Cneprnn 6

Invoking Ne' Rake: Ancestral Comradesin Contemporary Bornean Warfare

Christian Oesterheld

( ( 1 *aurtons." "nr.rcesrne.L uecrc,,, ,rxo ,,eNcEsrRrrr

rituals,, are

A terms which have frequently been mentioned in various accoulttsL lof the (ecent Dayak-Madurese conflict in West and Central Ka_

limantan. In mass media reports, ..the realm of the ancestors,, has usually

featured in close association with ..headhunting,' and ,,ritual

cannibalisml, lnresponse, academics discussing ethnic violence in contemporary Kalimantanhave widely dismissed the issue as sensationalism. Consequently, I argue, adistorted image of (re)invented or (re)cliscovered traditions hus beei .."_ated. This chapter aims to re-examine the topic of ancestral possession andcomradeship in Dayak-Madurese warfare, and to illuminate conceptions ofancestors within the changing social environment ofpresenlday Borneo, animportant characteristic of which is the continuous rise ofan inter_regionalDayak identiry

In reconsidering some themes which, for the ,.perpetrators,,, have been

central features of the events, this chapter tries to adopt an emic perspec_tive, relying on a considerable number ofinterviews with persons who havemostly been engaged as active combatants.t Although their performanceduring anti-Madurese warfare has been obscurecl by discourses ir.r the localand international mass media, reproduced by NGOs as well as by academ_ics, it is clear for me that these combatants strongly believed in what rheydid and, especially, in how they thought it had to be done. Like virtuallyeyerl'thing in the "Dayak worldviewl, warfare has to follow adat, certaj.nrules of conduct pertaining to legal and ethical issues, as well as to luwsof nature_, but also including secret knowledge regarding strength andpower Whether Dayak people have been blamed or defendeJ i., the-u"ri.r,r"

278

INVoKING NE, RAKE

accounts of ethnic conflict in Kalimanlan published in recent years, theyusually have been spoken for and.have rarely themselves been given voice.This chapter is neiiher written to accuse and blame, nor to defend or excusethe Dayak fighters. However, it aims to provide an emic understanding ofthe ongoing debate, backed by an anthropological analysis of the ritual per-formances and undedying notions which structure contemporary Dayakwarfare practices. No new discovery regarding the "hidden causes" of theconflict itselfwill be offered.

The Dayak-Madurese Conflict in Kalimantan

ln early March 2001,just two weeks after ethnic violence between "indigenousDayaks" and "Madurese settlers" - to use the vocabulary of the mass media- had rocked the province of Central Kalimantan, the official tolls countedtens of thousands of refugees and nearly 5OO casualties (however, unofficialsources stated up to 7000 casualties). Soon the strife was declared to be themost violent outbreak ofethnic violence in Kalimantan to date - and by thatit topped a series of similar events formerly concentrated in the neighbouringprovince of West Kalimantan. There, the Madurese had been fought by agathering of Dayak people from several districts in early 1997 (after quarrelsbetween youngsters d,vringa dangdut concert in December 1996), and againin early 1999 by a Malay and Dayak alliance in Sambas district (after a seriesof criminal cases inflicted by Madurese individuals upon members of oneor the other of the indigenous communities). Although almost unnoticedby the academic debate prior to \996-97, anti-Madurese violence in eitherprovince was not actually a new phenomenon.2 The history ofethnic conflictin Central Kalimantan dates back to at least 1982, and West Kalimantanexperienced uprisings of this sort sporadically from the 1950s and-on aconsiderably larger scale in the late 1970s and early 1980s.3

A detailed report by Human Rights Watch/Asia about the 1997 riots inWest Kalimantan shares the first impression of most immediate observersof the violence, saying that "Dayaks waged what appeared to be a ritual waragainst Madurese communities" (HRW 1997). Indeed, some of the moreyisible characteristics of the conflicts included the deployment of variouskinds of magic, a wide range ofpre-, in-, and post-war ritual practices, andexotic forms of violence, including headtaking and ritual cannibalism.Local media reports had detailed stories about the "flying Mandau: ,,spir1t

possessiorf' of tlre Dayak 6ghters, their mystical war g enerals (pangkalima)

280 CHRrsrrAN OESTERHELD

and other kinds ofmagico-ritual powers, Overseas mass media stressed inparticular the strange way ofkilling - headtaking and ritual cannibalismin sensationalist reports.

In most cases, the response by academics, as well as by local and iut€r-national NGOs, was strict in its dismissal of these obviously exaggerateddepictions. A growing academic debate soon focused on explanations o[the "hidden'causes ofthe riots, often proposing socio-economic and socio-political conditions as the answer. The side-effects of economic crisis ancl

political transition in Indonesia in the late 1990s were said to have set rhe

scene for religious and ethnic uprisings, and the steady growth ofseparatistmovements all over the archipelago- For many observers, the overall sitLrationrepresented the legacy of the centralist New Order government, disreputeclfor its political and economic marginalization ofthe'buter islandsl'ln theseaccounts, the commercial exploitation of forest resources associated withthe neglect of the traditional land rights of indigenous peoples, as well as

a failed identity politics in pushing the Pancasila programrne, had createda tense situation which exploded in violent uprisings when the Nep Orderregime came to an end. Some in-depth accounts have broadened the scope

of analysis in explaining the ethnic conflicts in l{alimantan as informed bylocal historical developments in terms of territorial politics (Peluso andHarwell 2001, Somers Heidhues 2001) and the rise of an institutionalized"Dayak" identity, producing local elites and new ethnic ideologies (vanKlinken 2002 and 2005).

Turning away from the eyecatching imagery of "headhunting Dayakwarriors" (Parry 1999), "mimicking the ritualistic killings oftheir ancestors"(Nation 1999) in an 'butbreak of ethnic violence and grisly murders" (SCMP1999), "gruesome ritual killings" (CNN 1999), or "ritual savagery" (Watts

1999), academics insisted that "this was no ritual but terror directed againstthe Madurese" since "the headhunting was devoid ofthe old ritual context"(Colombijn 2001: 37). Writing about the Dayak-Madurese clashes in West

Kalimantan, Horowitz (2000:95) stated that'tustomary modes are oftenimagined rather than authentically uncovered." Similarly, Dove (2006: I95)has suggested that

. . . much ofthe Dayak ideology attending the conflict (e.g., the assertionthat the warriors who ate the flesh of their enemies were possessed byspirits) seems to have been invented for the occasion, perhaps drawingand building on external, essentialized images ofthe Dayak.

INvo(rNc NE' RA(E

The notion of ,,(re)invented,, or ,,(re)irnagined,,

traditions has dominatedacademic explanations of the odduodu,",. .onni.t, i.; , ;ffiil::;::il""r#:H,T:,',1::,il ffnh2001: 85, Snirh 2005: 9). Statements of the direcrly ,,r".fr"i i"irfrl,""o,if given voice, have been rendered meaningl*.,

". a.r..ri.J * O.*rr O,"tactics." Ritual performances havstratesicary expioiting

"" r;;r: 3iil"trt"'.'j::n"ffi::i;l::|ni ;lLrleans in rvarfare (peluso 2003 and 2006).

,r,..,1.1:.r.1r-"'*l:O rhar the rah ng of rhe enemies, heads during rhe confl icrsor(r lrot necessarily refer to practices of ..lradilional fr*afr""i"gilir ,fl*delolcs raids with rhe purpose to obtain human heads ro be ur.a inir"a ition.t

:,1n."t, :":f rs rlruse hc,l.l to encl periods of m."r"irg. E_i; ";;;;;;:rr."tl)tt rlltti-MildLtl(,sc warfare was nof rny inforn,ants w."l;;;$

"fi ilili,:';rJilJ'f ,i:xl; :;.;JJ;::on ir l.rrger scalc, eveu in former tintes. Headhu[ting in the strict sense(rgalo in most West Kalimantan Dayak languages) was outlawed by boththe Durch and the Brooke "or"nior

ua'',:,,i.t"r";,"; ;;;;,1Jilr""t"",',ncentury. I-{owever the practice of headraking, "l.1

,;;;;;";;;;';,;"* *necessitated, were occirsionally encouraged by the colonial ,.;;;;;;;r,","pacific.rtion" raids againsr hosrile Dayak groups. In l-"li i.iat.i,,,_ n"along bc'en ir c-omnron pattern ofrevenge feuds between neigf.U""l,lr"'ri"r"ogroups,and, later, it was widely practiceci i,, "",i_.o;;i"l'"";;;;;;.:; i;;sense, headtaking enduretl until the end ol colonial rule and blossomed

l9l,:1, :: "^:' fapanese guerri[a operations during World w", ii. o.rp,,.Derng rrnlnirnorrs with academic rccounts in their dismissal of "

,i_pf"headhunting imagery, active fighters of the anti-Madurese strife did notdepict thc events as ..sociul

unre"st,.,neither.,spontaneous,,nor,,mobilized,,

T: 1"1"::1j bur rs war (pera"g < st>,t baparakng baiurri.,i"""r""rl

in a straightforward sense.

Sarnpit, 2001:,,Ancestral Homelands,,Defended by 'Ancestral power,,

Socio-econonric and socio-politicar marginarization of Indonesiat outerislands, includ ing KaUnrantan, durinfac, \vh i i h n

" y.:k p";p; ;;' ;;i' :if

"?.fr : i,;J il1r"1', J*i],: jbeen dinrinished by the superimposed 1"r""*" "a1,,",r,.il;:';o jl",rr,

they lr,rd bcerr deprivcd of rheir rractirionai ,""d ;,;;,: il;";iJr,r.h"o

Cttnrsrrel OesrenHeLo

been exploited by national and international companies, and transntigrationprogrammes had bred social conflict over ever scarcer resources, both landand labour. However, active combatants in Sampit 20Ol would not explaintheir anger towards "the Madurese" in terms of any of these arguments,When going to war, they believed they responded to - or anticipated _ animpending Madurese plot to take over power in Central Kalimantan, Iirst atthe district level in East Kotawaringin, later in the whole province. Dvidencefor this plot had been coilected by the Lembaga Musyowarah MasyarakatDayak dan Daerah Kalimantan Tengah,

^Central Kalimautrn NGO, and rvas

submitted to the then Indonesian president Abdurrahman Wahid in form ofa report which became well known as the'Red Book' (LMMDD_K'f 2001).Although the validityofthe report's findings has been questioDeci and someof the documents it contained have been suspected to bc ,,fabric{tions,'

toserve political ends (van Klinken 2001 and 2002), as a whole it reprcsented- and reinforced - a widespread fear ofa Madurese plot to tirke over porverAs Schroder and Schmidt have put it, "Not even modern state elites withmodern media apparatuses at their disposal ctn invent confrontntions outof nothing" (2001: 9).s

"Anccstors" and "Ancestral Magic,, inAccounts of Ethnic Violence in San.tpit

'lire Madurese plot was believed to be directed against tl]e ,ancestral home_

land' and 'ancestral traditions' (tanah dan adat leluhur <BI>) of Dayakpeople. Following are some excerpts from an open letter by a local groupof fighters, addressed "To: Everybody."o It is a good sunrnary of the mainissues which have been advanced in regard to the role of ancestors in theDayak-Madurese conflict. When deciding to take over Central Kalimanran,the document says, the Madurese

. . . should have understood that Sampit was part ofCentral Kalinrirntanand it has been created by the Almighty God for the Dayak ancestors.It is clear that our God os well as our ancestors do not approve on ourhomeland being taken over byMadurese,. . .It was the real manifestationofour God and ancestors'help to the Dayak to enable them to survive intheir own homeland.

The issue of supernatural assistance is given more space towards the end ofthe document:

lNvoKrNG NE' RAKE

In certain circunlstances, the spirits of our ancestors can merge intoour bodies and soul to do what eyer they want. Being under control ofour ancestor's spirit, we do not realize what we do, besides, under this

control any Dayak people are unhurt by any weapons. To carry out theirmissions, saving our soul, our ancestors work in their own ways. . . . Ourancestors vr'ill never take any action carelessly v,/ithout any reasons. This

means that if now they are taking any action on the reasons that they

have to help their children/grandchildren and their descendants, they

irave a clear and appropriate reason.

Notably, neither the quoted passages, nor any other part of the docume[tdescribes exactly what the ancestors' 'bwn ways" ofassistance were. Instead,

the results oftheir presence are recalled in the document. Their'tontrol" ofthe fighters is said to cause inmlnerability. Another part of the documentstates that clue to the ancestors'help,

. . . many people crn see flying Mandau, or Madurese are suddenly killed,no body klows why.

lnvulncrability and the "flying mandau" (a traditional Dayak sword) are

both ingredients of a myh of "Dayak powerl'which is - either affirmativelyor critically - disclrssed in nrany accounts ofethnic conflict in Kalimantan,especially in local media reports.T The myth of"Dayak power" includes also

an ability to "sniffoLrt" the Madurese when hiding, the various supernaturalabilities of Dayak pangkqlirna (ritual war generals), or mysterious troops ofinvisibles assisting in warfare. Usually these elements ofpower and strengthare said to be closely related to the presence of "Dayak ancestors." Furtherdescriptions usually are vague and varied. In.ulnerability, for example, issometimes gained by ritual bathing, sometimes by drinking magic oils,sometimes simply through possession by a helping spirit. Or one entailsthe other, since "after the warriors drank the [magic] oil they were ina trance 'possessed by ancestral spirits"' - and thus invulnerable.8 Yet inother accounts, magic oils do nof cause inrrlnerability, rather "with theirbottles of magical oil that they take to the battlefield, the Dayaks can sniffout a Madurese" (Economist 2001). Or, as some observers believe, these oilscontained certain drugs to intoxicate the warriors' mlnds - they afterwards

being capable of all kinds of cruelties.9 Similar confusion goes with reportson the "flying /tr4rdaal' At times certain Dayakpangkalimawere believed tohave a kind of"remote-control" power on their swords. In other descriptions

284 CHnIstIAti Oesretnsro

it was invisible spirits who handled the mandau - which then appeared to be

flying around.t0 Some observers speak simply of"a return to the traditionalreligion and an appeal to the ancestors to help with their warrior spirits"(Schumann 2002: 165)1I - whereby the present combatants are either said to

be "possessed"l2 by these ancestral spirits or merely'bssisted" by their invis-

ible power. There has not been much ofan attempt to come to terms about

what kind of ancestors had been involved, or in which particular sense they

actually were ancestors.

A single exception to this are stories about a Panglima Burung (or

Pangkalima Burung) which dominated local media reports for some tinle

and even appeared in the nation-wide and Southeast Asian regional press.

Media reports presented an ambiguous image of this Panglima Burung,

or 'Bird General', where the famous (West Kalimantan) resistance fighter

Panglima Burung was merged with the m1'thological (Central KalimaDtan)

hirwk antang.l3 Approximate to tbe antang imagery of Ngaju m)'thology(Becker and Hupe in Sch?irer 1966: 142-144), The Strqifs Tizes (Singapore)

reported that

The upriver Dayaks believe the mastermind behind the violence is a

spirit ancestor that has taken the form of a female bird. . . . The Dayaks

claimed they had seen the spirit bird, called Arnpang [sic], flying above

them as they clashed with the Madurese in recent days. . . . While it was

dimcult to pinpoint where the Madurese lived, the Dayaks claimed tl'eAmpang had led them to the Madurese (Kealney 2001, cl KP 2001b and

Wijaya 2002:30).

In Ngaiu traditionalbelief the antang is the'spirit ofthe ancestral sanctuary'(6anan tajahan) and can be called to become an omen bird. According toSchiirer (1966: 876, 882-883) it is called Rika Bulau Antang Ganan Tajahan

and can be described as the hlpostasis ofthe spirits ofthe deceased. In some

areas, there are reports about the Ant4rg as being a single historical person,

a Dayak elder from the Katingan river area who did not die but was, at great

age, transformed into a hawk (Baier 2001: 101). In either versior' lhe antdng

functions as a mediator between the human realm and the realm of ances-

tral spirits. In warfare it leads the combatants (Klokke 2004: l7l, 219, Riwut

1993: 338) and is, by some, supposed to join the fighting itself (Schdrer 1966:

882). To my knowl edge,lhe antang is not supposed to possess the lighters.

However, some reports on the "legendary Bird-General, the mystical [emale

leader of the Dayaks" (Briinnimann 2001), mix it with the more personal

INvo(rNG NE,RAKE 285

Pangkalima Burung whorn they suppose to be ..a reincarnation of a Dayakancestor fron) times immemorial,,, but now stress tlr"t tf.i, "r."ri"r,.""piritcan "possess the soul of whatever Dayak it wants to be *,,1r;irPl00rl,

regardless ofgender or age. In fact, a .,realj,

human .,Birl G.r"r"i""_

" **,Kalimantan Dayak leader famous for his ,_ol" i, ,.r;;;g;;;;;";. *cupation (Frans Layang t981, KR 1998) - was still alive,r rOOi il"i'.*g1u

::y :: jYl"j f::"" l.u'"F,0.i, in the anti_Madure;; ;;;;rl; ;"1,0,,uuc Lo rovanced age. Several leaders emerged during the conflic; in CentralKalimantan presenting themselves ".

hir"air.ipl., ina r;-OO;;i;;";,r,inherited his magic abilities.

. Ihe locaf weekly Bbbas featured several, contradictory accounts aboutthese leaders, producing much confusion regarding ,n, ii*r" oi'ior^Ar_"Burung amonglocal and international oUr.rri^ Uu'fr,l.r.i;;;;;.:;::6.1). In an interestirg attempt at a critique ;;il;:"ffi;,4 ;;,ffi;:Jj;(2004, especially pp. l0l-147) have suspected that some of this confusionhad been p:odu:ed intentiooally to obscure and mystify

"".rrr.'ii ,n*assessment is right, this obscurantism might have U."rr r.rulne ut-t.orttwo ends. On the one hand, it translated "u.n* of ro.lut uiot.ri.t"*'*"

suffering into a grammar of inaccessible mysticism, *atl.,rr'in ii *"0.nodern legends and new heroes, and, on the ,f.., fr"ra ii"Ufrrr"i',r,.|i:de b:t]{een traditionally and culturally distinct comilil;.. ;;;.,,in Sampit 2001 not only the Central Kalimantan majortry Nri"'r.*,, _ _Otheir Ma'anyan (Awan 2001) and Ot Danurn (Rini ZOOS: tiO) :"0r,?., fi,.*r;,as well as Banjarese .toastal

allies,, _ had been fightirg ,;. ti;;;r;. ;r,

fi8ure 6.1. Bebas covers featuring various depjctions of the,,Bird Ceneral.,,

CnnrsrreN OnsrEqHlLr)

assistance rvas also provided from the neighbouring provinces of West andEast Kalimantan, Both through communal mystification in _".lio ."port,,rnd rhrough indigenous .ornmunal .i,""rr, f'".for..l 0".,,."i.r,, **"fighting ceased, all of these srour_"g,."i""J;;P';;..::#';:,jffiH:,fl#;1r1;H.fi :::lOne of the rituals, which was oerformed in the district of Easl*"i"r"r,"r,"in late March 2001, expresses these issues in an interesting way. At the peakof this ritual the district head ofEast Kotawariugin addressed the audience:

As the indigenous peopre ofKalirnantan, the Dayak believe that lresidesby men this island here is also ir o h r et uh urt""., ",,;l"Ji;;l;*:rT"T;'ff: ffi:::",,,.'J :1;protect the Dayak peopre. Thesc spirirs cre berievecr a rr""" iJ." n"r,altl

lelped the Dayak people in the preserlr conllicr in irrational riayswhich are hard to accept by human reason. And indeed because oftheirpresence, Central Kalimantan il

ticurar, were abre . -"-*,^ "lotll'rl:;iil :::;lil:[::[:i,:j;(Anwar 2001, my translation frorn the Indonesian)l

lj::l:'5L,t.'"*e. terminoloSy of ,,Dayaks,, and ,.thcir

irncesrc,rs,, haducconte part ot a political prosrarrhe isranrr "r";; i;;;;;;il,J#il:,:.:il: :l;;,il"li:::"":^,T:1.' tdurins the ritual in his twofold.haruci"r, i;,;;;";;;o;:I;::, il.ir'iifiiliKanayatn Dayak, whom Bd&cs ha<l finally d..lor"d ;-;;';;. ;;::";r_', *"" reaL". Panglinn Buntng, stood at the sacrificial pole where a water buffalowas tied, and in the sky people witnessed a hawk flying hi, .*n;r.

' "'

A Delegation of West Kalimantan W;rrriors _and their Ancestors _ to Sampit, 2O0l

Not only was a substantial part of the ,.Bird General,,_imagery imported fromnerghbouring West Kalimantan. Surprisingly, the early dals .f ",il",..r"nn,in Central Kalimanran had been dominated by rttual practie, *;,;;;;;;"r.as traditions of west Kalimantan Dayaks. i" f*,';;;;;;:';#lr; *"6rst clashes in Sampit, ancestral spirits had been invoked at a sicred Dlircectoie ro the vitrage of Gutong in the area of rhe il";il;;;;,.,:; t*r,

Kalimantan, and a whole,hrmv ofr h" n gh, i n ; il il ffi J ;:: ;:;:::,H",Ti,:;:L; [:." :ff :,::Jl:and there were three West Kalimantan Dayaks who, accompanied bv thisarmy of invisibles, deparred for Sampit o" ,i r"u."".1 iooi

'ii"i)rlr,,^,

lNvoKrNG NE' RAKE

Mangkok Merah ('\4'ar Leader of the Red Bow[ hereafter PMM), was one ofthem. I got to know him by accident, in )uly 2003, when actually looking forone of the various alleged Pangkalima Burung for an inlerview. Friends of theArchdiocese of Pontianak, whom I had asked to assist me in contacting him,said there would be little hope for reliable data in contacting that Pangkalima

Burung. lnstead they introduced me to PMM, with whom I subsequentlystayed for several weeks at his home in the area of Gulong. As with most ofthe active fighters I interyiewed between 2001 and 2007, he was rather scaredwhen I arrived at his small hut for the frrst time. Reluctance to talk abouttheir experiences persisted, in most cases, for these ftghters for some days.

However, after becoming sure that I neither represented "foreign lzteli'la norsome Human Rights organization, they frankly shared their memories andperceptious regarding the "Dayak-Madurese war" during hours of free and

easy chat, frequentlyjoined by othervillagers who sometimes just listened and

sometinles contributed their own views regarding the issues in question.

Most often, people began their reccllections with lengthy accountsregarding the local histories of "the Madurese problem' (masalah Madura<BI>). PMM was no exception. His account featured the local genealogies

of events both in West and Central Kalimantan, to clariS why he actuallydeparted for the neighbouring province in mid-February 2001. In the fol-lowing, I wish to present a short summary of the local histories of Dayak-Madurese con{lict, with a particular stress on the events and developmentswhicll mattered most in PMM's view.

As mentioned earlier, both provinces draw on a longstanding history ofDayak-Madurese conflict. But when West Kalimantan was already caughtup in large-scale rioting by the late 1970s and early 1980s, Dayak-Madureseclashes in Central Kalimirntan were still confrned to inter-personal atgu-ments. Moreover, the Madurese community had widely been cooperative ingetting arguments resolved according to local traditions. For example, whenPulai, a NgajLr Dayak, was killed by a Madurese in 1983 in Bukit Batu, Ka-songan, the tinah (Ngaju death ritual) celebrated for him had been paid forby the perpetrator's family.ls Since several criminal cases with inter-ethnicbackgrounds had taken place during the preceding years, the tiwah in ques-

tion accommodated 'h peace settlement between leaders of the Dayak andMadurese communities in which the Madurese agreed that if any Madurese'spilt the blood' of a Dayak, the Madurese would voluntarily leave CentralKalimantan" (lCG 2001: 3). Indeed, after this pact the situation remainedpeaceful until the mid-1990s, when crimes inflicted by Madurese on Dayak

cHRrsrlAN OESTERHELD

peopr e sudd enrv *: : "] il'-1 3. 111y,::'"T,j1ff ::l,in: l,'ffi :: :::

were rarely resolved in accordance wrtlr -*' .:,:'r-,' ;;;;. ltr tnvolved

lonserlimitedtomerelnter-Personalarsumentsbul,bitbyblt.inv(;#i #;';;'.*';': l*'l"i;;. fi .il::: H:

j:'ilii:":ff :Jfavour of the Madurese' worklng lr '!' ^"

- '.t ^ ^^,," u

^onr r let ion. The llsl

pects, thus producinB Erowine anaer-rmonii';* ;i;.il

',-D".".b.,."se in a series of murders' raPes'

ffi;;;;;;e,, -r'"' t*a-e' "

Nsaiu vouih' was s:"00,:1'::^o'"tn

by a grouP of Madurese u' u fo'ooii t'^"i it'e lense situxiion- in' t]re ruid-

1990s was fu*her heated by the earlier-mentioned rumours of a Madurese

i", u.,,u,'"d . ".'.lur .1n. "llJ"1",l,i:jl ;tJ:lll"ill,c *"0",.,.

According to a nun'ber of mY in

*"1', .,il.t',"i'""' Tq o *" ;::."J:'#n:ffi:,:l';::i::H:H::i

including accounts t tn" lt:tnT;;;"a * ,n. o-"t*o' police bv Hangarms. An anonymous bomb threa

Siauw, the manager of Telagafl"l' " *ttt-ttttotn shop in Palangka Raya'

seems to have backea "p

ti'" 'o-ou" {KP 200Ia and Sulhan 2006: 96-100)'

The atmosphere of immediate threal' in combination with a declining trust

in the securiry forc"'' nnuUy tta u f"it'erlng oflocat t'lcos and intellectuah

to seek assistance from their ";rTt;t Jnd 'i'ttt'" (saudara kita <Rl>)

in west Kalimantan, *r,o *"r."rifpos"d to b. much more experienced

in "Madurese matters" as u t"trrlt of tht ethnic conflicts in the late 1990s'

PMM told me that ht und his "omptnions

had been cont":1":-0,t,:nt *"'

Kalimantan Adat council <'i'ti aa"' Kcllir;lantan Barcf) 'rnd informed

il"tiiit"-*o""Uttg threat of a Madurese uPrising in Central Kulimantan'

Immediately they h"a o"a"'go*;;";esaryituut pttp"totions at a sacred

olaceintheforestwhe,"the,piritsofsomeParticularancestotsarestoredinil:il:il;i;;"tl' *i' """oanied

bv the earlier-nlentioned ormv

ofinvisibles, departtd to "ttttt

tttti' Urothers in the neighbouring province'

Ancestors in Northwest Borneo Societies

In terms of ethniciry PMM andhis fetlow combatants-from W1s1 ]<atirnantan

would identify themt"tutt "' u'tng A/' e ' Ba)ahe '

or lJ rakng Banyuke ' lJrakng

Ahe attd Bal(thet""tr"t" "' it"-'"pJing peopltl while LJrakng Banyuke

refers to their area of"tiatntt uiong'iat tile Bunltkt tiutt'1ilt-:-:"tttttt'

called Menl'uke o' uo"vot"i'i'i'ing several ry::t o11i"l-"]tj"n ohnt'

uprisings, the Banluke '"y;;

;;;; ;'it area (Merintik and Menluke

lNvoKrNG NE'RA(E

subdistricts) becane fanrous for their "aggressiyeness" (Banrba 2006:120).They rccall a longstanding history of tribal feuding with the neighbouringDayrk Bakati' in Sambas district and the Dayaks of Menrpawah (Ranik2000:26). All three groups have recently often been subsumed under thepolitically charged 'tthnic" label of Kanayatn, together with a vast numberof other cthnic (sub-)groups fronr the northern part of West Kalimantan(see Niagara 2005-06, Weint16 2004: 80), despite the extraordinary ethro-linguistic diversity ofthe region (ci Alloy et a1.2000, Bamba 2002).

It is true that many of the ethnic groups in northrvest Borneo share

a range of cosrnological conceptions, similar features in adaf (law andcustoms) and ritual practices (Djuweng 1997: VI), which also reflect a basic"northwest Borneo" conception of ancestors, whereby a certain group ofthe recently deceased function as mediators between the living and thedivinity (which itself mostly originates as more remote,'deified" ancestors).For this reason it is illuminating to include ethnographic data from adjacent

areas in the following account of perceptions of ancestry in Ahe/Banyukesociety. Linguistic boundaries will be disregarded, even in respect of themajor linguistic divide between West Kalimantan "Malayic Dayak' on theone hand, and "Land Dayak" (Hudson 1970) or "Bidayuhic" (Collins 1998)

groups ofSarawak and West Kalimantan on the other hand.

Theogony and Cosmology in Northwest Borneo

Early sources (Dunselman 1949-50, Hoek 1949 and Schadee 1903-08)describc the rror thwest Borneo pantheon as corlsisting of basically threegroups of spirit beinBs. First, there are the kamang, consid,ered to be mostlymalevolent, particularly responsible for causing sickness. They are the spiritsthat can be called upon to assist in warfire and headhunting raids. Second,

thcre are tlre benevolent and high-ranking jubqto, wllich some sourcesregard as a Hindu-favanese influence in Dayak cosmology lrom the timeofMajapahit. 'Ihe various enrbodiments of this group of spirits are usually

Biven the title Ne', nreirning grandfather/grandmother (as in Ne' Paiiii or Ne'

Panitalr) (Dunselnran 1949-50: 365, Nungkat 1994: 73, 77, Thomson 20001

135). This suggests lhat jubala (or tampa ir Sadong terminology) originatefrom arcestors who lrave become deified and have left the human realm.

Dewn, the third category, are regarded as spirits of Islamic-Malay origin,adopted at a later stage. Additionally, there are various hierarchically andfunctiorrally less important groups ofspirits - including prj, t, taya.m, nnwing, kwrtituak and others - which seem to elude clear categorization. In

CHRIs fIAN OtrsTERHuLD

rnost sources they are either listed one by one, or simply sumnarized as

hantu.

A recent account oftraditional Kanayatn religion depicts a hierarchically

organized three-tiered cosmos. The upperrvorld is the realn ofjr.ibnln, "usu-

ally believed to reside on the summit of a sacred mountaini'I8 and below

the visible world (rclilo), where humans dwell, is another underwordlyrealm (sabayatn), which forms "the dwelling place of the spirits (roft'rolr

halus) and the spirits of deceased humans" (Thomson 2000: 64). 'lhomson

states that "the three realms are.joined together by ties of blood" (ibid.).

Later, his account distinguishes between "god-t)?e spirits, anccstr{l spirits,and the spirits that derived from deceased people but that have taken onspecial characteristics and seem to be in a different class" (20001 65). lnthis classification, 'god-type spirits" refers lo lhe jubata, while "ancestral

spirits" include the anonymous collectivity of the deceased, from whichare excluded particular spirits like rhe kuntianoklbintiarrrrk (derivcd fromwomen who died in childbirth) , the pujut (strangled people) and variousothet hantu. The kamang, which played an important role in the course

of Dayak-Madr.rrese violence, are not discussed in terms of their originsor relationship with other spirits in Thomsoni account, although, like the

aforementioned earlier sources, he describes at some length their functionin war (2000:67, 103-104).

Dayak Ahe Cosmology and itsConception of Ancestral spirits

Despite his critique of the indiscriminate use of the term "ancestor" inBornean ethnography, Sellato (2002: 13-15) acknowledges the existence

among the "Kendayan' (Kanayatn) of ancestors clelined in a strict sense,

that is, a restricted number ofdead lorebears "whose deeds are meaningfulto society" (2002: 13). Moreover, "there must be a special ritual establish-

ing certain outstanding dead as ancestors" (2002: 14). On the contrary,Thomson's idea that "ties of blood" connect the human realm with bothupper- and underworld at frrst implies that all spirit beings coulcl be re-

garded as 'hncestors" if a very broad understanding of the term is used.

Although Thomson later excludes some "special" and "god-type" spiritsfrom this collectivity, he stresses that "there appears to be little practicaldistinction" between ancestors and these other spirits (2000: 65). In Ahe

society, I argue, the idea of "ancestors" is indeed dil]'erent from both ofthese conceptions.

INVoKING NE, RAKE

Since no specific term in the Ahe language corresPonds to the English

'lancestorl' I used the lndonesian words leluiur and nenek ffioyaxg in my

interviews in the area ofGulong. My informants understood and used these

Lldonesian terms for the collectivity ofthe deceased. However, they stressed

that there incleed are some "particular ancestors" (leluhur tertentu) who

have a distinct place in the ritual life of the community' PeoPle can resort

to them for assistance in a straiShtforward way, but more frequently they

function as mediators between the human realm and thejabata and kamang

spirits. Yet, in certain contexts also i bd ta a\d kamafig themselves would be

ieclared, leluhur by my informants. The "benevolent" irbata are addressed

in context of all rituals connected to life and fertility (childbirth' mariage'

agricultural rites, etc.). The'dangerous" - but not particularly malevolent -kamang are called for assistance in warfare. Both grouPs of sPirits seem to

be derlved from mlthological ancestors andhave to be called upon via other

less remote, historical, ancestors.

These historical ancestors indeed rePresent "a selected few among the

lnultitude ofordinary deceased forebears" (Sellato 2002: 14)' Already in life

they stand out from ordinary People by their possession of pama, akind of

divine soul substance which diffuses blessings upon the whole community'

It conplements the comPlex structure of souls which constitute a person's

vitality (cf. Dunselm an1949-5O 172-177, Thomson 2000:70-77)' The rnost

inrportant souls are nlawa ('vital force) alnd sumangat ('mind)' lf nyawa

l.uu.r, "

p.rson dies. When lhe sumangat leaves, a Persont state of mind

changes; dreaming, illness, etc. ere considered to be due to a temPorary leave

of sumangat.'lhe pama is attached to the sufiangat and should be seen as

rcpresenting soul substance rather than soul itselflg It is only associated with

great people like shamans, successful headhunters, or adaf leaders' Schadde

(tStOt +Zt-llZ) even considers thos e who have pama as "being descendants

from the divinity'' After these outstanding PeoPle die it is imPortant for

their community not to lose the beneficial force of their pam4' Therefore it

is "stored" either in sacred stones or in anthroPomorphic wooden efigies

(pannk\, "Ihe poma is ritually transferred into these p4nf4k (cf' Sttihr 1959:

142-147), a ptaclice which is called dipanafti' in Kanayatn language'20

Bahari Sinju (\993:5-6,1997: 37) distinguishes three different kinds of

parta& anrong the Kanayatn, ^amely Plrtak Panyugu (erected for papadi-

ntn, ritual specialists, in the context of agriculture), pantak padagi (erected'

by tlre whoie village community for war leaders, pangalanok, and medical

sbanrans, lalian),2r and pantak kaluqrga (etected for wealthy PeoPle by

292 CHRrsrrAN C)EsrERHEr.D

Figure 6.2. Examples ol pantak and panyugu from the Ahe (Banyuke) area.

their heirs). However, in the Banyuke arca the term pmyugrl is used forsacred stones which are erected for the balian (see Figure 6.2). My inform-ants stressed that thewooden pantak are exclusively erected for war leaders(pangalanok or urakng barani) or wealthy people. Both pcr?l.,ugu stones andpantak statues of urakng barani are erected at sacred spots in the forest,close to the deceased person's village. These places are called padagi (see alsoDunselman 1949-50: 94). Ahe/Banyuke society recognizes pantak kaluarga

as well, but these are erected close to the deceased persont home.

After death, a persoris sumangat is s,rpposed to continue living. Usuallythe sumangat will ascend to a kind ofheavenly afterworld ( sabayatn), wherethe spirits ofthe deceased gather without interfering much with the humanrealm (talrno). the sumangat of outstanding people, however, to whichpama is attached' is supposed to either "go back to lthel jubata" (Thomson

2000: 75) or to be 'transferred into the community of the kamang" (St6hr

1959: 138, my translation). Whether a p etsotis sumangat enters the realm ofthe jubata or lhat of the kamang depends on his or her position in life. Ritualspecialists in "matters oflife" (agriculture, medicine, etc.), the papadiatn and,

the balian, become associated with tbe jubata, whereas those specialising

in "matters of death' (headhunting and warfare), the pangalanok and thepangalima, or simply urakng bqrani (brave people), become associated

with the kamang. They do not "become" a kamang in the afterworld, as

has sometimes been suggested (e.g., Green 1909:67, Tiras 1997),zz but they'dwell close to them," as my informants in the Bany.rke area put it. SimilarlyDunselman (1949-50: 94, my translation) states that extraordinary people

INvo(rNG NE,RAKE 293

after death enter the realm of a ,,communiry of deifred ancestors or 4wdpana and especially that of the kamang:,

However, as I suggested earlier ka mang and jubata seem to derive frommythological ancestors, more remote thalthose ancestora *frora po_o n",been installed i\ pantak. For the latter genealogical ti., to J. iiuing ur.remembered in great detail and only their desceldants can .utt upon th._during ritual performances at the pantak ot panfugu. O".ing ,ltu"t fr"historical ancestors function as messengers benveenlhe comm-unity of theliving and the more remote, deified lanJ thus more powerfuff ryanlf"g."farcestors (i.e., the ka mang and the jubata). As for the jubata, tt.r"i. gen.uiogi."tties with the living are not remembered anymor", oniin th.."r, of,""r,,rrn,kamang, these ties never even existed. The following discussi". .;;;;;**on t.he kamang who were most prominently described u, ,,una..t.ut

,pi.itS,during the Dayak,Madurese conflicts of West Kalimantan.

, Due to their propensity for warfare and violence, kamang have oftenbeen described as "malevolentj'Their..joy is in the miseryof_lot ina," unathey are causing sickness and death (Low tS4g: zS0 for weste." i"r"*"t,and Schad6e 1903-08: 540 for the western part of Dutch Borneo). My Aheinformant rather called them..powerful" and potentiatty "aungero;si _ "rftreated in the wrong way" (see also Vermi l99i:36). In so_. o"ld"r ro..."..Kamang Tariu appears as a .,nature

spirit who regulates the climate,,(Tillema 1930 [1886]: 346), without any connection to warfare. However, asomewhat standardized account has Kamang Tariu as the,,highest;, kamangand describes him as

,,patron of the headhuntersj, ioined ;rtic;iy byseven siblings with various names.23 In nineteenth and early trrrrii.tt,centurl accounts about the Land Dayak of western Sarawak, kamang andtariu are d.epicted as two different groups ofspirits, which are at odds withone another In these sources, the tariu ate helpful spirits, resemblinghunran nature in their appearance, whereas tlti tcan)ng u.. ,urJ,o U."hideous and savage" and ,,in

person, they are as disgusti,irfy ,S; ",

*"yare barbarous and cruel in their dispositions: their bodies are co".,erea, titelhose ol the Oran-utan, with long and shaggy red hair: they are mis_shapenand contorted, and their favourite food is the blood of if,, f.,u_o,., _..,,(Low 1848: 250).2a

Ritual specialists in the area of Gulong explained that most of thekamang are the spirits of "bachelors who did noi come back,,, either fromwarfare and headhunting, or from goin gbertapa (isolatingorl"r.tf, o"uuffyat sacred places in Lhe woods, in caves or at mouDtain tops, to acquire

CHRrslrAN OEsTERHELD

:,':-t"1:"ff:T., Indeed, many of them are given the tir te bujakng (,bach-

erors_). Most trequently, and among a great yariety of northwest.Borneo

3,eo1les, Bujakng Nyangko is mentioned (Rubenstein tsZZ, t, z.S1_65a, torrne sarawak Bidayuh; Ra nik 2000 and Schadee 1903 08:540 for rhe Bany_uke; Dalawi 1996, Dunselman 1949_50:63_65, una Nungt"t t99a, SO fo,

llr,e Kanayatn more generally). Some prominence is also ascribed to tsu_

laxng trarangrn, Bujakng Gila palepak, and Bujaklg pabaras (Bider 2002,Ranik 2000, SiaR 1997, Schadie 1903_08: s+0, anj Suaka rs99i. i". "U:fjh..:::pirt,t distinct etiological knowledge exists a, f*", "^r.* rn"aspecialists in northwest Borneo. An extens-ive number o,f oril"forrorg

ar_e mentioned both by local informants and in,various printed sources.When their origins are unclear, they are given rn... O_Ol"'""rr", *nnnreflect merely their attributes. Th"re is, ior "*"rrpl", K'";;;;;""gr"(the last-born Kamang), and Kamak.,-'g Satime B"U,if

"t ir"_","*i, ,f*hairy chest), and rhere are Kamakrg Ngibukng Scbatakn, i*".,i-* *,,nthe nibung-wood stick) and Sanyaru, Batangin fr"gti;1fh"'."i *itnsword-hands').

I stated earlier that the sumanget of brave people (urakng bararri) donot turn into ka,narg immediately after death. However, i, ir" .."^. "f,l-a

ltl:n loss of memory blurs genealogical lines, it c,rn tnd""JJc soiathdt the 'ranks" of the k'tmano,,tcr"."

"on,'ill. er;::ffi;;r"",:*

joined bv the spirits or brave nten"

Gurong were pr*.,r ;;;l;;,::.:H:jj::ifi ;,jJ::*j,TlT:[,Jwhose local descent Iines hacl long died out because tfr"i, a"..""Ia_,,migrated. to

-

another vi age. 'Ihese ancestors have become a .tomnronproperty" of the people of Gulong, sirnilar to the remote k(tman{, whomostly originated as deceased bachelors wtthout any orispr,;g. ;;;;;"r0,of spirit beings were declared tetuhur by *y oirJ,;;;:;;;:;r,,?".r. ,*,were thought ofrs represenring anolh"r.lass ofancestor, ;;;; ",rtu.,*,,,di.ect ancestors-

,-,: :uT.ortr., Ohe cosmology clisplays fewer ancestors than Thomson,sInclrscflmlnate use of the term ,.ancestral ipirits,, (2000: 65) suggests, butconsiderably more than Sellato,s restriction .,that

a special rit. mJs-rU. naato install the . . . selected few as ancestors,, (20021 I;) oa^rt",. i"-*o^ong,as "bachelors who did not come back,,, were not installed ;;;;;;..r.Howeve6 rhey represent 'tommon' ancesrors r. er-'","li"ay.ir-.

"irrr"ritually installed ,,personal,, ancestors also became assimiiated intJ'tfris

category of 'tommon, ancestors d'e to a loss ofgenealog,.ri ;;;;;;.

-

INVoKING NE' RAKE

Ancestral Comradeship in Anti-Madurese Warfare

After that excursion into Ahe conceptions ofancestors,I now return to the

particular historical moment when PMM and his fellow combatants were

about to leave the area ofGulong in West Kalimantan to join anti-Madurese

fighting in the neighbouring province of Central Kalimantan. As PMMrecalls, although there were only a few people with him, they constituted

a great number of fighters - judging from the extensive assistance of the

various spirit beings which joined in. As PMM had already experienced

during his involvement in Dayak-Madurese warfare during the 1990s inWest Kalimantan, ritual precautions had to be carried out before leaving forthe battlefield. The following account ofthese rituals is mainly based on my

interview data from the area ofGulong in 2004 and 2007. It is complemented

by data from some written accounts about conflicts in the area of Pontianak(1996/97) and Sambas (1996/97 and 1999) districts.

Mato': Consulting the Ancestors

Before going to war, an observer from a local NGO in Pontianak states,

warriors hacl to carry out a ritual 'talled menyaru' tariu or Mafok whichcauses the so-called 'warriors' to be possessed by a number of spirits, after

which the person concerned is not conscious of their actions, they do notpossess any autl'rority over their body" (sic) (Bamba 1998). Not only is thisdescription lacking in details, more importantly it confuses two crucialpoints. First, the terms mato' and nyaru' tariu do not represent a single

ritual, but two different rites, closely related to each other but dissimilarin rcspect of their aims and (sometimes) in respect of the place of ritualperformance (see Giring 2004a: 115-123 and Petebang 2005: 46-49). Second,

the frequently repeated idea of warriors being "possessed by a number ofspirits" is often misleading. In the simplified way in which it is usually put,

it obscures one ofthe most significant elements ofancestral involvement inDayak-Madurese warfare, namely that ofcomradeship (e.g., HRW 1997: 15,

Suparlan 2001:52-53).Being actively involved in the ethnic uprisings in West and Central

Kalimantan, PMM has experienced both ritual performances repeatedly. Inthe morning of16 February2001, before his departure to Central Kalimantan,

PMM went to the pantak padagi of Ne' Rake. This wooden effigy, where

Ne' Rake's panra is stored, is located at a sacred place called Tembawang

Tabale, about halfan hour's walking distance from Gulong. The oral history

296 cHRrsrrAN OESTERHELD

Figure 6.3, Mato'ritual to consult Ne' Rake at Tembawang Tabale' near the village of

Culong.

ofthe Banyuke region recalls Ne' Rake as a famous warrior' having led some

well-remembereJrevenge attacks against headhunting parties from the a reir

of Sambas until, as people in Gulong report, "a whole village of enemies was

finished by him alon e' andhis mandau \''Ias sticking to his hands due to the

great amount ofblood which had been spiltl'

At the pantak of Nd Rake, a mato' ritual was performed by a ritual

specialist who was a direct descendant of the famous warrior (see Figure

6.3). PMM describes this ritual in terms of communication' or information

exchange,26 between this officiant and Nd Rake' whereby the ofliciant

,"pr.r.ir.d the ProsPective combatants and Ne' Rake also functioned as

a messenger to other ancestral spirits and the various kamarg He clarifies

this proclss of communication as follows The living have first to inform

the ancestors about the problem at hand, and await their answer - usually

indicated by signs of nature, prominently omen birds - which would include

information aLout the right time and appropriate place for an attack (cf

Petebang 2005: 45, Petebang and Sutrisno 2000: 186)' At the same time'

informed about the target grouP of the proposed attack' the ancestors

INvoKING NE'RAKE

would also assist by weakening the eDemies' sumangat,'llis descriptionis congruent with Giring's short account of the same ritual which he calls

batanung muto' and paraphrases as "bewitching and cursing the enemies"(2004a1 ll7).27 Batanung irr Ba'ahe/Kanayatn language ambiguously means'fortune-tellingl on the one hand, and tursing by magic spellsl on the other.Etyrnologies of the term zafo' itself pose some diffculties. The UrakngMempawah myth ofthe origin of the pantak (Dunselman 1949-50: 62-65)tells about Ne' Doakng, before his departure to a headhunt:

Io moto': minta' batayuknga' ba Kamang Nyangko, Kamang Lejak danKamang Nyado,

Dunselman translates mato'in this context as "bringing an otrering," to "ask

Kamang Nyangko, Kamang Lejak and Kamang Nyado to accompany him."Accorclingly, he later defines pato'as an 'bffering to the spirits ofthe woods,

especially the Kamangi' by way of which the latter are asked to provideinfbrmation (via omens, or rasi) about the probable outcome of a proposedaction (Dunselman 1949-50: 369). It may be noted that ar4to'rites are notexclusively performed in connection with headhunting and warfare, but also,

according to my informants, in contexts such as hunting and agriculture(e.9., mato' tqutn).28 The term /rato'is probably cognate with Malay patok,(me)matok, nreaning 'pole' or ttakel or 'to delineate/mark' (a geographicarea). 'Ihis meaning perfectly fits another summarizing explanation givenby PMM when talking about the mato' ar'd its different cor\te\tsi tentukana/a, <lll>, or'setting the directions' - where and when to go hunting, whereto clear forest for new paddy fields, or where and when to start an attack.

Subsequent to this consultation of the ancestors by way of nraro', omenbirds have to be awaited. These birds communicate the iinal decision madeby the ilncestors nnd {ssociated spirits. This message is spread via the oftenmentioned mangkok merah ('red bowl') to friendly villages, asking themfor assistance in war, Notwithstanding local variation in its shape andcontents, the nnngkok merah basically is a bowl smeared with chickenblood, to announce an impending war It contains various items of symbolicconnotirtion, indicating the time ofdeparture for the battlefield, the numberof warriors requested for assistance, etc. (Muslim and Frans Layang 1994,

Nungkat 1994, Petebang 2005: 69-74). "Hundreds of red bowls" were saidto have been sent from village to yillage in 1997 in West Kalimantan (SiaR

1997), which uas not the case in Central Kalimantan 2001 since people there,

following differenf traditions, would not have understood the symbol.

298 Csnrsrrer Oestensu_n

Nyaru' Tariu: lnvoking Ancestral StrengthImrrediatell before warriors leave for the battlefielcl, rnother ritual hasto be performed, nantely nyaru,,riri4. In most published accounts thepurpose of this ritual is clescribed as

,talling the rariri, the ancestor spirits of

war"'(Peluso 2003: 205, cl peluso 2006: ll2, petebang 2005: 46_+7, Suparlan2001: 5l) and interpreted as to acquire ..possession"

by these _ and/or someother spirits, As another source puts it,',-Ure ritu lmobilizecl w r pxrtiesof tens to hundreds, some of whom were said to be in a killing irance,their bodies occupied by the ancestral warrior spirits who controlied theiractions" (Harwell 2000: 202).

However, some say that ancestral spirits are called to assist, rather than topossess, the fighters (Giring 2004b: g, cf Tiras 1997). In the same way manyofthe active fighters whom I have interviewed during the last six years do notrecall "being possessed" (dirasuki <BI>), but rather..being accompanied,,(didampingi <BI>, sometimes d.itemani <BI>) by ancesiral spirits. Thenyaru'tariu ritual indeed preludes a kind of.,ancestral comradeship,, which,beyond possession, is reported to have given extraordinary pore, to theDayak combatants in anti-Madurese warfare.

In fact, PMM never depicted tdri! as the .highest kamang'as Schad6e(1903-08: 540, cf. footnote 23 above) and others do. Rather

-he woulci de_

scribe fdriri as being a certain kind of .,force, (the power possessecl by thekamang) whidrl can be attained by humans via ,itual p.n.ii... Accordinglynyaru'tariu would translate as talling up tarir force: Attributes ofthis forceare said to be invulnerability and a range of magic powers which can be usedin warfare.29 PMM states that

. . . when attacking, we were seen by our enerlies ancl the security fbrcesas a sirrgle person, or a small group ofpcople. But in fact wc were thou,sands. All the brave people of fbrmer tines were backing us. But theywere invisible. . . , When we were facing i greirt I]urnb(,r r.f cntmics ornrilitary we had to narir to lose our fear.

Nrrr/u is a verb derived from tariti, which can be translated as.uttering the criesofwarlr0 lndeed some sources (Nungkirt 1994:97,petebang2005:39i say tariudenotes a kind of"screarn'or "yell" (teriakan <BI>).Howe,ver, tariu

... cannot easily be explained with rhyme or reason. This yell caLrsespeople to be hlpnotized and to become very brave, even brave enough

lNvoKrNG NE' RAKE

to kill or to be killed. Certainly it is more than an average scream, rather

a supernatural yelling. -. . Tariu constitutes a mystery (Pet€bang 2005:

39, my translation).

This explanation throws light on PMM'S description of tariu as a certain

kind of force, reaffilmed during warfare by yelling in a distinct manner

(nariu). According to PMM fari, force is attained in two subsequent stages.

Taria has first to be initiat€d in the warriors' body by the ritual nyaru' tariu'

which is performed immediately Prior to departure for the battlefield. The

ritual is performed arlhe pantak padagi, usua\ before noon' when the sun

is still ascending. All the pantak of former urakng barani haYe to be fitted

out with a new set ofred clothes, including new red headbands. Aftendants

of the ritual dress up similarly, so as to be recognized by the urakng barani

and. the kamang as prospective fighting comrades The invocation starts

with clanking two pieces of iron and scattering yellow ri.ce (baras ijo) to

invite the spirits. Then the main mediator, in this case Nd Rake, is addressed

by lengthy ptayets (sangahatn), requesting strength and Power to face the

dangers ahead, and asking him to irrYite the kaftang to ioin. From time to

time, the ritual specialist (panyangahatn) leading the ceremony, faces the

olher pantak, addressing one after another the various urakng boroni in ^

similar way, but more briefly. A red chicken and a red dog are sacrificed.

By the flow ofblood, the farir force, which "is associated withthe kamangi'

(ada pada kamang <Bl>) is finally set free to condition the bodies of the

prospective lighters who are Present at the ritual location. Both grouPs, the

lruman combatants and the ancestral fi ghters (urakng barani and kamang),

now fully recognize each other as companions and departfor the batdefields.

The ritual sequences described above show the slight but imPortant

difference betrveen "possessionl'in the sense ofbeing temPorarily displaced

or inhnbited by a particular spirit, and this form of'tonditionment" by the

lariu.'llte rrrind of the flghters is altered and one of lheir so:uls, sumangat,

replacecl by aaria force which connects them closely to an otherworldlyrealm, namely that of the ancestors. When facing the enemy, tariu has lobe 'built up (bangun tariu) again and again through nariu'war yelling',

reaffirming the previously initiated comradeshiP of ancestral spirits

and present-day fighters. This "army of invisibles"3t is known as bala

,4riu or, sometimes, as bala saribu ("the trooP of thousandsi' indicating

the large number of invoked spirit comrades). According to PMM itincludes all of the previously invoked 'brave people' (urakng barani): lhe

CHIstrex oesrsrHero

Figure 6.4, Madurese skulls, presented to a panfak in West Kalimantnn' 1999'

multitude of kamang, and the ancestor warriors whose pcm a is "stored"

in pantak.After comPl€ted war action, rituals are held again at the Pantak padagi'

now to disPei the tari from the fighters'bodies (pulangka.tn tarir) and

call back their sum angat (nyaru' sumangaf) It is rePorted that in former

days, the fighters 'bfter a warlike expedition c[a]me here [i e ' to the pan-

,rt ] *ittt,h" heads they . .. caPtured [to] perform the first solenlnities"

(Pfeitrer 1855: I, 136). However, according to my informants' in the 1990s

captured Madurese heads were first hidden at some secret place after the

.ontti.t, "na

only later ritually consecrated during notokng rituals (cf'

Ngiuk 2003). The skulls were then Presented at lhe pantak to.the ances-

toi comrades as a reward for their assistance during warfare (see Figure

6.4).32

As stated earlier, headhunting was not the aim of auti-Madurese war-

fare. However, ritual obligations widely necessitated the taking of heads'

eltnough some obseruerc de ny that notokng rituals have been performed

in conri-ection with anti-Madurese warfare (Bamba 1998' Giring 2004a: l3l)'

many ofmy informants str€ssed that they indeed had taken place and even

provided me with photographs ofthe rituals'

INVoKT^-c NE' RaKE

Epilogue: Leluhur D ay ak

The appearance of West Kalimantan ancestors as 'tomrades" in the conflictsin neighbouriug Central Kalimantan in 2001 has added a new dimension tothe issue of Dayak ancestorship. As some accounts on Kalimantan ethnicconflicts clearly show, the "Dayak-Madurese war" has contributed to a

transformation of the social reality in present-day Kalimantan, especiallyregarding notions of identity and ethnic consciousness. An idea of "pan-Dayak'ancestors is on the rise, emerging in two different ways. On the onehand, beliefs in the ancestral origir of magical powers have been used bylocal elites in order to produce a "pan-Dayak' community. N otions of leluhurDayak <Bl> or nenek moyang Dayak <P1> ('Dayak ancestors') featuredfrequently in these efforts. Concomitantly, a growing sense of shared"mlthological unity" among Dayaks can be noted at the grassroots level.Ethnic conflict, especially in Central Kalimantan, provided an opportunityfor many villagers from distant parts of the island to meet and to exchangeideas about "ancestral magic" when preparing for battle. First impacts ofthis arc becorning visible. llack in 2003, I interviewed a combatant of theKahayrn minority group dwelling in T€ring, East Kalimantan, with somefamily ties to the original Bahau group there. When fighting in Sampit 2001,

he hacl beer given fie title Panglimo Berat Bumi ('\llar Leader ofthe HearyEarthl hereafte.r PBB). He produced some handwritten notes from Itis tilrtein Central Kalimantan. I was quite surprised to find included an accountabout rituil liturgies on "how to call the kamangl' Questioned about it, he

replied that

Nowadays, Dayak peoplc perceive themselves as brothers and sisters,

regarcllcss frorrr lvhich area you are. .. . We help one another, The spiritsand the ancestors also recogllize it. We can learn from each other People

here in Tering.just know about their ancestors and traditions back houeat the Kahayan river, irnd here we have come to know some practices

from tlre Bahau people. But all ofus are Dayak, so we should learn fromeach other about a/l Dayak ancestors [ela&ar] and all Dayak magic.'Ihat is our strength. Otherwise we will not have a chance to survive thethreats fronr the outside {my translation from the Indonesian].

This suggests that lhe kamang, whon I have labelled 'tommon' or "mytho-

logical" ancestors in Ahe society, have become a common asset far beyondthe area of Banpke. This would, howevet not be true for Ahe "personal" or

301

302 CHRts rrAN OESTtrRHELD

"historical" ancestors. During my interviews in Tering, pBB stated that one

could not possibly take over somebody else's (personal) ancestors (renetmoyang orang lain <BI>). Surc enough, he added, in Sampit he had his ownpersonal ancestors to invoke, which were provided by the Bahau line of hisfamily. Their names were written down in his notes under the heading HipaiTering Lama ('hristocrats of Old Tering"). These personal ancestors includedMeto' Bo' Ding Luhung, Meto Bo Madang Ibau and Meto Bo Tr.rrung Tukau,who are legendary heroes of the middle Mahakam area in F,ast Kalinrantan. IfSellato is right in assuming that "among the Kayanic groups . . . the spirit ofthedead is never invoked or given offerings" (Sellato 2002: 9), the invocation ofthese heroes during the anti-Madurese war might be an "invention" inspiredby (ontact with other combatants from West K Iinlanlan.

Other accounts of the Dayak-Madurese conflicts in recent years haveshown that it brought in its wake substantial changes to the political environ-ment of contemporary Kalimantarr, most strikingly the rising importanceof ethnic elites in local politics (Davidson 2003, van Klinken 2002). From a

different perspective, this chapter has shown that anti-Madurese warfare alsoresulted in a revivrl of coslrrological conceptions and ritual practices, which,dormant for several decades, might soon have become extinct from the so-cio-cultural repertoirc of contemporary Dayak societies. 'lhese conceptronsand practices were not only revived but also renegotiated in the course ofevents. Below I recapitulate the main effects ofthe Dayak-Madurese conflicton Dayak notions of ancestors.

(I) A shift towards a political rhetoric of "Dayak ancestors" (leluhur Dayak),whereby local elites have exploited tbe importance traditionally attflched toancestors in various Dayak societies in order to build and strengthen a sense

of a pan-Dayak community. This rhetoric involves vague concepts of'hnces-torsj' "ancestral homelands" which have to be defended, "ancestral magic"used to defend them, and "ancestral spirits" which enter the contemporarypolitical arena by means of"possession."

(lI) An 'txcharrge of ancestors," and ritual practices to invoke them, be-trvecn geographically distant Dayak groups. 'lhis includes the case of WestKalimantan Ahe Dayaks (and their ancestor comrades) fighting in theneighbouring province of Central Kalilnantan against a conrmon enem),,

but :rlso the "export" of a certain class of ancestors, the ftdrralg, to yetanother province, East Kalimantan, rvhere they have started to influencelocal cosmologies.

INVoKTNG NE RAKE 303

(III) A fabrication of new ancestors' Seltato (2002: 16) has envisioned the

porrttttUy that the Aoheng of central Borneo, who traditionally did not

ievere thir ancestors' mighi in the future start "focusing their ethnocuhrrrnl

identity on soue fatnous chief of old, unconsciously installing him as an

ancestor and at the same time starting a cult on himl'As t have suggested

in respect to tl'te case of Panglima Berat Bumi' Personal forebears \iho had

presumably not been the object of ritual attention in the past aPPear to

hav" been en.ollect "s

spiritual combatants by Dayak frghting Madurese in

Central Kalimantan.

Notes

I My interview lnateriills irclude notes and audio recordings ofmore than a hundred

fu.u.ed g.oup .ll..u.rions and persollal interviews' as well as accounts ofoccasional

.onu".saiion. d,.t, ing ten diferent periods offieldwork among various ethnic gioups

of East and West Kilimxntan between 20Ol alld 2007' which together add uP to a

total ofmore thdn three years. Additionally, I have b€en in contact via telePhone and

email t{ith many ihterviewees during intervening stays in EuroPe The Ahe Davak of

West Kitlimirntan were visited in June-July 2003 and again in May-June 2007

2 tn addition to sonre scattered media rePorts there are a few academic theses'

unpubiished rePorts, and autobiographical writings which include ^some

account

of the "u"nt,, ".g.,

Aiqadrie (1990), van Hulten (1983)' Nungkat (1994)' Roekaerts

(1985), and Sudagung (1984),

3 Most ofthe writings about anti-Madurese violence in the 1990s and 2001men-

tion sorne of these caies, r'rsually <lismissing them as "minor incidents'" For a more

conlprehensivc listing, including 50+ ilcidents, see Oesterheld (2004: APP I)'

4<BI>.shortforBalrasalndonesia,markslndonesianexpressionsinthischaPteriexpressions from local languages are mark'ed separately'

5ltshouldberrotedthatsimilarfearofa..Madureseplot''wasdiscussedduringtheS.mbas riots of 1999. If in 2001 evidence was quoted that "the Madurese" wanted

Sanpit to becorne "sarnpang ke-ll" (the "second Sampangi' after a town ofthe same

nar,re in Madura islani), in rqsg documents had been revealed which contained

fi",r!i ,o ,not",tt" *t ole district ofsambas "the second Madurd (see Petebang and

Sutrisno 2000:45).

6 'lhis lettcr, signed "Posko Manjaga Karasih Petak Danum Kalimantan Tengall'

and datcd 'April t6, 2001i' had been placed at the Internet (http://wwwdigitalium'

co.lplst*vido/); the link was dead by last check in June 2007 The original English of

thc rlocumcnt has not been corrected here'

CHRISTIAN OESTERHELD

7 Eriyanto et al. (2004r l0l-122) Plovide a good summary of rePorts of magic in lo-

cal newspapers (espe cially Banjannasin Post, Kalteng Pos a\d Bebcs) during Mrrch

and April 2001; a collection of nationwide newsPaPer articles (especially l(ompas'

Medii lndonesia, Suara Pembaruan andTempo) has been compiled by Edi Petebang

(2ool).

8 K. M. A. Usop, a Dayak professor at Palangka Raya University' cited in "lnside

the head ofa headhunteri' reported for CNN by Kirsty Alfredson (Part ofthe CNN'

com "ln-Depth Special' Kalimanton\ Agony: The Failute ofTransmigrasi)'

9 Hermann Stahlhacke (catholic Priest in Muara l'eweh), personal conrmunicr

tion, Samarinda 2005

l0 On the "ftying mandau' see Wiiaya (2002), or articles in Kditexg Pos' 30 and 3l

March 2001.

1l Gen€ral statements ofthat sort can 01so be found in a rePort ofthe Intcrnntional

Crisis Group (ICG 2O0l: 6), or in a series of unPublished letters by Thomas llriin

nirnann, a Swiss expatriate in Palangka Raya, addressed "to friends and family in

Europd' (Briinnimann 2001).

12 E,g,, Fridolin Ukur in an interview (see'l'enlPo 2001), or reDrarks in the ICG

."pori lzool 61, a vast range of mass media accounts stress the loPic of aucestral

possession also, as did several (non-Dayak) locals during my interviews 2001-2007'

For similar accounts on Dayak-Madurese violence in the 1990s West Kalinrlntan

see, e.g., Bamba (1998), Harweu (2000: 212)' Peluso (2003: 205 and 2006: ll9)' schil-

lel and Garang (2002:246,251\.

13 Onc ofthe fighting companions ofthe West Kalimantan Pti'glima Butu S\r^s

called Anfarg (Frans Layang I98l 52), apparently without 'ny

connection with the

Central Kalimantin omen bird'

14 Iflfgl is the abbreviation lor the Indonesian Intelligence Service

\5 Cf. Daftar kronologis tetjadinya tindakan kekerasan/kejchatan etnis M^DURA

terhatlap suku Dayak worga Kalinantan Terrgah, il LMMDD-KT (2001) Severdl of

my iDterview Partners from Central Kalimantan amrmed this story

16 Most renarkable were clashes in the market area of SamPit in eariy March 1998

(see APP 2001), several small-scale riots at the Port of Kumai, Iaruary 1999 (lCG

2001: 3 and van Klinken 2002) and again July/August 2000, or unrest in'lumbang

Samba, in SePtember I999.

17 In published sources this case is widely seen as the main trigger of the large-

scale anti-Madurese riots in Central Kalimantan in 2001'

18 As Thomson adds later' the jabala might dwell in a variety of other "physically

prominent or imPressive" places as well: "particularly large or unusual trees' dense

forests and fields cleared in the forest, river banks, Particularly [deep] bends in a

INvoKrNc NF,'Ral(E

rivcr, caves, paths, fcrrks in paths, entrances to vijlages, and the inside peak of alonghouse roof" (2000:65-66). Schadde (1903-08:523) has rhern populating alsothe sun, Droot, and stars.

19 In a similar way pama is also attached to various heirlooms like precious weap_ons o.jnrs (cf. Sr6hr 1959:138).

20 l:or carly mentions of these pa,tf4l( see Francis (184t: l0), Kiihr (lgg6_9jt 74)and Pfeifer (1855: I, 136). More detailed recent accounts are given by Bahari Sinju(t993 dnd 1997).

2l Olhcr accouDts ofthe Kallayatll classilic?rtion ofancestral elligies stress thatwoodel stalues for ritual specialists are not cirlled pdrtd k but ampago,. Thestatues' shape differs slightly: rvhercas pnnfa,t clfigies have thci. u.n,, orrl hond.reachi g out, the arms of aftpdgo'statues are Iowercd towarcis the grounci (seeKR le9ll).

22 A similnr notioD underlies Stutterheim,s (1931:7) interpretation, according rowhich the "soul ofthe deceased is absorbed by. . . Kemang Trio.,,

23 lhis idea was first posired by Schad6e (!903_08: 540) and became standardizeddue to its rciteration by yeremias (1997: 9) and was subsequently fr.equently referredto ir acxrlernic accounts (e.g., petebirDg 2005, or peluso 2003). A similar notion,with rnost ofthe 'scvel siblings' given other names, was spread by local mass mediaduring tlre tinre olanti,Madurese uprjsings in West Kalimantan iSlT; see, e.g., SiaR(t997) or Suaka (t999).

24 See also McDougall (1854: 49 50) and Morris (1905: 166_67). For geDeral men_tion of/irrnrnrg and tarirl (sometinres also s pelletJ komar,g, triu and triJ) see Beccari(1904:62) aDd St. John (18631 241); for more receDt accounts fron Saraivak Nais(1988) or Ni.rgarr (2005,06, part XIV-Il6).25 See also Schadie (1903-08: 540), who d escribes tsujakng Nyangl<o as the ances_tor ofMcnyuke chiefs.

26 Using thc IndoncsiaD expressio[s dari talrr (seeking informalioD) atld ttenficril4r./ (giving iDfornrati()n).

27 My translation from the Indonesian. Gi ringwrites..,ftenenung dan menyumpah,lawat pcrangl'

28 Descr4)tiors in some sources indicate that ,fldfo,rituals are required to precedeall significant rituals. 'Ihey have to be perforrned prior to the main rituals of theWest Knlimantan "'Iiranksgiving" (Naik Dango, ot Ga*ai\,,,to inform thejrb4tdand ask for their blessings" (lvo 2001: 293), or more generally ..before

unde*akrngactivitics of any signi6cance . . . to make arrangcmcDts with ftr.rra and the $pirits,to let them know whxt is happening and to ensure that they have their shate ofinvolvenrent" (Thornson 2000: 108).

306 CHRrsrrAN OESTERHELD

29 It is interesting to note drat in Bidayuh m)'thology similrr rnagical powers

have been handed down, in the form of four charms, by a kc,lldt{ to Bai Pangol, a

legendary Bidayuh hero (see Nais 1988; 49-50, Niagara 2006).

30 In a similar way Giring (2003) has paraphrased the momel1t ofyelling as bangur

t'eriu, "waking up/building up tariul'

3t This topic is rarely mentioned in non- indigenous .epresentations ofDayak-Ma-durese violence. However, Louise Williams reported that "some siry the .ttackers

lvere spirits, raised from the <leitd" (see "War of the jungte: blood slvagery or a

heroic lightback?i' STdney Morning Hetald 22 Febn Ldry 1997).

32 Despite their strict denial of "traditional" headhunting being part ol Dayak-Madurese violence, Peluso and Harwell relate (for West K.rlinrnntan) that "rnany

heads xpparently were sent to two villages where localexperts irpparently still knelv

how to ritually treat them, as was customary under the'trirditionill'frrcticc ofheirdhunting" (2001: 89, ln. 16). Simil.rrly, Smith reports for Central Kalirrintan,that "in some villages, spccial €eremonies werc also held wheretry MadLrrese heirds

were stored in Pafdrrr, small spirit houses" (2005: 20).

References

Alloy, Surjani, Niagnra, Albertus, ancl Yovinus.2000. Lltporu Pcflelilian Keftry nafiSuku dan Bohaso Dttyak di Krtlinantan Balar. Pontianak: Iustitlit l)ayakok)Bi.

Al<1adrie, Syrrrif ibrahi].n.1990. Ethnicily and Socidl Change h Doy*nesc St)cicty olWest Kalimontan, lhdorcJla. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kentuc[y.

Anwar M. Wahyudi.2001. Safibutan Bupati Kotawari gil Timur Dtlatn Rangka

Upacara Adat M.tnggata g, Ma ahcto S hur Parapoh terv . Sanrpit, 2l March

2001. IManuscript, 7 pp.]

APP (AP Post). 2001. Kerusuhan di Sampit. AP Post (Pontianak), 19 February 2001.

Awan, Cimon. 200t. Dendam Dayak Bisa Tujuh'Iurunan. Kol?par (lakarta),4March 2001.

Bahari Sinju, Herculanus. 1993. Pantak Sebagai Alat Kesatuan Komunitas llldakngDalam Binua Suku Dayak Kanayatn. Kalinantan lleview ll (3), Jnn-Apr 1993:

3 10.

Bahari Sifliu, Herculanus. 1997. Makna Pantak Dalam Binua Dayak Kanal'atn. InMencetmdti Ddyak Kanayatn. Eds. Nico Andasputra and Vincentius lulipiD.Pontianak: Institute of Dayakology Research and Developrnent (lDRtl), pp.

33-43.

llaier, Johann Georg. 2001. Glaube, Liebe und Hofnung aufBorn.oi l.l?igiofl.slfi.rsl,l

schaJiliche und kultura thropologische bkenntnisse bei de Katawai gin-Ddldkous den Tagebilchertt von lohann Ceorg Baiet, I92ll 1932, Pioniernissionar in

lNvo(ING NE'RAKE 3o7

Siid$'est-tsnrtteo. Bonn: Verlag fiir Kultur und Wissenschaft (Edition AfeM:

Mission Classics 4).

Bamba, John. 1998. 'lhe Role oJ Adat in the Doyak Madules€ W4r' PaPer presented

at a 1998 INFID Conference in Bonn, Germany Anonymously rePrinted in

Kolimantan Reriev/ English Edition 2t 39-44'

Bamba, |ohn. 2002. Pluralisme Bahasa Dayak di Kalirrl ^tan

R^t^l' Iur al ATL7

(8):34-52.

Bamba, John. 2006. Borneo Headhunters: lmej dan Manipulasi ln Kc/o,rpok

Kekerosan dan Bos Lokal di Ero Reformasi' Eds' Okamoto Masaaki and Abdur

Rozaki. Yogyakarta: IRE Press, PP l15-126'

Ileccdri. Odo.rrdo. 1904 [1902]. wanderirgs ifi the Great Forcsts of Borneo: Travek

and Researches ol o Noturulist in Saravtak li'e'' NeIIe t'oreste di Bort€o' translated

by Enrico H Giglioli and FH.H Guiilemardl Londonr Archibald Constable

rnd CO 1.1d.

Bider, Ilambang 2002. Upacara Adat Kelahiran Ddyak MemPawah Kolimdntatl

Review XI-78, Feb-Mat 2002:34,

BP (Banjarmasin Post). 200t. "Pangkalima Burung Benar Hadir": Berflama Asli

L{urentius Kubal. Bd jarfiasin Post, zZ M{ch 20Ol'

Brijnnimann, Thomas. 2001. Series of emails (in German hnguage) byTB and his

family to friencls and relatives in EuroPe about the situation inthe mr'rnicipality

of PaLrrgka llaya' province of Central Kalimantan' b)'time ofthe riots; the texts

d:rte from 22 March until 13 April 2001'

cNN. 1999. Llorneo l{iots Marked by Grisly tutual Killings CNM 2l March 1999'

cNN. 2001. Kalimantan's Agony: The Failure of Transmigrasi' CNN com In-Depth

SPccials, access via www.cnn com'

Collins, James 1'. lgg8 Klasifikasi Varian Melayik di Ketapang: Kepelbagaian Bahasa

di Kalimantan Barat Dewan Bahasa 421233-260

Colombijn, Freek 200l What is so Indonesian about Violence? InViolence in Indo'

,csi.r. Eds. Ingrid Wessel and Georgia Wimh<ifer' Hamburg: Abera'pp'25-46'

Dalawi. 1996. Cerita Bukit Batu Sastra Lisan Dayak Kanafatan Kabupaten

Pohtiafiak Kalifianton Barat: Kdjian Latar dan Ama'4f' Academic thesis'

Fakuitas Keguruan dan Ilmu Pendidikan' Universitas Taniungpura (Ponti-

anak).

Davidson, Ianie S. 2003. The Politics of violence on an Indonesian Periphery'

Southeast Asia Reseorclr 1l (l): 59-89'

Djuweng, StePanus. 1997. Kata Pengantar: Dayak Kanayatn' KelomPok Besar Yang

tlarrrlpir 'llrlup"kan .ln Mencernati Daylk Kanayatn'Eds Nico Andasputra and

Vincentius |uiipln. Pontianak Institute of Dayakology Research and Develop-

ment ([DRD), PP V-VI

308 CHRISTIAN OESTERHELD

Dove, Michael R.2006.'New Barbarism or Old Agency among the Dayai R:lle:tions

onPost-suhartoEthnicViolenceinKalimantan.socidjAndllsij50(l):192-2()2.

Dunselman, Donatus. 1949-50. Biidragen tot de kennis van taal en adilt der Kenda-"

]""-n";"f." "- W" sl-Bo teo, Bijdragen tot de Taal-' Land- en Volkenkuncle \05:

59-105, 147-218 and 106t321-373'

Economist.200l.BloodshedinBorneo:TheKillingofMigrantsbyNativeDtyaksin Kuli-utt"rl, Irrdonesiat Part ofBofneo' Goes on The Economis' (London)' 2l

April 2001, Vol. 359, No 8218'

F-rivanto et al. 2004. M edia dan KonJlik Etnis: Bagai dnlt Surutkabr.r di r(li:',outa-'''

iriiput ao, u,^beritakan KonJIik sanpit Tahun 2001' I^k^tt^: Mcdia Devekrp'

urer,t Loan Fund (MDLF) and Institut Studi Arus lnformasi (lSAl)'

Francis, E.A. 1841. Westkust van Borneo in 1832' Tijdschrift voor Nee and's lndic 4

(2\ r-34.

Frans Layang, S. )acobus E lg8l. Sejarch Penng Majang Desa Melawan lepang'

Pontianak (Privately Printed)'

Giring, Richardus. 2003. Citro Onng Madura di'NIat|' orang Dayak KaflIyattt'

Nl--A. thesis, Universitas Gajah Mada (Yogyakarta)'

ciring, Richardus 2o04a. Madura di Mato Dayak: Dari Konflik ke Rekonsiliasi'

Yogyakartai Galang Press.

Girini Richardus. 20 0+b. seluk_beluk citra ofung Ma(lufa di Antara orang Dayak:

Diari Konftik ke Rekonsili4si. PaPer presented at a discussioD forurn organized by

the lnstitute ofDayakology in Pontianak' August 2004'

Green, Eda- lg}g Botneo: The Land oJ Ri'tet and Paln Kuchingr Borneo Mission

Association.

Harwell, Emily Evans ,2OOO. The lln-Natunl History of Culturc: Ethnicity' Tradilion

ond Tertitorial Conflicts in West Kolifi,ntan' lndonesia' 1800-1997 Ph.D dis-

sertation, Yale University.

Hoek, )an. 1949. Daja kPtiesterc: Een bijdtage tot de onclyse von de religie der Dajahs'

Ph.D. dissertation, UrIivelsiteit van Amsterdam'

Horowitz,DonaldL.2ooo.TheDeddtyEthlricRiot.Berkeley,LosAngelesandLon-don: University of California Press'

HRW (Human Right s&?!tc}.) lgg7 ConlnunalYiolence in West Kalimantan'HRw

Asia Report s, No lo (C). New York Human Rights watch'

Hudson,A.B.lgT0.ANoteonSelako:MalayicDayakandLandDayakLanguagesin Western Borneo. S orawok Museum ]o\r'41 18: 301-318'

Hulten, Herman-Jozef van lg83 Mijn leeen met de DaN\' 1938-1974 "lilbut1l

[s n.]' 2 vols.

ICG (International Crisis GrouP) 200l Co"lmunol Violence in Indoncsin: Lessonsfrom

I<alimanton.lCG Asl^Report lg lakarta and Brussels: International Crisis Group'

INVoKTNG NE'RAKE 309

Ivo, Hcrrnan. 2001. Gawai Dayak dan Fanatisme Rumah Panjang sebagai Peneluru,

sa| ldentitas. Hrrrdriora 13 (3):292 298.

Kearncy, Maridnne. 2001. Why Dayaks Are Attacking Madurese, Thc Straits Times

(Singapore), 2 March 2001.

Klinkcn, (ierry van. 2001. Ethnic Fascism in Borneo: Old Elites in Central Kaliman-tan Discovcr New.nd Dangerous Strategi es. Inside htdottesia 68.

Klirrkcrr, (ierry van. 2002. Indoncsia'.s New Ethnic Elites. h1 |fido csia: In Scatch

of Transition. I.lds. Henk Schulte Nordholt and Irwan Abdullah. Yogyakal.ta:

Pustakn Pelajar, pp. 67-105.

Klinkc[, (icrry van. 2005. New Aclors, New ldentities: Post'Suharto Etlrnic Violence inIrrdorresia. In Viole b crru Conflicts in Asia Pacific: Histories, Politicdl Eco ontics

nlrlPollries. Eds. Dewi Fortuna Anwar, Hdline Bouvier, CIenn Sll1ith, et.l. ]aknrta:Yaynsnn C)bor lDdor)esix, l,lPI, LAStsMA CNRS and KITI,V frkarta, pp.79-100.

Klokkc, r\.11. li.l. and traDs. 2004. Fishifig, Hwting and lleadhultin! in the For,fler

Crlturc ol tlr Ngajt Dryak in Cenlral Kalirnanlarr. Phillips, ME: Bornco l{e'seirrch (louncil.

KP (Kaltcllg Post). 2001o. I'elaga Biru Diancam Bom. I(dllerg PoJf, 12 January 2001.

KP (Krlteng Post). 2001b. PeranS Setelah Antang Melayang. Kalteng Post,29 M^tcl\2004.

KR (Knlinlnntan Rcvierv). 1998. Menyoal Kepahlawrn Pada Orarl|DAy^k. Kaliman-larr lleview VII (39), Nov 1998: 28 29.

Kiihr, E.L.Nl. 1896-97. Schctsen uit Borneo's Westerafdeeling. Btdragen tot deTaal,,Land cn Volkenkunde 46: 63-88,214-239, aid 4T 57 -82,

LMMDD-KT (Lenrbagr Musyawarah Masyarakat Dayak dan f)aerah KalimantanTengah).2001. (o'7lift EhrikSampit: Kronologi, Kesepakatan Aspirasi Masydrakdt,

Afiolisis, Satun (known as Buku Merah, or 'Red Book') and. Usul Penyelesahn

lalon 'l'cngoh lslah/Rekonsiliasi dori Masyarakat Daeflh Kalindntan Tc gah (tl\e

second volurnc of 8t,rku Meroh). Palangka Raya: Lembaga Musyawarah Dayak

dan Daerah Kalimaltan Te gah.

Low, Hugh. 1848. Saralak; Its Inhabitants and Productiohs: Being Notes during n

Residencc i thal Coutltty with H, H. lhe Rajalt Brookc. London: Richard Bentiey.

McDorrgall, llarrictte. 1854. Letters JroD Sarawak; Addrcssed to o Cirild. Norwich:'fhonras Priest, and l-ondon: Grant and GrifSth.

Morris, Mirrgaretta. 1905. Harvest Gods ofthe Land Dyaks of Borneo. lournal of the

Ancri.nn Orie tol Society 26:.165-175.

Muslirn, Hjlrene A., arrd Frans l,ayang, S. Jacobus L.1994. Malaladan Kekuatan Simbol

Adat prda Masyarakat lJayak di Kalimantan Barat Ditinjau dari Pengelompokan

Budaya, In Kebudayaar Daynk: Aktunlisosi clau TratlsJbn asi. Eds, Paulus Florus

et nl. Iakartil; Grnsindo, pp.40-52,

310 CHRrsrrAN C)ESTERHELD

Nais, wiliiam. 1988. Adat Resam Dayak Bid ayuh.ln Atrat Rcsatrt pendtuIuk sarawak,Ed Zainal Abidin Zulciflv. K,ching: Iawatanku;." i".li ,,ii,rai'Jri" ,,a,n,Perayaan Ulang Iahun Ke-25 Sa*,#l;i*;$;:^;;il;,.iff :"#;T:H::H"ffi ; ii;ffi ,,Niagara, Albertus. 2005_06. Meneh

xlv (n3)-xv (127), rsuri Je'iak Manusia Dayak Kalimantan Review

Niagara, Albertus.2006. Asal Muasal Hukum Adat Bidayuh di Sararvak. Kalilrr,r_tarl Rcv,?? XV (135), Nov 2006.Ngiuk, Elias.2003. Laporan Khusus: Notokng, Menghapus Dosn Mengayau. Kalim_antan RewewXlI (96), Aug 200J:41_45.Nungknt, Libertrus. 19g4. Mangkok-Meroh: SebLrah Ritut Solidaritas Sosial pnda()rang Kakayatu. B.A. thesrs, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial d,r; ;;;;;;;;,;";;*r*,'l'anjungpura (pontidnak).oesterheld..ch ristian . 2004. scaptgoalers, Avcllgars ok(r Erecutiotrcrs: c)rar HistorynndtheKL ima tatt R/ors. M.sc. ,t .,i., s.t ,i,t ofci il.tai""u,ii.".,l,o"u".,

University of London.P.rrry, Richard lloyd. I999. C.trn,1gc and Cannibalism in Itorneo as Ethlic ConllictR.tgcs.'[hr lnJtptndt,rf .on(li,n). 24 NlJ,ch 1999.Peluso, N.1ncy Lee, 2003. weapons ofthe wird: strategic uscs of viorencc .rrcl wir(i_ness in the Rain Forests of Indonesian Borneo. ln l Search oJ tlle Rltin Forest.Ed. Candace Slater Durhxm and Ipcruiu. Nrn(v Lcc. 2000. p.rssina ,n

"':t.':' o'f" univ('r{rh r'rcs'. pp 2r, , i,r5n,o,,gr, v,Jn."-in ;J?:iij::.":'.:"f],. -t-*.""nt

co,"n,unirv Identitv

nesi.,: Anarysis, o"p**,,,,i,' iili)i,,"i'J;l'ji:ji,"i:t]lj;:'li:ij:jlf;New York: Routledge, pp. t06_128.

Peluso, Nancy Lec, and Harwell, Emily fivans. 200t..lerritory, Custont, and theCultural politics of Ethnic War in West Kalimantan, Indonesin. I i Violut Ewi-ronhents. Eds. Nancy [.ee peluso and lVlichae] Watts. f,fr".",'fV" ",i.i,,r,:rlr,,t lorrrell Unrversity press, pp. 8J_ llb.

Petebang, Edj- Ed, 2001. Amuk Sampit-palangkal,r,.1. ponriannkj Institut D;ryakologi.Petebang, Edj. 2005 [199S]. Davak Sa;

- *. .il;;;;J;:;;::.;K:;i",;:;'nsarauan, rarit ' Mangkok Meran. 3rd

Petebang, Edi, and Sutrisno, Eri.2OO0. Konftik Etnik di Sdmbas.Jakarti: InstitutStudi Arus Informasi (ISAI).PfeifFer, Ida. 1855. A Lacly\ Secontl Jou.rney Round the World. Lonclon: Longrnan,Brown, Creen, ana Longmans. 2 vols. tir""rl","J rr._,rl iil; ;:;ji", ,Ranik, Erma S. 2000. Norokng Tahutn Anak Kayo Orang Dayak n,lnyutl 1ona1orang Banyuke, Manusia perrama pemakan padi.

"r,:rr"r*'ii,i"] ,.*,Ori,June-ruly 2000:26_28.

--

lNvoKrNG NE'RAKE 311

Rini, Kartika. 2005. Tempun Petak Nana Sare: Kisoh Dayak Kadoi, KonunitasPeladahg di P inggiran Yogyakarta: INSISTPress.

Riwut, Tjilik. 1993 ll979l. Kctlindntak Mcmbangun: Alnm dan Kebudayaan.Yogya-kartar Tiara Wacana.

Roekaerts, L. 1985. Dd),ak - First Drdft (Tanah Diri: Kalimafltan Barat, Land RightsoJ Tribals). Report for CIDSE (Coop6ration Internationale pour Ie D€veloppe-ment ct Ia Solidaritd). Unpublished manuscript.

Rubenstein, Carol. 1973. Poems of Indigenous Peoples of Sarawak: Some of the Songs

and Chants. Sarawak Museum |ournal, Special Monograph No 2. Kuching:Sarawak Museum. 2 vols.

Schad€e, M.C. 1903-08. Biidragen tot de kennis van den godsdienst der Dajaks vanLandak en 1bjan. Birtagen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 55: 321-340, 56:

532-547 , 58 489 -513, 59: 207 -228, 6ll-647 , and, 6Ot l0l-127 .

Schadde, M.C. 1910. Het familieleven en familierecht der Dajaks van Landrk cn'f^j^t\, Bijdrcgen tot de 'lhal-, Lancl- en Volkenkuhde 63t 390-489.

Sclriirer, Hans. 1966. Der Tote kult der Ngadju Dajak in S d-Borneo: Mythen zwnTotenkult und d.ie Tcxte zum Tahtolak Matei, I and 2, Verhandelingen van hetKITIy No 51. t Gravenhage: Martinus Niihoff.

Schiller, Anne, and Bambang, Garang.2002. Religion and lnter-ethnic Violence inh\doiesia. Journal of Cohtenlporary Asia 32 (2\: 244-254.

Schriiclcr, Ingo W, and Schmidt, Bettina E.2001. Introduction: Violent Imaginariesatrd Violent Prrctices. fn Anthlopology of Viol.nce and Conflict. Eds. Ingo WiSchriider and Bettina E. Schmidt. London and New York Routledge, pp. t-24.

Schumarrn, Olif.. 2002. Problents in Attitudes and Communication between Reli-gious and Ethnic Groups in lndonesia: A Socio-Religious Analysi s.ln CommunalConlicts ik Contemporary Indonesia.Ed.s.Murni famal and Klaus Pihler jakarta:

Pusat Bahasr drn Budaya, IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah and The Konrad AdenauerFoundation, pp. 157-183.

SclvlP (South China lvlorning Post). 1999. 2,000 refugees brought to safety in Java.Soutlt China Mottitlg Posr (Hong Kong),25 March 1999.

Sellato, llernard. 2002. Castrated dead: the making of un-ancestors among theAoheng, and some considerations on death and ancestors in Borne o,ln The Po-tent Dead: Aicestors, Saints and Herces ih Cohtemporary Indonesia. Eds. HenriCharnbert-Loir and Anthony Reid. ASAA Southeast Asia Publications Series.

Sydney: Allen and Unwin and Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, pp. 1-15.

SiaR. 1997. Kisah Mangkok Merah di Pedalanan Kalbar. SiaR,4 March 1997.

S rn ith, C laire Q, 2005 . 'Ihe Roots of Violence and Ptuspects Jor Reconciliation: A Case

Stucll of Ethflic Conflict in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia. Socj.al DevelopmentPapers: Conflict Prevention and Reconskuction, 23. Washington, D.C.: WorldBank.

312 CHRlsrtAN OEsTERHELD

Somers Heidhues, Mary,2001, Kalimantan Barat 1967-1999: Viole ce on the Pc'

riphery. In Violeflce in Indonesia. Eds.Ingrid Wessel and Georgia Wimhiifer.Hamburg: Abera, pp. 139-151.

St. John, Spenser. 1853. Wild Tribes of the North-West Coast of Borneo. Trdhs.r..

tiofls of the Ethnological Society of London 2: 232-243 .

Stiihr, Waldemar 1959. Das Totenritual det Daj^k. Ethnologica (N.Fl) L t-245.

Stutterheim, Willem. 1931. The Meaning ofthe Hindrj-Javanese ez ndi,lournal oJ thc

Amefican Oriental Society 5l (l): l-'15.

SLraka. 1999. Mangkok Merah Dan Kerusuhan Di Kalbar. Sua/<a, 8-ll April 1999.

Surlagung, Hendro Suroyo. 1984. Migrcsi Swaka$a Orang Madura ke Kalimanttnlldl,rt Ph.D. dissertation, Universitas Gadjah Mada (Yogyakarta).

Sulhan, Muhamad. 2006- Dayak yang Menang,Indonesia yong Malang: Representasi

Identitas Etrik Dayak di Media Mossa.Yogyakarta: Fisipol UGM.

Suparlan, Parsudi.200l. Ethnic and Religious Conflict iD lndoDesia. Kalrar I (2):

4t-57.

Tempo. 2001. Dr. Fridolin Ukur: "Pembunuhan Seabad Lalu Terulang." Tempo, 26

March - I Ap l 2001, Vol. XXX, No 4.

Thomson, Larry Ken neth, 2000. The Efect of the Dayak Worldv iaw, Custotis, Tradi -

tions, ond Customdty Law (Adat-Istiada) ox the Intetpretation oJ the Cospel iWest Kdlimanton, Indonesian Borneo. Ph.D. dissertation, Faculty of Theology,Acadia Divinity College, Acadia University.

Tillema, H.T. 1930 [1886]. Verzoeni\gseed. Adatrechtburrdsls XXXIII (Serie L, No59\: 345-346.

Tiras. 1997. Simbol Kedaulatan yang "Rawanl' Tiras,27 Marcht997, No 9,3rd year

Vermi, V 1997. Upacara Adat Beuma Dayak Iawan Kab. Sangga* KalimantanRe view Vl (24), ArJgl997 | 36-39,

Watts, David. 1999. Borneo Sinks into Ethnic Bloodletting. Tire ?lmcs (London),23

March 1999.

Weintr€, Johan, 2004, Bebercpo Penggal Kehidupan Dayak Kunayotn: KekoyLtan

Rinal ddn Keaneka-rugaman Pertanian di Hutan Kalimantan Barat. Laponnstudi lapangan. Yogyakartai Pusat Studi Kebudayaan, Universitas cajah Moda.

Wiiaya, Bambang Kartika.2002, Surat dari Sampit: Mandau Terbang dan Pangka-

lima Burung, Pal,fa! III (27): 30-33.

Yeremias, P 1997. Sebuah Permenungan dan Refleksi Kerus tdn Etnis di Kab. Pon-

tionak. RatakJri (Special Edition Jan-Mar 1997). Menjalirr Paroki Mempawah

Hulu-Menjalin.