introduction: culture and social movements
TRANSCRIPT
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Performing Resistance
Asterix in the Context of the No Tav Movement
Lorenzo Pedrini, University of Milan-Bicocca
Introduction: Culture and Social Movements
Since the 1990s culture has become a favorite brunch within «social movement analysis»
(Alexander, 1996; della Porta, Diani, 2005; Jasper, 1997; Johnston and Klandermans, 1995;
Snow et al., 2004). Nowadays, there are three main research approaches to culture within
social movements. The first approach is focused on collective identity. According to this
view, sociologists treat collective identity as «an alternative to structurally given interests in
accounting for the claiming on behalf of which people mobilize, an alternative to selective
incentives in understanding why people participate, an alternative to instrumental
rationality in what tactical choices activists make, and an alternative to institutional reforms
to assessing movement’s impact» (Polletta and Jasper, 2001, p. 283).
Conversely, the second approach considers culture as a resource to mobilize individuals. In
the wake of the «resource mobilization approach», the organization of symbols, narratives,
and rituals would be essential to encourage people’s participation in social movements
(McAdam, 2001; Meyer, Witthier and Robnett, 2002). The third approach is the one that
considers movements as «cognitive praxis» (Eyerman, Jamison, 1998). According to Snow et
al. (1986), the movements’ progress can be observed by examining their discourse
strategies. In this way, the success of a movement would depend on its ability to spread
rhetoric into which individuals and groups identify themselves; rhetoric for which they
would be willing to mobilize.
After this premise, the paper examines how the worldwide-famous comic strip «Asterix the
Gaul» has been used by the No Tav movement in Susa Valley. Actually, Asterix is noticeable
at different stages of the more-than-twenty-year-old mobilization against the high-speed
railway line from Turin to Lyon – the so-called ‘Tav’. So, the paper deals with the question of
the manipulation of the poetics and aesthetic of the comic strip on the part of those who are
active within the movement. To be precise, it analysis the role occupied by Asterix within the
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movement weltanschauung. Through an in-depth study made with ethnographic methods,
the next pages are meant to show how Asterix has a fundamental function to guarantee the
becoming of the movement.
Although the No Tav movement has recently received scientific attention (Caruso, 2010;
Chiarelli, 2015; della Porta and Piazza, 2008; Pepino and Revelli, 2012), the ‘No Tav Asterix’
still remains an unexplored feature of the movement. Using «the circuit of culture» (Du Gay
et al., 1997; Hall, 1997), the paper clarifies the link between cultural production and social
relations which are actually experienced within the high-speed train contention (an example
for this approach to how movements make culture see Roy, 2010). For this reason, the
analysis of Asterix allows to think better about the role of culture within the movements.
Contextualizing this Study: The movement, the Comic Strip, the Data
collected, and the Research Method
Before the analysis it is convenient to give some information to frame the study. First of all,
there is a historical overview of the No Tav movement. Next, some information on the comic
strip is given to contextualize its popularity – also referring to the relationship between the
comic strip and the movement. The last paragraph is about the setting in time and the
techniques of the data retrieval of the movement-Asterix link.
The No Tav Movement in the Susa Valley
In the contemporary socio-political landscape, the No Tav movement in the Susa Valley is
one of the best-known, long-lasting and more debated social movements (Chiarelli, 2015).
As the name goes, the No Tav movement opposes the building of the public project Tav: a
high-speed railway between the cities of Turin and Lyon. Along the years the movement has
changed its shape and composition many times; and it has had to renegotiate goals,
cognitive frames, action strategies, identities. In taking the «jump evolution» as suggested
by Caruso (2010), it is possible to divide the history of the movement in four periods: a) 1990
– 2000; b) 2000 – 2004; c) 2005; d) 2006 – ***.
a) 1990 – 2000. In this phase the first popular group against the project is formed in the
Valley. The basic cognitive schemes about the opposition to the project are defined. The
repertories of collective action are mainly informative, namely aiming at making people
aware of the risks for the public health linked to the implementation of the Tav.
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b) 2000 – 2003. This period sees the more and more people of the Valley and even the
majors of the Valley taking part in the opposition. Besides, the first local rallies take place
and thousandth of individuals participate.
c) 2003 - 2005. Now the amount of the participants still gets bigger. The rallies increase. The
repertoire become more radicals. In the autumn of 2005 the protest reaches its «madness
moment» (Cloward, Piven, 1977), made of everyday strikes, road obstruction, barricades,
camps to control the area, clashes between population and police.
d) 2006 – ***. The last phase is still going on. The opposition now possesses the typical
dynamics of the movements. Stages of collective action alternate with stages of absence of
action (Melucci, 1984). The movement develops by following some paths. Locally, it
becomes a factor of social (re)composition. New issues enter the No Tav universe. Even
participation increases. Some social actors external to the local context get into contact with
the Susa Valley. Exactly in this period – at the end of 2005 – the movement gets hold of
Asterix and several narratives that, all together, make up the culture of the movement (to
view these narratives see Askatasuna, 2012).
An Excursus on Asterix the Gaul
It appeared for the first time in France the 29 of October 1959 in the magazine Pilote. The
comic strip created by Renè Goscinny and Albert Uderzo got an immediate success among
the public. The fame of the Gaulic village that resists to the attacks by Julius Caesar hasn’t
ceased with the passing of time. To understand this you just need to know that as far as
2013 the 35 books published have sold 305 mln of copies throughout the world. The books
have been translated into more than 107 languages, including some European dialects. In
Pially in 1989 Le Parc Asterix opend. It is a theme park whose size is inferior only to
Disneyland Paris in France.
In addition, videogames and several gadget of Asterix and the main characters of the saga
set in the 50 b.c. have been made. But especially the films made from the comic strip have
sealed the success of the couple Goscinny-Uderzo creation. In the course of the years eight
cartoon movies and four live-action movies have been released in different countries1.
It is interesting to notice that, when the last film Asterix and Obelix: God Save Britannia was
released, the French actor Gérard Depardieu – starring Obelix – dedicated the film to the
1 All information can be freely retrieved on the internet (http://www.asterix.com last access 07/08/2015).
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protest in the Susa Valley. As he said in a interview appeared on the most important Italian
paper: «The Susa valley that opposes the Tav is just like the Gaul under the siege of the
Romans lead by Julius Caesar […] You mustn’t touch the land» (La Repubblica, 28/10/2012).
Again, in 2012 some activists of this strip of land set on the border with France took part into
Lucca Comics & Games International Festival. To be precise, they took part into a cosplaying
session scheduled by the festival promoters. In the days of the festival the activists have
dressed up to play a group of Gauls chasing Roman soldiers throughout the city.
Figure 1. Lucca Comics & Games 2012.
Highlights of Asterix Cosplaying acted by the No Tav activists
In short, these two anecdotes tell us how, after more than five years from its appearance,
the acknowledgment of the analogy between what’s going on in the Susa Valley and the
world of the comic has gone beyond the borders of the valley.
The Nexus Between Asterix and the NoTav Movement
Between 2012 and 2014 it was possible to realized how important is the presence of Asterix
in the everyday life of the Susa Valley. This is still true today in the same context. Many data
referring to the Asterix No Tav have been collected during a personal fieldwork for a master
degree in sociology.
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First of all, two unauthorized comic strips have been collected. The books set the stories of
the Gaul village in the Susa Valley. In spite of the fact that the publishing ceased, since then
the relationship between different realities has been constant. The trio Asterix–Obelix–Idefix
can been seen on the banners shown during the demonstrations and on the flag waving on
the buildings of some villages. The research has shown that the comic characters are present
on a lots of gadgets belonging to the movement – e.g. posters, folders and stickers.
Furthermore, Asterix can be seen on t-shirt and sweatshirt manufactured by the movement.
For the No Tav people an id signed by the druid Panoramix has been made. Such a document
was given out free at the registry of the diplomatic office of the «Libera Repubblica della
Maddalena»2. After the ending of the Republic the document was turned into the id of the
citizens of the «Libera Repubblica della Maddalena in exile» first, then was turned into the id
of the members of the «Nucleo Pintoni Attivi». The group gathers some over-60 local
activists whose motto is «fino all’ultima battaglia fino all’ultima bottiglia» (till the last battle
till the last bottle).
Of course you can get lot of this stuff on the internet. Nevertheless, collecting these data
directly through a fieldwork though, made it possible to better understand – both
geographically and historically – the representation that links the two worlds. My occasional
but continuous participation in the life of the place for almost two years allowed me to
appreciate the embeddedness of the link between the real fight and the ideal fight in the
relationship of the place. All this thanks to the connection between data about Asterix and
other information, manly interviews and black talk. It can be useful to quote some lines of an
ethnographic journal in order to exemplify what I have just affirmed:
Journal. September 28th, 2014. Yesterday I was talking with Renato how things going on here in
the Valley […] At a certain stage we ended up talking about Elena and her affairs. «How is her
former boy-friend, whatishisname?» I asked Renato. He thought about it for a while. Then he
2 The «Libera Repubblica of Maddalena» is to date the sharpest moment of the high-speed conflict in the Susa Valley after
the «Libera Repubblica di Venaus». For the 22nd and May to the 27nd of July thousandth of citizen occupied an area
subject to expropriation. During the 34 land-occupation days, a period called «Libera Repubblica della Maddalena», people
created a temporary autonomous zone (TAZ) totally self-governed. This TAZ was opened to everybody apart from the police
forces – only firemen were allowed because they don’t belong to any military force. The experience ended with the
expulsion of the people by the police, the fencing-off the area and its militarization, the beginning of the building site of the
train, and the trails against the activists. Today, the «Libera Repubblica della Maddalena» has been defined «Libera
Repubblica della Maddalena in esilio» (Free Republic of Maddalena in exile). It’s a pilgrimage place for those who share the
issues of the movement coming from all over the world. While railway works proceed, the different groups making the
movement have set up different resistance sites around the gates with razor wire on the top. This site are: sheds, tables,
and a «memory camp». These places represent leisure facilities and also places to challenge the police forces set in the area
and, in so doing, to slow down the progress of the works.
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said: «which one among the many?». We laughed. I immediately try to make myself clearer: «You
know, the tall, the big, and the terror-inspiring one?». «Ah ok, Maria’s son» he answered at once.
And then he added succinct: «Obelix!». Wow, I promptly understood who he is, even if I can
recall his real name even today.
The Circuit of Culture: An Analytical Framework for the No Tav Asterix
To grasp the Asterix function within the movement I will make a cultural study. To do this I
will use the «circuit of culture», an analytical model coined by the School of Birmingham to
structure the study of the text and the cultural artifacts (du Gay, 1997). The model starts
from some postulates.
First of all, culture is seen as production and exchange of meanings among members of
social groups (Hall, 1997). Their research program stresses the negotiation of meaning
among actors more than the sharing of values and class condition. Consequently, their
analysis focuses on the practices really acted by actors and the processes of the making of
these meanings using texts and cultural object. So, it doesn’t focus either on the rules above
the individuals or the structures below their action. In accordance with this approach,
meanings are always situated, but never given once for all; and they emerge from the
«articulation» of five more specific processes, called respectively representation, identity,
production, consumption, regulation (du Gay, 1997).
Figure 2. The circuit of culture
The representation – o signifying process – indicates the communication process of
meanings through the language, the media, and the social practices. Symbols play a
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fundamental role in this process. They stand for, represent – namely symbolize – the
experience making it more understandable, easy to say and to think. Individual concepts,
ideas, and feelings, would not find expression in the society without symbols. They couldn’t
circulate in our interactions (Hall, 1997).
Beside, meaning is necessary to shape our identity – who we are and what we belong to.
Identity is not static at all. More exactly, in the circuit of culture this phase refers to how
social identity are performed through the relations among actors, text, and artifacts. On the
other hand, identity also refers to the agents involved in the processes of signification,
production, consumption, and regulation (Woodward, 1997).
In contemporary society the control of the media enables to transmit some meanings and
not others in a selective way. For this reason, the production refers to the creation of
cultural objects: the invention, the manufacturing, the distribution, the promotion. And
given the social context in which it happens, the production itself is reactive to some
strategies possess its own culture (Du Gay, 1997). At the same time, the consumption of
cultural products is another process in the definition of social identities (Makay, 1997). To
get objects and to use objects are relevant practices for this point of view; and this process is
also influenced by the social identity of the consumers (Santoro and Sassatelli, 2009).
Finally, regulation refers to the rules that are at the basis of production and consumption.
These rules too are influenced by the meanings circulating within a group or more groups
(Thompson, 1997). A crucial role is played in this process by all the authorities – formal and
informal – which impose some regulations. Obviously, every authorities pursues different
goals. In accordance with those, such authorities rule the production of the communicative
flow, transmit certain meanings, and reinforce/undermine certain identities.
Asterix in the Context of the No Tav Movement: A Process Analysis
I will now analyze these processes and their relations, by examining some objects which
depict the No Tav Asterix and, in case, relate them to other information.
Narrating the Contention Through the Comics
From December 2005 to Janauary 2006 two comic strips without author start circulating in
the movement. Their titles are «Asterix e la Battaglia di Venaus» (2005) (Asterix and the
Battle of Venaus) and «Asterix e la Tregua Olimpica» (2006) (Asterix and the Olympic Truce).
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Figure 3. Cover Figure 4. Cover
The former explicilty refers to the mobilization of autum-winter and to the Venaus events3.
The latter refers instead to the freezing of the prject decided by its promoters after the
mobilization and when the Winter Olympic Games started in Turin in 2006. The comic strips
all together tell about the most important features of the Tav contention.
First of all, The «Armorica» – where the village of Asterix is set – is in the most western part
of the Roman empire. Similarly, the Susa Valley is set at the western border of the Italian
Start. Next, both the territories deal with those who legally monopolize the violence. In the
comic strip, the Guals daily resist to the colonization of the village by the occupation troupes
set at the village outskirts. In the Susa Valley, the opposition is to the colonization of the
territory by the capital – which shows itself through a building project supported by nation
military structures.
Finally, the comic strip show what the contention is about. Besides, they sump up the
project and describe the reasons of the opposition of the movement both to the Tav and to
any public project so-called ‘great big events’.
The strips express the three main issues which the opposition to the movement is about: the
destruction of the environment; the political economy of the great big events; the
exploitation of the labor for the implementation of public project.
3 Between to the 2nd and the 6th December the population occupies the area there in which the rail works should start.
The occupation gives birth to the first TAZ in the Susa Valley, called «Libera Repubblica di Venaus». After being destroyed
by the police in a violent way – by a night raid in which many activists were injured – on the 8th December thousandth of
citizens of the valley march towards the former Republic and take possession of the area again. That day is to be
remembered as the «Venaus battle»: the first and the only victory clearly got against the Tav.
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Figure 6. The environmental issue
Figure 7. The political economy issue
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Figure 8. The issue of workforce
The Movement as a Community
However, the comic strips do not confined themselves to showing the most general features
of the contention. The usage of Asterix poetics by the movement also gives shape to the
remarkable traits of the No Tav community. But how? The mobilization of 2005, particularly
the «Libera Repubblica di Venaus», made it possible the beginning of a community. In that
period the equivalence movement = community started. After the end of that experience,
Asterix contributed to the existence of a community. In other words, the two comic strips
turn the movement into a «imagined community» (Anderson, 1991). The community is
imagined with respect to two features: the heterogeneity of its population; the practices
that take place within the movement.
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With respect to the heterogeneity, the comic strips transmit the message of the movement
as a trans-generational community. Just like in the Gaul village, it’s a community that put
together local individuals from different ages, genders, and social classes. The common trait
of the populations is an a ethos stimulated by the relation with the territory, as it is clearly
noticeable in a few strips4:
Figure 9. The rebellious ethos of the Susa Valley inhabitants
Although the movement is linked to the territory, it is also a trans-border community, where
foreign population are welcomed. The put it better, the solidarity of the populations
involved in the movement is not linked to structural bonds, but it is linked to the social
relations experienced on the territory. This is what Buber (1947) would call «betweenness of
person and person», namely the I-Thou relation.
Figure 10. The community as an inclusive space
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Even if you don’t examine Asterix, something similar has been shown by Caruso (2010) during his own research on the No
Tav subject.
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Figure 11. Betweenness of some sort
In short, the strips says that what keeps together the community is the social practices
among individuals. Since 2005 there have been three practices that the movement
cherishes: the clash against the enemy; the assembly as decisional rite; the common meal.
All these practices are at the basis of the being together of the Gaul village. But the relations
between the two realities doesn’t end here. It is also visible in the aesthetics of the No Tav
building. For instance, the movement has set up some camps throughout the Valley.
Such camps are in strategic positions, to defend the territory against its colonization. They
are usually built in wooden and stones – just like the building of the Gaul village; and as time
passes they are modernized. But as a local activist says, the modernization of the camp has
to proceed with caution:
In our places is fundamental that everything is where it should be. It is essential that everything should
be simple, frugal, quite humble. The place mustn’t be too artificial because it is us that make it human by
dwelling in it. Our buildings must show that we are a world that is growing, that is blossoming, that is for
everybody. It is also true, though that we must keep it in such a way that everybody could use it
(Gabriella, 26/04/2013).
So, even the physical structures are needed in the fight against the technological
colonization of the territory, both for their location and because the aesthetics is an example
of real resistance against modernization which they would impose on the same sites by the
high-speed railway. Moreover, the structures embodies some features of the community:
the community as an open space-time for social relations, inclusive and in progress.
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The twofold resistant nature – instrumental and expressive – of the cultural productions of
the movement is to be found on other artifacts, too. A really meaningful one is the id for
those who take part of the «Libera Repubblica della Maddalena» between May and June
2011.
Figure 12. Id model for the citizens of the «Libera Repubblica della Maddalena»
Broadly speaking, the id is no doubt one of the main signs of the social belonging to a
community. But in this case it’s also a concrete instrument of a resistance. Actually, the «No
Tav people pass» was a medium to react against the continuous identification of the activists
done by the police during the period of the Republic.
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The inside page of the id reminds us who of the citizens No Tav is. Referring to the aesthetic
of the «black bloc», the id reminds this to the activist himself, and also to those who have to
obsessively identify him. The druid sign the id. In doing so, Panoramix legitimates any form
of resistance within the boundaries of the Republic: to circulate, guard, sabotage, siege, eat,
drink, and so on. Asterix, Obelix e Idefix wear gas masks. They perfectly know that to carry
on with the TAZ will lead everyone of them to the confront the police forces.
Some defense tools are necessary to face the moment of the gas attack. In conclusion, the
representation that links the two worlds contribute to making the movement an imagined
community with certain characteristics.
On the other hand, after entering in the narration of the movement the representation has
also become a concrete way of resistance as the id of the citizens of the ‘Republic’ partly
shows.
Making the Community: The Production Strategies of the No Tav Asterix
Representation
In the context of the movement many object depict Asterix. It is possible to grasp two
different strategies in their production. The former exclusively comprises comic strips. The
latter comprises everything that was made after.
The comic strips were made by using a patchwork of original stripes taken from different
original books and by modifying the ‘baloons’. This happened without the consent of the
proprietors of the brand name Asterix. Such a choice, called ‘self-production’, it’s not
certainly new in the history of the movements. It can be ascribed to the strategy of the
détournement: a means of cultural production widely used by social movements since the
aftermath of the second world war. The détournement is one of the political and artistic
practices developed within the «Situationist International». The détournement is used to
modify cultural objects already present – such as text, images, and sounds. The text quoted
become in such a way alien, unexpected and bring a new direction of meaning that they
didn’t originally posses. The détournement is a specific and particular case of «situationist
drift», acted not the space-time collocation of the present, but on the historical-culture
perspective of the «society of the spectacle» (Debord, 1967). There are many examples of
this, and they do not belong to cultural production of the movement only. However, the
détournement is a method of production of text and artifacts which is typical of the
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contemporary social movements (autonome a.f.r.i.k.a. gruppe et al., 2001). In particular, it is
a method of cultural production widely practices by the elites that belong to the
movements. Nevertheless, once entered in the circuit of the No Tav movement the Asterix
narration have become collective heritage – not exclusively belonging to the avant-garde.
So, after the comic the production do not respond to the logic of the détournement
anymore. Different groups belong to the movement. Each one of them makes its own
cultural production, under the influence of factors such as age, social role, value beliefs.
However, all the groups make use of the Asterix symbols.
Figure 13. The 3rd of July 2011 demonstration.
Demonstration sponsored via web by the group «Spinta dal Bass»
Figure 14. Free camping on the No Tav fields.
A leaflet made by the «Giovani No Tav» in 2012
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Figure 15. Eastern Monday party.
A leaflet attached on a shack in 2013
The manners of use
Consumer practices can be linked to the different features of the community, and to its ways
of reproduction.
Firstly, it is possible to divide the consumer ways into two ensembles: one public, one
private. Public use crosses differences among individuals, because it involves all of them.
This kind of use reinforces the identity of the movement as a community. In other words,
Asterix supplies a discursive and iconographic repertoire which give shape to the concrete
experience. For example, this was clear to many during the «Libera Repubblica della
Maddalena». Partly because of the id shown above, but also thanks to other objects such as
banners and flags.
Figure 16. A view from the second Taz Figure 17. The General Register Office of the second Taz
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The same idea is confirmed in a interview. In the passage quoted an activists explicitly refers
to Aster for reflecting on the use of the barricades:
I remember many discussion in Libera Repubblica della Maddalena we had on where to put some types
of barricades, which apparently sounds like a story of the Asterix village… People thought about it
differently; but after some hours of discussion, there was no hurry. The dilemma was solved
collectively. We had time (Luca, 30/10/2012).
Asterix can be found in other places of the movement. It is on the entrances of the camps
and on the posters put on the walls, inside and outside.
Figure 18. Asterix on the walls of the No Tav houses
You can find the same posters in the private lodgings of the activists. Some of them have
collected a lot of relics of the No Tav contention, thus creating spaces for the community
cult. Even the clothes allow the individuals to get hold of the community. In 2010 t-shirt
depicting Asterix-Obelix-Idefix while fighting drills were manufactured. Even though they
were especially made for the youth, these t-shirt have been purchased by different subjects,
not only the younger generation.
Rules and Aims that Govern the Asterix Representation
Now, the clothing issue allow us to focus on the cultural object regulations. Those t-shirt
aimed at supporting the community, symbolically and physically.
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Figure 19. The t-shirt logo
Symbolically, the object keeps alive the link to the fights. Physically, the object enables those
who manufacture it the collecting of amounts of money to give to the movement. Obviously,
the same activity – i.e. regulated by the same logics – is performed continuously by the
movement organizations, which follow other paths and use other tools. Within the
movement there are informal organizations like the local committees and several other
groups.
In September 2014 23 out of the 39 councils of the Valley were governed by local groups –
not belonging to any party – opposing the Tav. Moreover, there are other organization,
more or less formal, involved in the movement, although they live outside the Valley. Some
organization belong to the network of the Italian Squat movement. There is also the «FAI»
(The anarchic informal federation); and there are also some national parties – above all
«Movimento Cinque Stelle» e «Rifondazione Comunista». Each of them mobilize some
resources to make the opposition to the railway continue. So, Asterix is often use for this
purpose.
Figure 20. Advertisement.
Benefit parties within/without the Susa Valley
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To conclude, the communication flowing inside the circuit of the No Tav culture follows
some precise logics. They foster/manage the progress of the opposition to the railway.
Now it is possible to go back to the initial question of my study, and explain the different
function that Asterix perform within the No Tav Weltanschauung.
Conclusions: How Does Asterix Work in the Anti-Tav Weltanschauung
The cultural analysis shows that the getting hold of and the making use of Asterix on the part
of the NoTav movement perform several crucial function. They have been classified as
follows: a) Ceremonial function; b) Practical-instrumental function; c) Practical-generative
function; d) Indexical function.
a) Ceremonial function. The comic strips at first, and then all the artifacts, constantly
keep alive in their expression the founding events of the movement, namely when the
community got its typical features. So, the Asterix poetics and aesthetics transfer the
mythopoeic experiences of the movement in the realm of the «collective representations»
(Durkheim, 2008). This means that, even if the 2005 community ended, the No Tav
subjectivity still exists on a symbolical level.
b) Practical-instrumental function. Asterix is useful for the fight. In this sense the
representation is a real way of fighting the Tav – as the id of «Libera Repubblica della
Maddalena» shows.
c) Practical-generative function. Asterix is manipulated by different people belonging to
different groups, and all together they make up the No Tav community. Around Asterix you
can notice cooperation forms aimed at retrieving the material resources necessary both to
support the movement – e.g. getting money – and to the making of the groups themselves.
Actually, shaping the imaginary is one of the activities that put the individuals together and
allows the groups to live.
d) Indexical function. Generally speaking, Asterix enables the individual to rule the
complexity experienced inside the movement, its dynamics. Asterix clearly explain what the
contention is, and how you have to think about it: what happens where it happens. This is
because the worldwide-known comic character are everywhere in the territories owned by
the movement. There are at the background of any activity of the movement, even if not
contentious activities. The imaginary of the No Tav movement is peopled by several
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narrations. But none of them is so visible as much as Asterix is. And none of them is so
evocative as Asterix.
Asterix is a comic strip, one of the means of the «popular aesthetics» par excellence
according to Bourdieu (1979). The French sociologist says that popular aesthetics is actually
founded on the continuity between life and art. This continuity implies the subordination of
the form to the function, the possibility, on the part of the public, to identify themselves into
the events narrated, to transfer the real experience into the imagined experience.
Asterix is not probably the most astonishing feature of the movement. As Asterix has
belonged to the mass culture since several generations, it is the support that more than any
other else makes everyone involved in the Susa Valley immediately able to understand what
is happening in the Tav contention. This ability works very differently from what happens
with other narrations. It works without any further thoughtful mediation, in an unequivocal
way that allows no contradictions.
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