtravelledfarafield.Hermethodofwritingontheconvenientandimperishableclaytablethad been adopted by other nations of Western Asia, and her language hadbecomethe lingua francaof the ancientworld.After her conquest ofCanaan,Egypt had become an Asiatic power, and had adopted the current method ofinternationalintercourseforcommunicationwithothergreatstatesandwithherown provinces inCanaan.And thus it has come about that some of ourmoststrikinginformationontheperiodhascometous,notfromBabylonitself,butfromEgypt.

ThemoundsknownasTellel-AmarnainUpperEgyptmarkthesiteofacitywhichhadabriefbutbrilliant existenceunderAmen-hetep IV., orAkhenaten,oneof the laterkingsof theEighteenthDynasty.Hewas the famous"heretic"king, who attempted to suppress the established religion of Egypt and tosubstitute for it a pantheistic monotheism associated with the worship of thesolar disk. In pursuance of his religious ideas he desertedThebes, the ancient

[11]

capital of the country, and built a new capital further to the north, which hecalledAkhetaten, themodernTellel-Amarna.Herehetransferredtheofficialrecordsofhisowngovernmentandthoseofhisfather,AmenhetepIII.,includingthe despatches from Egypt's Asiatic provinces and the diplomaticcorrespondencewithkingsofMesopotamia,AssyriaandBabylon.Sometwenty-sevenyearsagoalargenumberofthesewerediscoveredintheruinsoftheroyalpalace, and they formone of themost valuable sources of information on theearly relations of Egypt andWesternAsia. More recently they have beensupplemented by a still larger find of similar documents at Boghaz Keui inCappadocia, a village built beside the site ofKhatti, the ancient capital of theHittiteempire.Theroyalandofficialarchiveshadbeenstoredforsafetyontheancient citadel, and the fewextracts thathaveasyetbeenpublished, from themany thousands of documents recovered on the site, have furnished furtherinformationofthegreatestvaluefromtheHittitestandpoint.

FromthesedocumentswehaverecoveredaveryfullpictureofinternationalpoliticsinWesternAsiaduringtwocenturies,fromthecloseofthefifteenthtothe lateryearsof the thirteenthcenturyb.c.Wecan trace insomemeasure thedynastic relations establishedbyEgyptwith theother greatAsiatic states, andthemannerinwhichthebalanceofpowerwasmaintained,largelybydiplomaticmethods.During the earlier part of this periodEgyptianpower is dominant inPalestineandSyria,whilethekingdomofMitanni,underitsAryandynasty,isacheckuponAssyrianexpansion.ButEgyptwaslosingherholduponherAsiaticprovinces,andtheriseoftheHittiteempirecoincidedwithherdeclineinpower.MitannisoonfellbeforetheHittites,tothematerialadvantageofAssyria,whichbegantobeamenacetoherneighboursuponthewestandsouth.Afterachangeofdynasty,EgypthadmeanwhileinpartrecoveredherlostterritoryinPalestine,andoncemoretookherplaceamongthegreatnationsofWesternAsia.Anditisonly with the fall of the Hittite empire that the international situation iscompletely altered. Throughout Babylon stands, so far as she may, aloof,preoccupiedwithcommerceratherthanwithconquest; but inthelatterhalfoftheperiodhereyesarealwaysfixeduponherAssyrianfrontier.

[12]

[13]

[14]

[15]

HEADOFACOLOSSALSTATUEOFAMEN-HETEPIIIFromtheTellel-AmarnacorrespondenceweseehowthekingsofMitanni,

AssyriaandBabylongavetheirdaughterstotheEgyptiankinginmarriageandsought to secure his friendship and alliance. Apparently Egypt considered itbeneathherdignitytobestowherprincessesinreturn,forinoneofhisletterstoAmen-hetep III. Kadashman-Enlil remonstrates with the King of Egypt forrefusinghimoneofhisdaughtersandthreatenstowithholdhisowndaughterinretaliation. Another of the letters illustrates in a stillmore strikingmannertheintimateinternationalintercourseoftheperiod.AttheheightofitspowerthekingdomofMitanniappears tohaveannexed thesoutherndistrictsofAssyria,and for a time to have exercised control over Nineveh, as Hammurabi ofBabylon had done in an earlier age. It was in his character of suzerain thatDushratta sent theholy statueof Ishtar ofNineveh toEgypt, as amarkof hisesteem for Amen-hetep III. We have recovered the letter he sent with thegoddess,inwhichhewritesconcerningher: "IndeedinthetimeofmyfathertheladyIshtarwentintothatland;and,justasshedweltthereformerlyandtheyhonouredher, sonowmaymybrotherhonourher ten timesmore thanbefore.Maymybrotherhonourherandmayheallowhertoreturnwithjoy."Wethus

[16]

[17]

gatherthatthiswasnotthefirsttimeIshtarhadvisitedEgypt,andwemayinferfromsuchacustom thebelief thatadeity,whenstopping ina foreigncountrywith his or her own consent, would, if properly treated, confer favour andprosperityuponthatland.WeshallseelateronthatRamesesII.senthisowngodKhonsuonasimilarmissiontoKhatti,inordertocuretheepilepticdaughteroftheHittiteking,whowasbelievedtobepossessedbyadevil. Wecouldnothavemorestrikingproofsofinternationalintercourse.Notonlydidtherulersofthegreatstatesexchangetheirdaughtersbuteventheirgods.

ButthelettersalsoexhibitthejealousywhichexistedbetweentherivalstatesofAsia.By skilful diplomacy, and, particularly in the reign ofAkhenaten, bypresents and heavy bribes, the Egyptian king and his advisers succeeded inplayingoffonepoweragainst theother,and in retainingsomeholdupon theirtroublesome provinces of Syria and Palestine. In paying liberal bounties andrewards to his own followers and party in Egypt itself, Akhenaten was onlycarryingout the traditionalpolicyof theEgyptiancrown; andhe extendedtheprinciplestillmoreinhisdealingswithforeignstates.Butpeculationonthepart of the ambassadors was only equalled by the greed of the monarchs towhom theywere accredited, andwhose appetite for Egyptian gold grewwiththeir consumption of it.Much space in the letters is given up to the constantrequestformorepresents,andtocomplaintsthatpromisedgiftshavenotarrived.In one letter, for example, Ashur-uballit of Assyria writes to Akhenaten thatformerly the king ofKhanirabbat had received a present of twentymanehs ofgoldfromEgypt,andheproceedstodemandalikesum. Burna-BuriashofBabylon, his contemporary, writes in the same strain to Egypt, remindingAkhenatenthatAmenophisIII.hadbeenfarmoregeneroustohisfather."Sincethetimemyfatherandthineestablishedfriendlyrelationswithoneanother,theysent rich presents to one another, and they did not refuse to one another anydesiredobject.Nowmybrotherhas sentmeasapresent twomanehsofgold.Sendnowmuchgold,asmuchasthyfather;andifitisless,sendbuthalfthatofthy father.Whyhast thou sent only twomanehs of gold?For thework in thetemple is great, and I have undertaken it and am carrying it out with vigour;thereforesendmuchgold.Anddothousendforwhatsoeverthoudesirestinmyland,thattheymaytakeitthee."

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21]

FIG.46.AKHENATEN, WITH HIS QUEEN AND INFANT DAUGHTERS, ON

THEBALCONYOFTHEIRPALACE.The king and his family are hero represented throwing down collars and

ornamentsofgold toAÿ, thePriestofAtenandMasterof theHorse,whohascalledatthepalacewithhiswife,attendedbyalargoretinue.TheAten,orSolarDisk, the object of the royal worship, is caressing the king with its rays andgivinghimlife.

(AfterN.deG.Davies.)ThoughagreatpartoftheroyallettersfromTellel-Amarnaistakenupwith

such ratherwearisome requests forgold, theyalsogivevaluableglimpses intothepoliticalmovementsofthetime.Wegather,forinstance,thatEgyptsucceedsinpreventingBabylonfromgivingsupporttotherevoltsinCanaan,butshedoesnothesitatetoencourageAssyria,whichisnowbeginningtodisplayherpoweras Babylon's rival. Burna-Buriash makes this clear when he complains thatAkhenaten has received an embassy from the Assyrians, whom he boastfullyreferstoashissubjects;andhecontrastsBabylon'sownreceptionofCanaaniteproposalsofallianceagainstEgypt in the timeofhis fatherKurigalzu. "In thetimeofKurigalzu,myfather,"hewrites, "theCanaanitessent tohimwithone

accord,saying,'Letusgodownagainsttheborderofthelandandinvadeit,andletusformanalliancewiththee.'Butmyfatherrepliedtothem,saying,'Desistfromseekingtoformanalliancewithme.IfyearehostiletothekingofEgypt,mybrother,andallyyourselveswithoneanother,shallInotcomeandplunderyou?Forwithmeisheallied.'Myfatherforthyfather'ssakedidnothearkentothem." ButBurna-Buriashdoesnot trustentirely to theEgyptian'ssenseofgratitude for Babylon's support in the past. He reinforces his argument by apresent of three manehs of lapis-lazuli, five yoke of horses and five woodenchariots. Lapis-lazuli and horses were the two most valuable exports fromBabylon during the Kassite period, and they counterbalanced to some extentEgypt'salmostinexhaustiblesupplyofNubiangold.

Babylonatthistimehadnoterritorialambitionsoutsidethelimitofherownfrontiers.ShewasnevermenacedbyMitanni,anditwasonlyafterthefallofthelatterkingdomthatshebegantobeuneasyattheincreaseofAssyrianpower.Apartfromthedefenceofherfrontier,herchiefpreoccupationwastokeepthetrade-routesopen,especiallytheEuphratesroutetoSyriaandthenorth.ThuswefindBurna-Buriash remonstratingwithEgyptwhen the caravansof oneof hismessengers, named Salmu, had been plundered by two Canaanite chiefs, anddemanding compensation. On another occasion he writes that BabylonianmerchantshadbeenrobbedandslainatKhinnatuniinCanaan, andheagainholdsAkhenaten responsible. "Canaan is thy land,"he says, "and itskingsarethy servants;" and he demands that the losses should be made good and themurderersslain. ButEgyptwasat thisperiodsobusywithherownaffairsthatshehadnotthetime,noreventhepower,toprotectthecommercialinterestsofherneighbours.For in themajorityof theTellel-Amarna lettersweseeherAsiaticempirefallingtopieces. FromNorthernSyriatoSouthernPalestinetheEgyptiangovernorsandvassalrulersvainlyattempttoquellrebellionandtoholdbackinvadingtribes.

ThesourceofagooddealofthetroublewasthegreatHittitepower,awaytothe north in the mountains of Anatolia. The Hittite kings had formed aconfederation of their own peoples north of the Taurus, and they were nowpressing southwards into Phœnicia and the Lebanon. They coveted the fertileplainsofNorthernSyria,andEgyptwasthepowerthatblockedtheirpath.They

[22]

[23]

[24]

[25]

[26]

[27]

were not at first strong enough to challenge Egypt by direct invasion of herprovinces,sotheyconfinedthemselvestostirringuprebellionamongthenativeprincesofCanaan.ThesetheyencouragedtothrowofftheEgyptianyoke,andtoattack those citieswhich refused to join them.The loyal chiefs andgovernorsappealedforhelptoEgypt,andtheirlettersshowthattheygenerallyappealedinvain. ForAkhenatenwas aweakmonarch, andwas farmore interested in hishereticworship of the SolarDisk than in retaining the foreign empire he hadinherited.Itwasinhisreignthat theAnatolianHittitesbegantotakeanactivepartinthepoliticsofWesternAsia.

FIGS.47AND48.REPRESENTATIONSOFHITTITESINEGYPTIANSCULPTURE.The twoFiguresarepartsof thesamescenefromarelief foundatKarnak,

representing the introduction ofAsiatic ambassadors by anEgyptian prince toRameses II. The bearded Semites are readily to be distinguished from theirHittite colleagues, clean-shaven andwith their long plaits of hair, or pig-tails,hangingdowntheback.

(AfterMeyer.)Until the discovery of the documents at Boghaz Keui, it had only been

possibletodeducetheexistenceoftheHittitesfromthemarktheyhadleftintherecordsofEgyptandAssyria;andat that time itwasnotevencertainwhetherwe might regard as their work the hieroglyphic rock-inscriptions, which arescatteredoveragreatpartofAsiaMinor.Butit isnowpossibletosupplementour material from native sources, and to trace the gradual extension of theirpower by both conquest and diplomacy. They were a virile race, and theirstrongly marked features may be still seen, not only on their own rock-sculptures, but also in Egyptian reliefs beside those of other Asiatics. Infacial type, too, they are quite distinct, for the nose, though prominent and

[28]

slightlycurved, isnotvery fleshy,mouthandchinare small, and the foreheadrecedesabruptly,withthehairdrawnbackfromitandfallinginone,orpossiblyintwoplaits,orpig-tails,ontheshoulders. Itisstillnotcertaintowhichofthegreatfamiliesofnationstheybelonged.ThesuggestionhasbeenmadethattheirlanguagehascertainIndo-Europeancharacteristics,butforthepresentitissafertoregardthemasanindigenousraceofAsiaMinor. TheirfacialtypeinanycasesuggestscomparisonaslittlewithAryanaswithSemiticstock.

FIG.49.HITTITEFOOT-SOLDIERSATTHEBATTLEOFKADESH.The figure illustrates the facial type of theHittite, with his prominent and

slightlycurvednoseandstronglyrecedingbrow.(AfterMeyer.)Their civilization was strongly influenced by that of Babylonia, perhaps

through the medium of Assyrian trading settlements, which were alreadyestablishedinCappadociainthesecondhalfofthethirdmillennium.FromtheseearlySemiticimmigrants,ortheirsuccessors,theyborrowedtheclaytabletandthe cuneiform systemofwriting.But they continued to use their ownpicture-charactersformonumentalrecords;andeveninthelaterperiod,whentheycameinto direct contactwith theAssyrian empire, their art never lost its individualcharacter.Someofthemostelaborateoftheirrock-sculpturesstillsurviveintheholysanctuaryatYasiliKaya,notfarfromBoghazKeui.Hereontherock-face,inanaturalfissureofthemountain,arecarvedthefiguresoftheirdeities,chiefamongthemthegreatMother-goddessoftheHittites.

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FIG.50.HITTITECHIEFTAIN,ACAPTIVEOFRAMESESIII.Areliefofthetwelfthcentury,perhapsthefinestrepresentationofaHittiteon

theEgyptianmonuments;itisevidentlyaportraitsculpture,sofarastheheadisconcerned.Itillustrates,too,themannerinwhichtheheavyplaitofhairendsinacurledtail.

(AfterMeyer.)SheandTeshub,theprincipalmaledeity,arehererepresentedmeeting,with

their processions of deities and attendants.Whether itwas fromprecisely thisarea that theHittite tribes descended on their raid down theEuphrates,whichhastenedthefallofBabylon'sFirstDynastyandperhapsbroughtittoanend,wehave as yet nomeans of judging. But during the subsequent centurieswemay certainly picture a slow but uninterrupted expansion of the area underHittitecontrol;andit isprobable thatauthoritywasdividedamongthevariouslocal kingdoms and chieftainships, which occupied the valleys and uplandstretchestothenorthoftheTaurus.

FIG.51.FIGURE,PROBABLYOFAHITTITEKING,FROMTHEROYALGATE

ATKHATTI.Theposeofthefigure,slightlyleaningtotheright,isduetotheslopingside

ofthegateway,besidewhichitissculpturedinrelief.(AfteraphotobyPuchstein.)

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At the time of their empire, their capital and central fortress was Khatti,whichlaytotheeastoftheHalys,ontheAnatolianplateausomethreethousandfeetabovesea-level.Itoccupiedastrongpositionnearthecrossingofthegreatlines of traffic through Asia Minor; and expansion from this area must havebeguntotakeplaceatanearlyperiodbeyondthewestbankoftheriver,wherethecountryofferedgreaterfacilitiesforpasturage.Anotherlineofadvancewassouthward to the coast-plains beneath theTaurus, and it is certain thatCiliciawasoccupiedbyHittitetribesbeforeanyattemptwasmadeonNorthernSyria.ThatatfirsttheHittiteswerescattered,withoutanycentralorganization,amonganumberofindependentcity-states,maybeinferredfromtheirlaterrecords.Forwhen a land is referred to in their official documents, it is designated "thecountryof thecityofsoandso,"suggesting thateach important townshiphadbeenthecentreofanindependentdistricttowhichitgaveitsname.SomeoftheHittite statesattained in time toaconsiderabledegreeof importance.ThuswefindTarkundarabaofArzawasufficientlyeminenttomarryadaughterofAmen-hetepIII.ofEgypt. AnothercitywasKussar,oneofwhosekings,KhattusilI.,wasthefatherofShubbiluliuma,underwhomtheHittiteswereorganizedintoastrongconfederacywhichenduredfornearlytwohundredyears.ItmusthavebeenowingtoitsstrategicimportancethatShubbiluliumaselectedKhattiashiscapitalinplaceofhisancestralcity.

Quiteapartfromitsname,andfromthetraditionsattachingtoit,therecanbeno question but that from this time forward Khatti was the centre of Hittitepowerandcivilization;foritisbyfarthemostextensiveHittitesiteinexistence.Itcoversthehighground,includingthehill-top,aboveBoghazKeui,whichliesinthevalleybelow;anditisfortunatethatthegreaterpartofthemodernvillagewasbuiltclearof theouterboundariesof theancientcity,as the ruinshave inconsequence run far less riskof destruction. Itwas placed high for purelystrategicpurposes,commandingasitdoestheRoyalRoadfromthewestandthegreattrunk-roadfromthesouthastheyapproachthecity-walls.Thecitadelwasformedbya flat-toppedhill, whichdominates thewalledcity to thenorth,west,andsouthof it. Itsprecipitousslopesdescendon thenorth-east side toamountainstreamoutsidethewalls;andasimilarstream,fedbyshallowgullies,flowsnorth-westward through the city-area.From thepointwhere they rise inthe south, to their junction below the city, the ground falls no less than a

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thousandfeet,andtheunevensurfacehasbeenfullyutilizedforitsdefence.Thewall which surrounded the southern and higher half of the city is stillcomparativelywellpreserved,andformsthreesidesofaroughhexagon,butthefallingandbrokenground to thenorthpreventeda symmetrical completionofthe circuit. A series of interior fortification-walls, following the slope of theground,enclosedanumberofirregularareas,subsidiaryfortsbeingconstructedon four smaller hills along the most southerly cross-wall, which shut in thehighestpartofthecity.

FIG.52.THE ROYAL GATE OF KHATTI, THE CAPITAL OF THE HITTITES,

VIEWEDFROMTHEOUTSIDE.Themassivewallsarepreservedintheirlowercourses,butinthesketchthe

upperportionsarerestoredinoutline.ThearchedgatewaywithitsslopingsidesischaracteristicofHittitework.

(AfterPuchstein.)Thecity'sgreatestlengthfromnorthtosouthwasaboutamileandaquarter,

and its greatest width some three-quarters of a mile, the whole circuit of theexistingdefences,includingthelower-lyingarea,extendingtosomethreeandahalf miles. This is a remarkable size for a mountain city, and although someportionsoftheareacannothavebeenoccupiedbybuildings,thefortificationofso extensive a site is an indication of the power of theHittite empire and itscapital.Aboutfourteenfeetinthickness,thewallispreservedinmanyplacestoahightofmorethantwelvefeet.Itconsistsofaninnerandanouterwall,filledinwithastonepacking.Theouterfacewasnaturallythestrongerofthetwo,andhuge stones, sometimes five feet in length, have been employed in itsconstruction.Thewallwas strengthenedby towers, set atmoreor less regular

intervalsalongit,theirpositionbeingsometimesdictatedbythecontouroftheground.Roundagreatpartof thecircuit thereare tracesofanouterdefensivewalloflighterconstructionandwithsmallertowers,butthiswasnotcontinuous,beingomittedwhereverthenaturalfallofthegroundwasasufficientprotectiontothemainwall.

FIG.53.CONJECTURAL RESTORATION OF A HITTITE GATEWAY VIEWED

FROMINSIDE.Itispossiblethatbrickwasemployedfortheupperstructureofthecity-wall

and its towers,assuggested in therestoration. Insuchacase it isnotunlikelythatthesteppedbattlementsofMesopotamiawerealsoadopted.

(AfterPuchstein.)Projecting towers also flanked the main gateways, which exhibit a

characteristic feature of Hittite architecture. This is the peculiar form of thegateway,consistingofapointedarchwithgentlyslopingsides,thelatterformedbyhugemonolithsbondedintothestructureofthewall. Itwouldseemthatbrickwasprobably employed for theupper structure of bothwall and towers;andinotherbuildingsofthecity,suchasthegreattempletothenorth-westofthe citadel, brick was used for the upper structure of the walls upon a stonefoundation.Whenevertheuseofbrickwasadoptedinoneofthenorthernlandsof Mesopotamia, where stone is plentiful, the latter was always used in thefoundations. It is not improbable, therefore, that the stepped battlements ofAssyriaandBabylonwerealsoborrowed,as thatwasthemostconvenientanddecorativewayoffinishingofftheuppercoursesofafortification-wallbuiltofthatmaterial.

In the earlier years of Shubbiluliuma the city was doubtless very much

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smallerthanitsubsequentlybecame.Butheusediteffectivelyasabase,and,asmuchbydiplomaticmeansasbyactual conquest,he succeeded inmaking thepower of theHittites felt beyond their own borders.TheSyrian revolts in thereignofAmen-hetepIII.,bywhichtheauthorityofEgyptwasweakenedinherAsiatic provinces, undoubtedly receivedHittite encouragement. Shubbiluliumaalso crossed the Euphrates and ravaged the northern territory ofMitanni, theprincipalrivaloftheHittitesuptothattime.LaterheinvadedSyriainforceandreturned to hismountain fastness of Khatti, ladenwith spoil and leading twoMitannian princes as captives in his train. On the accession of Akhenaten,Shubbiluliumawrotehimaletterofcongratulation;but,whentheSyrianprinceAziru acknowledged the suzeraintyofEgypt,Shubbiluliumadefeatedhimandlaid the whole of Northern Syria under tribute, subsequently confirming hispossession of the country by treaty with Egypt. The state of Mitanni, too,submitted toShubbiluliuma'sdictation, for,on themurderof itspowerfulkingDushratta,heespousedthecauseofMattiuaza,whomherestoredtohisfather'sthrone after marrying him to his daughter.We have recovered the text of histreatywithMitanni,anditreflectsthedespoticpoweroftheHittitekingatthistime.Referring tohimself in the thirdpersonhesays, "Thegreatking, for thesakeofhisdaughter,gavethecountryofMitannianewlife."

FIG.54.LONGITUDINALSECTIONOFTHELOWERWESTERNGATEWAYAT

KHATTI.The diagram, based on the conjectural restoration, indicates the massive

construction of the gate-house, and themanner in which both it and thewallwereadaptedtotherisingground.Thepassage-wayalongthebattlementsmusthavepassedthroughthetowers.

(AfterPuchstein.)

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ItwasnotuntilthereignofMursil,ayoungersonofShubbiluliuma,thattheHittiteempirecameintoarmedconflictwithEgypt.Achangeofdynastyinthelatter country, and the restoration of her old religion, had strengthened thegovernment,andnowledtorenewedattemptsonherpartatrecoveringherlostterritory.OnthefirstoccasiontheHittitesweredefeatedbySetiI.inthenorthofSyria, andEgypt reoccupied Phoenicia andCanaan. Later on, probably in thereignofMutallu,Mursil'sson,RamesesII.attemptedtorecoverNorthernSyria.At the battle ofKadesh, on theOrontes, he succeeded in defeating theHittitearmy,thoughbothsideslostheavilyandatanearlystageofthefightRameseshimselfwas in imminentdangerofcapture.Episodes in thebattlemaystillbeseenpicturedinreliefonthetemple-wallsatLuxor,KarnakandAbydos.

FIG.55.TRANSVERSE SECTION OF THE LOWERWESTERN GATEWAY AT

KHATTI.Theexteriorprojectionofeachflankingtowerbeyondthewallisindicatedin

thediagram.(AfterPuchstein.)TheEgyptianwarwas continuedwith varying success, though it is certain

that the Hittites were eventually successful in the north. But in the reign ofKhattusil,thebrotherofMutallu,bothsideswerewearyoftheconflict,andanelaboratetreatyofpeaceandalliancewasdrawnup.This,whenengraveduponasilvertablet,wascarriedtoEgyptbyanambassadorandpresentedtoRameses.The contents of the treaty have long been known from the Egyptian text,engravedonthewallsofthetempleatKarnak;andamongthetabletsfoundatBoghazKeuiwasabrokencopyoftheoriginalHittiteversion, drawnupincuneiform characters and in Babylonian, the language of diplomacy at theperiod.Khattusil alsomaintained friendly relationswith theBabylonian court,

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andheinformedthekingofBabylonofhistreatywiththekingofEgypt.It isclear fromacopyof the letter, recoveredatBoghazKeui, that theBabylonianking had heard about the treaty and had written to enquire concerning it.KhattusilrepliesthatthekingofEgyptandhehadformedafriendshipandhadconcludedanalliance:"Wearebrothers,andagainstafoewillwefighttogether,andwithafriendwillwetogethermaintainfriendship." AndhisnextremarkenablesustoidentifyhisKassitecorrespondent;forheadds,"andwhenthekingof Egypt [formerly] attacked [Khatti], then did I write to inform thy fatherKadashman-turgu."Khattusilwas thus thecontemporaryof twoKassitekings,Kadashman-turgu andKadashman-Enlil II., the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifthrulersofthedynasty.

Another sectionof this letter isofconsiderable interest, as it shows thatanattemptbyKhattusiltointerveneinBabylonianpoliticshadbeenresented,andhadled toa temporaryestrangementbetweenthe twocountries.Khattusil isatpains to reassure Kadashman-Enlil as to the unselfishness of his motives,explainingthattheactionhehadtakenhadbeendictatedentirelybytheKassiteking's own interests. The episode had occurred on the death of Kadashman-turgu,and,accordingtoKhattusil'saccount,hehadatoncewrittentoBabylontosay that, unless the succession ofKadashman-Enlil,whowas then a boy,wasrecognized,hewouldbreakoffthealliancehehadconcludedwiththelateking,Kadasman-Enlil'sfather.TheBabylonianchiefminister,Itti-Marduk-balâtu,hadtakenoffenceat the toneof the letter,andhadreplied that theHittitekinghadnotwritteninthetoneofbrotherhood,buthadissuedhiscommandsasthoughtheBabylonianswerehisvassals.Asaresult,diplomaticnegotiationshadbeenbroken off during the young king's minority; but he had now attained hismajority,andhadtakenthedirectionofaffairsfromhisminister'shandsintohisown. The long communication fromKhattusilmust have beenwritten shortlyaftertheresumptionofdiplomaticintercourse.

AftergivingtheseexplanationsofhispresentrelationswithEgypt,andofhisformer discontinuance of negotiations with Babylon, Khattusil passes on tomatters which doubtless had furnished the occasion for his letter. CertainBabylonian merchants, when journeying by caravan to Amurru and Ugarit, atowninNorthernPhœnicia,hadbeenmurdered;and,astheresponsibilitylayontheHittiteempireinitscharacterofsuzerain,Kudashman-Enlilhadapparently

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addressedtoKhattusilthedemandthattheguiltypartiesshouldbehandedoverto the relatives of themurderedmen. The reference is of interest, as it givesfurther proof of Babylon's commercial activities in theWest, and shows how,afterEgypthadlosthercontrolofNorthernSyria, theKassiterulersaddressedthemselvestoitsnewsuzeraintosecureprotectionfortheircaravans.

Wehaveevidence that suchdiplomaticactionwas thoroughlyeffective, fornotonlyhadBabylon'slanguageandsystemofwritingpenetratedWesternAsia,but her respect for law and her legislativemethods had accompanied them, atany ratewithin theHittitearea.Thepoint iswell illustratedbyoneof the lastsections in this remarkable letter, which deals with a complaint by theBabylonian king concerning some action of the Amorite prince, Banti-shinni.The Amorite, when accused by Khattusil of having "troubled the land" ofKadashman-Enlil,hadrepliedbyadvancingacounterclaimfor thirty talentsofsilver against the inhabitants of Akkad. After stating this fact, Khattusilcontinuesinhisletter:"Now,sinceBanti-Shinnihasbecomemyvassal, letmybrother prosecute the claim against him; and, concerning the troubling ofmybrother's land,heshallmakehisdefencebefore thegod in thepresenceofthyambassador,Adad-shar-ilâni.Andifmybrotherwillnotconducttheaction(himself),thenshallthyservantcomewhohasheardthatBanti-Shinniharassedmybrother's land,andheshallconduct theaction.Thenwill IsummonBanti-Shinnitoanswerthecharge.Heis(my)vassal.Ifheharassesmybrother,doeshenotthenharassme?"

FIG.56.ONE OF THE TWO SACRED BOATS OF KHONSU, THE EGYPTIAN

MOON-GOD,WHO JOURNEYED INTOCAPPADOCIATOCASTOUTADEVILFROMAHITTITEPRINCESS.

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Apriestisofferingincensebeforetheshrineandsacredboat,whichisbeingcarriedontheshouldersofotherpriests.Intheaccompanyinginscriptionontheoriginalstele,thegodisreferredtoinhischaracteras"Plan-MakerinThebes"and"SmiterofEvilSpirits."

(AfterRosellini.)ItmaybethatHittitediplomacyisheremakinguseoftheBabylonianrespect

forlaw,tofindawayoutofadifficultsituation;butthemereproposalofsuchatrial as that suggested proves that the usual method of settling internationaldisputes of a minor character was modelled on Babylon's internal legislativesystem.ItisclearthattheHittitewasanxioustopreventstrainedrelationswithBabylon, forhegoeson tourgeKadashman-Enlil to attacka commonenemy,whomhedoesnotname.ThismusthavebeenAssyria,whosegrowingpowerhadbecomeamenacetobothstates,andhadcausedthemtodrawtogetherformutualsupport.

FIG.57.RAMESES II. OFFERING INCENSE TO ONE OF THE BOATS OF

KHONSUBEFOREHESTARTEDONHISJOURNEY.ThesacredboatofKhonsuisherebeingbornebyalargerretinueofpriests

intothepresenceoftheking,whodidnotaccompanythegodonhisjourney.(AfterRosellini.)Theaccountthathasbeengivenofthislengthydocumentwillhaveindicated

thecharacterof the royalcorrespondencediscoveredatBoghazKeui. In somerespectsitcloselyresemblesthatfromTellel-Amarna,butitexhibitsapleasingcontrast by the complete absence of those whining petitions for gold andpresents,whichbulksolargelyintheearlierdocuments.TheEgyptianpolicyof

dolesandbriberyhadbroughtout theworstsideoftheOrientalcharacter.TheHittitedidnotbelieve indoles, and in anycasehehadnot them togive; as aconsequence,his correspondenceconfines itself ingreatmeasure tomattersofstateandhighpolicy,andexhibitsfargreaterdignityandself-respect.Andthisapplies equally, so far aswe can see, to the communicationswithEgypt,whohadrecoveredfromhertemporarydecadence.Therecanbelittledoubtthattheroyal Hittite letters, when published, will enable us to follow the politicalmovementsoftheperiodinevengreaterdetail.

OneotheractofKhattusilmaybereferredto,asitillustratesinthereligiousspherethebreakingdownofinternationalbarrierswhichtookplace.Afewyearsafterthecompletionofhisgreattreaty,KhattusilbroughthisdaughtertoEgypt,where she was married to Rameses with great pomp and circumstance. Anintimatefriendshipcontinuedtoexistbetweenthetworoyalfamilies,andwhenBentresh, his sister-in-law, fell ill in Khatti and was believed to be incurablypossessedbyadevil,Rameseshastenedtosendhisphysiciantocureher. Buthiseffortsprovingfruitless,thePharaohdespatchedtheholyimageofKhonsu,the Egyptian Moon-god, to Cappadocia, in order to cure her. The god dulyarrivedatthedistantcapital,and,whilehewroughtwiththeevilspirit,itissaidthat theHittite king "stoodwith his soldiers and feared very greatly." ButKhonsu was victorious, and the spirit having departed in peace to the placewhence he came, there was great rejoicing. The episode forms an interestingparalleltoIshtar'sjourneyintoEgyptinthereignofAmenhetepIII.

There is no doubt that the son and grandson of Khattusil, Dudkhalia andArnuanta,carriedon their father'spolicyof friendliness towardsBabylon,whohadnoreasonpoliticallytoresenttheintrusionofEgyptianinfluenceatKhatti.

ButArnuantaisthelastkingofKhattiwhosenamehasbeenrecovered,andit is certain that in the following century the invasion of Anatolia by thePhrygiansandtheMuskiputanendtoHittitepowerinCappadocia.TheHittiteswere pressed southward through the passes, and they continued to wield adiminishedpoliticalinfluenceinNorthernSyria.MeanwhileAssyriaprofitedbytheirdownfallanddisappearanceinthenorth.ShehadalreadyexpandedattheexpenseofMitanni,andnowthatthissecondcheckuponherwasremoved,thebalance of power ceased to bemaintained inWesternAsia. Babylon's historyfromthistimeforwardisingreatpartmouldedbyherrelationswiththenorthern

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kingdom.Evenat the timeof the laterHittitekings she failed tomaintainherfrontierfromAssyrianencroachment,andthecapitalitselfwassoontofall.Weareabletofollowthecourseoftheseeventsinsomedetail,as,withthereignofKara-indashI.,theearliestofAmen-hetepIII.'scorrespondents, oursourcesofinformationareincreasedbytheso-called"SynchronisticHistory"ofAssyriaand Babylonia, which furnishes a series of brief notices concerning therelationsmaintainedbetweenthetwocountries.

HITTITEHIËROGLYPHICINSCRIPTIONAfterHogarth,Carchemish,pl.B,6.InthelongperiodbetweenAgum-kakrime andKara-indash,thenamesof

threeKassiterulersonlyhaverecovered.Fromakudurru, orlegaldocument,of the reign of Kadashman-Enlil I. we learn of two earlier Kassite kings,Kadashman-KharbeandhissonKurigalzu, anditispossiblethatasonofthelatter,Meli-Shipak,succeededhisfatheronthethrone. WeknownothingofBabylon's relations toAssyria at this time, and our first glimpse of their longstruggleforsupremacyis in thereignofKara-indash,whois recorded tohavemade a friendly agreement with Ashur-rim-nishêshu with regard to their

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commonboundary. Thatsuchanagreementshouldhavebeendrawnupisinitself evidence of friction, and it is not surprising that a generation or so laterBurna-Buriash, the correspondent of Amen-hetep III., should have found itnecessary to conclude a similar treaty with Puzur-Ashur, the contemporaryAssyrianking. WemayregardtheseagreementsasmarkingthebeginningofthefirstphaseinBabylon'ssubsequentdealingswithAssyria,whichcloseswithfriendly agreements of a like character at the time of the Fourth Babyloniandynasty.Duringtheinterveningperiodofsomethreecenturiesfriendlyrelationswere constantly interrupted by armed conflicts, which generally resulted in arectificationofthefrontiertoBabylon'sdisadvantage.Ononlyoneoccasionwasshevictoriousinbattle,andtwiceduringtheperiodthecapitalitselfwastaken.ButAssyriawas not yet strong enough to dominate the southern kingdom foranylengthoftime,andatthecloseoftheperiodBabylonmaystillberegardedas in occupation of a great part of her former territory, but with sorelydiminishedprestige.

To appreciate the motives which impelled Assyria from time to time tointervene in Babylonian politics, and to attempt spasmodically a southwardexpansion, it would be necessary to trace out her own history, and note themanner inwhichherambition inotherquarters reacteduponherpolicy in thesouth.Asthatwouldbeoutofplaceinthepresentvolume,itwillsufficeheretosummarizeeventssofarasBabylonwasaffected.ThefriendlyattitudeofPuzur-Ashur to Burna-Buriash wasmaintained by themore powerful Assyrian kingAshur-uballit, who cemented an alliance between the two countries by givingBurna-Buriash his daughter Muballitat-Sherûa in marriage. On the death ofBurna-Buriash, his son Kara-indash II., who was Ashur-uballit's grandson,ascendedthethrone,anditwasprobablyduetohisAssyriansympathiesthattheKassite party inBabylon revolted, slewhimand setNazi-bugash in his place.Ashur-uballit invadedBabylonia,andhaving takenvengeanceonNazi-bugash,putKurigalzu III., another sonofBurna-Buriash,upon the throne. But theyoungKurigalzudidnotfulfiltheexpectationsofhisAssyrianrelatives,forafterAshur-uballit'sdeathhetooktheinitiativeagainstAssyria, andwasdefeatedat Sugagi on the Zabzallat by Enlil-nirari, to whom he was obliged to cedeterritory.AfurtherextensionofAssyrianterritorywassecuredbyAdad-nirariI.,whenhedefeatedKurigalzu'ssonandsuccessor,Nazi-maruttash,atKâr-Ishtarin

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the frontier district of Akarsallu. We have already seen from the BoghazKeuicorrespondencehowtheHittiteEmpireandBabylonweredrawntogetherat this time by dread of their common foe, doubtless in consequence of theaggressivepolicyofShalmaneserI.WedonotknowwhetherKadashman-EnlilII. followed the promptings of Khattusil, and it is not until the reign ofKashtiliash II. that we have record of fresh conflicts. Then it was thatBabylonsufferedherfirstseriousdisasteratAssyrianhands.Uptothistimewehave seen that two Assyrian kings had defeated Babylonian armies, and hadexactedcessionsofterritoryastheresultoftheirvictories.Tukulti-NinibI.wasonly following in their steps when he in turn defeated Kashtiliash. But hisachievement differed from theirs in degree, for he succeeded in capturingBabylonitself,deportedtheBabylonianking,and,insteadofmerelyacquiringafresh strip of territory, he subdued Karduniash and administered it as aprovince of his kingdom till his death. The revolts which closed Tukulti-Ninib's reign and life were soon followed by Babylon's only successfulcampaignagainstAssyria.

Adad-shum-usur, who owed his throne to a revolt of the Kassite noblesagainsttheAssyriandomination,restoredthefortunesofhiscountryforatime.He defeated and slew Enlil-kudur-usur in battle, and, when the Assyriansretreated,hefollowedthemupandfoughtabattlebeforeAshur.Thissuccessfulreassertion of Babylon's initiative was maintained by his direct descendantsMeli-Shipak II. and Marduk-aplu-iddina, or Merodach-baladan I.; and thekudurru-records of their reigns, which have been recovered, have thrown aninterestinglightontheinternalconditionsofthecountryduringthelaterKassiteperiod.ButAssyriaonceagainassertedherselfunderAshur-dânI.,whodefeatedZamama-shum-iddinandsucceededinrecoveringherlostfrontierprovinces.The Kassite dynasty did not long survive this defeat, although it received itsdeath-blow from another quarter. Shutruk-Nakhkhunte, the Elamite king,invadedBabylonia, defeated and slewZamama-shum-iddin, and, aidedby sonKutir-Nakhkhunte,hesackedSipparandcarriedawaymuchspoiltoElam.ThenameofthelastKassiteruler,whoreignedforonlythreeyears,isbrokenintheKings'List,butitispossiblethatwemayrestoreitasBêlnadin-akhi, whomNebuchadnezzarI.mentionsafterreferringtotheinvasionwhichcostZamama-

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shum-iddin his life. Whether we accept the identification or not, we maycertainlyconnectthefalloftheKassiteDynastywithaggressiononthepartofElam,suchassooftenbeforehadchangedthecourseofBabylonianpolitics.

Apart from the tablets of the Kassite period discovered at Nippur, ourprincipalsourceofinformationoneconomicconditionsinBabyloniaatthistimeis to be found in the kudurru-inscriptions, or boundary-stones, to whichreference has already been made. The word kudurru may be renderedaccurately enough as "boundary-stone," for the texts are engraved on conicalblocks or boulders of stone; and there is little doubt that many of the earlierstonesmusthavebeensetuponlandedestates,whoselimitsandownershiptheywereintendedtodefineandcommemorate.Evenatatimewhenthestoneitselfhad ceased to be employed to mark the boundary and was preserved in theowner'shouse,orinthetempleofhisgod,asacharterortitle-deedtowhichhecouldappealincaseofneed,thetextpreserveditsoldformulassettingoutthelimitsandorientationoftheplotoflandtowhichitreferred.Theimportanceofthese records is considerable, not only in their legal and religious aspects, butalso from a historical point of view.Apart from the references to Babyloniankingsandtohistoricalevents,whichtheycontain,theyforminmanycasestheonlydocumentsoftheirperiodwhichhavecomedowntous.TheythusservetobridgethegapinourknowledgeofEuphrateancivilizationbetweentheKassiteepoch and that of the Neo-Babylonian kings; and, while they illustrate thedevelopment which gradually took place in Babylonian law and custom, theyprovethecontinuityofcultureduringtimesofgreatpoliticalchange.

Thekudurruor boundary-stonehad its originunder theKassite kings, and,while at first recording, or confirming, a royal grant of land to an importantofficial or servant of the king, its aim was undoubtedly to place the newlyacquiredrightsoftheownerundertheprotectionofthegods.Aseriesofcurses,regularly appended to the legal record, was directed against any interferencewiththeowner'srights,whichwerealsoplacedundertheprotectionofanumberofdeitieswhosesymbolswereengravedupontheblankspacesof thestone.IthasbeensuggestedthattheideaofplacingpropertyunderdivineprotectionwasnotentirelyaninnovationoftheKassites.Itistruethatthefoundation-conesoftheearlySumerianpatesiEntemenamaywellhaveendedwithelaboratecurses

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intended to preserve a frontier-ditch from violation. But the conesthemselves,andthestelefromwhichtheywerecopied,wereintendedtoprotecta national frontier, not the boundaries of private property. Gate-sockets, too,havebeen treatedascloselyrelated toboundary-stones,on theground that thethresholdofatemplemightberegardedasitsboundary. Butthemainobjectofthegate-socketwastosupportthetemple-gate,anditsprominentpositionandthe durable nature of its material no doubt suggested its employment as asuitableplaceforacommemorativeinscription.Thepeculiarityoftheboundary-stoneisthat,bybothcurseandsculpturedemblem,itinvokesdivineprotectionuponprivatepropertyandtherightsofprivateindividuals.

In the age ofHammurabiwe have no evidence of such a practice, and theObeliskofManishtusu, thefarearlierSemitickingofAkkad,whichrecordshisextensivepurchasesoflandinNorthernBabylonia,iswithouttheprotectionofimprecatoryclausesorsymbolsofthegods.Thesuggestionisthusextremelyprobable that the custom of protecting private property in thisway arose at atimewhen the authority of the lawwas not sufficiently powerful to guaranteerespectforthepropertyofprivateindividuals. Thiswouldspeciallyapplytograntsoflandtofavouredofficialssettledamongahostilepopulation,especiallyifnoadequatepaymentforthepropertyhadbeenmadebytheKassiteking.Thedisorderandconfusionwhichfollowed thefallof theFirstDynastymusthavebeenrenewedduringtheKassiteconquestofthecountry,andtheabsenceofanyfeeling of public security would account for the general adoption of such apracticeasplacinglandinprivatepossessionundertheprotectionofthegods.

Theuseofstonestelæfor thispurposemaywellhavebeensuggestedbyaKassitecustom;forinthemountainsofWesternPersia,therecenthomeoftheKassitetribesbeforetheirconquestoftheriver-plain,stoneshadprobablybeenused to mark the limits of their fields, and these may well have borne shortinscriptionsgivingtheowner'snameandtitle. Theemploymentofcursestosecure divine protection was undoubtedly of Babylonian, and ultimately ofSumerianorigin,buttheideaofplacingsymbolsofthegodsuponthestonewasprobably Kassite. Moreover, the kudurru was not the original title-deedrecording the acquisition of the land to which it refers. As in the earlierBabylonianperiods,claytabletscontinuedtobeemployedforthispurpose,and

[65]

[66]

[67]

[68]

[69]

[70]

theyreceivedtheimpressionoftheroyalsealasevidenceoftheking'ssanctionandauthority.Thetextofthetablet,generallywiththelistofwitnesses,waslateron recopiedby the engraverupon the stone, and the curses and symbolswereadded.

Aboundary-stonewassometimesemployedtocommemorateaconfirmationoftitle,and,likemanymodernlegaldocuments,itrecitedtheprevioushistoryofthepropertyduringalongperiodextendingoverseveralreigns.Butthemajorityofthestonesrecoveredcommemorateoriginalgrantsoflandmadebythekingto a relative, or to one of his adherents in return for some special service.PerhapsthefinestofthisclassofchartersisthatinwhichMeli-Shipakmakesagrant of certain property inBît-Pir-Shadû-rabû, near the old city ofAkkad orAgadeandtheKassitetownDûr-Kurigalzu,tohissonMerodach-baladanI.,whoafterwardssucceededhimuponthethrone. Aftergivingthesizeandsituationoftheestates,andthenamesofthehighofficialswhohadbeenentrustedwiththe duty of drawing up the survey, the text defines the privileges granted toMerodach-baladan along with the land. As some of these throw considerablelightonthesystemoflandtenureduringtheKassiteperiod,theymaybebrieflysummarized.

KASSITE BOUNDARY STONES SET UP IN THE REIGNS OF MELI-SHIPAKANDNAZI-MARUTTASH.

AfterDélég.enPerse,Mém.I,pl.XVIetXIVTheking,inconferringtheownershipofthelanduponhisson,freeditfrom

all taxes and tithes, and forbade the displacement of its ditches, limits, and

[71]

[72]

boundaries.Hefreeditalsofromthecorvée,andenactedthatnoneofthepeopleof theestatewere toberequisitionedamong thegangs levied in itsdistrict forpublicworks,forthepreventionofflood,orfortherepairoftheroyalcanal,asectionofwhichwasmaintainedinworkingorderbytheneighbouringvillagesofBît-SikkamiduandDamiḳ-Adad.Theywerenotliabletoforcedlabouronthecanal-sluices, nor for building dams, nor for digging out the canal-bed. Nocultivator on the property,whether hired or belonging to the estate,was to berequisitionedbythelocalgovernorevenunderroyalauthority.Nolevywastobemadeonwood,grass,straw,corn,oranysortofcrop,onthecartsandyokes,onassesorman-servants.Noonewastousehisson'sirrigation-ditch,andnolevywastobemadeonhiswater-supplyevenduringtimesofdrought.Noonewastomowhisgrass-landwithouthispermission,andnobeastsbelongingtothekingorgovernor,whichmightbeassignedto thedistrict,were tobedrivenoverorpasturedontheestate.And,finally,hewasfreedfromallliabilitytobuildaroador a bridge for the public convenience, even though the king or the governorshouldgivetheorder.

From these regulations itwill be seen that the owner of land inBabyloniaunder the later Kassite kings, unless granted special exemption, was liable tofurnishforcedlabourforpublicworksbothtothestateandtohislocaldistrict;hehadtosupplygrazingandpasturefortheflocksandherdsofthekingandthegovernor,andtopayvarioustaxesandtithesonland,irrigation-water,andcrops.We have already noted the prevalence of similar customs under the FirstDynasty, and it is clear that the successive conquests towhich the countryhad been subjected, and its domination by a foreign race, had not to anyappreciable extent affected the life and customs of the people nor even thegeneralcharacteroftheadministrativesystem.

Ononesubject theboundary-stonesthrowadditional light,whichis lackingattheperiodoftheFirstDynasty,andthatistheoldBabyloniansystemoflandtenure. They suggest that the lands, which formed the subject of royal grantsduringtheKassiteperiod,weregenerallythepropertyofthelocalbîtu,ortribe.

Incertaincasesthekingactuallypurchasedthelandfromthebîtuinwhosedistrict itwassituated,and,whennoconsiderationwasgiven,weneedmerelyassume that it was requisitioned by royal authority. The primitive system oftribal or collective proprietorship, which is attested by the Obelisk of

[73]

[74]

[75]

Manishtusu, undoubtedlysurvivedintotheKassiteperiod,whenitco-existedwiththesystemofprivateownership,asithaddoubtlessdoneatthetimeoftheWest-Semitickings.Thebîtumustoftenhaveoccupiedanextensivearea,splitupintoseparatedistrictsorgroupsofvillages.Ithaditsownhead,thebêlbîti,anditsownbodyoflocalfunctionaries,whowerequitedistinctfromtheofficialandmilitary servantsof the state. In fact, agricultural life inBabyloniaduringtheearlierperiodsmusthavepresentedmanypointsofanalogytosuchexamplesofcollectiveproprietorshipasmaybeseeninthevillagecommunitiesofIndiaatthe present day. As the latter system has survived the political changes andrevolutionsofmanycenturies,so it isprobable that the tribalproprietorship inBabyloniawasslowtodecay.

Theprincipalfactorinitsdisintegrationwasundoubtedlythepolicy,pursuedby theWest-Semitic andKassite conquerors,of settling theirownofficers andmorepowerfuladherentsonestates throughout thecountry.Both theseperiodsthusrepresentatimeoftransition,duringwhichtheoldersystemoflandtenuregraduallygavewayinfaceofthepolicyofprivateownership,whichforpurelypolitical reasons was so strongly encouraged by the crown. There can be nodoubt that under the West-Semitic kings, at any rate from the time ofHammurabionwards,thepolicyofconfiscationwasrarelyresortedto.Andeventheearlier rulersof thatdynasty, since theywereof thesameracial stockasalarge proportion of their new subjects, would have been themore inclined torespecttribalinstitutionswhichmayhavefoundaparallelintheirlandoforigin.TheKassites,ontheotherhand,hadnosuchracialassociationstorestrainthem,anditissignificantthatthekudurruswerenowforthefirsttimeintroduced,withtheir threatening emblems of divinity and their imprecatory clauses. At firstemployedtoguardtherightsofprivateownership,oftenbasedonhigh-handedrequisition by the king, they were afterwards retained for transfers of landedpropertybypurchase.IntheNeo-Babylonianperiod,whentheboundary-stonesrecorded long seriesofpurchasesbymeansofwhich the larger landedestateswere built up, the imprecations and symbols had become to a great extentconventionalsurvivals.

But thatperiodwasstill fardistant,and thevicissitudes thecountrywas topassthroughwerenotconducivetosecurityoftenure,whetherthepropertywereheldunderprivateorcollectiveownership.WehaveseenthatAssyria,asearly

[75]

asthethirteenthcentury,hadsucceededincapturingandsackingBabylon,and,accordingtoonetradition,hadruledthecityforsevenyears.Shewasshortlytorenew her attempts to subjugate the southern kingdom; but it was Elam,Babylon's still older foe, that brought the long and undistinguished KassiteDynastytoanend.

[1]Proof that theAryanswerehorse-keepersmaybeseen in thenumerousIranianpropernameswhichincludeasva(aspa),"horse,"asacomponent;seeJusti,"Iran.Namenbuch,"p.486,andcf.Meyer,"Geschichte,"I.,ii.,p.579.

[2]Itisonatextofthatperiodthatwefindthefirstmentionofthehorseinantiquity;cf.Ungnad,"Orient.Lit.-Zeit.,"1907,col.638f.,andKing,"Journ.ofHellenicStudies,"XXXIII.,p.359.AreferencetoonealsooccursinaletteroftheearlyBabylonianperiod(cf."Cun.TextsintheBrit.Mus.,"IV.,pl.1),but,tojudgefromthewriting,thisisprobablyratherlaterthanthetimeofHammurabi.ItisimmediatelyaftertheKassiteperiodthatwehaveevidenceoftheadoptionof the horse as a divine symbol, doubtless that of a deity introduced by theKassites;seePlateXXII.,oppositep.254.

[3]SomeFirstDynastytabletsrecordtheissueofrationstocertainKassites,whowereobviouslyemployedas labourers,probablyforgettingintheharvest(cf.Ungnad,"Beitr.zurAssyr.,"VI.,No.5.p.22);andinalistofpropernamesofthesameperiod(cf."Cun.Texts,"VI.,pl.23)aKassiteman,(awîl)ṣâbumKashshû,bearsthenameWarad-Ibari,perhapsaSemiticrenderingofanoriginalKassitename.

[4]Cf.Ingnad,"Vorderas.Schriftdenkmäler,"VII.,pl.27,No.64.[5]Seeabove,p.195f.[6]Cf.Winckler,"Untersuchungen,"p.156,No.6.[7]Cf."Chronicles,"II.,p.22f.Fordiscussionsofthemannerinwhichwe

may reconcile the chronicler's account of the Kassite conquest of the Sea-Countrywith theknownsuccessionof theearlyKassitekingsofBabylon, seeop. cit., I., pp. 101 ff., and cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Journal des Savants."Nouv.Sér., VI., No. 4, pp. 100 ff., and "Zeits. für Assyr.," XXI., pp. 170 ff. Theestablished genealogy of Agum-kakrime renders it impossible to identify theAgumofthechronicle,whowasasonofKashtiliashtheKassite,witheitheroftheKassitekingsofBabylonwhobore thatname.Hecanonlyhave raidedor

ruled in the Sea-Country, probably at the time his eldest brother Ushshi (orperhapshisotherbrother,Abi-rattash)waskinginBabylon.

[8]Agum-kakrimedescribesKashtiliashasaplu,probably"theinheritor."notmâru,"theson,"ofAgumI.(cf.Thureau-Dangin,"Journ.Asiat.,"XI.,1908,p.133f.).

[9]SeeWeissbach,"BabylonischeMiscellen,"p.7,pl.1,No.3.[10]Cf."Chronicles,"II.,p.24.[11]Seeabove,p.210.FromhistitleswegatherthatheruledPadan,Alman,

GutiumandAshnunnakassubjectprovinces;cf.JenseninSchrader's"Keilins.Bibl.,"III.,i.,p.130f.

[12]Thatis,"TheGloryoftheDisk,"inhonourofhisnewcult.Fordetailedhistories of the period, see Budge, "History of Egypt." Vol. V., pp. 90 ff.;Breasted,"HistoryofEgypt,"pp.322ff,andHall,"AncientHistoryoftheNearEast,"pp.297ff.

[13]Forthetexts,seeBudgeandBezold,"TheTellel-AmarnaTabletsintheBritish Museum" (1892), andWinckler, "Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna"(1889-90); and for translations, see Winckler. "Die Thontafeln von Tell el-Amarna"inSchrader's"Keilins.Bibl.,"Bd.V..Engl.ed.1890,andKnudtzon's"DieEl-AmarnaTafeln"inthe"VorderasiatischeBibliothek,"1907-12,withanappendixbyWeber,annotatinganddiscussingthecontentsoftheletters.

[14] Winckler's preliminary account of the documents in the "Mitteil. d.Deutsch.Orient-Gesellschaft,"No.35,Dec.1907,isstilltheonlypublicationonthe linguistic material that has appeared. The topographical and part of thearchæological results of the excavations have now been published; seePuchstein,"Boghasköi,"1912.

[15]Amongtheroyal lettersfromTellel-AmarnaareelevenwhichdirectlyconcernBabylon.Twoofthesearedrafts,orcopies,ofletterswhichAmenhetepIII.despatchedtoKadashman-EnlilofBabylon(cf.Kundtzon,op.cit.,pp.60ff.,74 ff.); three are letters received by Amen-hetep III. from the samecorrespondent ( op. cit., pp. 66 ff., 68 ff., 72 ff.); five are letters written byBurna-BuriashofBabylontoAmen-hetepIV.orAkhenaten(op.cit.,pp.78ff.);and one is a letter from Burna-Buriash, which may have been addressed toAmen-hetep III. ( op. cit., 78 f.).We also possess a letter, from a princess in

BabylontoherlordinEgypt,onapurelydomesticmatter(op.cit.,pp.118ff.),aswell as long lists of presentswhich passed betweenAkhenaten andBurna-Buriash(op.cit.,pp.100ff.);oneofthelettersalsoappearstobeaBabylonianpassportforuseinCanaan(seebelow,p.225,n.3).Thelettersthusfallinthereigns of twoKassite rulers,Kadashman-Enlil I. andBurna-Buriash, but fromoneofBurna-Buriash'sletterstoAkhenatenwegatherthatAmen-hetepIII.hadcorrespondedwith a still earlier king inBabylon,Kara-indash I.; for the letterbeginsbyassuringthePharaohthat"sincethetimeofKara-indash,whentheirfathershadbegun to correspondwithoneanother, theyhadalwaysbeengoodfriends" (cf. Knudtzon, op. cit., pp. 90 ff.). We have recovered no letters ofKurigalzu, the father of Burna-Buriash, though Amen-hetep III. maintainedfriendlyrelationswithhim(seebelow,p.224).InaletterofAmen-hetepIII.toKadashman-Enlil reference is also made to correspondence between the twocountriesinthetimeofAmen-hetepIII.'sfather,ThothmesIV.(op.cit.,p.64f.).

[16]TheBabyloniankingexpresseshiswillingnesstoreceiveanybeautifulEgyptianwoman,asnoonewouldknowshewasnotaking'sdaughter(op.cit.,p. 72 f.). Amen-hetep III. married a sister of Kadashman-Enlil, though theBabyloniancourtwasnotsatisfiedwiththelady'streatmentinEgypt(op.cit.,p.60f.).

[17]Op.cit.,pp.178ff.[18]Seebelow,p.240.[19]Cf.Breasted,"Hist.ofEgypt,"p.367f.[20]SeeKnudtzon,op.cit.,p.128f.[21]Op.cit.,p.88f.[22]Knudtzon,op.cit.,pp.88ff.[23]Seebelow,p.241.[24]Cf.Knudtzon,op.cit.,p.84f.[25] This was a Canaanite city built by Akhenaten, and named by him

Akhetaten,inhonouroftheSolarDisk.[26]Op. cit., p. 86 f. An interesting little letter addressed "to the kings of

Canaan,theservantsofmybrother,"wasapparentlyapassportcarriedbyAkia,anambassador,whomtheBabyloniankinghadsenttocondolewiththekingof

Egypt,probablyonthedeathofhisfatherAmen-hetepIII.Initthekingwrites,"letnonedetainhim;speedilymay theycausehim toarrive inEgypt" (cf.op.cit.,pp.268ff.)

[27]Wearenothereconcernedwiththisaspectoftheletters,asBabylonhadbutaremoteinterestintheinternalpoliticsofCanaan.Heractivitiesinthewestat this time were mainly commercial; and the resulting influence of hercivilization inPalestine isdiscussed ina laterchapter (seebelow,pp.289 ff.).The letterswillbe treatedmore fully in the thirdvolumeof thishistory,whentracing the gradual expansion of Assyria in the west, and the forces whichdelayedherinevitableconflictwithEgypt.

[28]SeeFigs.47and48.ThereliefwasfoundbyM.LegrainatKarnak;cf.Meyer,"ReichundKulturderChetiter,"pl. i.The inscription inFig.47 labelsthe ambassadors as "mariana of Naharain ( i.e. Northern Syria)." the termmarianabeing theAryanwordfor"youngmen,warriors,"doubtlessborrowedfromtherulingdynastyofMitanni(seebelow,n.2).ThatinFig.48containstheend of a list of Hittite cities, including [Car]chemish and Aruna, the latterprobablyinAsiaMinor.

[29]SeeFigs.49and50.[30] The Mitannian people were probably akin to them, though in the

fifteenthcenturytheyweredominatedbyadynastyofIndo-Europeanextraction,bearingAryannamesandworshippingtheAryangodsMitraandVaruna,IndraandtheNâsatya-twins(cf.Winckler,"Mitteil.d.Deutsch.Orient-Gesellschaft,"No.35,p.51,andMeyer,op.cit.,p.57f.).InspiteofScheftelowitz'sattempttoprove theMitannian speechAryan (cf. "Zeits. f. vergl. Sprachf.," xxxviii., pp.260 ff.), it has been shown byBloomfield to be totally non-Indo-European incharacter;see"Amer.Journ.ofPhilol.,"xxv.,pp.4ff.,andcf.Meyer,"Zeits.f.vergl.Sprachf.,"xlii.,21,andKing,"Journ.forHellen.Stud.,"xxxiii.,p.359.

[31]Khattimaywellhavebeenanimportantcentrefromaveryearlyperiod,and the use of the name "Hittites" by the late chronicler, in describing theconflictsoftheFirstBabylonianDynasty,isinfavourofthisview:seeabove,p.210,n.2.

[32]Thiswe gather from a letterAmen-hetepwrote to him in theArzawalanguage, which was found at Tell el-Amarna; cf. Knudtzon, "Die el-Amarna

Tafeln,"pp.270ff.,No.31.[33] A portion of the village is built over an extension of the outer

fortification-wallsonthenorth-west.[34]Now known as Beuyuk Kale. For an account of the excavations, see

Puchstein, "Boghasköi: die Bauwerke" (1912); and for the best earlierdescriptionofthesite,seeGarstang,"LandoftheHittites,"pp.196ff.

[35] In the Lion-Gateway atKhatti the face of eachmonolith is carved torepresent a lion, facing any one approaching the entrance from without (cf.Puchstein, "Boghasköi," pi. 23 f.).The figure sculptured in relief on the innersideoftheRoyalGateway(seep.229,Fig.51)preservesaninterestingfeatureofthebestHittitework,—anunusualcombinationofminutesurface-adornmentwithgreatboldnessofdesign.Thehatchingandscroll-workonthegarmentareonlyroughlyindicatedinthesmalldrawing,andotherdetailisomitted.Haironthebreastofthefigure,forexample,doubtlessregardedasasignofstrengthandvirility,isconventionallyrenderedbyseriesofminuteoverlappingcurls,whichformadiaperedpatterntracedwiththepoint.Thiscanonlybedetectedontheoriginal stone, or in a large-size photograph, such as that reproduced byPuchstein,op.cit.,pl.19.TheRoyalGateway is in theS.E.cornerof thecity,near the palace and the smaller temples. The great temple, by far the largestbuildingonthesite,liesonthelowergroundtothenorth.

[36]Cf.Winckler,"Mitteil.d.Deutsch.Orient-Gesellschaft,"No.35,p.36.[37] The disastrous opening of the battle was largely due to the over-

confidenceofRamesesandhiscompletemiscalculationoftheenemy'sstrengthandresources;fortheEgyptianshadneveryetmetsopowerfulanenemyastheHittites proved themselves to be.With the help of the reliefs it is possible tofollow the tactics of the opposing armies in some detail. The accompanyinginscriptions are very fragmentary, but they are supplemented by a historicalaccount of the battle, introducing a poem in celebration of the valour ofRameses,preservedonapapyrusintheBritishMuseum.Foradetailedaccountof thebattle, illustratedbyplansandaccompaniedby translationsof the texts,seeBreasted,"AncientRecordsofEgypt,"Vol.111.,pp.123ff.;cp.alsoBudge,"History,"Vol.V.,pp.20ff.,andHall,"NearEast,"p.360f.

[38]Cf.Winckler,op.cit.,p.20f.

[39]Op.cit.,p.23f.[40]Thatis,underoath,accordingtotheregularBabylonianpractice.[41]Winckler,op.cit.,p.24.[42] This is not the only occasion on which we hear of the despatch of

physicians from one foreign country to another at this period. Naturally theywere supplied byEgypt andBabylon, as the two great centres of science andlearning.ThusKhattusilreferstoaphysician(asû)andanexorcist(ashipu),whohad formerly been sent fromBabylon to theHittite kingMutallu but had notreturned. Kadashman-Enlil had evidently written to enquire about them, andKhattusil replies that the exorcist is dead, but that the physician will be sentback;cf.Winckler,op.cit.,p.26.Medicineatthistimewas,ofcourse,merelyabranchofmagic,andtheasûapractisingmagician;seeabove,p.194.

[43]WepossessnocontemporaryreferencetoKhonsu'sjourney.Thetaleisrecordedonastele,nowintheBibliothèqueNationale,whichwasengravedandsetupinthePersianorHellenicperiodbythepriestsofKhonsuatThebes(cf.Breasted,"AncientRecords,"III.,pp.188ff.).AttheheadofthesteleisareliefshowingthetwosacredboatsofKhonsuborneontheshouldersofpriests(seep.238f.,Figs.56f.).

[44]EvidenceofincreasedEgyptianinfluencemaybeseeninthefactthat,tojudge from the seals upon a Hittite document (cf. Winckler, op. cit., p. 29),ArnuantaappearstohaveadoptedtheEgyptiancustomofmarryinghissister.

[45]Seeabove,p.221.[46]Cf. "Cun.Texts in theBrit.Mus.," Pt.XXXIV. (1914), pl. 38 ff., and

Schrader,"Keilins.Bibl.,"I.,pp.194ff.;andcp.BudgeandKing,"AnnalsoftheKingsofAssyria,"pp.xxii.ff.

[47]Seeabove,p.218.[48]Seebelow,p.245f.[49]Kurigalzu I. is recorded to have made a grant of certain land, in the

possessionofwhichKadashman-Enlil I. confirmedadescendantof the formerowner; see King, "Babylonian Boundary Stones andMemorial Tablets in theBritishMuseum," p. 3 f. The document is of considerable importance, as thereading of Kadashman-Enlil's name upon it has cleared up several points of

uncertaintyconnectedwiththevexedsubjectoftheKassitesuccession.[50]A redmarblemace-head,discoveredatBabylon (cf.Weissbach, "Bab.

Miscellen,"pp.2ff.), is inscribedwithhisnameandthatofhisfather.Neitherbears a royal title in the text, but, as this is sometimes omitted in theKassiteperiod,Meli-ShipakmaybeprovisionallyregardedasthesuccessorofKurigalzuI.;cf.Thureau-Dangin,"Journ.Asiat.,"XI.(1908),p.119f.

[51]Cf."Annals,"p.xxii.[52]Op. cit., p. xxiii. In the interval between Kara-indash I. and Burna-

BuriasharetobesetKadashman-EnlilI.andhisson,[....Bu]riash(seeHilprecht,"OldBab.Inscr.,"I.,i.,pl.25,No.68,andcp.Thureau-Dangin,op.cit.,pp.122ff.), as well as Kurgalzu II. the father of Burna-Buriash (see above, pp. 221,224).

[53]Cf."Annals,"p.xxvii.TheaccountgivenbytheSynchronisticHistoryiscertainly tobepreferred to thatof theChronicle82-7-4,38.Thediscrepanciesare best explained on the assumption that the latter's editor has confusedKurigalzu, the young son of Hurna-Buriash, with Kurigalzu I., the son ofKadashman-KharbeI.,towhomthechronicler'sascriptionofsuccessagainsttheSutûshouldbetransferred(seeThureau-Dangin,"Journ.Asiat.,"XI.,1908,pp.125if.,andcp.Knudtzon,"DieEl-Amarna-Tafeln,"p.34,n.2).

[54]HewasnodoubtelatedbyhissuccessfulwarwithElam,inthecourseofwhich he captured Khurpatila, the Elamite king; cf. Delitzsch, "Das Bab.Chron.,"p.45.

[55]"Annals,"pp.xxviii.,xxxii.[56] The successor of his father and grandfather, Shagarakti-Shuriash and

Kudur-EnlilupontheBabylonianthrone.[57]TheunificationofBabyloniaundertheKassiteswassymbolizedbythe

nameKarduniash,whichtheybestowedonthecountryasawhole.ButtheolderterritorialdivisionsofSumerandAkkadstillsurvivedasgeographicaltermsandintheroyaltitles.

[58]Cf.King,"RecordsofTukulti-NinibI.,"pp.96ff.[59]TheshortreignsofEnlil-nadin-shum,Kadashman-KhabeII.andAdad-

shum-iddin must be regarded as falling partly within the period of Tukulti-

Ninib's troubledyearsofsuzerainty,partly in thereignofTukulti-Ashur,whenthestatueofMarduk,carriedoffbyTukulti-Ninib,wasrestoredtoBabylon.Thereign of Enlil-nadin-shum was cut short by Kidin-Khutrutash of Elam, whosacked Nippur and Dêr, while a few years later the same Elamite monarchpenetrated still further into Babylonia after defeating Adad-shum-iddin; cf.Delitzsch,"DasBab.Chron.,"p.46.

[60]"Annals,"p.xli.[61] The name in the Kings' List reads Bêl-nadin -(....); and in the

fragmentary inscription in which Nebuchadnezzar records how he turned thetables upon Elam, he refers to a ruler, between (Zamama)-shum-iddin andhimself,as(ilu)BE-nadin-akhi(seeRawlinson,"Cun.Inscr.WestAsia,"III.,pl.38,No.2,andcf.Winckler,"AltorientalischeForschungen,"I.,pp.534ff.).Thedivineideogram(ilu)BEwasreadasEabytheBabyloniansandasEnlilbytheAssyrians. And the identification of the two royal names has been called inquestiononthegroundsthattheAssyriancopy,inwhichNebuchadnezzar'stexthascomedowntous,wouldhavereproducedtheBabylonianorthographyofitsoriginal,andthatinanycaseitisdoubtfulwhetherEnlil,likeMarduk,everborethesynonymoustitleofBêl(cf.Thureau-Dangin,"Journ.Asiat.,"XI.,p.132f.).Ifwe reject the identification,weshould read thenameof the lastkingof theKassite Dynasty as Ea-nadin-[....], and regard Bêl-nadin-akhi as probably thesecondorthirdruleroftheFourthDynasty.

[62]ThecontractsandlettersofthisperiodcloselyresemblethoseofthetimeoftheFirstDynasty.Thedateddocumentshavefurnishedameansofcontrollingthe figures assigned in the Kings' List to the later Kassite rulers; see Clay,"DocumentsfromtheTempleArchivesofNippur,"inthe"Bab.Exped."Series,Vol.XIV. f., and for a number of contemporary letters, seeRadau, ibid., Vol.XVII.,i.

[63]Seeabove,pp.241,244.[64] For the kudurru-inscriptions in the British Museum, see "Babylonian

Boundary-Stones and Memorial Tablets in the Brit. Mus." (1912); and forreferencestoanddiscussionsofothertexts,cf.Hincke,"ANewBoundary-StoneofNebuchadnezzarI."(1907),pp.xvi.ff.,10ff.

[65]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"p.105.

[66]SeeHincke,op.cit.,p.4.[67]Cf."SumerandAkkad,"pp.206ff.[68]Cf.Cuq,"NouvelleRevueHistorique,"1907,p.707f.,1908,p.476f.[69]Resemblanceshavebeenpointedoutbetween theboundary-recordsof

ancientEgyptandthoseofBabylonia;butofcoursenoinferenceofborrowingneedbeinferredfromthem.Themethodofmarkingoutthelimitsofafieldorestate by means of boundary-stones, or boundary-tablets, is common amongpeopleswhohaveabandonednomadlifeforagriculture;andthefurtherideaofinscribing the owner's name and title to the land is one that would naturallysuggestitself.

[70]Thisissuggestedbythefactthatthesymbolsandcursessooftendonotcorrespond; had they both been bound up in a like origin, we should haveexpectedtheonetoillustratetheothermoreclosely.

[71] Itwas quite optional on the part of aKassite landowner to engrave aboundary-stone,and, ifhedidso, itwassimply tosecureadditionalprotectionforhistitle.ThisiswellillustratedbyakudurruofthereignofNazi-maruttash(seePlateXXI.),whichwasonlyengravedaftertheoriginalclaytitle-deedhadbeendestroyedbythefallofthebuildinginwhichithadbeenpreserved.

[72]SeePlateXXI.,opposite;andcp.Scheil,"TextesÉlam.-Sémit.," I.,pp.99ff.,pl.21ff.

[73]Seeabove,pp.167ff.[74]Cf.Cuq,"Nouv.Rev.Hist.,"1906,pp.720ff.,1908,p.474f.Thisview

appearspreferable to the theory that the landgrantedby theKassitekingswastakenfromcommunalorpubliclaudofacity,ordistrict,ofwhichthekinghadtherighttodispose(cf.Hincke,"BoundaryStoneofNebuchadnezzarI.,"p.16).

[75]Seeabove,p.247.

CHAPTERVIII

THELATERDYNASTIESANDTHEASSYRIANDOMINATION

The historian of ancient Babylonia has reason to be grateful to Shutruk-NakhkhunteandhissonfortheirraidsintotheEuphratesvalley,sincecertainofthemonuments theycarriedoffasspoilhavebeenpreserved in themoundsofSusa, until the French expedition brought them again to light. Thanks toBabylon's misfortunes at this time, we have recovered some of her finestmemorials, including the famous Stele of Narâm-Sin, Hammurabi's Code ofLaws, and an important series of the Kassite kudurrus, or boundary-stones,which,aswehaveseen, throwconsiderablelightupontheeconomicconditionof the country. These doubtless represent but a small proportion of the bootysecuredbyElamatthisperiod,buttheysufficetoshowthemannerinwhichthegreatBabyloniancitiesweredenudedoftheirtreasures.UndertheearlierkingsoftheFourthDynastyitwouldseemthatElamcontinuedtobeamenace,anditwasnotuntilthereignofNebuchadnezzarI.thatthelandwasfreedfromfurtherdanger of Elamite invasion. We possess two interesting memorials of hissuccessfulcampaigns,duringwhichhenotonlyregainedhisownterritories,butcarriedthewarintotheenemy'scountry.Oneisacharterofprivileges,whichthekingconferreduponRitti-Marduk,theCaptainofhischariots,forsignalserviceagainstElam.The text isengravedonablockofcalcareous limestone,andononesideofitareaseriesofdivinesymbols,sculpturedinhighrelief,inordertoplacetherecordundertheprotectionofthegods,inaccordancewiththecustomintroducedduringtheKassiteperiod.ThecampaigninElamwhichfurnishedtheoccasionforthecharterwasundertaken,accordingtothetext, withtheobjectof "avenging Akkad," that is to say, in retaliation for the Elamite raids inNorthernBabylonia.ThecampaignwasconductedfromthefrontiercityofDêr,or Dûr-ilu, and, as it was carried out in the summer, the Babylonian armysufferedconsiderablyonthemarch.Theheatofthesunwassogreatthat,inthe

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wordsoftherecord,theaxeburnedlikefire,theroadsscorchedlikeflame,andthroughthelackofdrinking-water"thevigourofthegreathorsesfailed,andthelegsof the strongman turnedaside."Ritti-Marduk, asCaptainof thechariots,encouraged the troops by his example, and eventually brought them to theEuheus, where they gave battle to the Elamite confederation which had beensummonedtoopposethem.

Therecorddescribes thesubsequentbattle invividphraseology."Thekingstooktheirstandroundaboutandofferedbattle.Firewaskindledintheirmidst;bytheirdustwasthefaceofthesundarkened.Thehurricanesweepsalong,thestormrages;inthestormoftheirbattlethewarriorinthechariotperceivesnotthecompanionathisside."HereagainRitti-Mardukdidgoodservicebyleadingtheattack."HeturnedevilagainsttheKingofElam,sothatdestructionovertookhim; King Nebuchadnezzar triumphed, he captured the land of Elam, heplundered its possessions." On his return from the campaignNebuchadnezzargranted the charter to Ritti-Marduk, freeing the towns and villages of Bît-Karziabku, of which he was the head-man, from the jurisdiction of theneighbouring townofNamar. Inaddition to freedomfromall taxationand thecorvée,theprivilegessecuredtheinhabitantsfromliabilitytoarrestbyimperialsoldiers stationed in thedistrict, and forbade thebilletingof such troopsuponthem. This portion of the text affords an interesting glimpse of the militaryorganizationofthekingdom.

The second memorial too has a bearing on this war, since it exhibitsNebuchadnezzarasapatronofElamiterefugees.Itisacopyofadeedrecordinga grant of land and privileges to Shamfia and his sonShamfiia, priests of theElamitegodRîa,who,infearoftheElamiteking,fledfromtheirowncountryand secured Nebuchadnezzar's protection. The text states that, when the kingundertook an expedition on their behalf, they accompanied him and broughtback the statueof thegodRîa,whosecultNebuchadnezzar inaugurated in theBabyloniancityofKhuṣṣi,afterhehadintroducedtheforeigngodintoBabylonattheFeastoftheNewYear.ThedeedrecordsthegrantoffiveestatestothetwoElamitepriestsandtheirgod,anditexemptsthelandinfuturefromallliabilitytotaxationandforcedlabour.

ThoughNebuchadnezzarrestoredthefortunesofhiscountry,hewasnotthe

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[3]

founderofhisdynasty, Ofhisthreepredecessors,thenameofonemaynowbe restored as Marduk-shapik-zêrim. His name has been read on a kudurru-fragment in theYaleCollection,which is dated in the eighthyear ofMarduk-nadin-akhê, and refers to the twelfthyearofMarduk-shapik-zêrim. That hecannotbeidentifiedwithMarduk-shapik-zêr-mâtiiscertain,sinceweknowfromthe "SynchronisticHistory" that the latter succeededMarduk-nadin-akhê uponthethroneofBabylon,theonebeingthecontemporaryofTiglath-pileserI.,theother of his son Ashur-bêl-kala. The close sequence of the reigns ofNebuchadnezzar I., Enlil-nadin-apli, and Marduk-nadin-akhê has long beenrecognizedfromtheoccurrenceofthesameofficialsonlegaldocumentsoftheperiod. Wemust thereforeplacethenewlyrecoveredruler in thegapbeforeNebuchadnezzar I.; he must be one of the first three kings of the dynasty,possiblyitsfounder,whosenameintheKings'ListbeginswiththedivinetitleMarduk, and who ruled for seventeen years according to the same authority.AnotherofthesemissingrulersmayperhapsberestoredasEa-nadin-[....],iftheroyalname in thebroken inscriptionofNebuchadnezzar I., towhich referencehasalreadybeenmade, istobereadinthatwayandnotidentifiedasthatofthelastmemberoftheKassiteDynasty.DuringtheearlieryearsoftheDynastyof Isin Babylonia must have been subject to further Elamite aggression, andportionsofthecountrymayforatimehaveacknowledgedthesuzeraintyofherrulers.

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DIVINEEMBLEMSONACHARTEROFNEBUCHADNEZZARI.Brit.Mus.,No.90858.Nebuchadnezzar's successes against Elam and the neighbouring district of

Lulubu nodoubtenabledhimtoofferamorevigorousdefenceofhisnorthernfrontier; and, when Ashur-rêsh-ishi attempted an invasion of Babylonianterritory,henotonlydrove theAssyriansback,but followed themupand laidsiegetothefrontierfortressofZanki.ButAshur-rêsh-ishiforcedhimtoraisethesiege and burn his siege-train; and, on Nebuchadnezzar's return withreinforcements,theBabylonianarmysufferedafurtherdefeat,losingitsfortifiedcamp together with Karashtu, the general in command of the army, whowastaken toAssyriaasaprisonerofwar.Babylon thusproved that, thoughstrongenough to recover and maintain her independence, she was incapable of avigorous offensive on a large scale. It is true that Nebuchadnezzar claimedamonghistitlesthatof"ConquerorofAmurru," butitisdoubtfulwhetherweshouldregardthetermasimplyingmorethanaraidintotheregionofthemiddleEuphrates.

ThatwithinherownbordersBabylonmaintainedaneffectiveadministrationis clear from a boundary-stone of the period of Nebuchadnezzar's successor,Enlil-nadin-apli, recording a grant of land in the district of Edina in Southern

[8]

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Babylonia by E-anna-shum-iddina, a governor of the Sea-Country, whoadministeredthatdistrictundertheBabyloniankingandowedhisappointmenttohim. ButinthereignofMarduk-nadin-akhê,shewastosufferhersecondgreat defeat at the hands ofAssyria. She fought two campaignswith Tiglath-pileserI.,inthelatterpartofhisreign,afterhissuccessesintheNorthandWest.

In the first she met with some success, but on the second occasionTiglath-pilesercompletelyreverseditsresult,andfolloweduphisvictorybythecaptureofBabylonitselfwithotherofthegreatnortherncities,Dûr-Kurigalzu,Sippar of Shamash, Sippar of Anunitum, and Opis. But Assyria did not thenattempt a permanent occupation, for we find Tiglath-pileser's son, Ashur-bêl-kala,onfriendlytermswithMarduk-shapik-zêr-mâti;andwhenthelatter,afteraprosperousreign, losthis throne to theArameanusurperAdad-aplu-iddina,

hefurtherstrengthenedthealliancebycontractingamarriagewiththenewking'sdaughter.

ThusclosedthefirstphaseofBabylon'srelationswiththegrowingAssyrianpower. A state of alternate conflict and temporary truce had been maintainedbetweenthemforsomethreecenturies,andnowformorethanhalfacenturytheinternalconditionofbothcountrieswassuchas toputanendtoanypolicyofaggression.ThecauseofBabylon'sdeclinewastheoverrunningof thecountryby the Sutû, semi-nomad Semitic tribes from beyond the Euphrates, whomadetheirfirstdescentduringAdad-aplu-iddina'slateryears,and,accordingtoa Neo-Babylonian chronicle, carried off with them the spoil of Sumer andAkkad.Thiswasprobablythefirstofmanyraids,andwemayseeevidenceofthe unsettled condition of the country in the ephemeral Babylonian dynasties,whichfollowedoneanotherinquicksuccession.

Thelaterruler,Nabû-aplu-iddina,whenrecordinghisrebuildingofthegreattemple of the Sun-god at Sippar, has left us some details of this troubledtime;andthefactsherelatesofoneofthegreatcitiesofAkkadmayberegardedastypicalofthegeneralconditionofthecountry.ThetemplehadbeenwreckedbytheSutû,doubtlessatthetimeofAdad-aplu-iddina,anditwasnotuntilthereignofSimmash-Shipak,whocamefromtheCountryoftheSeaandfoundedtheFifthDynasty, thatanyattemptwasmade to reestablish the interruptedserviceof thedeity.His successor,Ea-mukîn-zêr, didnot retain the throne for

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[12] [13]

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

morethanfivemonths,and in thereignofKashshûnadin-akhi,withwhomthedynasty closed, the country suffered further misfortunes, the general distress,occasionedbyraidsandcivildisturbance,beingincreasedbyfamine.Thustheserviceof the templeagainsuffered,untilunderE-ulmash-shakin-shumofBît-Bazi,whofoundedtheSixthDynasty,apartialre-endowmentofthetempletookplace. But its half ruinous condition continued to attest the poverty of thecountryandof its rulers,until themoreprosperous timesofNabû-aplu-iddina.E-ulmash-shakin-shum was succeeded by two members of his own house,Ninib-kudur-usurandShilanum-Shuḳamuna;buttheyreignedbetweenthemlessthanfouryears,andthethronethenpassedforsixyearstoanElamite, whoserule is regarded by the later chroniclers as having constituted in itself theSeventhBabylonianDynasty.

FIG.58.SCENE REPRESENTING NABÛ-MUKÎN-APLI SANCTIONING A

TRANSFEROFLANDEDPROPERTY.Arad-Sibitti, accompanied by his sister, receives the royal sanction to the

transferofanestate,situatedinthedistrictofSha-mamîtu,tohisdaughterasherdowry.

(FromBoundary-StoneNo.90835intheBritishMuseum.)A stable government was once more established in Babylonia by Nabû-

mukîn-apli, the founder of the Eighth Dynasty, though even in his reignAramean tribes continued to give trouble, holding the Euphrates in theneighbourhoodofBabylon andBorsippa, cutting communications, and raiding

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thecountry-side.OnoneoccasiontheycapturedtheFerry-GateofKâr-bêlmâtâtiandpreventedthekingfromholdingtheNewYear'sFestival,asthestatueofthegod Nabû could not be transported across the river to Babylon. A rudeportraitofthismonarchispreservedonaboundary-stoneofhisreign,onwhichhe is represented giving the royal sanction to the transfer of an estate in thedistrict of Sha-mamîtu; and it may be added that considerable frictionsubsequently took place, with regard to the validity of the title, between theoriginalownerArad-Sibittiandhisson-in-law,ajewel-workernamedBurusha.

Thecoarsestyleoftheengravingisprobablytobeexplainedbythefactofits provincial origin, though there can be little doubt that the standard ofBabylonian art had been adversely affected by the internal condition of thecountryduringtheprecedingperiod.

ItwasatthetimeoftheEighthDynastythattherenaissanceofAssyriatookplace,whichculminatedinthevictoriesofthatruthlessconquerorAshur-nasir-palandofhissonShalmaneserIII.ItseffectwasfirstfeltinBabyloninthereignofShamash-mudammik,whosufferedaseriousdefeatintheneighbourhoodofMt. Ialman at the hands of Adad-nirari III., Ashur-nasir-pal's grandfather.Against Nabû-shum-ishkun I., the murderer and successor of Shamash-mudammik,Adad-nirarisecuredanothervictory,severalBabyloniancitieswithmuch spoil falling into his hands. But we subsequently find him on friendlyterms with Babylon, and allying himself with Nabû-shum-ishkun, or possiblywith his successor, each monarch marrying the others daughter. His sonTukulti-Ninib II. of Assyria, profiting by the renewed sense of security fromattack upon his southern border, began tomake tentative efforts at expandingwestwardsintoMesopotamia.ButitwasreservedforAshur-nasir-pal,hisson,tocross theEuphrates and leadAssyrian armies oncemore into Syrian territory.After securing his frontier to the east and north of Assyria, Ashur-nasir-palturned his attention to thewest. TheAramean states ofBît-Khadippi andBît-Adini, both on the left bank of the Euphrates, fell before his onslaught. ThencrossingtheEuphratesonraftsofskins,hereceivedthesubmissionofSangarofCarchemish,andmarchedintriumphthroughSyriatothecoast.

Babylon naturally viewed this encroachment on the Euphrates route to thewest as a danger to her commercial connexions, and it is not surprising thatNabû-aplu-iddinashouldhaveattemptedtoopposeAshur-nasir-pal'sadvanceby

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[24]

[25]

[26]

allying himself with Shadudu of Sukhi. But the armed forces he sent tosupportthepeopleofSukhiintheirresistancewerequiteunabletowithstandtheAssyrianonslaught,andhisbrotherSabdanuandBêl-aplu-iddin,theBabylonianleader, fell into Ashur-nasir-pal's hands. In recording his victory the AssyriankingreferstotheBabyloniansastheKassites, astrikingtributetothefameoftheforeigndynastywhichhadendedmorethanthreecenturiesbefore.Nabû-aplu-iddina evidently realized the futility of attempting further opposition toAssyrian aims, and he was glad to establish relations of a friendly character,which he continued in the reign of Shalmaneser. He attempted to forget thefailure of hismilitary expedition by repairing the damage inflicted during thenumerousArameanraidsupontheancientcult-centresofBabylonia.

MEMORIAL TABLET OF NABÛ-APLU-IDDINA, RECORDING HISRESTORATIONOFTHESUN-TEMPLEATSIPPAR.Brit.Mus.No.,91000.Heisthekingwhorestoredandre-endowedsorichlythetempleofShamash

atSippar,diggingintheruinsofformerstructurestillhefoundtheancientimageof thegod.He redecorated the shrine, andwithmuchceremony re-establishedthe ritual and offerings for the god, placing them under the control of Nabû-

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[27]

nadin-shum, a descendant of the former priest E-kur-shum-ushabshi, whomSimmash-Shipak had installed at Sippar. The sculptured scene on the stonememorial-tablet, which records the re-endowment of the temple, representsNabû-aplu-iddinabeingledbythepriestNabû-nadin-shumandthegoddessAiaintothepresenceoftheSun-god,whoisseatedinhistempleE-babbar.

FIG. 59.MARDUKANDHISDRAGONFROMAVOTIVEOFFERINGOFMARDUK-ZAKIR-SHUM.(AfterWeissbach.)

Beforethegodisthesolardiskrestinguponanaltarsupportedbyattendantdeities,whosebodiesspringfromtheroofoftheshrine.

The skill of the Babylonian craftsmen at this period is also attested by acylinderoflapis-lazuli,engravedinlowreliefwithafigureofMardukandhisdragon,whichwasdedicatedinE-sagilaatBabylonbyMarduk-zakir-shum,thesonandsuccessorofNabû-aplu-iddina.Itwasoriginallycoatedwithgold,andthedesignandexecutionofthefiguremaybecomparedwiththoseoftheSun-godTablet,asanadditionalexampleof thedecorativecharacterofBabylonianstone-engravingintheninthcentury.

ItwasinMarduk-zakir-shum'sreignthatAssyriacappedherconquestsofthisperiod by becoming the suzerain of Babylon. Under Ashur-naṣir-pal andShalmaneser the military organization of the country had been renewed, andboth made effective use of their extraordinarily efficient armies. Ashur-nasir-pal'spolicywasoneofannihilation,andthespeedwithwhichhestruckensuredhis success.Thuswhenhe crossed theEuphrates after takingCarchemish, theking of Damascus, the most powerful and important state in Syria, made noattempttoopposehimortoorganizeadefence.Hehadevidentlybeentakenbysurprise.

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FIG.60.THEASSYRIANARMYINCHALDEA,851b.c.In theupper registerAssyrian foot-soldiers and cavalry are seen crossing a

stream by a bridge of boats, while below the army is represented leaving itsfortifiedcamp.

(FromtheGatesofShalmaneserintheBritishMuseum.)But Syria then learned her lesson, and at the battle of Karkar in 854 b.c.

Shalmaneser found himself opposed by a confederation of the northern kings,and,thoughheeventuallysucceededinravagingtheterritoryofDamascus,thecity itselfheldout. Infact, thestubbornresistanceofDamascuspreventedanyfurtherattemptonAssyria'spartatthisperiodtopenetratefurtherintoSouthernSyria and Palestine. So Shalmaneser had to content himself with marchingnorthwards acrossMt. Amanus, subjugating Cilicia and exacting tribute fromdistricts north of the Taurus. He also conducted a successful campaign inArmenia,fromwhichquarteroneofAssyria'smostpowerfulenemieswasabouttoarise.ButitwasinBabyloniathathesecuredhisprincipalpoliticalsuccess.Hehasleftusapictorialrecordofhiscampaignsonthebronzesheathingoftwocedar-wood doors of his palace; and, as one of the bands commemorates histriumphalmarchthroughChaldeain851b.c.,itgivesussomeindicationoftheconditionofthecountryatthistime.

FIG.61.

ACHALDEANTOWNOFTHENINTHCENTURYb.c.The male inhabitants are represented leaving with cattle and tribute for

ShalmaneserIII.,whilethewomenwatchthemfromthewalls.(FromtheGatesofShalmaneser.)The occasion for Shalmaneser's intervention in Babylonian affairs was

furnished by internal dissension. When Marduk-bêl-usâte, the brother ofMarduk-zakir-shum, revolted, and divided the country into two armed camps,Shalmaneser readily responded to the latter's appeal for help, and marchingsouthwardssucceededindefeatingtherebelsandinravagingthedistrictsundertheir control. On a second expedition in the following year he completed hisworkbyslayingMarduk-bel-usâte inbattle,andhewasthenacknowledgedbyMarduk-zakir-shum as his suzerain. In this capacity he toured through theprincipal citiesofAkkad,offering sacrifices in the famous templesofCuthah,Babylon,andBorsippa.Healso ledhisarmyintoChaldea,and,afterstormingits frontier fortress ofBakâni, received the submission of its ruler,Adini, andheavy tribute fromhimand from Iakin, theChaldeankingof theSea-Countryfurther to the south. In his representation of the campaign Shalmaneser isportrayed marching through the country, and receiving tribute from theChaldeans,whichtheycarryfromtheircitiesandferryacrossstreamstodepositinthepresenceofthekingandhisofficials.

FIGS.62AND63.THETRIBUTEOFTHECHALDEANS,In Fig. 62 Chaldeans are represented conveying tribute across a stream in

boats;inFig.63theydeposititatabridge-headheldbytheAssyrians.(FromtheGatesofShalmaneser.)

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But Babylon did not long endure the position of a vassal state, andShalmaneser'ssonandsuccessor.Shamshi-AdadIV.,attemptedher reconquest,plunderingmanycitiesbeforehemetwithseriousopposition.Marduk-balâtsu-ikbi, theBabylonianking,hadmeanwhilecollectedhis forces,which includedarmedleviesfromElam,Chaldea,andotherdistricts.ThetwoarmiesmetnearthecityofDûr-Papsukal,theBabyloniansweretotallydefeated,andarichbootyfell to theirconqueror.Duringasubsequent interregnumErba-Marduk, thesonofMarduk-shakin-shum,securedthethrone,owinghiselectiontohissuccessindrivingArameanraidersfromthecultivatedfieldsofBabylonandBorsippa.But hedidnot reign for long, andwhenBabylon continued to give trouble toAssyria, Adad-nirari IV., the successor of Shamshi-Adad, again subjugated aconsiderable portion of the country, carrying away Bau-akhi-iddina, theBabylonian king, as a captive to Assyria, together with the treasures of hispalace.

During the followinghalf-centuryourknowledgeofBabylonianaffairs isablank,andwehavenotasyetrecoveredeventhenamesofthelastmembersofthe Eighth Dynasty. This epoch corresponds to a period of weakness andinactioninthenorthernkingdom,suchasmorethanoncebeforehadfollowedaforwardmovementonherpart.TheexpansionofAssyria,infact,tookplaceinaseriesofsuccessivewaves,andwhenonehadspentitself,arecoilprecededthenextadvance.Theprincipalcauseofhercontraction,afterthebrilliantreignsofShalmaneserIII.andhisfather,mayundoubtedlybetracedtotheriseofanewpowerinthemountainsofArmenia.FromtheircapitalontheshoreofLakeVan,theUrartiansmarchedsouthwardandmenacedthenorthernfrontierofAssyriaitself.HerkingscouldnolongerdreamoffurtheradventuresintheWest,whichwould leave their home territory at themercy of this new foe.Urartu becamenow theprincipaldragonAssyria'sambitions,apartwhichwasafterwardssoeffectivelyplayedbyElaminalliancewithBabylon.

It is to this period we may probably assign an interesting provincialmonument,discoveredinBabylon, whichillustratestheindependentpositionenjoyedbytherulersoflocaldistrictsatatimewhenthecentralcontrolofeitherkingdom, and particularly of Assyria, was relaxed. The monumentcommemorates the principal achievements of Shamash-rêsh-usur, governor of

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[31]

[32]

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thelandsofSukhiandMarionthemiddleEuphrates. Hemayhaveowedhisappointment to Assyria, but he speaks like a reigningmonarch and dates therecordinhisthirteenthyear.

FIG.64.BAS-RELIEF OF SHAMASH-RÊSH-USUR, GOVERNOR OF THE

LANDSOFSUKHIANDMARI.The scene representsShamash-rêsh-usur standingbefore the godAdad and

thegoddessIshtar.ThestonewassetupinGabbari-ibni,acityhehadfounded,and it commemorates his achievements, the one ofwhich hewasmost proudbeingtheintroductionofhoney-beesintothelandofSukhi.

(Afteraphoto,byWeissbach.)On it he records his suppression of a revolt of the Tu'mânu tribe, who

threatened his capital Ribanish, while he was holding festival in theneighbouring town of Baka. But he attacked themwith the people whowerewithhim,slewthreehundredandfiftyofthem,andtherestsubmitted.Healsorecords how he dug out the Sukhi Canal, when it had silted up, and how heplantedpalm-treesinhispalaceatRibanish.Buthismostnotableact,accordingtohisownaccount,wastheintroductionofbeesintoSukhi,whichhisimprovedirrigationofthedistrictdoubtlessrenderedpossible."Beeswhichcollecthoney,"hetellsus,"whichnomanhadseensincethetimeofmyfathersandforefathers,norhadbroughttothelandofSukhi,IbroughtdownfromthemountainsoftheKhabkha-tribe and I put them in the garden ofGabbari-ibni." The text closeswithaninterestinglittlenoteuponthebees:"Theycollecthoneyandwax.ThepreparingofhoneyandwaxIunderstand,andthegardenersunderstandit."And

[33]

headdsthatindaystocomearulerwillasktheeldersofhisland,"IsittruethatShamash-rêsh-usur, governor of Sukhi, brought honey-bees into the land ofSukhi?" The monument may well have been carried to Babylon byNebuchadnezzarII.,whenheincorporatedthedistrictwithinhisempire.

ThesubsequentperiodshowsagradualtighteningofAssyria'sgraspuponthesouthernkingdom,variedbycomparativelyineffectivestrugglesandrevoltsonBabylon's part to avoid her loss of independence. The temporary decline ofAssyrianpowerenabledBabylonfora time to regainsomethingofher formerpositionunderNabû-shum-ishkun II., an early kingof theNinthDynasty, andhissuccessorNabonassar.But themilitaryrevolt inAssyria,which in745b.c.placed Tiglath-pileser IV. upon the throne, put a speedy end to Babylon'shopesofanypermanentrecoveryofpower.Hisaccessionmarksthebeginningof the last period of Assyrian expansion, and the administrative policy heinauguratedjustifiesusinascribingtheterm"empire"totheareaconqueredbyhim, and his successors, in the last half of the eighth and the first half of theseventhcenturiesb.c.Butitwasanempirewhichcarriedinitselffromtheoutsetthe seeds of decay. It was based on a policy of deportation, Assyria's finalanswertoherpressingproblemofhowtoadministerthewideareassheannexed.FormerAssyriankingshadcarriedawaytheconqueredintoslavery,butTiglath-pileser IV. inaugurated a regular transference of nations. The policy certainlyeffected its immediate object: it kept the subject provinces quiet. But as apermanent method of administration it was bound to be a failure. Whiledestroyingpatriotismand loveofcountry, itputanendat thesametimetoallincentivestolabour.Thesubjectcountry'saccumulatedwealthhadalreadybeendrainedfor thebenefitofAssyriancoffers;and in thehandsof itshalf-starvedcolonistsitwasnotlikelytoproveapermanentsourceofstrength,orofwealth,toitssuzerain.

Tiglath-pileser's first object, before launching his armies to the north andwest, was to secure his southern frontier, and this he effected by invadingBabylonia and forcing from Nabonassar an acknowledgment of Assyriancontrol.During thecampaignheoverran thenortherndistricts,andappliedhispolicyofdeportationbycarryingawaymanyoftheirinhabitants.Thedistressinthecountry,duetotheAssyrianinroads,wasaggravatedbyinternaldissension.SipparrepudiatedNabonassar'sauthority,andtherevoltwassubduedonlyafter

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[35]

asiegeofthecity. TheNinthDynastyendedwiththecountryinconfusion;for Nabû-nadin-zêr, Nabopolassar's son, after a reign of only two years, wasslaininarevoltbyNabû-shum-ukin,thegovernorofaprovince. Thedynastysooncametoanendafterthelatter'saccession.Hehadnotenjoyedhispositionfor more than a month, when the kingdom again changed hands, and Nabû-mukîn-zêrsecuredthethrone.

From the fall of the Ninth Dynasty, until the rise of the Neo-BabylonianEmpire,BabyloniawascompletelyovershadowedbythepowerofAssyria.Shebecame merely a subject province of the empire, and her Tenth Dynasty ismainly composed of Assyrian rulers or their nominees. Nabû-mukîn-zêr hadreignedonlythreeyearswhenTiglath-pileseragaininvadedBabylonia,tookhimcaptive,andascendedthethroneofBabylon,whereheruledunderhisnameofPulu. On his death,which occurred two years later, hewas succeeded byShalmaneserV.,who,assuzerainofBabylon,adoptedthenameofUlulai.ButBabyloniasoondemonstratedherpowerofhinderingAssyrianplans, for,aftertheeloseofShalmaneser'sreign,whenSargon'sarmyhadsecuredthecaptureofSamaria,hewasobligedtorecallhisforcesfromtheWestbythemenaceofhissouthernprovince.Merodach-baladan, aChaldean chiefofBît-Iakin at theheadofthePersianGulf,nowlaidclaimtothethroneofBabylon.ByhimselfhewouldnothavebeenformidabletoAssyria,buthewasbackedbyanunexpectedanddangerousally.Elamhadnotmeddled inBabylonianaffairs for centuries,but she had gradually become alarmed at the growth of Assyrian power. SoKhumbanigash, the Elamite king, allying himself with Merodach-baladan,invadedBabylonia, laid siege to the frontier fortress ofDêr orDûr-ilu on theLower Tigris, and defeated Sargon and the Assyrian army before its walls.Merodach-baladanwasacknowledgedbytheBabyloniansastheirking,andhecontinuedtobeathorninthesideofAssyria.

[35]

[36]

[37]

[38]

SHALMANESER III RECEIVING THE SUBMISSION OF THECHALDEANS.

FromtheGatesofShalmaneserintheBrit.Mus.After the defeat of Shabaka and the Egyptians at Raphia, Sargon was

occupiedwiththefinalsubjugationofUrartuinthenorth,whichhadforsolongbeenadanger toAssyria.ButUrartuhad to fight, not only theAssyrians, butalso anewenemy, theCimmerians,whonowmade their appearance from thenorthandeast.Infact,Sargon'sconquestofUrarturesultedinthedestructionofthat people as a buffer state, and laidAssyria open to the direct attack of thebarbarian invaders, though it was not until the reign of Esarhaddon that theiractivity began to be formidable.Meanwhile, having subjugated his other foes.Sargon was able to turn his attention once more to Babylon, from which heexpelledMerodach-baladan.Hisappearancewaswelcomedbythepriestlyparty,and,enteringthecityinstate,heassumedthetitleofGovernorandforthelastsevenyearsofhislifeheruledinBabylonvirtuallyasking.Amemorialofhisoccupation survives to-day in the quay-wall, which he constructed along thenorthfrontoftheSouthernCitadel.

OnSargon's death in705b.c. the subject provincesof the empire rebelled.TherevoltwasledbyBabylon,whereMerodach-baladanreappearswithElamitesupport, while Hezekiah of Judah headed a confederation of the states ofSouthern Syria. Sennacherib was first occupied with Babylon, where he hadlittledifficultyindefeatingMerodach-baladanandhisallies.HewasthenfreetodealwithSyriaandPalestine;andatEltekeh,nearEkron,heroutedtheEgyptianarmy,whichhadcome to the supportof the rebel states.He then received the

[39]

[40]

submissionofEkron,andtookLachishafterasiege,thoughTyreresisted.Afterhis expulsion from Babylon Merodach-baladan had sought safety by hidinghimself in theBabylonian swamps,wherehealliedhimselfwith theChaldeanprinceMushezib-Marduk; and Babylon had been left in charge of Bêl-ibni, ayoung native Babylonian, who had been brought up at the Assyrian court. Arising, headed by Mushezib-Marduk, brought Sennacherib again into thecountry,who, after defeating the rebels, carried offBêl-ibni and his nobles toAssyria,leavinghisownsonAshur-nadin-shumuponthethrone.

Thecountrywasinastateofcontinualdisaffection,andafterafewyearsafreshrevoltwasheadedbyaBabylonian,Nergal-ushezib.Butheruledforlittlemorethanayear,beingdefeatedbySennacheribandsentinchainstoNineveh.ThistookplaceafterthereturnoftheAssyrianarmyfromNagitu,whitherithadbeenconveyedbySennacherib,acrosstheheadofthePersianGulf,againsttheChaldeans whom Merodach-baladan had settled there. Sennacherib thenturnedhis forces againstElam, and, afterplunderinga considerableportionofthecountry,hewasstoppedinhisadvanceintotheinteriorbythesettinginofwinter. In his absence the Chaldean Mushezib-Marduk seized the throne ofBabylon,andalliedhimselfwithElam.Butthecombinedarmiesweredefeatedat Khalule, and after the death of Umman-menanu, the Elamite king, in 689,SennacheribseizedBabylon.Exasperatedatherdisaffection,heattemptedtoputanendforalltimetoherconstantmenacebydestroyingthecity.Hesucceededindoinganenormousamountofdamage, and,bydeflecting thecourseof theEuphrates,wipedoutlargeareasandturnedthemintoswamps. For the lasteight years of Sennacherib's reign the country was given over to a state ofanarchy.

[41]

[42]

FIG.65.THE GOD ADAD FROM A VOTIVE OFFERING DEDICATED IN E-

SAGILABYESARHADDOS.(AfterWeissbach.)In681Sennacheribwasmurderedbyhis sons, and, after a struggle for the

succession, Esarhaddon secured the throne. His first thought was to reversecompletely his father's Babylonian policy, and by rebuilding the city andrestoring its ancient privileges to placate the priestly party,whose support hisgrandfather, Sargon, had secured. In 668 b.c. the statue of Marduk wasrestored to its shrine, and Esarhaddon's son, Shamash-shum-ukîn, wasproclaimedKing ofBabylon.Esarhaddon sought to reconcile themilitary andaggressivepartyinhisowncapitalbycrowningAshur-bani-pal,hiseldestson,askinginAssyria.Butat thesametimeBabylonwasstill taughttolookuponAssyria as her suzerain, and the spirit of disaffectionwas only driven for themomentunderground.Esarhaddon'saimhadbeentoretaintheterritoryalreadyincorporated in the Assyrian empire, and, had he been able to confine hiscountry's energieswithin these limits, its existence as a statemight have beenprolonged.Buthewasunabletocurbtheambitionsofhisgenerals,and,inhiseffort to find employment for the army,he achieved theultimateobject of hisfather'swesterncampaigns,theconquestofEgypt.

Itwassoonapparent thatEsarhaddon'soccupationof thatcountryhadbeenmerely nominal, and it thus fell to his son Ashur-bani-pal to continue theEgyptian war, and to complete the work his father had left unfinished. Andthoughhemetwithfargreatersuccess,hetoointheendfoundthetaskofanypermanentconquestbeyondhispower. Forhesoonhadhishandsfullwithtroubles nearer home, in consequence of which his hold on Egypt graduallyrelaxed. Urtaku of Elam, who invaded Babylonia, does not appear to havefollowed up his success; and the subsequent invasion of the country byTeummanwasonly followedby that ruler'sdefeatanddeath inbattle.But thestrengthofElamwasnotbrokenbythisreverse,and,whenShamash-shum-ukînrevolted,hereceivedactiveElamitesupport.

Not only in Elam, but also throughout the territory controlled by Assyria,Shamash-shum-ukîn found support in his rebellion, a fact significant of the

[43]

[44]

detestation of Assyrian rule in the scattered provinces of the empire, whichcontinued to be held together only by fear. But the force at Ashur-bani-pal'sdisposalwasstillpowerfulenoughtostampout theconflagrationandheadoffdisasterforatime.HemarchedintoBabylonia,besiegedandcapturedBabylon,andhisbrotherShamash-shum-ukînmethisdeathintheflamesofhispalacein648 b.c. TheAssyrian king then invadedElam, and, capturing its cities as headvanced, he laid the countryunder fire and sword.Susawasprotectedby itsriver, then in flood,but theAssyrianarmyeffectedacrossing,and theancientcapital layat themercyof the invaders.Having taken thecity,Ashur-bani-paldeterminedtobreakitspowerforever,after themannerSennacheribhaddealtwithBabylon.Henotonlystrippedthetemplesandcarriedoffthetreasuresofthepalace,butheevendesecrated theroyal tombs,andcompletedhisworkofdestructionbyfire.SoSusawasplunderedanddestroyed,andinBabylonitselfAshur-bani-palcontinuedtobesupremeuntilhisdeath.

ASSUR-BANIPAL AS THE RESTORER OF E-SAGILA, THE TEMPLEOFMARDUKATBABYLON.

Brit.Mus.,No.90864.Babylonia had proved herself no match for the legions of Assyria at the

[45]

heightofthehitter'spower;buttheindustrialandcommerciallifeofhercities,basedultimatelyontherichreturnhersoilyieldedtoheragriculturalpopulation,enabledhertosurviveblowswhichwouldhavepermanentlydisabledacountryless favoured by nature. Moreover, she always regarded the Assyrians as anupstartpeople,whohadborrowedherculture,andwhoselandhadbeenamereprovince of her kingdom at a time when her own political influence hadextendedfromElamto thebordersofSyria.Even inherdarkesthourshewasbuoyed up by the hope of recovering her ancient glory, and she let noopportunity slip of striking a blow at the northern kingdom. She wasconsequently always a drag on Assyria's advance to the Mediterranean, for,whenthelatter'sarmiesmarchedwestward,theyleftBabylonandElamintheirrear.

InherlaterdealingswithBabylonAssyriahadtriedthealternativepoliciesofintimidationandin-dulgence,butwithequalwantofsuccess;andtheyreachedtheirclimaxinthereignsofSennacheribandEsarhaddon.Itisquitepossiblethateitherofthesepolicies,ifconsistentlypursued,wouldhavebeenequallyfutileinitsaimofcoercingorplacatingBabylonia.Buttheiralternationwasafarworseblunder,as itonlysucceeded in revealing to theBabylonians theirownpower,andinconfirmingthemintheirobstinateresistance.TothiscausewemaytracethelongrevoltunderShamash-shum-ukîn,whenBabylonwithElamatherbackstruck a succession of blowswhich helped in amaterial degree to reduce thepoweroftheAssyrianarmy,alreadyweakenedbytheEgyptiancampaigns.Andin625b.c.,whentheScythianshadoverruntheAssyrianempire,andherpowerwas on thewane,we findNabopolassar proclaiming himself king inBabylonand foundinganewempirewhich fornearly seventyyearswas to survive thecityofNinevehitself.

[1]Cf."Boundary-StonesintheBrit.Mus.,"pp.29ff.[2]See"Boundary-StonesintheBrit.Mus.,"pp.96ff.[3] The Fourth Dynasty was known as that of Isin, and the fact that its

foundershouldhavecomefromthereistobeexplainedbythemagnitudeofthedisastertoNorthernBabylonia.ThecityhadbeenknownasNîsinintheearlierperiod(seeabove,p.91,n.1**),buteventhentherewasatendencytodroptheinitialn.

[4] I owe this information to Prof. Clay, who is preparing the text forpublication.

[5]Seebelow,p.256.[6]Op.cit.,p.37.[7]Seeabove,p.245,n.1.[8]Nebuchadnezzarlaidclaimtothetitle,"Conquerorofthemightylandof

Lulubu";see"BoundaryStones,"p.31,1.9.[9]Ibid.,1.10.[10] A current exaggeration of Babylon's dominion in the West under

NebuchadnezzarI.appearstohavearisenfromaconfusionastotheauthorshipof Nebuchadnezzar II.'s fragmentary inscription at the Nahr-el-Kelb, which iswritteninarchaisticcharacters.

[11]Cf."Boundary-StonesintheBrit.Mus.,"pp.76ff.[12] Tiglath-pileser was the first Assyrian monarch, with the possible

exception of Shamshi-Adad III., to carry Assyrian arms to the coast of theMediterranean;andinconsequenceheattractedEgyptiannotice.

[13]ItwasthenthatMarduk-nadin-akhêmusthavecarriedoffthestatuesofAdadandShala fromEkallâti,whichSennacheribafterwards recoveredonhiscaptureofBabylonin689b.c.;cf."RecordsofTukulti-NinibI.,"p.118f.

[14]Alaterchroniclecreditshimwithhavingestablishedhissuzeraintyoveralargenumberofpettykingsandrulers,andaddsthatthey"beheldabundance";cf.King,"Chronicles,"I.,p.190,II.,p.57f.

[15]The"SynchronisticHistory"makesAdad-aplu-iddinathesonofE-sagil-shadûni, amanofhumbleorigin;but, according toaBabylonian tradition,hisfatherwasItti-Marduk-balâtu,theAramean(op.cit.,I.,p.191, II.,p.59),andthisismoreprobablycorrect.

[16]See"AnnalsoftheKingsofAssyria,"pp.liii.ff.[17]OntheSutûandtheirconnexionwiththeArameans,seeStreck,"Klio,"

VI.,pp.209ff.[18] For a discussion of the evidence supplied by the Kings' List and the

fragmentaryAssyrianDynasticChroniclewithregardtotheFifth,Sixth,andso-

calledSeventhDynasties,see"Chronicles,"I.,pp.183ff.[19]Seebelow,p.260f.[20] We know little more than the names of Adad-aplu-iddina's three

successors, Marduk-akhi-erba, Marduk-zêr-[....], and Nabû-shum-libur, withwhose reign theFourthDynasty closed (cf.King, "Proc. Soc.Bibl.Arch.," p.221).ThedynastyfoundedbySimmash-ShipakhasbysomebeenregardedasofChaldeanorigin;anditispossiblethatChaldeantribes,thoughnotmentionedinthe inscriptions before the period of Ashur-nasir-pal and Shalmaneser, hadalreadybeguntooverrunthesoutherndistrictsofBabylonia.Foradiscussionofapassageinareligiouschronicle,whichmaypossiblyrecordasolareclipseinSimmash-Shipak's seventh year, see King, "Chronicles," I., pp. 232 ff., andCowell,"MonthlyNoticesoftheRoy.Astr.Soc,"LXV.,pp.865,867.

[21] For the possible restoration of his name as Ae-aplu-usur, see"Chronicles,"I.,p.200f.

[22]TherewereaboutthirteenkingsoftheEighthDynasty,and,thoughtheirnamesarecompletelywantingintheKings'List,someofthemarepreservedinrecordsconcerningtheirrelationswithAssyria.InthegapbetweenNabû-mukîn-apliandShamash-mudammikwemayprobablyplaceSibir,aBabyloniankingwhom Ashur-nasir-pal mentions as having founded Atlila, a city in Zamua,which he himself rebuilt as a royal residence and renamed Dûr-Ashur (cf."Annals,"p.325).ItisimprobablethatSibirwasoneofthemissingrulersoftheKassiteDynasty,theonlyotherperiodtowhichhisreigncouldbeassigned.Forthebrokenname[....-akh]ê-iddina,possiblythatofanotherrulerofthisperiod,see"Chronicles,"II.,p.63.

[23]Op.cit.,II.,p.81f.[24]SeeFig.58;andcf."Boundary-StonesintheBrit.Mus.,"pp.51ff.[25]Cf. "Annals," pp. lvii. ff.Nabû-shum-ishkun's name, attestedby "Syn.

Hist.,"III.,9ff.,appearstobegivenas[Nabù-sh]um-ukînin"Chron.,"II.,p.64.[26]Sukhi lay on themiddleEuphrates, near themouth of theKhâbûr. Its

position is accurately indicated by Tiglath-pileser I., who records that heplundered the Aramean Akhlamî from the neighbourhood of Sukhi up toCarchemish in one day (cf. "Annals," p. 73). For a later monument from thedistrict,seebelow,p.205f.

[27]Cf."Annals,"p.351f.[28]SeePlateXXIII.Foratranslationofthememorial,see"Bab.Boundary-

StonesandMemorialTabletsintheBrit.Mus.,"pp.120ff.Thetabletwasfoundinaclaycoffer, inwhichithadbeenplacedata laterperiodbyNabopolassar,togetherwithclayimpressionsofthesculpturedscene,topreservethedesignofthereliefincasethetabletitselfshouldeventuallybebroken.

[29]SeeKing,"TheGatesofShalmaneser,"pp.18ff.,31f.[30]Cf."Chronicles,"II.,p.66ff.[31] Cf. "Keilins. Bibl.," I., p. 202 f. At this point the record of the

"SynchronisticHistory"ceases;anditisonlywiththereignofNabonassar,thesecond king of the Ninth Dynasty, that our knowledge of the Babyloniansuccession becomes fuller. In addition to the evidence afforded by the Kings'List, the informationcontained in theBabylonianChronicleand thePtolemaicCanonthenbecomesavailable.

[32]SeeWeissbach,"BabylonischeMiscellen,"pp.9ff.[33]Seeabove,p.200,n.1.[34]HewasanAssyriangeneralnamedPulu,theleaderoftherevolt,andhe

took thefamousnameofTiglath-pileser tomarkhisassumptionof royal rank;butheretainedhisownnameinBabylon(seep.268).

[35]Thoughwe only possess a few contract-tablets of this period, the factthatthePtolemaicCanonbeginswiththereignofNabonassar(seeabove,p.265,n.1)isevidencethatitmarkedarevivalofliteraryactivity,accompaniedbyastudyofthechronologyandpossiblybyarevisionofthecalendar.

[36]So"Bab.Chron.,"I.,16;intheKings'ListheisdescribedasthesonofNabû-nadin-zêr.

[37]Seeabove,p.267,n.1.[38]Merodach-baladanclaimeddescent fromKrba-Marduk, thekingof the

EighthDynastywhosecured the throneofBabylonbyhisservicesagainst theArameans(seeabove,p.204).HemadehimselfpopularinBabylonbyrestoringtoitsformerownerspropertyconfiscatedbytheAssyrians.IntheFrontispiecetothisvolumeheisportrayedmakingagrantoflandtohisgovernorofBabylon.

[39]Seeabove,p.32f.

[40]According to the Ptolemaic Canon, the two years following Sargon'sdeathformedaperiodofinterregnum,thoughtheKings'ListassignsthethronetoSennacherib.Howeverthismaybe,weknowthatin703Marduk-zakir-shumproclaimedhimselfking;buthehadonly reigned foronemonthwhenhewasmurderedbyMerodach-baladan.

[41]InspiteofSennacherib'sdevastationofChaldea,Merodach-baladanhadassistedMushezib-Mardukinhisrevolt;buthehadthenfledwithhisfollowersin ships to the coast of Elam, where he died. Sennacherib built ships on theTigrisanddraggedthemoverlandtotheEuphrates,wherehistroopsembarked.

[42] An interesting description of the state of Babylon on Esarhaddon'saccessionisgivenintherecentlypublishedcylinder,inscribedintheyearofhisaccession;cf.King,"KouyunjikCatalogue(Supplement),"pp.xviii.f.,7f.,and"Cun.TextsintheBrit.Mus.,"XXXIV.,pl.1f.

[43]Wehaverecoveredalapis-lazulicylinder-seal,engravedwithafigureof"Adad of E-sagila," which he dedicated in that temple; see Fig. 65, and cf.Weissbach,"Bab.Misc.,"p.17.

[44]EsarhaddonhadplunderedMemphis, but in a fewmonths it hadbeenrecoveredbyEgyptandtheAssyriangarrisonmassacred.OnhisfinalEgyptiancampaign in 661, Ashur-bani-pal sacked and destroyed Thebes, and for someyearsafterwardsEgyptcontinuedtoacknowledgeAssyriancontrol.

[45]ThesubjectofAshur-bani-pal'sprobableidentificationwithKandalanu,andthesubsequentrelationsofBabylontoAshur-etil-ihini,Sin-shuni-lishir,andSin-shar-ishkunwillbetreatedinthethirdvolumeofthishistory.

CHAPTERIX

THENEO-BABYLONIANEMPIREANDTHEPERSIANCONQUEST

Freed fromherAssyrian oppressors,Babylon now renewed her youth, andthe city attained a material splendour and magnificence such as she had notachievedduringthelongcourseofherearlierhistory.Butittookhermorethanageneration to realize to the full her newly awakened ambitions. After hisdeclarationofindependence,Nabopolassar'sinfluencedidnotextendfarbeyondthewallsofBabylonandBorsippa.Theothergreatcities,bothinthenorthandsouth,continuedforatimetoacknowledgeAssyriansupremacy.ButthesonsofAshur-bani-pal, who succeeded him upon the throne, had inherited a reducedempire,whose sole support, theAssyrian army,wasnow largely composedofdisheartened mercenaries. In Ashur-bani-pal's reign there had been signs ofcomingchangeandoftheappearanceofnewracesbeforewhomtheAssyriansweredoomedtodisappear.ThedestructionofUrartuhadremovedavitalbarrieragainst the incursion of the nomad tribes, andwith its disappearancewe findnew racial elements pressing into Western Asia, of the same Indo-EuropeanfamilyasthatoftheMedesandtheirIraniankinsfolk.TheseweretheScythians,who in the middle of the seventh century had driven the Cimmerians beforethemintoAsiaMinor,anditwas theywhoagenerationlaterstruckthedeath-blowoftheAssyrianempire,pouringacrossitinresistlesshordes.Assyriahadnoforceinreservewithwhichtoopposetheirprogressorrepairtheirravages.

ForcenturiesthisgreatmilitarypowerhadstruckterrorthroughoutWesternAsia; but insatiable lust for dominion now met with its due reward. SinceSennacherib'sdaytheranksofthearmyhadbeenfilledwithleviesdrawnfromhersubjectpeoplesorwithmercenary troops,and thesewereapoorsubstitutefortheraceofhardyfighterswhohadbeensacrificedintheircountry'scountlesswars.SowhentheMedesinvestedNineveh,withthepossibleassistanceoftheScythians,andthepassiveencouragementofBabylon,thecapitalcouldlookfor

[1]

no assistance from her provinces. According to Herodotus the Medes hadalreadytwiceinvadedAssyriabeforethefinalinvestment;anditwasnaturalthatNabopolassar should have regarded them as his allies, and have concluded adefinitealliancewiththembymarryinghissonNebuchadnezzartothedaughterofCyaxares,theMedianking. Sennacherib'smightywallskepttheenemyatbayfor threeyears,but in606b.c. thecitywas takenbystorm,and lateragespreservedthetraditionthatSin-shar-ishkun,theSarakosoftheGreeks,perishedintheflamesofhispalace,ratherthanfallaliveintothebesiegers'hands.

ThoughhedoesnotappeartohavetakenanyactivepartinthelongsiegeofNineveh,Nabopolassarwasnotslowinsecuringhisshareof thedismemberedempire.Thenorthern territoryofAssyria, includingNorthernMesopotamia,fell to theMedes,while the southern districts became parts ofNabopolassar'sempireunderapossibleMediansuzerainty. ButBabylonwassoontoputhernewlyorganized army to the test.Twoyears before the fall ofNinevehEgypthad seized the opportunity, afforded her byAssyria's impotence, of occupyingPalestineandSyria. ShehadcrushedJosiahandhisHebrewarmyatMegiddo,and, thoughit isnotcertainwhetherJudahhadthesupportofotherallies, it isclear that Necho encountered no effective opposition on his advance to theEuphrates.ButNabopolassardidnotintendtoallowthisportionoftheAssyrianempire to fall to Egypt unchallenged, and he despatched a Babylonian forcenorth-westwardsalong theEuphratesunder the commandof the crown-prince,Nebuchadnezzar. The two armies met at Carchemish in 604 b.c., where theEgyptians were utterly routed and driven back through Palestine. ButNebuchadnezzardidnotpresshispursuitbeyondthebordersofEgypt,fornewsreachedhimatPelusiumofNabopolassar'sdeath,andhewasobligedtoreturnatonce toBabylon in order to carry out at the capital the necessary ceremoniesattendinghisaccessiontothethrone.

In spite of his withdrawal from the country, the greater part of Syria andPalestinelostnotimeintransferringtheirallegiancetoBabylon.ThelittlestateofJudahwasanexception,for,thoughshepaidhertributeatfirst,shesoonputthewarningsoftheprophetJeremiahatdefiance,andhershort-sightedrevoltledtothecaptureofJerusalembyNebuchadnezzarin596b.c.,andtothecarryingawayofalargeportionofherpopulationintocaptivity.AfewyearslaterEgypt

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

made her last attempt to reoccupy Palestine and Syria, and Judah joined thePhoenician cities of Sidon and Tyre in rallying to her support. In 587Nebuchadnezzar advanced into Northern Syria and took up a strong strategicpositionatRiblahon theOrontes,whencehedespatchedapartofhisarmy tobesiegeJerusalem.AnattemptbyApries,theEgyptianking,torelievethecitywas unsuccessful, and in 586 Jerusalemwas oncemore taken and the greaterpartoftheremnantoftheJewsfollowedtheirfellow-countrymenintoexile.TheBabylonianarmythenoccupiedPhoenicia, thoughthecityofTyreofferedanobstinateresistanceandonlyacknowledgeditsallegiancetoBabylonafteralongsiege,whichissaidtohavelastedforthirteenyears.

ThusNebuchadnezzarcompletedtheworkbegunbyhisfather,Nabopolassar,and, by the skilful and vigorous prosecution of his campaigns, established theNeo-Babylonianempireona firmbasis,so that itsauthoritywasunquestionedfrom thePersianGulf to theEgyptian frontier.Ofhis later campaignsnothinghas yet been published, beyond a fragmentary reference to a conflict withAmasisofEgypt in the thirty-seventhyearof his reign. Thoughwe do notknow the circumstances under which it took place, we may assume that theBabylonianarmywasagainvictoriousagainsttheEgyptiantroopsandtheGreekmercenaries who fought in their ranks. A tradition is indeed preserved byJosephusthatNebuchadnezzarmadeEgyptaBabylonianprovince,andalthoughthis is certainly an exaggeration, the evidence suggests that hemaywell haveconductedat leastonesuccessfulcampaignonEgyptian territory.The troublesofApriesinconsequenceofhisill-advisedexpeditionagainstCyrene,followedby the revolt of Amasis and his own deposition and death, may well havefurnished the occasion for a successful invasion of the country byNebuchadnezzar.

A very large number of inscriptions have been recovered of the Neo-Babyloniankings,but,unlikethefoundation-recordsofAssyria,theycontainnoaccountsofmilitaryexpeditions,butconfinethemselvestocommemoratingtherestoration or erection of temples and palaces in Babylon and the other greatcities in the land. Considering his military successes, this is surprising inNebuchadnezzar'scase,andthesuggestionhasbeenmadethathemayhavetoldussolittleofhisexpeditionsandbattlesbecausetheywereperhapsundertaken

[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

atthebiddingofMediaashissuzerain. Cyaxareswashiskinsman,andthepart played by Babylon in the conflict of Media with Lydia may well beexplainedonthathypothesis.

BRONZEDOOR-STEPFROME-ZIDA, INSCRIBEDWITHTHENAMEANDTITLESOFNEBUCHADNEZARii.

Brit.Mus.,No.90851.With the passing of Assyrian power the political importance of Lydia had

risen considerably, and under Sadyattes andAlyattes, the successors ofArdysupon theLydian throne, the ravagesof theCimmerian invasionwere repaired.Thesemonarchshadconductedalongseriesofattacksuponthecitiesandstatesof Ionia, and, though they were in the main successful, they used up theresources of the nation without obtaining material advantages in return.Handicapped to this extent,Lydia entered upon a five years' strugglewith thegrowingpowerofCyaxares,whopushedbackhereasternfrontier.Matterscameto a head in 585 b.c.,when the great battlewas fought on theHalys betweenCyaxaresandAlyattesonMay28th.Thebattleisfamousforthetotaleclipseofthesun,whichtookplaceonthatday,andissaid tohavebeenforetoldbytheGreekastronomerThalesofMiletus. BythesubsequenttreatytheHalyswasfixed as the frontier betweenLydia and theMedian empire, and, according toHerodotus,itwasarrangedinpartthroughthemediationofNebuchadnezzar.TheinterventionofBabylonmusthavebeenundertakenintheMedianinterest,and it ispossible thatCyaxarescouldcountonNebuchadnezzar formore thanbenevolentneutralityincaseofneed.

Nebuchadnezzarappearsinhisinscriptionsasamightybuilder,andwehavealready seen how he transformed the city of Babylon.He entirely rebuilt andenlarged his father's royal palace, and in the course of his reconstructions

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

raised its terracedplatformtosogreataheightabove thesurroundingcityandplain,thatitsHangingGardenbecameoneofthesevenwondersoftheancientworld. HerebuiltthegreattemplesofE-zidaatBorsippaandofE-sagilaatBabylon,andtheSacredProcession-streetwithinthecityhesumptuouslypaved,spanningitbetweenthetempleofNinmakhandhisownpalacewiththefamousIshtar Gate, adorned with bulls and dragons in enamelled relief. Thefortifications of the city he also greatly strengthened by the extension of itsdoublelineofwallsandtheerectionofnewcitadels. Duringhis longreignofforty-twoyearshedevotedhisenergiesandthenewwealthofhiskingdomtothis work of rebuilding, both in the capital and in the other ancient religiouscentresofBabylonia. ThedecorationofthefaçadeofNebuchadnezzar'sownpalace reflects the influence of the West upon Babylonian art; and we maypicture her markets and quays as thronged with foreign caravans andmerchandise.Evidenceofherextendedhorizonatthisperiodmayalsobetracedin the interestwhichNebuchadnezzar showed in the sea-traffic on thePersianGulf, which doubtless led him to construct a harbour in the swamps, and toprotectitagainstArabraidsbytheerectionofthetownofTeredontothewestoftheEuphrates,asanoutpostonthedesertfrontier.

Nebuchadnezzar's son, Amêl-Marduk, was an unworthy successor to hisfather.Duringhisshortreignhewasrestrainedneitherbylawnordecency,anditisnotsurprisingthatinlessthanthreeyearsthepriestlypartyshouldhavesecured his assassination and have set Neriglissar, his brother-in-law, in hisplace, aman of far stronger character and a soldier. The son of a privateBabylonian, Bêl-shum-ishkun, Neriglissar had married a daughter ofNebuchadnezzar, andwemay certainly identify himwithNergal-sharezer, theRab-magorBabyloniangeneralwhowaspresentatthesiegeofJerusalem. Astriking proof thatNeriglissar enjoyed highmilitary rank inNebuchadnezzar'sreignhasrecentlybeenobtainedinaletterfromErech,whichwaswrittenbyacaptaininchargeofabodyoftroopsstationedintheneighbourhoodofthatcity.

Thedateoftheletteriscertain,sincethecaptainreferstosoldiersontherollofNebuchadnezzarandNeriglissar;andincidentallyitgivesusaglimpseoftheunsatisfactory condition of the Babylonian army during Nebuchadnezzar'sclosingyears.Thecaptainisanxiousthatthedepletedstateofhiscompany,and

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21]

[22]

themeasureshecontemplatesinordertofill itsranks,shouldnotbeknowntoGubaru,whoexercisedahighcommandinNebuchadnezzar'sarmy.Itispossiblethatwemay identify thisgeneralwith thegovernorofGutium,whoplayedsoprominent a part in the Persian conquest. Knowing, as he doubtless did, theunsatisfactoryconditionofhiscountry's forces,hemayperhapshave regardedthetaskofopposingtheinvadersasquitebeyondtheirpowers. Neriglissar'sdeath, less than four years after his accession, must certainly have been thedeath-blow to any hopes his generals may have entertained of placing thecountry'smilitary organization and defence upon a sound footing. For his sonwaslittlemorethanachild,andafterninemonths'reignthepriestlypartyatthecapital succeeded in deposing him in favour of one of their own number,Nabonidus, a man of priestly descent and thoroughly imbued with thetraditionsofthehierarchy.ThenewkingcarriedonNebuchadnezzar'straditionof temple-reconstruction with enthusiasm, but he had none of his greatpredecessor's military aptitude. To his own priestly detachment he added theunpractical character of the archæologist, loving to occupy himself ininvestigatingthepasthistoryofthetemplesherebuilt,inplaceofcontrollinghiscountry'sadministration.Thebentofhismindiswellreflectedintheaccounthehas left usof thededicationof his daughter,Bêl-shalti-Nannar, as headof thecollegeofvotariesattachedtotheMoon-templeatUr. Itisclearthatthisactandtheaccompanyingceremonialinterestedhimfarmorethantheeducationofhisson;andanymilitaryaptitudeBelshazzarmayhavedevelopedwascertainlynotfosteredbyhisfatherorhisfather'sfriends.Itwasonlywhentheenemywasatthefrontierthatthekingmusthaverealizedhisownfatuity.

Thuswith theaccessionofNabonidus thecloseofBabylon's lastperiodofgreatnessisinsight.Buttheempiredidnotcrumbleofitsownaccord,forinoneofhisfoundation-recordsthekingboaststhatthewholeofMesopotamiaandtheWest, as far as Gaza on the Egyptian border, continued to acknowledge hisauthority. It requiredpressure fromwithout toshatter thedecayingempire,which from the first must have owed its success in no small measure to thefriendly and protective attitude ofMedia.When that essential supportwas nolonger forthcoming, it layat themercyof thenewpowerbeforewhichMediaherselfhadalreadygonedown.

[23]

[24]

[25]

[26]

ThePersiankingdomofCyrus,risingonanewwaveof theIndo-Europeanmigration,hadhadlittledifficultyinabsorbingthatoftheMedes. FiveyearsaftertheaccessionofNabonidus,CyrushaddeposedAstyages,and,unitinghisownfollowersfromthesouthofIranwiththeirMediankinsfolk,heproceededtodealwithCroesusofLydia.Underherlastking,thesuccessorofAlyattes,thepowerofLydiahadrisentoitsgreatestheight,andthefameofCroesus'wealthhadattractedmanyofthemoreculturedGreekstohiscourtatSardis.ButwhenCyrusmade himself master of theMedian empire, Croesus began to fear hisgrowingpower. In547b.c. he fought an indecisivebattlewith thePersians atPteriainCappadocia,nearthesiteoftheoldHittitecapital,andhethenretreatedonSardis.HerehesentforassistancetoSparta,EgyptandBabylon.ButCyrusdidnotdelaybeforerenewinghisattack,andheappearedunexpectedlybeforethe capital. The Lydian army was now signally defeated; Sardis, in whichCroesus had taken refuge, was captured after a siege, and the Lydian empirebroughttoanend.CyruswasthenfreetoturnhisattentiontoBabylon.

I. BAKED CLAY FOUNDATION CYLINDER OF NABONIDUS,REFERRINGTOTHEDEFEATOFASTYAGESBYCYRUS(Brit.Mus.,No.91109.)

II.BAKEDCLAYFOUNDATIONCYLINDEROFCYRUSRECORDINGHIS ENTRY INTO BABYLON WITHOUT BATTLE AND WITHOUTFIGHTING.

[27]

(Brit.Mus.,No90920.)If we should be right in identifying Gobryas or Gubaru, the governor of

Gutium,withtheBabyloniangeneralofthatname,whohadheldhighpositionunder Nebuchadnezzar, we may trace the speed and ease of the Persianconquest of Babylonia directly to his action in espousing the cause of theinvader. Foreseeing that the only hope for his country lay in its speedysubmission,hemayhaveconsideredthathewouldbeactinginitsbestinterestsifhedidnotopposeitsincorporationwithinthePersianempire,butrenderedtherevolution so far as possible a peaceful one.Thatwould explain the action ofCyrusinentrustingtheinvasionlargelytohishands;andthesubsequentrevoltofSipparisthemoreeasilyaccountedforifaBabyloniangeneralwithGubaru'sreputationhadappearedastheenvoyof thePersianking.Inanycasewemustassume that a large section of the Akkadian population was of that way ofthinking,quiteapartfromtheoppositiontohimselfthatNabonidushadarousedinthepriestlypartyofthecapital.

The defence of the country was entrusted by Nabonidus to his sonBelshazzar, whomet the advancing Persians at Opis, where he was defeated;and,asoftenasheattemptedtorallyhisforces,theywereagaindispersed.Sippar then opened its gates without fighting, Nabonidus fled, and Gubaruadvancingonthecapitalsecureditspeacefulsurrender.Thenativechronicleroftheseeventsrecordsthat,duringtheearlydaysofthePersianoccupationofthecity, the shields ofGutium surrounded the doors ofE-sagila, so that noman'sspearenteredthesacredshrinesandnomilitarystandardwasbroughtin. TherecordgainsfreshmeaningifwemayassumethatthegovernorofGutiumwashimself of native origin and a former general of theBabylonian army.On thethird day of the followingmonth Cyrusmade his state entry into the capital,beingreceivedbyallclasses,andespeciallybythepriesthoodandthenobles,asaliberator.HeappointedGubaruhisgovernorofBabylon,andthelatterappearstohavestampedoutfurtherresistancebypursuingBelshazzarandputtinghimtodeath. Nabonidushadalreadybeentaken,whenthecapitalsurrendered.

It is perhaps remarkable that the native priesthood, from whose ranksNabonidushimselfhadsprung,shouldhavewelcomedthePersiankingastheircountry's deliverer, whose victory had been brought about by Marduk, the

[28]

[29]

[30]

[31]

nationalgod.But,after securing thesecularcontrol,Nabonidushadgiven freereintohispriestlyambition,and,asaconsequence,hadestrangedhisownparty.Hisimaginationmayhavebeenfiredbysomeill-advisedschemeofcentralizingworship; but, whatever his motive, the king had collected many of the cult-imagesthroughoutthecountryintothecapital,littlereckingthathetherebytorethe gods from their ancient habitations. By restoring the gods to their localshrines,Cyrusgainedinpopularity,andcompletelywonoverthepriesthood,byfarthemostpowerfulpoliticalsectionofthecommunity. Thus ithappenedthatBabylonmadeno further struggle to retainher freedom,and thewholeoftheterritoryshehadenjoyedwasincorporatedwithoutresistanceinthePersianempire.

With thepermanent loss ofBabylon's independence, theperiod coveredbythishistorydrawstoanend.Theepochformsaconvenientstopping-place;but,unlikethefalloftheAssyrianempire,herconquestmadebutlittledifferencetothe life and activities of the population as a whole. It may therefore bepermissibletoglanceaheadalittle,andnotehersubsequentfortunesasasubjectprovince, under the foreign domination of the powers which succeeded oneanotherintheruleofthatregionofWesternAsia.Thetranquillityofthecountryunder Cyrus formed a striking contrast to the unrest and intrigue whichcharacterized itsattitudeunderAssyrian rule;and thiswasdue to the fact thatthepolicyheinauguratedintheprovincesofhisempirewasacompletereversalofAssyrianmethods.Forthenationalityofeachconqueredracewasrespected,anditwasencouragedtoretainitsownreligionanditslawsandcustoms.HenceBabylon's commercial life and prosperity suffered no interruption inconsequence of the change in her political status. Taxationwas notmateriallyincreased,andlittlewasalteredbeyondthenameandtitleofthereigningkinginthedatesuponcommercialandlegaldocuments.

Thisstateofthingswoulddoubtlesshavecontinued,hadnottheauthorityofthe Persian empire itself been rudely shaken during the reign of Cambyses,Cyrus' son and successor. The conquest of Egypt and its incorporation as anintegralpartoftheAchæmenianempire,towhichhedirectedhismainenergies,wereachievedafter thebattleofPelusiumand the fallofMemphis.Butwhenattempting to extend his sway over Nubia in the south, he received news ofrevolt in Persia. Before his departure for Egypt he had murdered his brother

[32]

[33]

Bardiya,known to theGreeksasSmerdis.Themurderhadbeenkepta secret,and the revolt against the absent king was now headed by aMagian, namedGaumata,whogavehimselfoutasthemissingSmerdisandthetrueheirtothethrone. Cambysesmade preparations to repress the revolt, but died on hisreturnjourneyinSyriain522.Thedeathofthekinggaveafreshimpetustotheforces of rebellion, which now began to spread through the provinces of thePersian empire. But Gaumata, the Persian rebel, soon met his fate. For afterCambyses'death,thePersianarmywasledbackbyDarius,aprinceofthesamehouseasCyrusandhisson;Gaumatawassurprisedandmurdered,andDariusfirmly established on the throne. Darius continued to act with extraordinaryenergy,andinthecourseofasingleyearsucceededinquellingtherebellionsinBabylonandinthevariousprovinces. Ontherock-faceofBehistuninPersia,on the road from Babylon to Ecbatana, he has left us sculptured portraits ofhimself and the rebel leaders he subdued. The latter include Nidintu-Bêl andArakha,thetwopretenderstotheBabylonianthrone.

ThesiegesofBabylonbyDariusmarkthebeginningofthecity'sdecay.Herdefences had not been seriously impaired by Cyrus, but they now sufferedconsiderably.The citywas again restlessduringDarius' closingyears, andfurther damage was done to it in the reign of Xerxes, when the Babyloniansmade their lastbids for independence. ForXerxes is saidnotonly tohavedismantled thewalls, but tohaveplundered anddestroyed thegreat templeofMardukitself.Largeareasinthecity,whichhadbeenawonderofthenations,nowbegantoliepermanentlyinruins.Babylonenteredonanewphasein331b.c.,whenthelongstrugglebetweenGreeceandPersiawasendedbythedefeatofDariusIII.atGaugamela.ForSusaandBabylonsubmittedtoAlexander,whoon proclaiming himself King of Asia, took Babylon as his capital. We maypicturehimgazingonthecity'sgreatbuildings,manyofwhichnowlayruinedanddeserted.LikeCyrusbeforehim,hesacrificedtoBabylon'sgods;andheissaidtohavewishedtorestoreE-sagila,Marduk'sgreattemple,buttohavegivenuptheidea,asitwouldhavetakententhousandmenmorethantwomonthstoremovetherubbishfromtheruins.Butheseemstohavemadesomeattemptinthat direction, since a tablet has been found, dated in his sixth year, whichrecords a payment of ten manehs of silver for "clearing away the dust of E-

[34]

[35]

[36]

[37]

[38]

[39]

sagila."

IMPRESSIONS OF NEO-BABYLONIAN AND PERSIAN CYLINDERSEALS.

Brit.Mus.,Nos.18249,89146,89352.While the old buildings decayed, some new ones arose in their place,

includingaGreektheatrefortheuseofthelargeGreekcolony. ManyoftheBabylonians themselves adopted Greek names and fashions, but the moreconservative elements, particularly among the priesthood, continued to retaintheirownseparatelifeandcustoms.Intheyear270b.c.wehavearecordthatAntiochus Soter restored the temples of Nairn and Marduk at Babylon andBorsippa, andtherecentdiggingsatErechhaveshownthattheoldtempleinthatcityretaineditsancientcultunderanewname. Inthesecondcenturyweknowthat, inacornerof thegreat templeatBabylon,Mardukand theGodofHeavenwereworshippedasatwo-folddeityunderthenameofAnna-Bêl;andwehearofpriestsattachedtooneofBabylon'soldshrinesaslateastheyear29b.c.ServicesinhonourofthelaterformsoftheBabyloniangodswereprobablycontinuedintotheChristianera.

[39]

[40]

[41]

[42]

The life of the ancient city naturally flickered longest around the ruinedtemplesandseatsofworship.Onthesecularside,asacommercialcentre,shewasthenbutaghostofherformerself.HerrealdecayhadsetinwhenSeleucus,aftersecuringthesatrapyofBabylononAlexander'sdeath,hadrecognizedthegreater advantages offered by the Tigris for maritime communication. On thefoundation of Seleucia, Babylon as a city began rapidly to decay.Deserted atfirst by the official classes, followed later by themerchants, she decreased inimportance as her rival grew. Thus it was by a gradual and purely economicprocess,andthroughnosuddenblow,thatBabylonslowlybledtodeath.

[1]I.,102f.[2]According toAbydenus inEusebius, "Chron., lib. I.," ed.Schoene, col.

37;theaccountispreservedintheArmenianversion.[3]ThiswouldseemtofollowfromNabonidus'referencestoE-khulkhul,the

templeofSininHarran,anditsdestructionbytheUmman-mandaafterthefallofNineveh(cf.Langdon,"Neubab.Königsinschriften,"pp.220f.,272ff.);seeHogarth,"TheAncientEast,"p.123.ThetermMandaislooselyemployedintheinscriptions.

[4]Seebelow,pp.278f.,282.[5]AfterthrowingofftheAssyrianyokeEgypt,undertheXXVIthDynasty,

entered on a last period of independence, and it was natural that she shoulddreamoncemoreofAsiaticempire.

[6]TheEgyptianarmyatthistimemusthavebeenaverymixedhost,drawningreatpartfromtheAfricanprovincesofEgypt,anditsstiffeningofGreekandCarian mercenaries was probably untrustworthy; cf. Maspero, "Histoireancienne,"III.,p.530f.,andHall,"AncientHistoryoftheNearEast,"p.543f.

[7]Zedekiah,thelastofthekingsofJudah,paiddearlyforhisrebellion.Hewas captured on his flight from Jerusalem, and carried to Riblah, whereNebuchadnezzarslewhissousbeforehiseyes,blindedhim,andthensenthiminchainstoBabylon(II.Kings,xxv.,Iff.).

[8]From585to573b.c.[9]Forthetextofthetablet,seeStrassmaier,"Nabuchodonosor,"p.194,No.

329,andforafulldiscussionofitscontents,cf.Winckler,"Altorient.Forsch.,"

I.,pp.511ff.;inRev.,1.I,itmentions"[Am]ûsu,kingofEgypt."[10]Cf.Hogarth,"TheAncientEast,"p.124f.[11] Herodotus (I., 74) relates that the Medes and Lydians, when they

perceivedthedaysuddenlychangedintonight,ceasedfighting(evidentlytakingitasaportentfromthegods)andwereanxiousfortermsofpence.

[12]TheBabyloniankingmusthavebeenNebuchadnezzar,thoughthenamegiven by Herodotus as "Labynetus" is best explained as a corruption ofNabonidus(Nabû-na'id).

[13]Seeabove,pp.38ff.[14]ForasuggestedidentificationoftheHangingGardenswithabuildingin

thenorth-eastcornerofthepalaceontheSouthernCitadel,seeabove,pp.40ff.[15]Seeabove,pp.51ff.[16]Seeabove,pp.24ff.,58.[17]For adiscussionof the temples inBabylon,whichNebuchadnezzar in

great part rebuilt, see above, pp. 61 ff. His building activity in other cities isattested by his foundation-records; cf. Langdon, "Neubab. Königsinschriften,"pp.70ff.

[18]Cf.Abydenus, inEusebius,"Chron. lib. I.,"ed.Schoene,Col.39f.,orMüller, "Fragm. Hist. Graec.," IV., p. 284, which may perhaps reproduce astatementofBerossus;seeBevan,"HouseofSeleucus,"I.,p.247.

[19]AccordingtoBerossushereignedἀνόμωςκαὶἀσελγῶς(cf.Josephusc.Apion.I.,20,inMüller,op.cit.,p.507).

[20]Evidencethatheowedhiselectiontothepriestlypartymaybeseeninthe approval accorded him by Nabonidus; cf. Nab. Stele, Col. IV., 11. 24 ff.(Langdon,"Neubab.Königsinschriften,"p.276f.).

[21]7Jer.xxxix.,3,13.[22]Cf.Scheil,"Rev.d'Assyr.,"XI.,No.iv.(1914),pp.105ff.[23]Seebelow,p.283.[24]Cf.Dhorme,"RevueBiblique,"1903,pp.131ff.[25]Cf.Dhorme,"Rev.d'Assyr.,"XI.,No.iii.(1914),pp.105ff.Aduplicate

accountofthededicationwillappearinProf.Clay'sforthcoming"Miscellaneous

InscriptionsintheValeBabylonianCollection,"No.45.[26] See his cylinder in the British Museum, 82-7-4, 1025 recording his

restorationofthetemplesinHarranandSippar,Col.I.,11.38ff.;cf.Langdon,"Neuhab.Königsinschriften,"p.220f.

[27]ThoughCyruswasatfirstmerelykingofAnshaninElam,withSusaashis capital, hewas undoubtedly ofAryan descent. The rise of the southern orPersian group of the Iranians coincided with the westward expansion of theMedianempire,andthefusionofthetwobranchesmaywellhavebeenfosteredby disaffection in the north, due to the favour shown by theMedian kings totheirScythiansubjects.Thiswould ingreatmeasureaccount for theeasewithwhichCyruspossessedhimselfoftheMedianempire;cf.Hogarth,"TheAncientEast,"pp.150ff.

[28]Seeabove,p.281.[29]Seethe"Nabonidus-CyrusChronicle,"Rev.,Col.111.,11.12ff.;andcp.

Hagen,"Beitr.zurAssyr.,"II.,p.222f.[30]Cf."Nab.-Cyr.Chron.,"Col.III.,11.16ff.[31] The passage in the Chronicle, which appears to record this act on

Gubaru'spart(Col.III.,1.22f.),isbrokenanditsreadingisnotcertain;butthefact that thenextentryrelates toaperiodofnationalmourning inAkkad is infavouroftheinterpretationsuggested.

[32]Cf."Nab.-Cyr.Chron.,"Col.III.,1l.18ff.[33] The enormous number of these that have been recovered attest the

continuedprosperityofthecountry.[34]Cf.KingandThompson,"SculpturesandInscriptionofDarius,"pp.6ff.[35] Cf. Weissbach, "Zeits. für Deutsch. Morgenland. Gesellschaft," Bd.

LXII. (1908), pp. 631 ff. The majority of the national revolts were probablysuppressed during the accession-year of Darius and the early part of his firstyear. The later revolts of Susiania and Scythia also gave little difficulty;Weissbach(ib.,p.641)suggestsarestorationofthePersiantextoftheBehistunInscriptionwhichwouldplacetheminthefourthandfifthyearofDarius'reign.

[36]SeeKingandThompson,op.cit.,Platesiii.,xv.andxvi.[37]Itwasonly towards theendofDarius' reign,after theEgyptianrevolt,

thatwehaveevidencepointingtoarenewalofBabylonianunrest(seebelow,n.4).ThefearinspiredbyDariusonhisaccessionwasevidentlyfeltthroughouthisAsiatic provinces, and it was the revolt of Egypt, not Asia, that checked hisactivitiesagainsttheGreeks.

[38] For a list of documents dated in the brief reigns of Bel-simanni,Shamash-erba,andtwootherBabylonianusurpersofthisperiod,seeWeissbach,op. cit., p. 044. The extraordinary variants inwriting the Babylonian form ofXerxes' name show the difficulty the Babylonians had in pronouncing it; butAkshimakshucanhardlyberegardedassuchavariant,andmaywellbethatofarebelwhosecuredabriefperiodofpower(cf.alsoBoissier,"Orient.Lit.-Zeit.,"1013,p.300).Ontheevidenceofthepropernamesoccurringinthecontracts,heandtheothersarealltobeplacedinthereignofXerxesorinthelastyearsofDarius.

[39]Cf.Oppert,"Comptesrendus,"1898,pp.414ff.[40]Seeabove,p.83,Fig.31,«I.Thetheatrewasbuiltofmud-brick;forthe

pillars and their bases a sort of concrete was employed, made of burnt-brickrubbleandgypsummortar,washedoverwithwhiteplaster.

[41]Cf.Rawlinson,"Cun.Inscr.West.Asia,"V.,pl.66.[42] In contract-tablets from the site, dating from the third and second

centuriesb.c., theold templeE-anna isalwaysreferred tounder thenameBît-rêsh,"ChiefTemple,"or"ChiefBuilding"(cf.Clay,"BabylonianRecordsintheLibraryofJ.PierpontMorgan,"Pt.II.,1913).Prof.Clayhasrecentlysentmeatranscriptofaveryinterestingbuilding-inscriptionfromthesamesite,drawnupin the year 244 b.c., which will appear as No. 52 in his forthcoming"Miscellaneous Inscriptions." It records the rebuilding ofBît-rêsh by a certainAnu-uballit, the second prefect ( shanû ) of Erech, who also bore the GreeknameΝίαρκοςNikiḳarḳusu,Nikarḳusu;itwasclearlyaprivilegetobearaGreekname,ashetellsushewasgivenhisby"Antiochus,kingofthelands."ThetextfurnishesadditionalevidenceofthesurvivaloftheliterarylanguageofBabylonforofficialrecords,andoftheconservatismofthereligiouscult.

CHAPTERX

GREECE,PALESTINEANDBABYLON:ANESTIMATEOFCULTURALINFLUENCE

During the Persian and Hellenistic periods Babylon exerted an influenceupon contemporary races of which we may trace some survivals in thecivilization of the modern world. She was the mother of astronomy, and thetwelvedivisionsonthedialofourclocksandwatcheswereultimatelyderived,throughGreekchannels,fromherancientsystemoftime-division.Itwasunderthe Neo-Babylonian kings that the Hebrew race first came into close contactwithher culture, and there canbenodoubt that the Jews, in the timeof theircaptivity,renewedtheirinterestinhermythologywhentheyfounditpresentedsomeparallelstotheirown.Butinthecourseofthishistoryithasbeenshownthat, during far earlier periods, the civilization of Babylon had penetratedthroughout a great part ofWesternAsia. It is admitted that, as a result of herwestward expansion at the time of the First Dynasty, her culture had spreadduringsubsequentperiodstotheMediterraneancoast-lands,andhadmouldedtosome extent the development of those peopleswithwhom it came in contact.And since the religious element dominated her own activities in a greatermeasurethanwasthecasewithmostotherracesofantiquity,ithasbeenurgedthat many features in Hebrew religion and in Greek mythology can only berightlyexplainedbyBabylonianbeliefsinwhichtheyhadtheirorigin.Itisthepurpose of this chapter to examine a theory of Babylon's external influence,which has been propagated by a school of writers and has determined thedirectionofmuchrecentresearch.

ItisscarcelynecessarytoinsistonthemannerinwhichmaterialdrawnfromBabylonianandAssyriansourceshashelpedtoelucidatepoints in thepoliticaland religioushistoryof Israel.Scarcely less striking, thoughnot sonumerous,are the echoes fromBabylonian legendswhich have long been recognized asexisting inGreekmythology. The best known example of direct borrowing is

undoubtedly the myth of Adonis and Aphrodite, the main features of whichcorrespondcloselytotheBabylonianlegendofTammuzandIshtar.Inthiscasenotonlythemyth,buttheaccompanyingfestivalandriteswerealsoborrowed,passingtoGreecebywayofByblosontheSyriancoastandPaphosinCyprus,both centres of Astarte worship. Another Greek legend, obviously ofBabylonian origin, is that ofActseon,who is clearly to be identifiedwith theshepherd, loved by Ishtar and changed by her into a leopard, so that he washuntedandkilledbyhisownhounds.

SomeparallelshavealsolongbeenpointedoutbetweenthenationalheroesHeraclesandGilgamesh.Itistruethatmostracesofantiquitypossessstoriesofnationalheroesofsuperhumanstrengthandpower,buttherearecertainfeaturesinthetraditionsconcerningHeracleswhichmayhavesomeultimateconnexionwith theGilgameshcycleof legends. Lessconvincing is theanalogywhichhasbeensuggestedbetweenIcarusandEtana,theBabylonianheroordemi-god,whosucceededinflyingtothehighestheavenonlytofallheadlongtotheearth.ForinEtana'scasethereisnoquestionofhumanflight:hewascarriedtoheavenbyhisfriendtheEagle,towhosewingsheclungwhiletheymountedtoheaven'sgates.But theexamplesalreadyreferred tomaysuffice to illustrate thewayinwhich it has long been agreed that Babylonian mythology may have left itsimpressonthatofGreece.

But theviewsnowheldbyaconsiderablebodyofscholarssuggestamuchbroaderextensionofBabylonianinfluencethanisimpliedbyaseriesofisolatedandfortuitousconnexions;and,asthecharacterofthisinfluenceisexhypothesiastronomical,anyattempttodefineitslimitswithprecisionisamatterofsomedifficulty.Foritwillbeobviousthat,ifwemayassumeanastronomicalbasisorbackground to any two mythologies, we at once detect a great number ofcommon features the existence of which we should not otherwise havesuspected.And the reason is not far to seek; for the astronomical phenomenawithwhichwegotoworkarenecessarilyrestrictedinnumber,andtheyhavetodo dutymany times over as a background in each system. In spite of thisdisadvantage, which is inherent in their theory,Winckler and his school haverendered good service in working out the general relationship which wasbelievedbytheBabylonianstoexistbetweentheheavenlybodiesandtheearth.

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

He has shown sound reasons for assuming that, according to the tenets ofBabylonian astrology, events and institutions on earth were in a certain sensecopiesofheavenlyprototypes.

It is well known that the Babylonians, like the Hebrews, conceived theuniverse as consistingof threeparts: theheavenabove, the earthbeneath, andthewatersundertheearth.TheBabyloniansgraduallyelaboratedthisconceptionoftheuniverse,andtracedintheheavensaparalleltothethreefolddivisionofearth,separatingtheuniverseintoaheavenlyandanearthlyworld.Theearthlyuniverseconsistedasbeforeofthreedivisions,thatistosaytheheaven(limitedtotheairoratmosphereabovetheearth),theearthitself,andthewatersbeneathit. Those corresponded in the heavenly world to the Northern heaven, theZodiac, and the Southern heaven or heavenly ocean. By the later Babylonianperiod the greater gods had long become identified with the planets, and thelesser godswith the fixed stars, each deity having his special house or star inheaveninadditiontohistempleonearth.ThisideaappearstohavebeencarriedstillfurtherbythelaterGreekastrologers,bywhomlandsandcitiesinadditionto templeswere thought tohavetheircosmiccounterparts. Butevenfor theBabyloniansthemovingstarswerenotmerelysymbolsservingasinterpreterstomenofthedivinewill;theirmovementsweretheactualcauseofeventsonearth.TouseanappositesimileofWinckler,heavenwasbelievedtoberelatedtoearthmuchasamovingobjectseeninamirrorwasrelatedtoitsreflection.

LIMESTONESTATUEOFTHEGODNABÛATNIMRÛD.In order to illustrate the way in which these astral ideas are said to have

supplied material to Greek mythology, a test instance may be selected, thesuggested explanation of which involves one of the essential features of

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Winckler'sastralsystemasheeventuallyelaboratedit. Wewilltakethestoryof theGoldenLambofAtreusandThyestes,which is introducedbyEuripidesinto one of the choruses in his Electra According to the story, which isreferred to, but not explicitly told, by Euripides, the Lamb with the GoldenFleecewasbroughtbyPantoAtreus,andwasregardedbytheArgivesasasignthathewasthetrueking.ButhisbrotherThyestes,withthehelpofAtreus'wife,stoleitandclaimedtobeking;sostrifeensued,goodwasturnedtoevil,andthestarswereshakenintheircourses.ItiscuriousthatthetheftoftheLambshouldhavesuchaspecialeffectupontheheavensandtheweather,forthisisdefinitelystatedinthesecondstropheandantistropheofthechorus. Thoughdetailsareobscure,itisclearthatweherehavealegendwithstronglymarkedastrologicalelements.ThetheftoftheLambchangesthesun'scourse,andfromotherlinesinthechoruswegatherthatthealterationledtothepresentclimaticconditionsoftheworld,therain-cloudsflyingnorthwardandleaving"theseatsofAmnion"—thatis,theLibyandesert—parchedanddewless.

In itsoriginal form the legendmaywellhavebeenastoryof theFirstSin,after which the world was changed to its present state, both moral andatmospheric. ThereisdefiniteevidencethattheGoldenLambwasidentifiedwith the constellation Aries; and since Babylon was admittedly the home ofastrology,itisnotanimprobablesuggestion,inspiteofthereferencetoAmmon,that we should regard it as one of the lost legends of Babylon. According toWinckler'stheoryoftheBabylonianreligion,weshouldgofurther,andtracetheoriginofthelegendtoaconvulsioninBabylonianthoughtwhichtookplaceinthe ninth and eighth centuries b.c.At this period, it is asserted, the sun at thevernalequinoxwasmovingfromtheconstellationTaurus intoAries,Thebull,accordingtothetheory,wasidentifiedwithMarduk,thegodofBabylon, andallthetimehewasyieldinghisplacetotheRam,BabylonwasdecliningbeforethepowerofAssyria.Thedisorganizationofthecalendarandtheseasons,duetothe imperfect method of time-reckoning in vogue, was associated with thisevent,givinganimpetustoafreshbirthoflegends,oneofwhichhasfounditswayinaGreekdressintothischorusofEuripides.Or,asithasbeenputratherdifferently,thestoryisapieceofBabylonianastronomymisunderstood.

Thetheoryunderlyingthisinterpretationofthelegendisbasedontheaxiom

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that the Babylonian religion was essentially a star-worship, and that behindeverydepartmentof thenational literature,secularaswellas religious, lay thesame astral conception of the universe. Before treating the theory in greaterdetail,itmaybewelltoascertainhowfarthehistoryofthecountrysubstantiatesthis view. In the earliest period ofwhichwe have recoveredmaterial remainstherecanbenodoubtthatimage-worshipformedacharacteristicfeatureoftheBabylonian religious system, thoughwe have nomeans of tracing its gradualevolution out of the fetish and stock-and-stone worship which necessarilypreceded it. The extraneous civilization, which the Sumerians introduced,mostprobablyincludedcult-imagesoftheirgods,andthesemaywellhavebeenalreadyanthropomorphic.Fashionedin thegod'sform, the imagewasbelievedtoenshrinehispresence,andfortheBabyloniansofallperiodsitneverlostthisanimisticcharacter.

FIG.66.FIG.67.FIG.68.THEWEATHER-GODANDTWOGODDESSESFROMANASSYRIAN

BAS-RELIEF.The goddesses wear the homed headdresses of Babylonian deities, and, as

they are represented being carried by soldiers, they had probably been takenfromacapturedBabyloniantown.

(AfterLayard.)

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FIG.69.FIGUREOFDEITYINSHRINE.(AfterLayard.)A tribal or city-god, in his earliest stage of development, was doubtless

wholly identified with his cult-image. No more than one image of each wasworshipped,andtheideaofagod'sexistenceapartfromthisvisibleformmusthave been of gradual growth. The misfortunes of the material image,especiallyifunaccompaniedbynationaldisaster,wouldhavefosteredabeliefinthe god's existence apart from his visible body ofwood or stone.And such abelief eventually developed into the Babylonian conception of a heavenlydivisionoftheuniverse,inwhichthegreatgodshadtheirdwelling,makingtheirpresencemanifesttomeninthestarsandplanetsthatmovedacrossthesky.Butthis development marked a great advance upon pure image-worship, andundoubtedly followed thegrowthofapantheonoutofacollectionof separateanddetachedcity-gods.Wehavenomeansofdatingtheassociationofsomeofthegreatergodswithnaturalforces.Itwouldseemthat,intheearlierSumerianperiod, religious centres in the countrywere alreadyassociatedwith lunar andsolarcultsandwithotherdivisionsofnature-worship.Butitisquitecertainthat,during all subsequent stages of Babylonian history, the divine image neverdegenerated into amere symbol of divinity.Without consciouslypostulating atheory in explanation of his belief, the Babylonian found no difficulty inreconciling a localization of the divine person with his presence at other cultcentresandultimatelywithaseparatelifeintheheavenlysphere.

Thatthiswasactuallythecaseisprovedbyanumberofhistoricalexamples.WiththeriseofBabylonwemaynotetheimportantpartwhichtheactualimageofMardukplayedineachcoronationceremonyandintherenewaloftheking's

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oath at every subsequentFeast of theNewYear; the hands of no other imagethanthatinE-sagilawouldserveforthekingtograsp.InHammurabi'sreignweseetheBabylonian'sconceptionofhisvisiblegodsreflectedinhistreatmentofforeign images. The internationalexchangeofdeities in the fourteenthandthirteenthcenturieshasalreadybeenreferredto, andtherecoveryofcapturedimageswas always recordedwith enthusiasm. For the images themselvesconstitutedanation'schiefweaponofoffence,andtherewasalwaysthechancethat,ifproperlytreatedbytheircaptors,theymighttransfertheirinfluencetotheotherside.ThiscloseconnexionbetweenthegodandhisimagesurvivedintotheNeo-Babylonian period, andNabonidus' offence in the eyes of the priesthoodwassimplythatheignoredthefeeling.HistoricalevidencethussuggeststhattheastralaspectofdivinityinBabyloniawasnotanoriginalfeatureofitsreligioussystem,andthatitwasneveradoptedtotheexclusionofmoreprimitiveideas.

DIVINEEMBLEMSONACHARTEROFNEBUCHADNEZZARI.Brit.Mus.,No.90838.AsimilarresultfollowsifweexaminetherelationofaBabyloniandeityto

his sculptured emblem, bymeans ofwhich his authority or presence could incertaincircumstancesbesecuredorindicated.Theoriginofsuchemblemswasnotastrological,norisittobesoughtinliver-augury:theywerenotderivedfrom

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fanciedresemblancestoanimalsorobjects,presentedeitherbyconstellationsinheaven,orbymarkingsontheliverofavictim.Itisclearthattheyaroseinthefirst instance from the characters or attributes assumed by the gods in themythology; their transference to constellations was a secondary process, andtheirdetection in liver-markingsresulted,not in theirownoriginbut in thatoftheomen. In theearliestperiod theemblemofacity-godmightsymbolizehis city's power, and those of other deities expressed some quality in thecharacteroftheirpossessor,orweredrawnfromaweapon,objectoranimalwithwhichtheywereassociatedintradition.

Anotherclassofimagesweretheanimalforms,alsodrawnlargelyfromthemythology,whichadornedtheearliertemplesandwerereproducedinenamelledbrickworkonsecularbuildingsbytheNeo-Babyloniankings.Mostofthese,inthelaterasintheearlierperiods,wereplacedneartemple-entrances,andwherestonewassoplentifulthatitcouldbeusedinbulkinthestructureofbuildings,thedoorwaysthemselveswerecarvedinthesameway.Thatanimalformswereemployedtosymbolizesoundissuggestedbytherepresentationofagreatharpor lyreonaSumerian-bas-relief, inwhich thefigureofabullsurmounting thesound-caseisevidentlyintendedtosuggestthepeculiarlydeepandvibranttonesof the instrument. Moreover, on cylinder-seals engravedwith the figure oftheSun-godemergingfromtheEasternGateofheaven,twolionsareoftensetimmediatelyabovetheopeningdoors,andinonespecimenthegate-pivotsrestuponasecondpairarrangedsymmetricallybelowthem.

FIG.70.SUMERIANHARP.(AfterDéc.enChald.,pl.23.)Thesymbolismoftheseandsimilarmonstersmaywellhavebeensuggested

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by the grindingof the heavydoors in their stone sockets and the shrieking ofthairbolts. Thenoisessuggestedthecriesofanimals,which, inaccordancewith the tenets of primitive animism, were thought to inhabit the doors andgatewaysandtoguardthem.Wemayprobablytracetothisancestrythecolossallions and winged bulls which flanked the doorways of Assyrian and Persianpalaces,and,liketheenamelledmonstersofBabylonandPersepolis,continuedto be reproduced as divine guardians of a building after their primitiveassociationshadbeenforgottenormodified.

FIG.71.THEGUARDIANLIONSOFTHEEASTERNGATEOFHEAVEN.(AfterHeuzey.)Archæological evidence thus supports the view, already deduced from

historicalconsiderations,thatastrologydidnotdominatethereligiousactivitiesofBabylon.Andanexaminationoftheliteraturepointstothesameconclusion.Magicanddivinationbulklargelyinthetextsrecovered,andintheircasethereis nothing to suggest an underlying astrological element. We are the lessinclined,therefore,toaccepttheaxiomthatanastralconceptionoftheuniversepermeated and coloured Babylonian thought to such an extent, that not onlymyths and legends, but even historical events, were recorded in terms whichreflectthemovementsofthesun,moonandplanetsandtheotherphenomenaoftheheavens.Ifweoncegrantthisassumption,itmightperhapshavefollowed,astheastralmythologistsclaim,thatthebeliefsoftheBabylonianstar-worshippersbecametheprevailingdoctrineoftheancientEastandlefttheirtracesbroadcastupontherecordsofantiquity.Buttheoriginalassumptionappearstobeunsound,andthetheorycanonlyfindsupportbytreatinglateevidenceasapplicabletoallstagesofBabylonianhistory.

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FIG.72.WINGEDMONSTERONENAMELLEDFRIEZEATPERSEPOLIS.(AfterDieulafoy.)Therootsofthetheoryareplacedinapurelyimaginaryage,whereevidence

for or against it is lacking. Thus the oldest monuments which have beenrecovereduponBabyloniansitesarenotconsideredrelicsoftheearlystagesofBabylonian culture. It is asserted that in the periods behind them thereexistedanelaborateandhighlydevelopedcivilization,lyingbackinthedarknessbeyondtheearliestextantrecords.Inthetotalabsenceofmaterialevidence,itisnodifficulttasktopaintthisageincolourswhicharesharedbynootherearlyorprimitiveraceintheworld'shistory.Itisassumedthatwarandviolencehadnoexistence in Babylonia in this prehistoric time. Intellect dominated andcontrolledthepassionsoftheprimevalbuthighlygiftedpeople,andinparticularone form of intellectual conception based on a scientific knowledge ofastronomy.Itispostulatedthatapurelyastronomicaltheoryoftheuniverselayat therootof theircivilization,andgoverned theirwhole thoughtandconduct.Thiswasnoteachingofalearnedpriesthood,butwasauniversallyheldbeliefwhichpermeatedeverybranchofthenationalandindividuallife.Thetheoryinits perfect and uncorrupted state had perished with the other relics of itsinventors.But itwas inheritedby theSemitic immigrants intoBabylonia,and,thoughemployedbytheminanalteredandcorruptedform,has,itissaid,leftitstracesinthelaterrecords.Inthiswaytheastralmythologistwouldexplainthefragmentary character of his data, from which he claims to reconstruct theoriginalbeliefsintheirentirety.

OnesuchbeliefhasbeenpreservedbySeneca, who,givingBerossusashisauthority,referstoaChaldeantheoryofagreatyear,alongcosmicalperiod

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having,liketheyear,asummerandawinter.Thesummerismarkedbyagreatconflagrationproducedbytheconjunctionofall theplanets inCancer,andthewinterischaracterizedbyauniversaldelugecausedbyasimilarconjunctionofalltheplanetsinCapricorn.Theideaisevidentlybasedontheconceptionthat,asthesuccessionofdayandnightcorrespondstothechangesoftheseasons,sotheyearitselfmustcorrespondtogreatercyclesoftime.ThoughBerossusisourearliest authority, the doctrine is regarded as a primitiveBabylonian one. It isfurther argued that, even in the earliest period, the inhabitants of Babyloniaconceivedthehistoryoftheworldtohavebeenevolvedinaseriesofsuccessiveages,bearingthesamerelationtotheseaeonsoftheworld-cycleastheyearboretothem.

The theory of Ages of the World is familiar enough from the classicalconception,firstmetwithinHesiod's"WorksandDays," whichprofoundlyinfluenced later Greek speculation. There is nothing particularly astral aboutHesiod's conception of four ages, distinguished by the principal metals andshowingprogressivedeterioration.ButitisclaimedthatHesiod'stheory,andallparallel conceptions ofWorld-Ages, are derived from aBabylonian prototype,Hesiod'sGoldenAge reflecting thegeneralconditionofprehistoricBabylonia.Assuming a close correspondence between the zodiac and the earth in earlyBabylonian thought, it is argued that the inhabitants of the country from theearliestperiodsdividedtheworld'shistoryintoagesofabouttwothousandyearseach,accordingtotheparticularsignofthezodiacinwhichthesunstoodeachyear at the vernal equinox, when theNewYear's Festival was celebrated.Althoughtheseagesarenevernamednormentionedintheinscriptions,theyarereferredtobytheastralmythologistsastheAgesoftheTwins,theBull,andtheRam, fromthezodiacalconstellationsofGemini,Taurus,andAries.

This is a vital point of the theory and it postulates on the part of the earlyBabyloniansahighlyaccurateknowledgeofastronomy:itassumesaknowledgeof theprocessionof theequinoxes,whichcouldonlybebasedonavery rigidsystemofastronomicalobservationandrecord. ButtheancientBabyloniansaresupposed tohavebeenquitefamiliarwith thesefacts,and tohave tracedaclose connexion between them and the world's history. Certain myths aresupposed to have characterized each of these world ages, not only affecting

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religious beliefs, but so obsessing Babylonian thought that they influencedhistorical writings. As the sun at the vernal equinox gradually progressedthroughtheeclipticconstellations,so,accordingtothetheory,thehistoryoftheworld was believed to be evolved in harmony with its course, and the pre-ordainedfateoftheuniversewasslowlyunrolled.

TWOVIEWSOFACLAYMODELOFASHEEP'SLIVER,ANNOTATEDFORPURPOSESOFDIVINATION.

Brit.Mus.,No.90668.Up to thispoint theastral theory isverycompleteand,granting itsoriginal

hypotheses, it goes smoothly enough. But as soon as its authors try to fit theexistinglegendstotheirtheory,difficultiesbegin.InBabylonianmythologywefindnopairofheroeswhopresentany resemblance to theDioscuri.But lunarcults were prominent in the earliest Babylonian epoch, and, in default of anycloserparallel, the twophasesof thewaxingand thewaningmoonhavebeentreated as characterizing the myths and legends of the Age of the Twins.Borrowinga termfrommusic, theyaredescribedas thecharacteristicmotifofthe age. The second Age, that of the Bull, begins roughly with the rise ofBabylon to power.There is very slender evidence for connectingMarduk, the

godofBabylon,withthezodiacalconstellationoftheBull,buttheconnexionisconfidentlyassumed. TheThirdAge, that of theRam,presents evenmoredifficulties than its twopredecessors, for no amountof ingenuity candiscovermaterialforaRammotifatBabylon.ButJupiterAmnionwasrepresentedwiththeheadofa ram,andhe isassumed tohavebeen identical inhisnaturewithMarduk. Thus the new reckoning is supposed to have passed over to Egypt,whileBabylonremainedunaffected. TheexplanationputforwardisthattheRamAgebeganata timewhen thepowerofBabylonwason thedecline;butwhytheBabyloniansshouldthereforehaveignoredthetruepositionofthesunatthevernalequinoxisnotquiteobvious.

TheforeigninfluenceofBabylon'sconceptionoftheuniverseissaidtohaveleft its strongest imprint on Hebrew historical writing. It is claimed that theBiblical narratives relating to the earlier history of the Hebrews have inparticularbeen influencedby theBabylonianmythsof theuniverse,and thatagreatnumberofpassageshaveinconsequenceanastralsignificance.Thissideof thesubjecthasbeenworkedout indetailbyDr.AlfredJeremias, andafew examples will suffice to illustrate the system of interpretation which issuggested.WewilltakeoneoftheBabylonianlegendswhichissaidtobemostfrequently encountered in the Hebrew narratives, the Descent of the goddessIshtarintotheUnderworldinsearchofheryouthfulhusbandTammuz,whichinitsBabylonianformisunquestionablyanature-myth.Therecanbe littledoubtthat in themythTammuz represents the vegetation of spring; this, after beingparched up by the summer-heat, is absent from the earth during the wintermonths,untilrestoredbythegoddessoffertility.Thereisalsonodoubtthatthecult of Tammuz eventually spread into Palestine, for Ezekiel in a vision sawwomenatthenorthgateofthetempleatJerusalemweepingforTammuz. WehavealreadynoteditsarrivalinGreeceinthestoryofAdonisandAphrodite.In its Greek form the contest between Aphrodite and Persephone for thepossessionofAdonis reproduces thestrugglebetweenIshtarandEreshkigal inthe Abode of the Dead; and the annual disappearance and reappearance ofTammuz gives rise in the Greek version to the decision of Zeus that Adonisshould spend one part of the year above groundwithAphrodite and the otherpartundergroundwithPersephone. Such are themain facts,which are not

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disputed, concerning this particular Babylonian myth. We may now note themanner in which it is said that motifs from it are interwoven in the OldTestamentwithtraditionsconcerningtheearlyhistoryoftheHebrews.

ItiswellknownthatinearlyChristianwritings,suchastheSyriac"Hymnofthe Soul," aGnostic composition of the second or third centuryA.D., thelandofEgyptissometimesreferredtoinametaphoricalorallegoricalsense.ItissuggestedthatthestoryofAbraham'sjourneywithhiswifeSarahintoEgypt

mayhavebeenwritten,byaparallelsystemofallegory,intermsreflectingadescent into the underworld and a rescue from it. It is true that in the storyPharaoh's house is plagued, probably with sterility, a feature that recalls thecessation of fertility on earth while the goddess of love remains in theunderworld.ButthesamemotifistracedintherescueofLotfromSodom:hereSodomis theunderworld.Thepit intowhichJoseph is thrownbyhisbrethrenandtheprisonintowhichPotipharcastshimalsorepresenttheunderworld:andhis two fellow-prisoners, the chief baker and the chief butler, are two minordeities inMarduk's household. The cave at Makkedah, in which the fivekingsoftheAmoriteshidthemselvesaftertheirdefeatbyJoshua, issaid tohave the samemotif underlying it. In short, any cave, or prison, or state ofmisery mentioned in the Hebrew narratives may, according to astralinterpretation,betakenasrepresentingtheunderworld.

The one othermotif we will take from the Babylonian mythology is theDragon-combat,since this illustrates theprincipalpattern,orsystem,onwhichthe astral mythologist arranges his material. In the Babylonian story of theCreationitwillberecalledhowTiamat,thedragonofchaos,revoltedwithApsû,the god of the abyss, against the new and ordered ways of the gods; howMarduk, thechampionof thegods,defeatedher,and,cuttingherbodyinhalf,usedonehalfofherasafirmamentfortheheaven,andthenproceededtocarryouthisotherworksofcreation. TheprobabilityhaslongbeennotedthattheDragon-combatmayhavesuggestedcertainmetaphoricalphrasesordescriptionsinHebrewpoeticalandpropheticliterature. ButtheastralmythologistusesitasthedominantmotifofhisAgeofTaurus;and,sincethisagebegan,accordingtohistheory,beforetheperiodofAbraham,theMardukmythsaretracedmorefrequentlythananyothersintheOldTestament.Theastralgodplaysthepartof

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adeliverer in themythology:henceanyBiblicalherowho is recorded tohaverescuedanyone,or tohavedeliveredhisfamilyorpeople,formsaconvenientpegonwhichtohangamotifSotoothebirthofthefounderofadynasty,oroftheinauguratorofanewage,issaidtoreflectthesolarmotifofthebirthofthespringsun.

Inthisprocessofdetectinghiddenmotifs,numbersplayanimportantpart.Totake one example, they are said to indicate that David's fight with GoliathreflectsthemythoftheYear-Cycle.ThefortydaysduringwhichGoliath,whoisidentifiedwith theDragonTiamat, drewnear to theIsraelitesmorningandeveningaresymbolicalofwinter. In theHebrewtexthisheight isgivenassixcubitsandaspan; thefigureisemendedtoreadfivecubitsandaspan,sinceotherwisethenumberwouldnotcorrespondtothefiveandaquarterepagomenaldays. Withthebestwillintheworldtobeconvincedonecannothelpfeelingthat,evenassumingthesoundnessofthetheory,itsauthorshaveletitrunawaywith them. It cannot of course be denied that astrological conceptions maycoloursomeofthestoriesintheOldTestament.Thethreehundredfoxes,withfirebrandstiedtotheirbrushes,withwhichSamsondestroyedthestandingcornof the Philistines, find a striking parallel in the ceremonial which took placeannuallyinthecircusatRomeduringtheCerealia, andmaywellberegardedas folk-mythology of astrological origin. Elijah's chariot of firemay havebeen suggested by some astronomical phenomenon, perhaps a comet; it wasprobablytheproductofthesameassociationofideasasMedea'sdragon-chariot,thegiftofHelios.Butthisscarcelypreparesustoacceptsuchanallegorizingofdetailsasisproposedinotherpassages.

PreciselythesameprinciplesofinterpretationhavebeenappliedtotheheroesofGreek legend.Professor JensenofMarburg, inhisworkon theBabylonianepicofGilgamesh, has attempted to trace almost every figure, not only in theOldTestament,butalsoinclassicalmythology,toaBabyloniansource. Buthis rathermonotonousmethodofperceivingonall sides reflexionsofhisownheroGilgameshhasalreadybeencriticizedsufficiently,andwewill takesomeexamples fromamore recentworkbyDr.CarlFries, whohasmadeothercontributions of a less speculative character upon Greek and Orientalconnexions. Elaborating a published suggestion of Professor Jensen, Dr. Fries

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has enthusiastically applied the astralmethodof interpretation to theOdyssey.Such an episode as the voyage ofOdysseus toHades, in order to consult theThebanprophetTeiresias,undoubtedlypresentsacloseparalleltothejourneyofGilgameshtoXisuthrosinBabylonianlegend;and,thoughsimilartraditionsarenot uncommon in the epics of other races, the Greek form of the story mayperhaps retainanecho fromBabylon.Buta farcloser relationship than that issuggested.

ThesectionoftheOdysseywhichissaidtohavebeenprincipallyexposedtoBabylonianinfluenceisthesojournofOdysseusinScheria,thewholeepisodeofhisentertainmentbythePhæaciansbeingsaidtoreflecttheBabylonianFeastoftheNewYear. From themoment of his awakening on the islandwe begin toperceiveastralmotifs. InNausicaa'schoralgameofballwithhermaidens, theballsymbolizesthesunormoonwhichrevolvesfromonesideofheaventotheother; when it falls into the river it is the setting sun or moon. Odysseus,awakenedbythemaiden'sshrillcry,comesforthfromthedarknessofthewood:heistherisingsun.TheWayintothecitywhichNausicaadescribestoOdysseuscorresponds to the sacred Procession Street in Babylon, along whichMardukwascarriedfromhistemplethroughthecityattheFeastoftheNewYear.Thecult-imageonitsjourneymustbeprotectedfromthegazeofunconsecratedeyes;soAtheneshedsamistaboutOdysseuslestanyofthePhæaciansshouldaccosthim by the way. Other astral elements are suggested without a speciallyBabyloniancolouring.

We are not here concerned with Dr. Fries' theory on the origin of Greektragedy,butwemaynoteinpassingthatOdysseus,inrelatinghisadventures,isthepriestsingeratthefestivaloftheLight-god.InotherpartsoftheOdysseyDr.Friesdoesnotattempt to tracemanyastralmotifs, thoughhecertainlyremarksthat the adventures of Odysseus are merely survivals of astral myths, and, inspiteofahundred transformations,ultimately relateonly to the journeyof theLight-godovertheheavenlyocean. TheclosingscenesoftheOdysseyalsoreceive a thoroughly astrological interpretation, and moon- and sun-motifsappearpromiscuously.From thespeechofAntinousat the trialof thebowweknowthattheslayingofthewooerstookplaceattheFeastoftheNewMoon,forafterEurymachusandtheotherwooershadfailedtobendit,hemakestheleastanexcuseforhisproposaltopostponethetrialtillthemorrow.Thisfactleadsto

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thesuggestionthatinOdysseusreturningattheFeastoftheNewMoonweareto recognize theMoon-god himself, who triumphs over the darknesswith hisboworcrescent.On theotherhand, the twelveaxes, throughwhich thearrowflies, suggest, presumably by their number, the sun. Penelope wooed by thesuitorsisthemoonwhomthestarssurround,andherweavingandunravellingofthewebisamoon-motif.ThenOdysseusasthesundrawsnear,andallthestarsareeclipsedathisappearance.

Insuchhandstheastraltheorycarriesitsownantidote,foronecannotbutbestruckwiththeeasewithwhichitmaybeapplied.Thereisgenerallynoneedtoproveamythologicalsettingtothenarrative;allthatisnecessaryistoassumeanastral meaning beneath the text. In fact, one way of demonstrating itsunsoundness has been to apply its methods to the records of the life of ahistorical personage. But this argument amounts at best to a reductio adabsurdum,and themostdamagingcriticismhasbeendirected from thepurelyastronomicalside.

It iswellknownthat thedifferenteclipticconstellationswhichmakeupthesigns of the zodiac do not each occupy thirty degrees of the ecliptic, but thatsome are longer and some shorter than others. Also, the constellations of theBabylonianastronomersduringthelateperioddidnotcompletelycoincidewithours.Forinstance,themosteasternstarofourconstellationVirgowascountedby the Babylonians of the Arsacid era as belonging to the next eclipticconstellation,Leo, since itwas known as "the hind-foot of the lion." But,fortunatelyforourpurpose,notmuchdoubtcanexistas totheeasternlimitoftheTwinsandthewesternlimitoftheRam,whichmarkthebeginningandendof the threeWorld Ages of the astral mythologists. For the two bright stars,CastorandPollux,fromwhichtheTwinsreceivetheirnamewereundoubtedlyreckonedinthatconstellationbytheNeo-Babylonians.Andtheeasternmoststarof our constellation of the Fishes (apiscium ) was probably well beyond theBabylonianconstellationoftheHam.

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[57]

ANEO-BABYLONIANTREATISEONASTRONOMY.Brit.Mus.,No86378.Workingonthisassumption,andassumingthirtydegreestoeachofthethree

interveningconstellations,Dr.Kuglerhascalculatedtheyearsinwhichthesunenteredthesesignsofthezodiacatthevernalequinox,thepoints,thatistosay,at which the astral World-Ages would have begun and ended. His figuresentirely dispose of Winckler's claim to an astronomical basis for his astralsystem. The Age of the Twins, instead of ending, according to the theory, atabout 2800 b.c., really ended in the year 4383 b.c. Thus theAge of the BullbeganoverfifteenhundredyearsbeforethebirthofSargonI.,whoissupposedto have inaugurated its beginning; and it ended in 2232 b.c.—that is,considerablybefore thebirthofHammurabi,underwhomweare told theBullAgemotifs were principally developed. Moreover, from the time of the FirstDynasty onwards down to the year 81 b.c.—that is to say, during the wholecourseofherhistory—BabylonwasreallylivingintheAgeoftheHam,notinthatoftheBull.Thusallthemotifsandmyths,whichhavebeensoingeniouslyconnectedwiththeBullsignofthezodiac,oughtreallytohavebeenconnectedwiththeRam.ButeventheastralmythologistsadmitthatthereisnotatraceofaRam-motifintheBabylonianmythology.GrantingalltheassumptionsmadebyWincklerandhisschoolwithregardtotheastronomicalknowledgeoftheearlyBabylonians, the theoryevolvedfromthemis found tobebaseless.Winckler'sastronomy was at fault, and his three astrological World-Ages do not reallycorrespondtohisperiodsofhistory.

Babylonwas,indeed,themotherofastronomynolessthanofastrology,andclassical antiquity was indebted to her in no small measure: but, strictly

[58]

speaking,herscientificobservationsdonotdatefromaveryearlyperiod. It istruewe have evidence that, as early as the close of the thirdmillennium, theastronomers recordedobservationsof theplanetVenus, and there is also afragment of an early text which shows that they attempted to measureapproximately the positions of the fixed stars. But their art of measuringremainedforalongtimeprimitive,anditwasonlythelaterBabylonians,oftheperiod from the sixth to the first century b.c., who were enabled to fix withsufficientaccuracythemovementsoftheplanets,especiallythoseofthemoon,and by thismeans to found a reliable systemof time-measurement. Themerefactthattheastrologicaltexts,eveninthelateAssyrianperiod,treateclipsesaspossibleonanydayofthemonth,andusethetermforanykindofobscurationofthesunandmoon,issufficientevidencethattheyhadnotatthattimenotedtheirregularoccurrenceandstillhadcomparativelycrudenotionsofastronomy.

Theearliestscientificdocumentinthestrictsenseoftheworddatesfromthesecondhalfofthesixthcentury,whenwefindforthefirsttimethattherelativepositions of the sun and moon were calculated in advance, as well as theconjunctionofthemoonwiththeplanetsandoftheplanetswitheachother,theirpositionbeingnotedinthesignsofthezodiac.Butthetabletsaffordnoevidencethat theBabylonianastronomerspossessedanyknowledgeof theprecessionofthe equinoxes before the close of the second century b.c., and the traditionalascriptionofthediscoverytoHipparchusofNicæa,workingbetweentheyears161 and 126 b.c. on the observations of hisBabylonian predecessors,may beacceptedasaccurate.

Thereare,inshort,nogroundsforthetheorythattheBabyloniansdividedthehistoryof theworld intoastral ages,nor that theirmythsand legendshadanypeculiarconnexionwithsuccessivesignsofthezodiac.ThatastrologyformedanimportantsectionoftheBabylonianreligioussystemfromanearlyperiodtherecan be no doubt; but at that time the stars and planets did not exercise anypreponderating influenceon religiousbelief, andmany features of the system,for which an astral origin has been confidently assumed,must be traced to asimpler and more primitive association of ideas. But the necessarymodification of the astral theory still leaves open the possibility that Hebrewliteraturemayhaveacquireda strongastrological tinge in theExilic andpost-

[59]

[60]

[61]

[62]

Exilicperiods.WereJewishtraditionsaffectedinBabylon,forexample,insomesuchway as theMithraie legends fromPersia? Since the astral theory has noclaimtodictatetheanswerforus,thequestionmustbedecidedbytheordinaryrulesofhistoricalandliteraryevidence.

IfwearetoassumethatBabylonianastrologyexertedsomarkedaninfluenceontheJewsof theExile,weshouldat leastexpect tofindsometracesof it inpractical matters and in terminology. And in this connexion there are certainfactswhichhaveneverbeenfairlymetby theastralmycologists. It is truethatthereturningexilesunderZerubbabelhadadoptedtheBabyloniannamesofthemonthsforciviluse;buttheideaofhours—thatistosay,thedivisionofthedayintoequalparts—doesnotseemtohaveoccurredtotheJewstilllongaftertheExile,andeventhenthereisnotraceoftheBabyloniandoublehour. Theotherfactisstillmoresignificant.WiththeexceptionofasinglereferencetotheplanetSaturnbytheprophetAmos, noneoftheHebrewnamesforthestarsand constellations,which occur in theOldTestament, correspond to thoseweknow were in use in Babylon. Such a tact is surely decisive against anywholesaleadoptionofastralmythologyfromBabylononthepartofthewritersorredactorsoftheOldTestament,whetherinpre-Exilicorinpost-Exilictimes.But it is quite compatible with the view that some of the imagery, and evencertain lines of thought, occurring in the poetical and prophetic books of theHebrews,betrayaBabyloniancolouringandmay find their explanation in thecuneiform literature. There can be no doubt that the Babylonian texts haveafforded invaluableassistance in theeffort to trace theworkingof theorientalmindinantiquity.

With regard to the suggested influence of Babylon on Greek religiousthought,itisessentialtorealizethatthetemperamentsoftheBabylonianandtheHellene were totally distinct, the fanatic and self-abasing spirit of the Eastcontrastingvividlywith thecoolness,civicsobriety,andself-confidenceof theWest.ThishasbeenpointedoutbyDr.Farnell, wholaysspecialemphasisonthe total absence of any trace in Mesopotamian cults of those religiousmysteries,which, as hehas shownelsewhere, formed so essential a feature inHellenicandÆgeansociety. Anotherfactinwhichhewouldseesignificanceis that theuseof incense,universal from immemorial times inBabylonia,was

[63]

[64]

[65]

[66]

[67]

not introduced intoGreecebefore theeighthcenturyb.c.This littleproduct, itwillbe readilyadmitted,wasmucheasier to import thanBabylonian theology.Fewwilldisagreewithhiminregardingthesuggestion, that for longcenturiestheHittite empire was a barrier betweenMesopotamia and the coast-lands ofAsia Minor, as a sufficient reason for this check in the direct spread ofBabylonian influencewestward.Butnopoliticalbarrier iseffectiveagainst thetales that are remembered by travelling merchants and are retold around thecamp-firesofthecaravan.ThatBabylonshouldhavecontributedinsomedegreetotherichstoreoflegendscurrentinvariousformsthroughouttheregionoftheeasternMediterraneaniswhatonewouldexpect.

Thecultural influenceofBabyloniahad from the earliest periodpenetratedeastward,andthecivilizationofElam,hernearestneighbour,hadbeentoagreatextentmouldedbythatofSumer.Butevenatthattimethetrade-routeshadbeenopentothewest,andbeforetheriseofBabylonbothsoldierandmerchanthadpassedfromthelowerEuphratesintoSyria.WiththeexpansionoftheWesternSemites the two regions were drawn into more intimate relationship, and thepolitical control of the middle Euphrates, first established in the age ofHammurabi,wasfollowedbyanincreasedcommercialtraffic,whichcontinuedwith few interruptions into the Neo-Babylonian and later periods. Babylon'sforeignpolicywasalwaysdominatedbythenecessityofkeepingherconnexionopenwiththewest:anditwasmainlyduetohercommercialenterprise,andnottoanyterritorialambitions,thatherculturereachedthefartherlimitsofPalestineandhasleftsometracesinGreekmythology.

[1]ThecultofAdonistravelledtoGreecenotlaterthantheseventhcentury,b.c., and there is evidence that his rites were subsequently celebrated both inArgosandinAttica;seeFrazer,"Adonis,Attis,Osiris,"I.,pp.13if.,226f.Forthe Sumerian origin of the legend, see Zimmern, "Sumerisch-babylonischeTamûzlieder"(1907),andLangdon,"TammuzandIshtar"(1913).

[2]ThoughActseonwaschangedintoastagbyArtemis,themainfeaturesoftheBabylonianmyth, viz. the angry goddess, the changing of the hero into abeast,andhisdeathduetohisownhounds,persistinthevariousversionsoftheGreekstory.

[3] Apart from other detailed resemblances, the labours and sufferings to

[68]

whichHeraclesisexposedthroughHera'shatred,afeaturecommontoallformsof the Greek legend, find a close parallel in the persecution and trial ofGilgameshbyIshtar.ForthemostrecentdiscussionofthepossibleinfluenceoftheGilgamesh legends onHebrew traditions, see the additional note on "ThemythicalelementintheStoryofSamson,"inProf.Burney'sforthcomingvolumeon"Judges,"inthe"OxfordChurchBiblicalCommentary."

[4]Itispreciselythislaxityofapplication,andtheconsequenttemptationtoabuseit,thathaveledmanyoftheircriticstodenyallvaluetotheresearchesofthelateHugoWincklerandhisfollowers.

[5] For the chief literature in which their astral theory is expounded, seebelow,p.292,n.3.

[6]Onthissubject,cf.Cumont,"Laplusanciennegéographieastrologique"in"Klio,"IX.(1909),Hft.3,pp.263ff.

[7] A striking instance of the way in which this astral conception of theuniverse,ascurrentatanyrateamongthelaterschoolofBabylonianastrologers,has left its imprint on Hebrew literature may be seen in Is. xxvii., I, anesehatologicalprophecyofpost-exiliedate,wheretheimageryisclearlydrawnfromBabyloniansources.The"winding"or"crookedserpent"ofthepassageistheconstellationDraco,whichwindsabout theNorthPole;Serpens, a little tothenorthoftheecliptic,is"thefugitiveserpent";whileHydra,thewater-snake,dwellinginthesouthernheavenorheavenlyocean,is"thedragonthatisinthesea." The passage was first explained in this way by Burney, "Journ. Theol.Stud.,"XI.(1910),pp.443ff.

[8] Stucken's "Astralmythen" (1896-1907) appears to have stronglyinfluencedWinckler,whosetheoryattractedgeneralattentiononitsexpositioninthe "Preussische Jahrbücher" in 1901 (Bd. 104, pp. 224 ff.) and in "Himmels-und Weltenbild der Babylonier als Grundlage der Weltanschauung undMythologie allerVôlker," in "Der alteOrient," III., 2-3.He elaborated specialpointsinhis"AltorientalischeForschungen"(1902-1905);seealsoWincklerandJeremias,"ImKampfeumdenaltenOrient,"Leipzig,1907-8.Foradefenceoftheastronomicalassumptionsofthetheory,seeespeciallyJeremias,"DasAlterderbabylonischenAstronomie"(op.cit.,Hft.3,1908);andcf.Weidner,"Orient.Lit.-Zeit.,"1911,Col.345ff.,and1913,Nos.Iand2(Sonderabdruck,16pp.);

seefurther,pp.304,308.[9]Winckler'sexplanationofthepassageiscitedbyProf.GilbertMurrayin

his"ElectraofEuripides,"p.91f.,andbyProf.Burrowsinhis"DiscoveriesinCrete,"p.133.

[10]LI.726ff.[11]Cf.Murray,op.cit.,p.91.[12] The hull was actually associated with Adad, the Weather-god, and

naturallysymbolizedtheGodofThunder.[13]Cf.Taylor,"PrimitiveCulture,"II.,pp.143ff.[14] It is possible to conjecture circumstanceswhichwouldhave tended to

encouragespeculationinthatdirection.Thecaptureanddeportationofagod,iffollowed by the substitution of another figure in its place and the subsequentrecovery of the original, would have led to the incorporation of two figureswithinoneshrine.Andaking'sambition torebuildorbeautifya templemighthave been extended to the image itself, if the latter had suffered damage ordecay.

[15] Itwasnotmerely asbooty,but inorder togain their favour, thatSin-idinnamandhis armycarriedoft certainElamitegoddesses to their own land,conveyingthemcarefullyasintheirshrines;andontherestorationoftheimagestoElamthegoddessesthemselvesreturnedthither(cf."LettersofHammurabi,"III.,pp.6ff.).ItwasinthesamespiritthatNebuchadnezzarI.gavesanctuarytothe refugeepriests fromElam,and introduced theirgodRîa intoBabylon (seeabove,p.253f.).

[16]Seeabove,pp.221f.,240.[17]Agum-kakrime'srecoveryoftheimagesofMardukandSarpanitumisan

instance in point (see above, pp. 210 , 218 ). But perhaps the most strikingexample is Ashur bani-pal's recovery of Nana's image from Susa, which hadbeen carried off from Erech sixteen hundred and thirty-five years before (seeabove, p. 113).He probably found her installed in her Susian shrine, perhapswithinthetempleofShushinak,thenationalgod.

[18]TheSpear-headofMardukwasafitemblemfor theslayerofTiajmat,thedemonofchaos,andtheStilus,orWedge,ofNabûsuitsthegodofwriting

andarchitecture.Theemblemsofsomeofthegreatnature-go,'dswerenaturallyastrological, suchas theLightning-forkofAdad.and the lunarand solardisksfortheMoon-godandSun-god;butthischaracterwasnotsharedbythemajorityoftheemblems.

[19] The emblem of Ningirsu of Lagash, for example, was a lion-headedeaglegraspinglions;cf."SinnerandAkkad,"p.100.

[20]Somedivineemblemswerepurelyanimal,suchastheDogofGula,theWalkingBirdofBau,andtheScorpionofIshkhara.Itmaybeaddedthatinthesecasesthereisnothingtoindicateatotemisticorigin,andtheanalogyoftheGoat-fishofEnkiorEa,thegodoftheDeep,suggeststhattheyarenottobetracedbeyondthemythologicalstage.

[21] See Fig. 70 ; and cp. Heuzey, "Musique chaldéenne" in the "Rev.d'Assyr.,"IX.,No.iii.(1912),pp.85ff.M.Heuzeysupportshissuggestionbyquotingadescriptionofasimilarinstrumentofmusicfromacontemporarytext:"The'portico'ofthelyrewaslikeabellowingbull."

[22]Seep.299,Fig.71,andcp.PlateXVI.(No.89110),oppositep.192.[23]Heuzey(loc.cit.)citesthefollowingdescriptionofthedoorssetupby

Gudea in the temple of Ningirsu: "The doors of cedar-wood, installed in thegateway,wereliketheGodofThunderthunderingintheheavens;theholtofthetempleofE-ninnûwaslikeasavagedog;thepivotswerelikealion;

...onthe...,placedabovethedoors,he(Gudea)causedayounglionand a young panther to dwell" (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Sum. und Akkad.

Königsinschriften,"p.118f.,Col.20,11.20ff.).[24]Cf."Proc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.,"XXXIV.(1912),pp.270ff.[25] Our knowledge of Babylonian literature has been derived in great

measure fromAssyrian sources, and, as the civilization of both countrieswasintimatelyconnected,thetwobranchesofthesubjectwillbetreatedtogetheratthecloseofthethirdvolumeofthishistory.Itwillthenalsobepossibletospeakmore confidently on the relative part played by Sumerian and Semite in thedevelopmentofBabylonianlaw,afterthepublicationoftherecentlydiscoveredSumeriancode(seeabove,p.153 ,n.2). Incidentally thedocumentwill throwlight on the extent towhich primitive Semitic custom, shared possibly by the

Hebrews,mayhavemouldedsomeoftheprovisionsofHammurabi'sCode.[26] The rude inscriptions from such a mound as Fâra (cf. "Sumer and

Akkad,"pp.24ff.),thesiteofthecityofShuruppakwhichismentionedintheDeluge-story,arenotregardedasarchaic.Theshellseals,copperweapons,andrough stone necklaces from the graves beneath the city are treatedwith scantattention.Allareassignedtoacomparativelylatestageofdevelopment.

[27]"Quiest.Natur.,"111.,29,ed.Haase,p.235.[28]LI.108ff.[29] This was the most important festival in the Babylonian calendar; see

above,pp.190,296.[30]Seeabove,p.293f.[31]Thepositionofthesunatthevernalequinoxvaries,ofcourse,onlyvery

slightly from year to year. Its displacement amounts to only a day in aboutseventy-twoyears;and,ifweassignthirtydegreestoeachofthetwelveeclipticconstellations,ittakes2151yearstopass,inthisway,throughasinglefigureofthezodiac.

[32]ThefactthatthebullwasemployedtodecorateIshtarGateatBabylonaffordsnogroundsforconnectingthebullwiththecity-god.ThebullisalwaysassociatedwiththeGodofThunder(seeabove,p.294,n.1).whereasMardukwasessentiallyasolardeity.Thislatterfactismadeuseofbythemycologists,whoarguethatanAgeoftheSunwouldnaturallyfollowanAgeoftheMoon,andthatsolarmyths'aretobelookedforascharacteristicofthissecondperiod.

[33]The admission that theMarduk-mythswere unaffected by theRam isdifficult to reconcilewith the importanceattachedby the astralmythologist totheadventofanewAge.

[34] See his "Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients" (1st ed.,Leipzig, 1904), and more especially the revised and enlarged English editionpublishedin1911inthe"TheologicalTranslationLibrary."InhisintroductiontothiseditionoftheworkCanonJohns,whilestatingthatitisnottheprovinceofthewriterofanintroductiontocombatanyoftheopinionsoftheauthor,admitsthat he differs fromDr. Jeremias' opinions onmany points.A reviewer of thevolumesinthe"ChurchQuarterlyReview,"Vol.LXXIV.,No.147(April,1912),

pp. 166 ff., comments on "the apologetic impulse which is as marked in Dr.Jeremias as its form is peculiar."Readerswhomight be inclined to see in theworkgroundsforcondemningtheresultsobtainedbytheliterarycriticismoftheOldTestamentarewarnedbyCanonJohnsinhisintroductionthatthey"wouldbeill-advisedtoleantooheavilyonthisstaffofBabylonia."

[35]Ezek.viii.,14.[36]Seeabove,p.290.[37]On the close correspondenceof theGreek formof the legendwith its

Babylonianoriginal,seeFrazer,"AdonisAttisOsiris,"I.,pp.6ff.[38]Ed.Bevanin"TextsandStudies,"V.,3.[39]Gen.xii.[40]Cf.Jeremias,"OldTestament,"I.,p.(60,II.,p.65).Theseworethegods

Minâ-ikul-bêli, "What-will-my-lord-eat?", andMinâ-ishti-bêli, "What-will-my-lord-drink?"(cf.King,"Cun.Texts,"XXIV.,1908,p.5);butthereisnothingtoconnecttheHebrewstorywiththem.

[41]Josh,x.,10,16.[42] In supportof suchastralmotifsevidenceof directworshipof Ishtar is

traced in unexpected quarters. Thus the men of Gilead are explained to havechosenthewordshibboleth, "earofgrain,"asapasswordfor theEphraemites,not because it was a common word containing the required sibilant, but inhonour of the goddess Ishtar, the heavenlyVirginwith the ears of corn.And,thoughtheveilwaspartof theordinaryattireofHebrewwomen,anaturalactsuchasthattoldofRebecca,whoissaidtohaveveiledherselfattheapproachofIsaac,isheldtoreflecttheIshtarcult.

[43]Cf."SevenTabletsofCreation,"I.,pp.32ff.[44]SeeespeciallyGunkell,"SchopfungundChaos inUrzeitundEndzeit,"

pp.16ff.[45]Moses, for instance, is peculiarly a deliverer and the inaugurator of a

newageinIsrael'shistory;thetraditionsabouthimthusbristlewithastralmotifs.WhenheispersecutedbyPharaohinEgypt,PharaohistheDragon;whenheisrescuedasababefromtheNile,Pharaoh'sdaughterisIshtar,Queenofheaven,andwehaveaTammuz-Ishtarmotif.WhenheleadsIsraeloutofEgypt,wehave

themotifofvictoryovertheDragon.ThecrossingoftheRedSeaisthecleavingof theDragon in half, and so too is Joshua's passage of the Jordan. In short,JoshuainhischaracterofdelivererrivalsMosesinthenumberofmotifswhicharesaidtoclusterroundhim.

[46]Jeremias (op.cit., II., p. 182) connects the nameGoliathwithAssyr.galittu, which he renders "sea," hence the dragon Tiamat; but galittu, thoughappliedtothesea,ismerelythefeminineoftheadj.galtu,"terrible."

[47]I.Samuel,xvii.,4;JosephusandsomeMSS.oftheSeptuagintreadfourcubitsandaspan.

[48]As in somuch of their speculation, themembers of the astral schoolhave here mixed valuable suggestions with pure theorizing. Certain numberswere specially sacred among the Babylonians and were employed as divinenames. Sin, the Moon-god, for example, was the god "Thirty," from theconventional lengthof the lunarmonth;and thegods"Four"and"Seven"mayhaverepresenteddifferentaspectsoftheMoon-god,theformerthefourphasesofthemoon,thelattertheseven-dayweekasalunarquarter.Iftheideatravelledwestward, we obtain a satisfactory explanation of such Palestinian names asKiriath-arba and Be'er-sheba'. For this subject, see especially Prof. Burney'sforthcomingworkon"Judges"(seeabove,p.290n.3),p.43f.DiscussionsaretheregivenofotherpointsillustratedbytheBabyloniantexts,ofwhichspecialmentionmaybemadeof the exhaustivenotesonYahwe (pp. 243 ff.) and theAshera(pp.196ff.),andthevaluablesection>onearlyHebrewpoetry.

[49]Ovid,Fasti,IV.,679ff.;andcf.Frazer,"SpiritsoftheCorn,"I.,p.297f.[50] SeeBurney, op. cit., additional note on "Themythical element in the

storyofSamson."[51]See"DasGilgamesch-EposinderWeltliteratur"(Strassburg,1906).[52] "Studien zur Odyssée" in the "Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen

Gesellschaft,"1910,Hefte2-4;1911,Heft4.[53]Thefifty-twonobleyouths, forexample,whomAlcinousentrustswith

the task of preparing the ship and escorting Odysseus homewards maycorrespond to the fifty-twoweeks of the year, sun-heroeswho accompany thesunonhis voyage through the year. In the challengeofEuryalus toOdysseusandthelatter'striumphinthediscus-throwing,wearetoseeaglimmeroftheold

light-myth. The dance of Halius and Laodamas, with the purple ball whichPolybusmade for them, again symbolizes thebattle of light, the colourof theballbeingspeciallysignificant.Indeed,therearefewlimitstobeplacedtothissystem of astrological interpretation, since, according toDr. Fries, even lawn-tennisgoesbackto thesameidea:heremarks that"ailesBallspiel jabisherabzum Lawn-Tennis auf denselben Gedanken [der Lichtkampf] zurückgeht"("StudienzurOdyssée,"i.,p.324).

[54]Onepoint,atwhichthecolouringissaidtobepeculiarlyBabylonian,istheprophecythatdeathshallcometoOdysseusfromthesea;forthisistracedtotheBabylonianlegendofOannes,thebenefactorofmankind,whoeverreturnstotheseafromwhichherose,buthere,too,Odysseusisthegodofheavenwhosinksattheapproachofnight.

[55]With regard to its application to the Hebrew narratives, the "ChurchQuarterly"reviewerofDr.Jeremias'work(seeabove,p.304,n.1**)pointsouttheresemblancebetweenthisprocedureandPhilo'smethodofinterpretation.

[56]In1870thesameplanwasadoptedtodiscreditProfessorMaxMüller'stheoryoftheSolarMyth.Thedemonstration,thoughhumorous(sinceitssubjectwastheprofessorhimself),constitutedalegitimateformofcriticism,andithasbeen borrowed byDr.Kugler, theDutch astronomer, and applied to the astraltheory.FortheastraltheoryisinessencetheoldSolarMythrevivedandgraftedontoaBabylonianstem.Inhisbook"ImBannkreisBabels"(1910),Dr.Kuglerselects at random the historical figure of Louis IX. of France, and has nodifficulty indemonstratingbyastralmethods that theextant recordsofhis lifeandreignarefullofsolarandastralmotifs.

[57]Cf.Kugler,op.cit.[58]HisinterpretationofEuripides'storyoftheGoldenLambmustsharethe

fateofthemainstructureofhistheory,butthelegenditselfmaywellhavebeenofBabylonianorigin(seeabove,p.293).

[59]Seeabove,pp.106ff.[60]Foranexhaustivediscussionortheastrologicalmaterialcontainedinthe

omen-literature,seeJastrow,"ReligionBabyloniensundAssyriens,"II.,pp.138ff.(1909-12).ANeo-Babylonianastronomicaltreatise,recentlyacquiredbytheBritishMuseum(seePlateXXXII.,oppositep.310), containingclassifiedand

descriptive lists of the principal stars and constellations, with their heliacalrisingsandsettings,culminations in thesouth,etc.,doesnotsurestaprofoundknowledge of astronomy on the part of its compiler (cf. King, "Cun. Texts,"XXXIII., 1912, pp. 30 ff., and "Proc.Soc.Bibl.Arch.,"XXXV., 1913, pp. 41ff.).

[61] See "Sternkunde und Sterndienst," II., pp. 30 ff.; cf. also Cumont,"Babylon und der griechische Astrologie," in the "Neue Jahrbücher für dasklassischeAltertum,"Bd.27(1911),pp.Off.,and theearlierofhis"AmericanLecturesontheHistoryofReligions,"publishedunderthetitle"AstrologyandReligionamongtheGreeksandRomans"(1912).

[62]Seeabove,p.208f.[63] They are emphasized by Schiarparelli, in his "Astronomy in the Old

Testament"(Engl.transl.),pp.39ff.,99ff.,104f.[64]DuringtheirpastoralandagriculturallifeinPalestinetheHebrewsfound

itquitesufficienttorefertotimebydescribingtheperiodoftheday:seefurther,Schiarparelli,op.cit.,p.96.

[65]Amos,v.,20.[66]Cf."GreeceandBabylon"(publishedastheWildeLectures,1911).[67]Seehis"CultsoftheCreekStates,"Oxford,1896-1909.[68]Cf.Hogarth,"IoniaandtheEast,"pp.27ff.,64ff.

APPENDICES

I.—A COMPARATIVE LIST OF THE DYNASTIES OF NÎSIN, LARSAANDBABYLON.

II.—ADYNASTICLISTOFTHEKINGSOFBABYLON.EXPLANATORYNOTE.—Acommaafteraking'snameimpliesthathewas

succeeded by his son. The figures within parentheses, which follow a king'sname, indicate the number of years he ruled. Contemporaneous reigns are setopposite each other in the parallel columns, but their respective lengths areindicatedonlyapproximatelybythespacingofthenames.

I.—ACOMPARATIVELISTOFTHEDYNASTIESOFNÎSIN,LARSAANDBABYLON.

I.ACOMPARATIVELISTOFTHEDYNASTIESOFNÎSIN,LARSA,ANDBABYLON(continued).

II.ADYNASTICLISTOFTHEKINGSOFBABYLON.

Acommaafteraking'snameimpliesthathewassucceededbyhisson.II.ADYNASTICLISTOFTHEKINOSOFBABYLON(continued).