introduction thesis

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1 Chapter I Introduction Background of the Study. Article II Section 1 of the Philippine Constitution states, “The Philippines is a democratic and republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority emanates from them” thus people choose their leaders by means of an election. In most democracies, political dynasties are prevalent like Mexico, Argentina, India, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Querubin (2010) stated in his paper that these dynasties exemplify a form of political elite persistence. Political dynasty” refers to the situation wherein members of the same family are occupying elected positions either in sequence for the same position or simultaneously across different positions. Analysts regard this situation as a signal of weak political competition, which can lead to poorer socio- economic outcomes and chronic poverty. On the other hand, analysts also note that people may tend to rely on patron-client relationships as a way to cope with their poverty, thus creating a demand for political patrons in public office (Beja Jr., et al. 2013). In Nueva Ecija, one of the prevalent political families the Joson Family. Joson dynasty started when Eduardo N. Joson Sr. became the governor of Nueva Ecija in 1959 followed by his son, Tomas Joson. The Josons ruled Nueva Ecija for 48 years until they faced a major setback when Mariano Cristino Joson (Edno Joson) was beaten by Aurelio Umali in 2007. Another is Umalis especially Aurelio M. Umali who beat Edno Joson in the 2007 polls, Edward Joson in 2010 and Josie Joson in 2013. The wife of the current governor of Nueva Ecija, Cherry Umali is currently the representative of the first district of Nueva Ecija and brother was a former member of the sangguniang panlalawigan. Other political family is the Violago of San Jose, Lacuroms of Nampicuan, Botes of General Tinio, and Alvarez of Science City of Muñoz.

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Page 1: Introduction Thesis

1

Chapter I

Introduction

Background of the Study. Article II Section 1 of the Philippine Constitution states, “The Philippines is a

democratic and republican State. Sovereignty resides in the people and all government authority

emanates from them” thus people choose their leaders by means of an election. In most democracies,

political dynasties are prevalent like Mexico, Argentina, India, Indonesia, and the Philippines. Querubin

(2010) stated in his paper that these dynasties exemplify a form of political elite persistence.

“Political dynasty” refers to the situation wherein members of the same family are occupying

elected positions either in sequence for the same position or simultaneously across different positions.

Analysts regard this situation as a signal of weak political competition, which can lead to poorer socio-

economic outcomes and chronic poverty. On the other hand, analysts also note that people may tend to

rely on patron-client relationships as a way to cope with their poverty, thus creating a demand for political

patrons in public office (Beja Jr., et al. 2013).

In Nueva Ecija, one of the prevalent political families the Joson Family. Joson dynasty started

when Eduardo N. Joson Sr. became the governor of Nueva Ecija in 1959 followed by his son, Tomas

Joson. The Josons ruled Nueva Ecija for 48 years until they faced a major setback when Mariano Cristino

Joson (Edno Joson) was beaten by Aurelio Umali in 2007.

Another is Umalis especially Aurelio M. Umali who beat Edno Joson in the 2007 polls, Edward

Joson in 2010 and Josie Joson in 2013. The wife of the current governor of Nueva Ecija, Cherry Umali is

currently the representative of the first district of Nueva Ecija and brother was a former member of the

sangguniang panlalawigan.

Other political family is the Violago of San Jose, Lacuroms of Nampicuan, Botes of General

Tinio, and Alvarez of Science City of Muñoz.

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Notable political families in Science City of Muñoz includes the Alvarez. Their clan started when

Efren L. Alvarez became the Mayor from 1992-2001 and in 2001, he encouraged his brother Nestor L.

Alvarez to run as Mayor and won. He ran for reelection in 2004 and 2007 and won again as mayor. In

2010 his brother Efren L. Alvarez decided to run again as mayor, successfully won, and in 2013 Nestor

Alvarez replaced him, and became the Mayor again. In the same year, his niece Tequila Alvarez

successfully won as Vice Mayor.

Political dynasties do not only exist in the Provinces, municipalities, and cities. In the Barangay

level, dynasties are also prevalent. There are barangays in which officials are relatives and ruled for a

longer period.

This study aims to identify the determinants in encouraging relatives to seek elective office and

the conceptual definition of political dynasties in the select barangays in Science City of Muñoz.

Rationale. Political dynasty is one of the major political issues currently however, no law defining

political dynasty thus is no prohibition in the Philippines. This study will be to gain a major

understanding on the issue of political dynasty. The study will explore political dynasty in the barangay

level and will determine the determinants in encouraging relative to seek elective office as well as the

concept of barangay officials regarding political dynasty.

Statement of the Problems. This study aimed to answer what are the determinants in encouraging relatives

to seek public office that continuously promote political families in the barangay. This study sought to

answer the following problems:

1. What are the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondent barangay officials?

2. What is the relationship of the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents to the

determinants in encouraging relatives to seek elective office?

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3. What are their concept of political dynasty among the respondent barangay officials?

Objectives of the Study. The study determined the determinants in encouraging relatives seeking in

politics/public office. Specifically it aimed to:

1. Identify the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents’.

2. To determined relationship of the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents to the

determinants in encouraging relatives to seek elective office.

3. To know their concept of political dynasty among the respondents.

Significance of the Study. This study will be significant for the policy makers; with this study, they will

identify the determinants on why political families encourage their relative to seek elective office to the

point of creating dynasties of their own.

In addition, with this study, the public officials will be able develop a strategy on how to equally

distribute power among themselves without engaging into political dynasty.

Lastly, the study can served as a future reference on studying the proliferation of political dynasties in the

grass root level.

Scope and Limitation. The study is limited to the determinants in encouraging relatives to seek elective

office using the three fundamentals of organizational behavior used by Andrew Dubrin. The 12 indicators

used in the determinants was developed by the researcher for illustrating and expounding the definition of

power, influence and organizational politics for better understanding of the respondents.

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Collaterally, conceptual definition of political dynasty among the respondents is also determined

using thematic interpretation from the collective responses of the respondents in the open-ended

questions. The responses are in Filipino, however, for the purposes of analysis, the conceptual definition

of political dynasty was written in English.

However, due to lack of material time and the inability of the researcher to locate the respondents

in the barangay, the questionnaire was not subjected to a pre-test.

The locale of the study is limited to four barangays in Science City of Munoz. The local of the

study was determined through the top four barangays barangays with the highest frequency of barangay

officials with the same surname.

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Chapter II

Review of Related Literature

The sections contains previous studies regarding political dynasties that includes undergraduate

and master’s thesis and dissertation. The section also contains articles in journals, newspaper, and in the

World Wide Web.

The researcher used both quantitative and qualitative approaches. A quantitative approach is one

in which the investigator primarily uses post positivist claims for developing knowledge (i.e., cause and

effect thinking, reduction to specific variables and hypotheses and questions, use of measurement and

observation, and the test of theories), employs strategies of inquiry such as experiments and surveys, and

collects data on predetermined instruments that yield statistical data (Cresswell 1994). Cresswell (1994)

defined qualitative approach as one in which the inquirer often makes knowledge claim based primarily

on constructivist perspectives (i.e… multiple meanings of individual experiences, meanings socially and

historically constructed with an intent of developing a theory or pattern) or advocacy/ participatory

perspectives (i.e… political, issue oriented, collaborative or change oriented) or both.

Definition of Political Dynasties. “Political dynasty” refers to the situation wherein members of the same

family are occupying elected positions either in sequence for the same position or simultaneously across

different positions. Analysts regard this situation as a signal of weak political competition, which can lead

to poorer socio-economic outcomes and chronic poverty. On the other hand, analysts also note that people

may tend to rely on patron-client relationships as a way to cope with their poverty, thus creating a demand

for political patrons in public office (Beja Jr., et al. 2013). Beja Et Al. (2013) states, “One definition of

political dynasties refers to members of the same family occupying elected positions either in sequence

for the same position, or simultaneously across different positions”.

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Another term for political dynasty is political family as stated by Kurtz (1989) “A political family

exist when two or more relatives or have held in public office if two or more families are linked by

kinship, they are interlocked, forming a kinship network”.

In our country ruled by a political oligarchy of rich and powerful families, a political dynasty

refers to relatives who enjoy a monopoly of electoral political power to the disadvantage of rival leaders

and the general public. In this sense, we can cite many provinces and cities and the national government

ruled by political dynasties. Anarchy of families” says American historian, Alfred McCoy (Abueva 2013).

In the Merriam Webster Dictionary, dynasty defines as a succession of rulers of the same line of

descent; another definition was a powerful group or family that maintains it position for a considerable

period.

Political dynasties are also known as political families or political clans. These dynasties maintain

a monopoly of power over a longer period.

In the Philippine Constitution Article II Section 26 states, “The State shall guarantee equal

access to public service and prohibit political dynasty as may be defined by law”. There is no law in the

Philippines defining political dynasties. Yusingco (2012) states:

“It seems that such a law cannot be enacted because the majority of lawmakers are members of

traditional political families (at least 70% of Congress members belong to political dynasties). Indeed, it

is hard to imagine these legislators passing a law that will cost them their grip on political power.

Nevertheless, there are Anti-Political dynasty bills pending in the House of Representatives and in the

Senate”.

Nature of Barangay. The barangay is a basic administrative unit and key arena for democratic engagement

(Magno). In the section 384 of the local government code it states that “As the basic political unit, the

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barangay serves as the primary planning and implementing unit of government policies, plans, programs,

projects, and activities in the community, and as a forum wherein the collective views of the people may

be expressed, crystallized and considered, and where disputes may be amicably settled”. The barangay is

composed of the Punong Barangay, seven Sagguniang Barangay members, Sangguniang Kabataan

member, a Treasurer and Secretary and other appointed officials.

Valdeheusa (2010) states that a barangay is a small republic. It has territory, people,

government, though limited sovereignty. As the home of every sovereign Filipino, its voters provide

legitimacy to government and authority to public servants on all levels. Every precinct is located in it;

every vote cast in. He also states that like a municipal and upper level government, it has also three

branches of government, the executive headed by the barangay chairman, legislative composed of the

sagguniang barangay, and judicial headed by the lupon tagapamayapa but all three are headed by one and

the same official: the Barangay Chairman. Unlike the upper level governments, there is no separation of

powers in the barangay. It is a parliamentary form of government. This explains why its leader is called

“Chairman” (i.e. prime minister) – not “Kapitan” as in “little commander-in-chief” (head of state in the

presidential form of government}. He is a little prime minister, not a little president. Punong Barangay is

his formal title.

Appointed officials in the barangay include a barangay secretary and treasurer. In the local

government code the secretary and the treasurer is appointed by the barangay chairman with the

concurrence of the majority of all sangguniang members and shall not be subject to attestation by the

Civil Service Commission.

The fusion of the powers of the three branches of government in the barangay places this small

political unit a notch higher than the parliamentary system. In a parliamentary set-up, executive and

legislative functions are exercised simultaneously but barangay officials also have quasi-judicial powers

apart from the power to implement and enact laws (Lagman 2008).

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Valdehuesa (2010) pointed out that because a barangay is a parliamentary form of government it has a

parliament called the Barangay Assembly. This assembly is in fact the community’s supreme governing

body since it consists of all the voters within the jurisdiction, the residents. The Barangay Assembly has

power to discipline or recall the chaiman and kagawads for loss of confidence. It is supposed to hear and

pass upon the semestral report of the sangguniang barangay concerning its activities and finances. It can

a) initiate legislative processes by recommending measures for the welfare of the barangay and city or

municipality; and b) propose, enact, or amend ordinances passed by the Sanggunian through the process

of initiative or referendum.

Nature of Power of Barangay Chairman. In the Local Government Code Section 389, the Punong

Barangay serves as the chief executive of the barangay, exercised such powers, and performs such duties

and functions as provided by the LGC and other laws.

According to Valdehuesa (2010) the barangay is a parliamentary form of government because the

three branches of government are headed by the barangay chairman and in the barangay there is no such

thing as separation of powers. This explains why its leader is called “Chairman” (i.e. prime minister) –

not “Kapitan” as in “little commander-in-chief” (head of state in the presidential form of government}.

He is a little prime minister, not a little president. Punong Barangay is his formal title. It is wrong to

confuse the two terms, using them interchangeably. A chairman presides as “first among equals” over his

peers, while a captain commands troops (subordinate ranks). It would be ridiculous to have a commander

or dictator rule over the sovereign citizens of a democracy or a small republic like the barangay. Before

the Local Government Code was enacted in 1991, the barangay was not a full-fledged government but a

quasi-municipal entity with no significant powers or resources. He was called “Barrio Kapitan” – a title

derived from the Spanish Period when barrios were commanded by the captain of the Guardia Civil.

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Lagman (2007) states “The trinity of governmental powers is vested in the Barangay Chairman.

He is the Chief Executive of the barangay; he is the Presiding Officer of the Sangguniang Barangay; and

he is the Chief Magistrate of the Lupong Tagapamayapa. In a manner of speaking, the Barangay

Chairman is President, Speaker and Chief Justice. Truly, he is the greatest functionary”.

According to Ifugao Rep. Teddy Baguilat:

“The barangay chairman is the mayor, Speaker of the House and Chief Justice of the barangay. He is the

engineer who monitors infrastructure projects, the budget secretary looking for fund sources from local

and national agencies, the chief social worker during calamities and disasters and the chief police who

supervise the Tanods. At times, he is also the guidance counselor who provides advice to warring

couples. And he is the ultimate spokesperson of the barangay. He has a lot of roles. Multi- faceted. And

he is quite powerful, that's why he's also the Numero Uno ward leader of politicians” (Fernandez 2013).

Power of Appointment. In the Local Government Code, appointed barangay officials include barangay

secretary and treasurer. Section 394 of the LGC states “The barangay secretary shall be appointed by the

punong barangay with the concurrence of the majority of all the sangguniang barangay members. The

appointment of the barangay secretary shall not be subject to attestation by the Civil Service

Commission”. While 395 states “The barangay treasurer shall be appointed by the punong barangay

with the concurrence of the majority of all the sangguniang barangay members. The appointment of the

barangay treasurer shall not be subject to attestation by the Civil Service Commission”. Other brangay

officials appointed by the Punong Barangay shall be governed by the provisions of LGC and other laws or

by barangay ordinances (Sec. 396).

Another appointing power of the barangay captain is to appoint barangay Tanod. The barangay

tanod as a whole is a community brigade composed of civilian volunteers appointed by the Punong

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Barangay upon the recommendation of barangay kagawads acting as Barangay Peace and Order

Committee. The Local Government Code provides for a maximum of 20 tanods in each barangay;

however, villages may create more as necessary “in accordance with the needs of public service, and

subject to the budgetary limitations of the barangay”. The Punong Barangay can designate a “Chief

Tanod/Ex-O” to head the group. The tanods can also be organized in teams of two to four members in

each team headed by a Team Leader (Aquino).

Importance of Family in Politics. In the research conducted by Kurtz (1989) families in which politics is a

usual activity of the members, children undergo a socialization experience, which is different from

nonpolitical families. He also stated, “Families with a tradition of public service develop name

recognition, goodwill, and skills, all of which are components of the state or capital which can be

transferred from one member to another”.

Prevalence of Political Dynasties. In the study conducted by Beja et al. (2013), they stated that the

increased income poverty does not create political dynasties but it contributes to the expansion of the

largest and strongest dynasty. According to Beja et al (2013):

“Given that the poor are most vulnerable to political patronage and manipulation as well as practical to

sell their votes, a worsening, if not unchanging, poverty would be beneficial to political dynasties. Since

the largest political dynasties would, in most situations, be the families that have cultivated the most

extensive networks of patronage, accumulated the most political and financial capital, and have the

access to the largest political machineries, they would also be in the best position to take advantage of

vulnerable economically disadvantaged voters.”

Querubin (2010) stated that members of these political dynasties have a great political power due

to various observed and unobserved characteristics of the family such as wealth, talent, popularity or

looks that correlate with political success and can be transmitted across generations.

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Sunico (2013) pointed out that these political families have gathered enough wealth and resources

to ensure that they win any election whether through the strength of the family name or through more

"creative" electoral strategies.

(CenPeg) Center for People’s Empowerment and Governance (2010) stated that:

“The barangay is a microcosm of oligarchic politics, misallocation of resources, and corruption. It serves

as an extension of ruling political dynasties and as a base of future traditional politicians. Many

candidates for punong barangay (barangay captain) are the children or relatives of the local mayor or

councilors. It is also a stepping-stone for future municipal and congressional leaders. Many members of

Congress started their political career in the barangay. Candidates for barangay posts – totaling 336,200

– also receive backing from congressmen and other local politicians who seek to maintain their power

base particularly during elections”.

Exploitative political dynasties are thus the cause and consequence of our ineffective and

unaccountable patron-client democracy, and personalized parties plagued by misuse of power, corruption

and wastage of state resources, and of our rapid population growth and continuing underdevelopment. We

cannot begin to change our political system that breeds these ills without basic structural and institutional

reforms, as Charter change advocates and we critics keep saying and writing about (Abueva 2013).

Conclusion. There were many previous studies regarding political dynasties in general, however, there

were lack or wanting of studies regarding the subject in the barangay level. The previous studies showed

above is only limited on the prevalence and effects of political dynasties in the society and not on the

determinants that encourages relatives to seek elective office.

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Chapter III

Methodology

Conceptual Framework. This study aimed to determine the determinants in encouraging relatives to seek

elective office. The barangay official’s socio demographic variables such as age, civil status, educational

attainment, years in public office, political background of the family, private occupation, relatives serving

in the barangay, relatives serving in the city they are correlated to the determinants in encouraging

relatives to seek elective office. served as the independent variables.

In addition to this, the conceptual definition of political dynasties among selected barangay officials in

Science City of Muñoz was also be determined to give light to their choices of determinants in

encouraging relatives to seek elective office.

Fig. 1: Conceptual Paradigm

Age

Civil Status

Years in Public Service

Educational attainment

Family Experience in Elective

Office

Private Occupation

Monthly Income

Relatives serving in the

barangay

Relatives Serving in the City

Socio Demographic

Characteristics

Determinants in encouraging

relatives to seek elective office

Concept on Political Dynasty

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Operational Definition of Terms. Several terms were used in this research which might have a different

context in other researches or in its daily use. There are also terms which are not familiar to many people

because it requires specialization into a certain discipline. These terms are:

Barangays – the basic political unit of the Philippine government which serves as the primary planning

and implementing unit of government policies, plans, programs, projects, and activities in the community,

and as a forum wherein the collective views of the people may be expressed, crystallized and considered,

and where disputes may be amicably settled.

Barangay Officials – the respondents of the study which is composed of the following:

Barangay Chairman – the chief executive of the barangay and the presiding officer of the

Sangguniang Barangay mandated to enforce all ordnances enacted by the Sangguniang Barangay.

Barangay Kagawad – elected barangay officials, who serve as the legislative council of the

barangay and composes the Sangguniang Barangay tasked with making ordinances and

resolutions for the barangay.

Barangay Secretary – appointed barangay official that keep of all records of the sangguniang

barangay.

Barangay Treasurer - appointed barangay official that keeps the custody of barangay funds and

properties.

Determinants – reasons of the barangay officials in encouraging their relatives to seek elective positions

as mentioned by Andrew Dubrin. These are divided into three categories: Power, Influence, and

Organizational Politics.

Power – The potential ability to influence decisions and control resources.

Influence – Resembles power, but tends to be more subtle and indirect

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Organizational Politics - the informal approaches to gaining power through means other than

merit or luck.

Concept of Political Dynasty – it refers to the understanding of barangay officials on what political

dynasty to which the researcher thematically interpreted.

Political dynasties – refers to members of the same family occupying elected positions either in sequence

for the same position, or simultaneously across different positions.

Family – a group of persons related by blood by consanguinity or affinity.

Relatives – a person connected with another by blood or affinity; a person who is kin with another.

Blood relative – one who shares an ancestor with another.

Collateral relative – a relative who is not in the direct line of descent, such as a cousin relative of the half

blood.

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Research Methods

Data Gathering. This study used both quantitative and qualitative data to the determinants in encouraging

relatives to seek elective office in selected barangays in Science City of Muñoz.

The questionnaire composed by several parts; the first part was designed to identify the socio-

demographic characteristics of the respondents. The second part was formulated to know the determinants

in encouraging relatives to seek public office using the indicators listed by the researcher on the

questionnaire .The third part was a series of open-ended questions developed to determine the conceptual

definition of political dynasty in selected barangays in Science City of Muñoz.

For easy understanding the context and meaning of the questionnaire, the researcher wrote in

Filipino.

Sampling Procedure. The researcher used the multi stage sampling method in the study. The researcher

have chosen Science City of Muñoz because of the prevalence of political families in the city as

manifested by the blood relations of the chief executive and his vice mayor.

All of the Barangays chosen by the researcher are composed of barangay officials, which have

similar surnames with the other officials. The respondents were composed of 40 barangay officials either

elected in the case of chairman and kagawads or appointed in thr case of secretaries and treasurers.

However, the samples were supposed to be 40 but three of the respondents were unable to be reached by

the researcher despite diligent efforts and follow-ups.

Statistical Analysis. Data gathered were analyzed using the following statistical tools:

a. Frequency Count and percentage- These were used to analyze the socio demographic characteristics

such as age, civil status, gender, educational attainment, profession besides of becoming a barangay

official, monthly income, family experience in public service, relatives serving in the barangay.

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b. Chi-Square- This was used to determine the relationship between the socio demographic characteristics

of the respondents to their concept of political dynasties.

Locale of the Study. The researcher conducted the study in the four barangays of Science City of Muñoz,

Nueva Ecija namely Cabisuculan, Matingkis, Naglabrahan and San Antonio. All of the barangays were

purposively chosen by the researcher for having at least four barangays officials who have similar

surnames or belongs to the same family.

Source: Science City of Munoz Website(Accessed February 2015)

Legend

Locale of the Study

Figure 2. Map of Science City of Muñoz

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