Heather A. Bower is a

doctoral candidate atthe University ofNorth Carolina,

Chapel Hill. E-mail:hbower@email. une. edu

Dana Griffin is an

assistant professor, also at

the University of NorthCarolina,

Chapel Hill.

Can the Epstein Model ofParental Involvement Work in aHigh-Minority, High-PovertyElementary School? A Case Study

The literature has lauded parental involvement as aneffective strategy to increase student achievement, butschools still struggle with how to effectively involve par-ents of color and low-income families. In an effort toassess the effectiveness of the Epstein Model of ParentalInvolvement in high-poverty, high-minority schools, theauthors conducted a case study of an urban elemen-tary school that uses parental involvement practicesstipulated in the model. This article provides implica-tions for school counselors and suggestions for futureresearch.

I n faculty workrooms and school improvementplans across the country, parental involvement isbodi heralded and lamented. Often, a lack of

parental involvement is blamed for low studentachievement or engagement (Barnard, 2004;Desimone, 1999; Hill & Craft, 2003; Hill & Taylor,2004; Jeynes, 2011; ZeUman & Waterman, 1998);dierefore, teachers are asked to communicate withparents to help modvate students and encourageparents to become more involved in the school andtheir students' educadons (Epstein & Dauber, 1991;Epstein et al., 2009; Glasgow & Whitney, 2009;Griffith, 1998; Henderson & Mapp, 2002; Lee &Bowen, 2006). However, schools often strugglewith low attendance at parent nights and a lack ofstrategies to more effectively promote parentalinvolvement (Glasgow & Whitney). The gapbetween the desired and actual levels of parentinvolvement has led to a wealth of literature andstrategies developed for schools. These includecharging school counselors with including parentalinvolvement strategies in comprehensive schoolcounseUng programs (American School CounselorAssociation, 2010). Although researchers have stud-ied and discussed parental involvement extensivelyin the literature and schools use models to imple-ment parental involvement strategies, schools con-dnue to struggle with increasing parental involve-ment with students of color and students of lowsocioeconomic statuses. This article discusses theoutcomes of a case study that specifically exploredparental involvement strategies in a high-poverty.

high-minority elementary school that includedparental involvement as an approach to increasingthe academic achievement of its students. Theauthors first briefiy discuss parental involvement.The school udlized the Epstein Model of ParentalInvolvement as its guiding framework; therefore, dieárdele considers the strengths and limitadons of theEpstein Model and includes a discussion of consid-eradons for race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic sta-tus. The árdele concludes with a descripdon of themediodology and results, discussion, implicadonsfor school counselor pracdce, and suggesdons forfuture research.

PARENTAL INVOLVEMENT

Parental involvement is seen as an effecdve strategyto ensure student success, as evidenced by severalcorreladonal studies, with die overarching benefit ofparental involvement being increased academic per-formance (Barnard, 2004; Desimone, 1999; Hill &Craft, 2003; Hill &: Taylor, 2004; ZeUman &Waterman, 1998). The current literature alsoemphasizes other posidve effects. For example,increased parent involvement leads to early socialcompetence, which uldmately leads to academic suc-cess (Hill 8c Craft). Similarly, parent involvementalso increases social capital, or networks designed toleverage resources (Hill & Taylor; Lee & Bowen,2006). As social networks are increased, students areable to access addidonal support or resources, suchas tutoring, enrichment opportunities, or access tocurriculum extensions beyond the school, in orderto achieve academic success (Bryan, Holcomb-McCoy, Day-Vines, & Moore-Thomas, 2011; Hill& Taylor; Lee & Bowen). Furthermore, because ofthe increased academic success as parents becomemore involved, parental involvement has been iden-tified as a strategy to decrease the achievement gap(Jeynes, 2011; Lee & Bowen; ZeUman ^Waterman). In the era of accountability, the promiseof increased academic achievement, especially withregards to the achievement gap, places the need toincrease and improve parent involvement in chil-

15;2 DECEMBER 2011 I ASCA 77

Schools continue to

struggle with

increasing parental

involvement with

students of color

and students of low

socioeconomic

statuses.

dren's education in a powerfial position. However,focusing on parent involveitient as a strategy toincrease achievement shifts some of the responsibili-ty for students' success fi-om schools to fatnilies(Graue & Benson, 2001). This seems to be at theroot of the gap between espoused parental involve-ment strategies and the lack of parental involvementthat persists. In an effort to explore why this gapexists, this article first looks at how parental involve-ment is defined.

Defining Parental involvementDiscourse on parental involvement demonstratesdisagreement on how to define the topic (Baker &Soden, 1997; Jeynes, 2005; Lewis & Forman, 2002;Lopez 8c Stoelting, 2010). The traditional definitionof parental involvement includes activities in theschool and at home. Parental involvement can takemany forms, such as volunteering at the school,communicating with teachers, assisting with home-work, and attending school events such as perform-ances or parent-teacher conferences (Epstein et al.,2009; Hill & Taylor, 2004). However, viewedthrough this lens, African American and Latino fam-ilies demonstrate low rates of parental involvement(Simoni & Adelman, 1993). Further, parents' vol-unteering in school only has shown a significant aca-demic effect for white students (Desimone, 1999);yet schools often focus on volunteering as a keymeasure of parent involvement (Epstein & Dauber,1991; Epstein et al., 2009). Volunteering in theschools often calls for parents to shotilder the addi-tional responsibility of providing supplies requestedby the school, which include not only traditionalclassroom supplies such as pencils, paper, and fold-ers, but also items for fundraisers or school events(ZeUman & Waterman, 1998). Traditional defini-tions of parental involvement require investments oftime and money ftom parents, and those who maynot be able to provide these resources are deemeduninvolved.

In addition, the literature typically defines parentalinvolvement as either supporting student academicachievement or participating in school-initiatedfunctions (Lopez et al., 2001). This overlooks dif-fering perceptions on the part of parents from low-SES and minority populations regarding parentalinvolvement and educational responsibilities (Nieto,1987). Indeed, in a study using random stratifiedsampling procedures with 30 low-income AfticanAmerican (48%), Hispanic (25%), and PacificIslander (17%) parents, researchers found that par-ents believed the school should provide the academ-ic education and parents should provide the moraleducation for their children (Smrekar & Cohen-Vogel, 2001). Further, parents can exhibit parentalinvolvement through activities such as providing

nurturance to their children, instilling cultural val-ues, and talking with their children, which do notalign with traditional forms of parental involvementas defined by schools (Scdbner, Young, & Pedoza,1999).

In essence, traditional definitions of parentalinvolvement make demands of parents to help facil-itate the success of the school, while reciprocaldemands are not made of the school to ensure thesuccess of their families. New research and discourseon parental involvement state that schools may needto redefine parental involvement and develop broad-er frameworks that can make involvement moreinclusive for families of color (Abdul-Adil & Farmer,2006; Griffin, 2011; Jackson & Remillard, 2005;Mattingly, Prislin, McKenzie, Rodrigues, & Kayzar,2002).

Even though the current definition of parentalinvolvement has some limitations, the EpsteinModel (2009) continues to be one of the mostwidely referenced frameworks for parental involve-ment and the model that the urban school in thisstudy chose to use. The Epstein Model outlines sixconcrete types of family involvement behaviors: pos-itive home conditions, communication, involvementat school, home learning activities, shared decisionmaking within the school, and community partner-ships (Epstein & Dauber, 1991; Epstein et al.,2009). The positive aspects of Epstein's Model arethat it encompasses the traditional defitiitions ofparental involvement and recognizes the role of par-ents in the home, including supporting educationalefforts and providing an environment where educa-tional activities are supported and encouraged(Epstein & Dauber; Epstein et al.). Furthermore,Epstein shifts some of the onus ftom the parents tothe school by acknowledging communication as abidirectional endeavor and encouraging schools tocreate a place for parent ownership within the schoolthrough shared decision making. Studies have foundconnections between the use of this model andincreased student achievement (Barnard, 2004;Ingram, Wolfe, & Lieberman, 2007; Lopez &Donovan, 2009).

However, limitations do exist with this model.Although the model works to empower parents tohave a voice within the school and recognizes thework of parents in the home, the school is stillexpected to inform parents of effective strategieswithin the home (Epstein et al., 2009). Further, therole of parents in the decision-making process isdefined by and created within the existing frame-work of the school, ensuring that parental involve-ment is defined and evaluated in the school's termsrather than the families' terms (Epstein & Dauber,1991; Epstein et al.). This model also fails to addressthe forms of advocacy demonstrated by African

78 ASCA I PROFESSIONAL SCHOOL COUNSELING

American families and tbeir cburcb involvement(Fields-Smitb, 2009), wbicb is a primary form ofcommunity collaboration among African Americans(Bradley, Jobnson, Rawls, & Dodson-Sims, 2005;Day-Vines & Day-Hairston, 2005). Otber forms ofadvocacy tbat tend to be overlooked as parentalinvolvement are found in studies specifically witbAfrican American parents. Tbese include settingclear and consistent bebavioral rules for tbeir cbil-dren, engaging in frequent and meaningfiil conver-sations witb tbeir cbildren, encouraging independ-ence, providing assistance witb bomework, andexpressing graduation expectations (Abdul-Adil &Farmer, 2006; Jackson & RemiUard, 2005). In addi-tion, many of tbe studies using Epstein's Model donot take into account differences in race and etbnic-ity; ratber, tbey provide a general approacb toparental involvement, regardless of race, class, orsociocultural factors (Abdul-Adil & Farmer; Garcia-CoU et al., 1996; Tillman, 2009). Parental involve-ment strategies are largely based on scbool culturestbat are formed from middle-class, European-American cultural norms (Fields-Smitb, 2007;Freeman, 2010; Kroeger, 2007; Hill & Crafr, 2003;Lee & Bowen, 2006); tberefore, scbools need toconsider differences in cultural norms by race/etb-nicity and socioeconomic status in order to use par-ent involvement effectively as a strategy for studentsuccess.

Considerations for Race and EthnicityParental involvement strategies sbould consider raceand etbnicity because researcb bas demonstrated dif-ferences in parental involvement among AfricanAmerican, Latino, and Wbite families. AfricanAmerican families tend to spend more time in bome-based activities witb tbeir cbildren tban tbeir wbitecounterparts (Barbarin, McCandies, Coleman, &Hill, 2005); bowever, bome-based involvement isdifficult for scbools to measure and is ofren over-looked, and families are not recognized for tbeirefforts. Parent groups are a strategy tbat bas provenparticularly successfiil witb African American fami-lies, allowing parents to obtain information abouttbe scbool, advocate for tbe cbildren as a collectivegroup, and form support networks with otber fami-lies (Martinez-Cosio, 2010).

As witb African American families. Latino parentalinvolvement may not align witb tbe wbite, middle-class norms of tbe scbool. Latino families tend torespect tbe role of tbe scbool and teacber and aretberefore less likely to contact tbe scbool regardingpotential problems, especially wben English is nottbeir first language (Gaetano, 2007). However,schools ofren view a lack of family-initiated commu-nication as a lack of involvement rather than an actof deference. Furtbermore, translation becomes an

issue witb Latino families. Altbougb most scboolstranslate written communication, translation sbouldnot end witb written language if scbools truly desireparents' involvement and collaboration. In onestudy, for example, a Latina motbers' group tbatfacilitated tbe cultural translation of tbe scbool's pbi-losopby demonstrated a deeper understanding oftbe pbilosopby of tbe scbool and became empow-ered to educate otber families. Tbis indicated a needfor scbools to embrace families as translators, trustthem to make the most culturally relevant transla-tions, and allow tbem to become tbe scbool'sambassadors to tbeir communities (Galindo &Medina, 2009).

Considerations for Socioeconomic StatusPoverty also presents unique barriers to traditionalforms of parental involvement. Work scbedules, lackof transportation, and lack of cbild care may preventfamilies from attending scbool events or volunteer-ing in tbe school (Hill & Taylor, 2004), althoughresearcb bas demonstrated tbat, for families inpoverty, parents' volunteering in tbe scbool does notbave a significant effect on students' academicacbievement (Desimone, 1999). Families fromlower socioeconomic backgrounds expend consider-able effort, including more informal conversationsand unscbeduled visits, to demonstrate tbeir involve-ment to teacbers and tbe scbool at large (F'reeman,2010); bowever, tbese less structured approacbes areofren viewed as obtrusive by scbools and teacbers(Fields-Smitb, 2007). Furthermore, schools are cau-tioned against defining specific bebaviors as parentalinvolvement because tbe scbools' definition ofrenresults in families feeling disenfrancbised and tbeirefforts being unrecognized (Freeman). Families inpoverty are furtber alienated by middle-class familieswbo see tbe lack of traditional involvement as a lackof caring or concern about tbeir cbudren (Kroeger,2007). For families in poverty, tbe scbool's controlof time and "appropriate" communications retainsits power in parental involvement practices(Freeman).

Given tbe evidence regarding tbe limitations ofcurrent parental involvement practices, new prac-tices are needed tbat incorporate culturally relevantstrategies. Based on tbe literature, sucb practicessbould include components of relationsbip building,advocacy, and parental efficacy, as tbese bave beensbown to be effective in working with AfricanAmerican, Latino, and low-income populations(Desimone, 1999; Martinez-Cosio, 2010). Tbeautbors assert tbat tbese culturally relevant strategiessbould also occur in bigb-minority, bigb-povertyscbools. Tberefore, tbe purpose of tbis study is toassess tbe effectiveness of tbe Epstein Model in abigb-minority, bigb-poverty scbool by exploring

Traditional

definitions of

parental

involvement

require investments

of time and money

from parents, and

those who may not

be able to provide

these resources are

deemed

uninvolved.

1S:2 DECEMBER 2 0 1 1 I ASCA 79

Parent groups are a

strategy that has

proven particularly

successful with

African American

families, allowing

parents to obtain

information about

the school,

advocate for the

children as a

collective group,

and form support

networks with

other families

parental involvement strategies in an urban elemen-tary school that has idendfied parent involvement asone strategy to increase student achievement.

CASE STUDY

Hawk Elementary (a pseudonym) has a majorityAfrican American, Ladno, and high poverty popula-don and struggles with low student achievement.Because of the various family configuradons at thisschool, parental involvement at Hawk includesworking not only with parents, but also with grand-parents, aunts, úneles, and community mentors whoserve as "parents" within the school. HawkElementary embraced parental involvement as astrategy for raising achievement and udlized theEpstein Model. Although school staff employedmany parental involvement strategies, includingmeaningful homework, family workshops, meedngthe coUecdve needs of the family, and creadng andimplemendng a comprehensive parental involve-ment plan, they have been disappointed with theresults both in terms of low parent attendance andstudent achievement. The resuldng research ques-don guiding this study was: Even when using an evi-dence-based model of parent involvement, why doesparent involvement condnue to remain a struggle atHawk Elementary?

MethodThe Epstein Model, because of its prevalence in thefield and use by the school as the model of parentalinvolvement, informed the methodology of thisstudy. In this study, the researchers defined parentalinvolvement both in terms of tradidonal strategies(such as attending conferences and school eventsand responding to requests and communicadonsfrom the school) and less-tradidonal strategies (suchas pardcipadng in home learning acdvides andparental ownership of some aspects of the school).Research quesdons and field notes were informed bythe definidons of parental involvement in the litera-ture, although data were closely examined for count-er-evidence that spoke against emerging patternsand themes (Creswell, 2008) and definidons uniqueto Hawk Elementary. A microethnography frame-work, which allows for a single researcher to focusexplicidy on one aspect of a larger belief system of aculture (Creswell), was used for this case study toexamine the definidon and operadonalizadon ofparental involvement in Hawk Elementary.Microethnography relies heavily on a researcherbecoming integrated into the community to form areciprocal reladonship among pardeipants and theresearcher. This methodology was appropriatebecause of the lead author's established reladonshipwith the site and pardeipants of the study.

In the 2006-2007 school year, the lead authorbegan work with Hawk Elementary. She served asthe College Access Programs Coordinator for thedistrict and worked with Hawk Elementary toimplement programs that increased students' andparents' awareness of and planning for post-second-ary opportunides. In the spring of 2008, she left thedistrict to serve as a research project coordinator fora study conducted by a local university and condn-ued to work with Hawk as their University Liaison.As she spent more dme at Hawk, she began toexplore aspects of the school's culture with the fac-ulty and administradon to better understand the cul-ture and develop strategies to improve studentachievement. Since parental involvement was idend-fied as a key strategy by the school, it became thefocus of exploradon for this study, whieh occurred inthe spring semester of the 2009-2010 school year.

Every attempt was made to minimize bias andincrease validity because of the well-established rela-donship the lead author had with the school.Prolonged engagement at the site, trianguladon ofdata, negadve case analysis, clarificadon of bias, thickdescripdon, and member checking were all udlizedthroughout the study (Glesne, 2006). Although thisstudy took place over the span of one semester, itwas part of a larger study that occurred over threeyears, providing the researcher with in-depth knowl-edge of the school and pardcipants. Observadons,interviews, and document analysis provided for tri-anguladon of data, and every attempt was made tofind and analyze negadve cases in the codingprocess. Addidonally, field notes were kept in richdetail, and refiexive notes were inserted to idendfyand analyze researcher assumpdons or areas thatneeded addidonal analysis or data eoUecdon. Finally,inidal themes and drafts were shared with pardci-pants as a form of member checking.

Reciprocity (Glesne, 2006) was also very impor-tant to the lead author as a researcher. Pardcipantsgave their dme and energy to this project, and shesought to ensure that reladonships remained recip-rocal. Therefore, she would often assist with taskswithin the school or on acdvides such as assemblingfijndraiser packets, assisdng with grant applicationsand intervendons, and researching resources thatmay be available to the school. Assisdng in theseways provided flirther opportunides for informaleonversadons and observadons. The informadongathered during informal conversations greatlyinformed her knowledge of the general school cul-ture and praedces. For example, through this workshe learned more about the school's SaturdayAcademy, whieh is an opportunity for students whoare below grade level to receive additional instrue-don. As she worked beside teachers, she learned thatthey often pick up students and bring them to the

8 0 ASCA I PROFESSIONAL SCHOOL COUNSELING

Saturday Academy. This provides teachers an oppor-tunity to speak with parents weekly, build relation-ships with parents, and offer strategies for parents toutilize throughout the week to help accelerate theirchildren academically.

Sample. Hawk Elementary is one of the smallestschools in a large urban district in the southeasternUnited States. The 347-student population is 60.5%African American, 33.1% Hispanic, and 6.4% Multi-Racial and Caucasian. Hawk Elementary is consid-ered a high-poverty school, with 92.5% of its studentsreceiving free or reduced-price lunches. On the 2009state end-of-year tests, 37.6% of the third- throughfittii-graders were at or above grade level in reading,and 61.8% were at or above grade level in math.

Two members of the administrative team and fiveteachers participated in this study. The participantswere chosen because of their involvement with thestandardized testing that drives many schoolaccountability and reform decisions. Further, theschool does not have a full-time school counselor, soteachers and administrators are the sole links to par-ents. To preserve confidentiality and anonymity, par-ticipants are not identified by position within theschool. All of the participants are well establishedwithin the school, have a minimum of three years ofservice, and know the school's culture and practiceswell. All participants are minority females.

Data Collection. Each teacher participant tookpart in a 45-minute, semi-structured interviewscheduled at her convenience. Interviews withteachers took place in their classrooms during theirplanning periods. The administrator interviews were60 minutes long, due to their more fiexible sched-ules, and interviews took place in their offices. Theguiding question was: How do you communicatewith parents and encourage involvement in theschool? After the guiding question, probing ques-tions were asked based on participants' responses.The interviewer used a digital voice recorder torecord the interviews and transcribed them verbatimwithin 24 hours of each interview. She insertedreflective notes into the transcripts regarding non-verbal communication and researcher responses, asappropriate (Glesne, 2006).

For this study, the lead autlior also conductedobservations of two formal parental involvementopportunities within the school. The first event wasa Parent Teacher Organization meeting, and the sec-ond was an open house in which parents were ableto view projects the students completed during a six-week unit and also interact with the students andteachers. The author also took field notes while inthe school assisting with other projects such asassembling bulletin boards, organizing schoolbazaar materials, and compiling fundraiser items. Allnotes were transcribed within 24 hours and annotat-

ed with observer notes and reflexive comments(Glesne, 2006).

Throughout the data collection process, the leadauthor maintained an observer's role as much aspossible, but many times was not able to remaintotally in that role. Because so few parents attendedthe events, she was often asked to directiy participateor share her opinions or observations about themeeting topic or event. For instance, during a PTAmeeting, she was asked to help develop a list of pos-sible resources and sponsors for the school bazaar.

Data Analysis. Throughout the data collectionprocess, the lead author analyzed transcripts foremerging themes and areas for fijrther examinationthrough inductive analysis, which allows for con-cepts and relationships among ideas to emergethroughout the research process (Glesne, 2006).Inductive coding was most appropriate because itenables emerging concepts and themes to informthe foci of observations and conversations and fur-ther minimize researcher bias or over-reliance on theEpstein Model.

Once all the data were collected and transcribed,the lead author began the formal coding process. Alltranscripts were read line by line for general themesin the form of recurring words. Three themesemerged: Strategies Employed, Frustration, andEngagement. Once initial themes emerged, all of thetranscripts were reread to find supporting excerpts,which were placed into Microsoft Word files for eachtheme (Glesne, 2006). Excerpts were categorizedinto subthemes for more detailed analysis.Communication and Home Learning Activitiesemerged as sub-themes of Strategies Employed, andLack of Reciprocity and Low Attendance emerged assubthemes for Frustration. Finally, all transcriptswere reread in their entirety to look for counter-evi-dence. Once the coding was complete, each Wordfile was reread for significance and authenticity toensure that the themes reflected the participants'views rather than the researchers'. No counter-evi-dence was found.

Member checking was utilized to ascertain thevalidity of emerging themes. Participants readilyagreed with the analysis of the data, identitying mostwith the strategies employed and frustration themes.Although they agreed with the findings, participantswere hesitant to identity cultural differences as a bar-rier, primarily because they were unsure the schoolhad the resources to address this need.

RESULTS

Three key themes and four subthemes emerged ascomponents of parental involvement at HawkElementary School: Strategies Employed (subthemesinclude Communication and Home Learning

Latino families tend

to respect the role

of the school and

teacher and are

therefore less likely

to contact the

school regarding

potential

problems...

However, schools

often view a lack of

family-initiated

communication as a

lack of involvement

rather than an act

of deference.

15:2 DECEMBER 2011 | ASCA 81

Practices should

include components

of relationship

building, advocacy,

and parental

efficacy, as these

have been shown to

be effective in

working with

African American,

Latino, and low-

income

populations.

Acdvides), Frustradon (subthemes include Lack ofReciprocity, and Low Attendance), and Engagement.Strategies Employed describes the pracdces imple-mented at Hawk Elementary. Frustradon describesthe lack of impact of those strategies, andEngagement describes the muldple levels of engage-ment among teachers and parents. By examining thecorreladons among these three themes, a clearer pic-ture of the current parental involvement pracdcesemerges. Further, the results indicate that strategiesof parental involvement (reladonship building, advo-cacy, and efficacy), which could characterize effecdveparental involvement for people of color and low-SES families, were missing. The next sectiondescribes the themes in more detaU.

Strategies EmployedThe strategies used by Hawk Elementary align withmore tradidonal types of parental involvementstrategies. For example, school staff embraced fre-quent and specific communication as the primaryparental involvement strategy. Weekly reports wereone tool used by many teachers:

It's a weekly report that I give to parents just to,kind of, let you know how your child did thisweek, any missing assignments they have, andfaiUng grades I staple it to it.

These reports, along with aU other communica-don, are translated for any Ladno parents that wouldprefer receiving communicadon in Spanish, a keybest pracdce in parental involvement (Epstein &Dauber, 1991; Epstein 2009; Galindo & Medina,2009). In addition to written communicadon,teachers caUed or visited parents in their homes on aregular basis:

My parents have my ceU phone number, andI'm reaUy open with my parents... I go to theirhouses on Saturday to pick [students] up [forSaturday Academy] and try to teU [the parents]how important it is for [students] to come toSaturday Academy.

The administradon and teachers also personallycalled aU parents to remind and invite them toschool events, such as Parent Teacher Organizationmeetings and conferences. Furthermore, the com-munication was bidirecdonal, with parents oftencaUing teachers: "Quite a few of them wiU caU. 'Justwant to know how so and so is doing. I saw thisreport—^wasn't happy with this.'" By estabUshingregular roudnes for communicadon and providingmuldple methods for parents to obtain informadon.Hawk Elementary invited parents to becomeinvolved in the school.

In addition to providing informadon. HawkElementary developed muldple home learning activ-ities to help parents meaningftiUy pardcipate in theirchild's academic development (Barbarin et al., 2005;HUI & Taylor, 2004; Wong & Hughes, 2006).Many of these strategies required very few resources:

I try to teU the parents, you know, what we doin school, try to reinforce it at home. Like whenwe're doing measurement and capacity, havethe kids look in the refrigerator. What can youfind that's two ounces or two liters? What doesyour mom use to measure a teaspoon? Does sheuse a regular teaspoon or does she use a tea-spoon measurement? Pounds and ounces. Doyou have a pound of butter or does she have acup? So, it's trying to make everything we do inschool at home—how can you reinforce it athome. We put it in our newsletter.

The measurement acdvity served as an example ofa math home learning activity that teachers beUevedparents could easUy incorporate into their eveningroudne. Some activides were more expUcidy con-nected to school work:

We have packets, you know, helping your chUdto read. We've done a couple of workshopswhere we've had the parents come in and hereare the types of quesdons we're asking yourchild, here's what we're asking them to do.Even if they just ask the five Ws [who, what,when, where, why].

By providing the acdvity and the training, teach-ers provided parents with the skills to effecdvelyimplement these home-learning acdvides. Parentsalso received home learning acdvides in a more per-sonal setting:

There are quesdons that they can ask their kidsbefore, during, and after reading... We had par-ent conference open night here, and we gave allthe parents the quesdons stems. Please, youknow, just always talk to your kids about whatthey're reading. And then every dme on myupdate I'U say ask your kid about the books thatthey read. Whether they do it or not, it's pre-sented to them. rU even give them a specificquesdon to ask [in our weekly newsletter].

These individual conferences enabled teachers tobetter customize and clarify informadon for specificstudents and parents.

By implementing these strategies. HawkElementary worked to not only invite parents intotheir student's learning but also provided them with

8 2 ASCA I PROFESSIONAL SCHOOL COUNSELING

the tools to be successful. Furthermore, focusingefforts on empowering parents to be educationalpartners within the home shifted the school's effortsaway from traditional forms of parental involvementand towards practices that may have a more signifi-cant effect on academic achievement such as mean-ingfijl homework, home learning activities, and bidi-rectional communication. However, overall, parentsstill demonstrated low involvement, especially inreturning forms, attending conferences, or partici-pating in school events, causing frustration for theschool staff

FrustrationsIn spite of the efforts of the school, the level ofparental involvement still remained low, whichserved as a constant frustration for HawkElementary. Teachers were especially ftustrated byweekly reports that were unreturned or requests forassistance that went unanswered:

The [students whose weekly reports] I reallywant to see don't bring them back. Those arethe ones where I write your child really needshelp; I'm sending home an extra sheet pleasemake sure it comes back. It never comes back.They're not reading at home, and this is so I canensure that they are reading. And so it's gettingbetter and that's because I will call them and saylook, you're not signing this sheet just sayingthat your child read. I don't think they realizethat just the repetition of reading will help thechild so much, but that's what I have.

Equally frustrating for teachers were parents whoquestioned methodology:

I know that when I send things home the par-ents write back and say what is this.* Why arethey doing this.> Why aren't they doing it theway I was taught? And I try to explain that's nothow we teach them anymore; they have to learnit this way.

This disconnect between parents' own experiencesin school and their children's experiences created aspace for contention between teachers and families.

Although communication diffictilties served as asotxrce of ftustration, parents' lack of attendance atschool events garnered the greatest ftustration.Parents regularly attended school performances orevening lectures on academic topics such as end ofgrade testing, reading strategies, or homework assis-tance, but attendance at Parent Teacher Organization(PTO) meetings and more informal open houses wasnearly non-existent. A member of the PTO explainedthat the group had just three active members, not

including the English as a Second Language teacherwho served as the school liaison. However, the pres-ence of this liaison did enable Latina mothers tobecome involved in the organization.

No parents attended the informal open houseorganized for students to share their unit projectswith their families. After the first two informal openhouses, teachers instead decided to plan a typicalafternoon of lessons and activities as they did notwant to see the children disappointed or have twohours of unstructured time. Although the projectswere on display, students and teachers did notreceive recognition for their efforts or an opportuni-ty to engage with parents.

Frustrations did not prevent Hawk Elementaryftom attempting to engage parents, but they impact-ed the school's attitude towards parental involve-ment. Although teachers were certain to providehome learning activities, they did not expend thesame amount of energy attempting to invite parentsinto the building because they believed that, no mat-ter what efforts they made, families would not comeinto the classroom. In essence, previous experiencesbegan directing future efforts.

EngagementAlthough teachers engaged with parents on somelevel, and parents engaged with students, parents didnot engage with other parents. The most poignantexample of this phenomenon occurred at the PTOmeeting, which was comprised of three mothers(two Afiican Americans and one Latina), the ESLteacher, and the lead author. This particular meetingwas called to organize the school's bazaar, which wasa new fundraising event initiated by the Latino fam-ilies. A bazaar was more closely aligned to their phi-losophy of fundraising and community btiildingthan traditional sales campaigns. After the details ofthe bazaar had been arranged, the PTO presidentstated that a nomination form was in the mailboxfrom the district for recognizing an outstanding par-ent volunteer. She then stated that there was no oneto nominate. The school liaison did not translate thispart of the conversation and proposed that theynominate the Latina parent at the meeting, who hadattended every meeting, had given the idea of thebazaar, and was working to get donations andbooths. The president conceded without looking atthe other parent, and gave the form to the schoolstaff member to complete. The Latina parent accept-ed without ever acknowledging the president. Thisexchange was emblematic of the communicationthroughout the meeting: parents communicatingwith the liaison, who was also translating, withoutever looking at the other parents.

The lack of communication among parents in thisscene was transparent. However, no malice was

The school does not

have a full-time

school counselor, so

teachers and

administrators are

the sole links to

parents.

1S:2 DECEMBER 2 0 1 1 | ASCA 83

Frustrations did not

prevent Hawk

Elementary from

attempting to

engage parents,

but they impacted

the school's

attitude towards

parental

involvement.

apparent. Tbe meeting was very quiet and uncom-fortable, even tbougb tbe group bad been meetingall year. Tbe lack of communication demonstratedtbat, although tbe scbool was sensitive and respon-sive to the two cultures and languages witbin tbebuilding, tbe two groups did not bave tbe tools nec-essary to communicate witb eacb otber. The resLilt-ing discomfort may be one reason parents are reluc-tant to attend informal events at tbe scbool.

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS FORSCHOOL COUNSELOR PRACTICE

Tbe results of tbis study indirectiy answer theresearcb question, "Why does parent involvementcontinue to remain a struggle at HawkElementary?" The autbors bypotbesize tbat scboolsand teacbers are not building effective relationsbipswitb parents and continue to define parentalinvolvement through more traditional methods asdescribed by Lopez et al. (2001): using strategiesgeared towards inviting parents to scbool-basedactivities, or belping parents become more involvedwitb academics. As already demonstrated in tbe lit-erature, tbese types of involvement activities fail toadequately cover parental involvement of low-SESfamilies and families of color.

Tbe results of tbe study also indicate tbat HawkElementary may need to develop new strategies ofparental involvement that work better witb tbe pop-ulation of tbe scbool. Hawk needs to take intoaccount tbe myriad cultural differences tbat canimpact how parents demonstrate parental involve-ment. Altbougb teacbers at Hawk may baveemployed different types of strategies, once tbestrategies failed, tbe teacbers became frustrated andseemed to just consider tbe parents uninvolved.

Tbe authors also assert that the Epstein Modelmay not fijUy capture how parents are or want to beinvolved in tbeir cbildren's education, indicatingtbat new ways of working with parents in bigb-minority, bigb-poverty scbools are warranted. HawkElementary may need to explore parental involve-ment in conjunction witb tbe families to find outtbeir needs and wbat works for tbem. Parentalinvolvement is not an easy practice, and it takes timeand a lot of investment on bebalf of scbools andscbool staff in order to build effective, collaborativerelationsbips with tbeir families. Although AfricanAmerican, Latino, and parents in poverty riiay bemore difficult for scbools to engage in traditionalmetbods of parent involvement, tbe evidence botbin tbe literature and at Hawk Elementary suggeststbat tbese parents are involved in tbeir cbildren'seducation (Barbarin et al., 2005; Fields-Smith,2007; Freeman, 2010; Gaetano, 2007; Kroeger,2007), and shows tbat teacbers are trying to engage

parents. Teacbers and administrators sbould realizetbat cultural differences and practices, individual dif-ferences, and misunderstandings tbat can occurbetween teacbers and parents and among parentstbemselves can impede parental involvement prac-tices (Lopez & Stoelting, 2010). Scbools mustreconsider tbeir beliefs about parental involvementto focus on individual families' strengtbs and designa more effective parental involvement plan (Epstein& Dauber, 1991; Griffin, 2011; Lee & Bowen,2006). For some scbools, tbis may mean redefiningparent involvement from purely academic rolestoward more collaborative roles witb otber parents,sucb as parent support groups, parent teams forscbool events, or presenters in classroom cultural orenricbment activities. Tbese networks could impactacademic acbievement not only by belping parentsengage more directiy witb tbe scbool but also byempowering parents to serve as supports for eacbotber. Implementing some of tbese activities atHawk Elementary may also belp address tbe frustra-tions tbat exist for teacbers.

Altbougb Hawk Elementary did revise its defini-tion of parental involvement to include bome-basedlearning activities and created a more inclusive ver-sion of a parental involvement plan, as suggested bytbe Epstein Model, tbe scbool was unable to reachtheir desired goals of parents attending informalopen houses and working togetber to improve tbescbool. Even witb concrete strategies to involve indi-vidual parents, as is tbe case at Hawk Elementary,scbools must bridge tbe cultural gap among familiesin order to foster tbese relationsbips—a strategy notincluded in existing family involvement models(Griffin, 2011). Perhaps these strategies—fosteringrelationsbips among families, increasing parentalinvolvement efficacy, and empowering parents foradvocacy—are tbe keys to increasing parent involve-ment in bigb-minority, bigb-poverty scbools.Relationsbip building, efficacy, and advocacy utilizenon-traditional strategies to empower parents todevelop personal social networks and engage inreciprocal relationsbips witb scbools. Scbool coun-selors can facilitate tbis model to ensure tbat parentalinvolvement efforts increase not only parentalengagement in tbe school but also parental owner-ship.

Relationsbip building sbould be tbe first strategyimplemented by scbool counselors. Relationsbipsamong parents may increase tbe participation andtbe impact of existing strategies witbin tbe scbool byincreasing ownersbip, accountability, and social net-works. Scbool counselors migbt consider bostingand facilitating cultural awareness worksbops forparents. Tbese worksbops would focus on culturalnorms as well as working witb translators. Courses inEngUsb and Spanisb migbt also belp improve com-

8 4 ASCA I PROFESSIONAL SCHOOL COUNSELING

municadon and coUaboradon among parents fromdiverse cultures. Finally, these workshops couldestablish social networks and strategies to empowerparents to support not only their children but alsothe school community at large.

Further, parent work groups could be establishedto create ownership within the school. Each workgroup would begin with natural parent leaders in theschool, who may emerge in the cultural workshops.Parent leaders from each subgroup of the schoolcould work together to form work groups that wouldperform specific tasks within the school, sueh as pro-viding cultural transladons of school materials, creat-ing home learning acdvides, or organizing eventswithin the school. School counselors eould serve asthe liaison between these groups and the schooladministradon. Parent leaders would recruit otherparents to join, dius widening the social networks.

Onee reladonships are established through thesework groups, parent efficaey should increase. As par-ents experience success not only with their tasks butalso with working with addidonal families, they mayfeel as though their efforts are rewarded.Furthermore, social networks could allow for theleveraging of resources to assist families and studentsin meedng their individual and group goals.

Finally, parent groups should be empowered foradvocacy. School counselors could encourage par-ents to share concerns and needs, and then assist intheir efforts to advocate for change or addidonalresources. For example, if a parent work grouptasked with creadng math acdvides to reinforce con-cepts for standardized tests found they did not haveadequate resources in the school's curriculumlibrary, the school counselor could help the grouplocate potendal sources and then advocate to theadministradon to obtain these resources. To increaseempowerment and parental efficacy, school coun-selors could also charge parents with loeadng indige-nous resources. Indigenous resources are those thatinclude parent-oriented supports, strengths, andskills within the family and community that may beusefiil in schools (Abdul-Adil & Farmer, 2006).

As stated earlier. Hawk Elementary did not havea school counselor during the course of this study,which eould also be a factor in low attendance in theparental involvement aedvides. Due to the nature oftheir profession, school counselors are charged withcoUaboradng with stakeholders to opdmize the aca-demic, career, and personal development of theirstudents. Furthermore, the importance of network-ing and coUaboradng with the community is writteninto the framework of school counselors' training.According to the 2009 Council for Accreditadon ofCounseling and Related Education Programs(CACREP) standards, school counseling programsmust train students to understand how school-fami-

ly-eommunity coUaboradon can enhance studentlearning and understand how to work with families,staff, communides, and students to promote aca-demic, career, and personal/social achievement.The implieadons listed above are specifically forschool counselors. The lack of a school counseloreould be a detriment for Hawk Elementary, becauseschool counselors are trained not only to work withfamilies and build strong reladonships but also to bemuldculturally competent, which is essendal forworking in high-minority, high-poverty schools,such as Hawk.

LIMITATIONS

This study was conducted in one elementary school;therefore, as with any case study, the suggesdonsabout parent involvement cannot be generalized toother urban schools with high-minority and high-poverty populations or to different school levels(e.g., middle and high schools). Similar studies con-ducted at other schools eould certainly support orcontradict these findings. Furthermore, the leadauthor conducted all of the data eoUecdon andanalyses. Although every attempt was made toimprove validity, addidonal studies conducted bymuldple researchers would increase the validit)^ ofthese results.

Another limitadon is the lack of parent voices.Because parent involvement is fragile at HawkElementary, administrators asked the lead authornot to conduct formal interviews. Although parents'views were obtained during informal eonversadonsand observadons, future research should seek thevoices of parents more formally and explicidy.

SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

The parental involvement strategies and strugglespresented in this analysis are unique to HawkElementary School. However, the themes presentedhere could be udlized as a framework for furtherstudy in other schools. Do other schools experiencesimilar successes with home learning acdvides? Doother schools struggle to create parental engage-ment and networks?

Furthermore, addidonal research regarding thetypes of workshops and work groups suggestedabove is cridcal. Are schools able to build parent net-works across cultures? What would workshops andwork groups designed to facilitate parental engage-ment look Hke? What would the curriculum entail?Furthermore, do these parental eross-eultural net-works increase student achievement, parental advo-cacy, and parental efficacy?

Although significant research exists that outlinesdie benefits of parental involvement for students'

The Epstein Model

may not fully

capture how

parents are or want

to be involved in

their children's

education,

indicating that new

ways of working

with parents in

high-minority, high-

poverty schools are

warranted.

15:2 DECEMBER 2 0 1 1 | ASCA 85

Cultural differences

and practices,

individual

differences, and

misunderstandings

that can occur

between teachers

and parents and

among parents

themselves can

impede parental

involvement

practices.

academic success, garnering what schools considerideal parental involvement strategies remains a signif-icant challenge, especially for high-poverty, high-minority schools. More studies need to be conduct-ed to explore the best strategies to work in these pop-ulations. The best practice research for parentalinvolvement for Atncan American and Latino fami-lies is certainly a beginning, but more work needs tobe done to explore exactiy how to best facilitate rela-tionships among parents to foster greater informalinvolvement within the school and with each other. I

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