iseljavanje iz srednje europe u ameriku 1880.–1914. emigration

1

Iseljavanje iz srednje Europe u Ameriku 1880.–1914.

Emigration from Central Europe to America 1880 - 1914

emigracija 9 ok:Layout 1 29/11/08 14:34 Pagina 1

2

CIP zapis dostupan u ra~unalnom kataloguSveu~ili{ne knji`nice Rijeka pod brojem 120118013

ISBN 978-953-6587-45-2

Autor i urednikAuthor and editorErvin Dubrovi}

Suradnici u pripremiCollaborators in preparationJelena Dunato Jasna Milinkovi}

Prijevod na engleskiTranslation into EnglishMario RossiniJelena Dunato Ira Stani}

KazalaIndex byVlasta Hrvatin

Lektura i korektura hrvatskog tekstaLanguage advising and proof reading for Croatian languageGordana O`bolt

Lektura i korektura engleskog tekstaLanguage advising and proof reading for English languageJelena DunatoJohn P. Kraljic

Grafi~ki dizajnGraphic designKlaudio Cetina

FotografijePhotographyIstog @or`

TisakPrinted byZambelli Rijeka 2008.

Istraìva~iResearchers

Ivan Balta, Osijek; Martin Besedi~, Bratislava; GerhardDienes, Graz; Marjan Drnov{ek Ljubljana; FrancescoFait, Trst/Trieste; Jovana Iveti}, Novi Sad; LjubinkaKarpowicz, Rijeka; William Klinger, Gradisca d’Isonzo;Irvin Lukeì}, Rijeka; Stefan Malfer, Be~/Vienna; BarryMoreno, New York; Ljubica Oti}, Novi Sad; John P.Kraljic, New York; Marijeta Rajkovi}, Zagreb; JasnaRotim Malvi}, Rijeka; Michaela Schuller, Graz; MalcolmScott Hardy, London; Ferenc Szilli, Budimpe-{ta/Budapest; Adam Walaszek, Krakov/Krakow

SuradniciWith

Jozsef Berkes, Budapest; Theodor de Canziani Jak{i},Rijeka; Maria D. Zic, New York; Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka;Sanja Grkovi}, Zagreb; Egon Hreljanovi}, Rijeka; ZlatkoIvkovi}, Zagreb; Ilija Komnenovi}, Novi Sad; LjuboKrasi}, Chicago; Ivica Nemec, Kastav; Enrico Padula,Oriago (Venezia); Vanja Pavlovec, Rijeka; MilkicaPopovi}, Novi Sad; Wanda Radetti, New York; BorisSu{anj, Vi{kovo; Branka Stergar, Ozalj; Radovan Tadej,Zlobin; Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka; Marija Tonkovi},Zagreb; Josip @galji}, Rijeka; Irena @muc, Ljubljana

Institucije koje su omogu}ile kori{tenje gra|eInstitutions that allowed the use of their materials

Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, Trst/Trieste; ArcadiaPublishing, Portsmouth; Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte,Trst/Trieste; Donauschwabishes Zentralmuseum Ulm;Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York; Ham-burg-Amerikanische-Paketfahrt Actien-Gesell-schaft –--Arhiv; Hamburg Staastsarchiv; Hrvatska bratska zajed-nica/Croatian Fraternal Union Pittsburgh; Hrvatskamatica iseljenika, Rijeka; Hrvatski etni~ki insti-tut/Croatian Ethnic Institute Chicago; In{titut za sloven-sko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU; Ljubljana, KözlokodésiMúzeum Budimpe{ta/Budapest; LaGuar-dia& WagnerArchives, New York; Mestni muzej Ljubljana;Ministarstvo kulture, fototeka, Zagreb; Muzej NikoleTesle Beograd/Belgrade; Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad;Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb; Narodna in {tudijskaKnji`nica v Trstu/Trieste; Österreichisches Ost-undSüdeuropa – Institut, Be~/Wien, Slovenske narodnemuzeum Bratislava; Southampton City HeritageServices; Spomeni~ka knji`nica i zbirka Maùrani}-Brli}-Ruì}, Rijeka; Sveu~ili{na knji`nica Rijeka; Sydney JonesLibrary, Special Collections and Archives, University ofLiverpool; Eni [ebalj, Rukavac; Frane [epi}, Rukavac;Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj; Zavi~ajni muzej [ibenik


3

Izlo`ba u Muzeju grada Rijekeod 10. prosinca 2008. do 28. velja~e 2009. Exhibition at the City Museum of Rijeka10 December 2008 – 28 February 2009

Autor izlo`beAuthor of the exhibitionErvin Dubrovi}

Autor likovnog postavaDesign of the exhibitionKlaudio Cetina

Suradnica u pripremiCollaborator in preparationJasna Milinkovi}

Suradnik u postavu izlo`beCollaborator in designBojan KukuljanMirna Kutle{a

VideoprojekcijeVideo presentationsJelena Dunato

Tehni~ki postavTechnical arrangementAnto Kova~evi}

Tehni~ka realizacijaTechnical realizationPru{a d.o.o.Jedinstvo d.o.o.

Muzeji – suradniciMuseums – associates

Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New YorkDiane Pardue

Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte, Trst/TriesteAdriano Dugulin

Muzej Vojvodine, Novi SadJovan Paunovi}

Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz Wolfgang Muchitsch

Medijski pokroviteljMedia coverage

Novi list, Rijeka

Sufinancirali suCo-funded by

Grad Rijeka, Ministarstvo kulture Zagreb; Primorsko-goranska `upanija, Rijeka; Zaklada Adris, Zagreb;Veleposlanstvo SAD-a, Zagreb; INA d.d., Zagreb;Hrvatska banka za obnovu i razvitak, Zagreb; Bevandad.o.o., Opatija; Austrijski kulturni forum, Zagreb


Emigration from Central Europe to AmericaEmigration from Central Europe to America1880 - 19141880 - 1914

Emigration from Central Europe to America1880 - 1914

Iseljavanje iz Srednje Europe u AmerikuIseljavanje iz Srednje Europe u Ameriku1880. – 1914.1880. – 1914.

Iseljavanje iz Srednje Europe u Ameriku1880. – 1914.

Ervin Dubrovi}

Muzej grada Rijeke, 2008.


6

Emigracija u Amerikupredgovor 10

IseljavanjeNAJVE]A MIGRACIJA U POVIJESTI 16SREDNJA EUROPA I MIGRACIJA 22Dràva i iseljavanje 22Prvi iseljenici, masovno iseljavanje i neodlu~nost dràve 24Emigracija izme|u protivnika i zagovornika 26Slaveni i iseljavanje 28

Ustroj prekooceanskog egzodusaPRIJEVOZNICI I POSREDNICI 34Parobrodarske kompanije 36Cunard Line 36Inman Line 38White Star Line 40HAPAG - Hamburg-Amerika Linie 40Norddeutscher Lloyd 42Brodarski karteli 46@eljeznica - od rodnog sela do polazne luke 50Glavna èljezni~ka ~vori{ta 52Iseljeni~ke agencije 56Banke 58

Luke - odakle putovati u Novi svijet?Bremerhaven 66Hamburg 68Rotterdam 72Antwerpen 74Le Havre 76Cherbourg 78Liverpool 80Southampton 82Genova 84Ameri~ke ulazne luke i Ellis Island 86

Rije~ka i tr{}anska lukaRIJE^KA LUKA 94Fiorello La Guardia i ameri~ki konzulat u Rijeci 108Tko se ukrcava u Rijeci? 110Iseljavanje iz rije~ke okolice i zale|a 114TR[]ANSKA LUKA 122Ukupni promet iseljenika u tr{}anskoj luci od 1903. do 1914. 126Smje{taj iseljenika u Trstu 128


7

Sadràj

IseljeniciSTREPNJE, PUTOVANJE, @IVOT 134Amerika - bijeg od bijede 136Regruti i Amerika 138Strah od mora i plovidbe 140Veliko putovanje - prvi put na brodu 142Veli, veli brod s ken }emo brzo prit va Meriku! 146Posljednja prepreka - oto~i} Ellis 150Kamo doseljavaju na{i emigranti? 152Useljeni~ka Amerika - raj ili pakao? 156Kriza 1907. - ne u Ameriku! 162

SudbineLajos Kossuth i odbjegli sinovi revolucije 166Hans Kudlich - ~e`nja za domovinom 166Mihajlo Pupin - od iseljenika do izumitelja 168Nikola Tesla i zemlja zlatnih obe}anja 170Fran Sakser - slovenski novinar, dobrotvor i bankar 174Austrijski pivar Fritz, otac Freda Astairea 174Josip Marohni} - prvi Hrvat kod Predsjednika 176Peter V. Rovnianek - Zapisi ìvog pokopanog 176Jozef Murga{ - slova~ki sve}enik i radiotelegrafist 178Franjo Grèti} ne èli doma 180Kuharica Liza u New Yorku 182Frank Zotti, kralj Hrvata 182Ante Biankini - lije~nik, politi~ar i “kriminalni sociolog” 184Frane Lu~i} Borinov i njegova obitelj 186Imu}ni gostioni~ar Nick i sirota Ana Verzuh 188“Tarzanova” obitelj Weissmüller 190Naprasiti Klement Sisari} ne voli Ameriku 192Erich von Stroheim - la`ni aristokrat i upe~atljiv glumac 194Marljivi dobrotvori Anton i Ana Justini} 194Louis Adamic - ìvot i smrt poznatog iseljenika 196Julija i Ondreij Varchola - roditelji Andyja Warhola 198Jura Stare{in~i} ima tu|e dijete 198Anton Kinkela ônjina i njegovi sinovi 200

Kraj velikog valaOD NATIVIZMA DO OGRANIÂVANJA USELJAVANJA 206ê`nja za domom i povratak u domovinu 212NA KRAJU - KORIST ILI [TETA OD EMIGRACIJE? 216


8

Emigration to AmericaIntroduction 11

EmigrationTHE LARGEST EMIGRATION IN HISTORY 17CENTRAL EUROPE AND MIGRATION 23The State and Emigration 23First Emigrants, Large Scale Emigration and Vacillation of the State 25Emigration, For and Against 27Emigration of the Slavs 29

Organizational Setup of The transoceanic ExodusCARRIERS AND AGENTS 35The Shipping Companies 37Cunard Line 39Inman Line 41White Star Line 41Hamburg-Amerika Linie 43Norddeutscher Lloyd 47Shipping Conferences 49The Railways – from the Native Village to the Port of Departure 51The Main Railway Hubs 57Emigration Agencies 59 The Banks 61

The Ports - Where to Travel to The New World from?Bremerhaven 67Hamburg 69Rotterdam 73Antwerp 75Le Havre 77Cherbourg 79Liverpool 81Southampton 83Genoa 85American Ports of Entry and Ellis Island 87

The Ports of Rijeka and TriesteTHE PORT OF RIJEKA 95Fiorello LaGuardia and the US Consulate in Rijeka 109Who Sailed from Rijeka? 111Emigration from the Rijeka Region and the Hinterlands 115THE PORT OF TRIESTE 123Total Emigrants’ Traffic at the Port of Trieste from 1903 to 1914 127Accommodation of Emigrants in Trieste 129


9

Contents

EmigrantsFEARS, PASSAGE, LIFE 135America – Haven for the Poor 137The Recruits and America 139Fear of the Sea and the Passage 141Long Passage – First Time on Board 143Big, Big Ship that Will Take Us to America Quickly! 145The Last Obstacle – Ellis Island 149Where Did Our Emigrants Settle? 153The Immigrants’ America - Heaven or Hell? 157The Recession of 1907 – Not to America! 163

Destinies

Runaway Sons of Revolution and Lajos Kossuth 167Hans Kudlich – Homesickness 167Mihajlo Pupin – from Immigrant to Inventor 169Nikola Tesla And the Land of Golden Promises 171Fran Sakser – Slovenian Journalist, Benefactor and Banker 175The Austrian Brewar Fritz - the Father of Fred Astaire 175Josip Marohni} – First Croat Who Met the President 177Peter V. Rovnianek – Notes from One Buried Alive 177Jozef Murga{ – Slovak Priest and Telegraphist 179Franjo Gr`eti} Does Not Want to Return Home 181Liza the Cook in New York 183Frank Zotti - The King of the Croatians 183Ante Biankini – Physician, Politician and “Criminal Sociologist” 185Frane Lu~i} Borinov and His Family 187The Rich Innkeeper Nick and the Poor Ana Verzuh 189Tarzan’s Family – the Weissmullers 191The Quick-Tempered Klement Sisari} Dislikes America 193Erich von Stroheim – Fake Aristocrat and a Remarkable Actor 195Diligent Benefactors Anton and Ana Justini} 195Louis Adamic – Life and Death of the Famous Immigrant 197Julija and Ondreij Varchola – Andy Warhol’s Parents 199Jure Stare{in~i} Has Another's Child 199Anton Kinkela ^onjina and His Sons 201

The End of The Great WaveFROM NATIVISM TO IMMIGRATION QUOTAS 207Homesickness and Return 213TO SUMMARIZE, WAS EMIGRATION GOOD OR BAD? 217


10

Emigracija u AmerikuIseljavanje iz srednje Europe u Ameriku na prijelazu iz 19. u 20.stolje}e privuklo je moju pa`nju prije vi{e godina. Pripremaju}iu Muzeju grada Rijeke izlo`bu i opse`nu monografiju Rije~kaluka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, koja je objavljena 2001., uvrstilismo na izlo`bu i u knjigu i tekst o Rijeci kao iseljeni~koj luci, kojije napisao na{ njujor{ki suradnik John P. Kraljic, podrijetlom izHrvatskog primorja, iz Ledenica i Omi{lja na otoku Krku.

înilo mi se ~udnim da, osim nekoliko ozbiljnih i vi{e prigodnihtekstova, nitko dosad nije temeljito obradio iseljavanje iz Rijekei najbliè rije~ke okolice, kao {to nitko nije ni sustavno razmotriorije~ku iseljeni~ku luku u obzoru op}ih europskih i srednjoeu-ropskih iseljeni~kih tokova.

Tema me vi{e godina kopkala. Kada sam prije tri godinezapo~eo s radom na izlo`bi i novoj opse`noj monografiji, nisume vi{e zanimali samo iseljenici koji odlaze u Ameriku prekorije~ke luke nego, prije svega, op}a pojava iseljavanja iz srednjeEurope, {to je krajem 19. stolje}a zapo~ela te}i nezaustavljivomustrajno{}u. Iako se iseljeni~ki tokovi {ire svim kontinentima,

Vreva na ulasku u njujor{ku luku i pogled naKip slobode obe}avaju}i su prizor koji sepruà iseljenicima nadomak glavnih vrata uNovi svijet. Ilustrirane revije rado se doti~uteme iseljavanja, a ulazak u New York jedan jeod klju~nih, naj~e{}e spominjanih prizora. (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)

Commotion at the entrance to the port of NewYork and the view of the Statue of Liberty,enticing sights that the emigrants saw onapproach to the main gate of the New World.Illustrated reviews often dealt with immigra-tion issues, and the immigration station inNew York featured most prominently in theirreports.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)


11

Emigration to AmericaI became interested in emigration of the 1900’s from CentralEurope to America several years ago. When the City Museum ofRijeka was preparing an exhibition and a detailed monographThe Port of Rijeka: History, Development, Traffic (Rije~ka luka, povi-jest, izgradnja, promet), published in 2001, we exhibited and pub-lished a text on Rijeka as an emigration port by our New Yorkcorrespondent John P. Kraljic, a descendant of a family fromHrvatsko primorje, from the towns of Ledenice and Omi{alj onthe island of Krk.What struck me as odd as that other than a few serious texts,written for special occasions, there were no detailed surveys ofemigration from Rijeka and its immediate surroundings or onRijeka as an emigration port in the context of European andCentral European emigration.

I remained intrigued with that for several years. Then, threeyears ago, when I started working on this exhibition and onanother detailed monograph, I decided to cover not only theemigration from Rijeka but also from the whole of CentralEurope, which peaked around 1900. Although the emigrants


12

usmjerio sam se na SAD, najprivla~nije odredi{te europskih ise-ljenika. A sloèn i razvijen organizacijski sustav koji je omogu}ioiseljavanje, ~inio mi se jednako va`nim kao i sudbina brojnihiseljenika.

Da je tema vi{e nego privla~na i aktualna, za istraìva~e koliko iza muzealce, potvr|uje i to {to je u me|uvremenu u nekada-{njim iseljeni~kim lukama otvoreno vi{e muzeja i muzejskihpostava – u Bremerhavenu (1905.), Hamburgu (2007.) i u Genovi(posebna cjelina u Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, 2008.) – nesamo zato da bi se upozorilo na neke povijesne teme, ve} i dabismo se podsjetili da smo i sami uvijek negdje stranci i da una{e doba jo{ uvijek brojni iseljenici bjeè od raznih nevolja inapu{taju svoje domove.

Svjestan sam da je, unato~ srednjoeuropskoj i prekomorskojtemi, moje polazi{te ponajprije rije~ko i hrvatsko. No jednakosam tako uvjeren da, unato~ naglascima na rije~koj luci ipoja~anu zanimanju za primorske i hrvatske iseljenike, knjiga iizlo`ba ipak odraàvaju probleme i sudbinu iseljenika s tadajedinstvenog podru~ja srednje Europe, koje obuhva}aju granicezajedni~kog Carstva.

Na kraju, najiskrenije zahvaljujem muzejima: Ellis IslandImmigration Museum u New Yorku, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arteiz Trsta, Landesmuseumu Joanneum iz Graza i Muzeju Vojvodine izNovog Sada, s kojima je suradnja na projektu zna~ila vi{e odpuke kolegijalnosti.Posebno zahvaljujem suradnicima ~ijim sam se jo{ neobavljenimtekstovima koristio za ovo izdanje, a prikupljeni su za opse`numonografiju koju }emo u suizdanju s Civici Musei di Storia edArte iz Trsta objaviti 2009. na hrvatskom i talijanskom jeziku.

Ervin Dubrovi}


13

went to all the continents, I focused on the USA as their primedestination. Regarding that, I found the complex emigrationinfrastructure equally interesting as the plight of the numerousemigrants.

The importance and the topicality of the issue, both for theresearchers and for the museum experts, has been proven by theopening of museums and exhibitions in the former emigrationports, such as Bremerhaven (1905), Hamburg (2007) and Genoa(a special department in Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, 2008),as a reminder of some historic developments, but also of the factthat we are all strangers somewhere and that many persons arestill fleeing from their homes to escape some trouble.

In spite of my Central European and transcontinental scope, Iwas aware that my starting point was primarily Rijeka andCroatia. Yet I was convinced that, in spite of my focus on the portof Rijeka and the emigration from Croatian Littoral and otherCroatian territories, the monograph and the exhibition shouldreflect the problems and the plight of emigrants from all overCentral Europe, at that time united in the Austro-HungarianMonarchy.

Finally, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the fol-lowing museums: Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York,Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trieste, Landesmuseum Joanneum,Graz and Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad, whose assistance wentbeyond the scope of usual collegiality. My special gratitude goes to correspondents who let me usetheir unpublished texts, which have been collected for a detailedmonograph we intend to publish in 2009 jointly with CiviciMusei di Astoria ed Arte, Trieste, in Croatian and Italian.

Ervin Dubrovi}


14

Iseljavanje


Emigration


16

Najve}a emigracija u povijestiU stotinjak godina najve}eg emigrantskog odljeva, u razdoblju od napoleonskih rato-va do me|uratnog doba, pedesetak je milijuna Europljana sudjelovalo u velikoj preko-morskoj seobi koja je ostavila jednako duboke tragove na obje strane – na dru{tvenuzajednicu zemalja iz kojih iseljenici odlaze i na ìvot u zemljama u koje dolaze.1

Veli~ina toga gibanja uzdiè ga do va`nosti posebnoga fenomena s obilje`jimasmi{ljenog i pomno organiziranog projekta s dalekose`nim posljedicama.Migracija Europljana preko Atlantika najve}a je i ujedno najpotpunije dokumentiranaprekooceanska migracija u ljudskoj povijesti. U istom se razdoblju (1815.–1914.) prib-li`no deset milijuna ljudi seli iz europskog dijela Rusije u Sibir, a i u Indiji, Kini iJapanu zbivaju se velika gibanja stanovni{tva.

Nakon prvih ameri~kih istraìva~a i kolonizatora – europskih naseljenika i potomnasilno dovedenih afri~kih robova, nakon prvih “pionira”-poduzetnika za koje jo{

1 Dudley Bains, Emigration From Europe 1815–1930.Macmillan Education LTD, Houndmills, Basingstoke,Hampshire and London, 1991., str. 7. Autor navodi 52milijuna registriranih iseljenika iz Europe i vjerojat-nost da je pravi broj bliì – 60 milijuna. Uz ostalo,“zbrku” stvaraju i “turisti” koji se vra}aju u svojezemlje.

Posljednji pozdrav putnicima koji izSredozemlja odlaze u Ameriku. U doba ve}razvijenog prometa parobrodima odlasci susve ~e{}i, broj putnika sve ve}i, a brodovi~esto pretrpani – kao na slici isplovljenja izNapulja 1870-ih.(L’illustrazione Italiana, 21.11.1875, Muzejgrada Rijeke)

Last greeting to the passengers before theirpassage from the Mediterranean to America.Thanks to the development of the steamship,the volume of traffic increased significantlyand the ships were often overcrowded, suchas this one that sailed out of Naples in the1860’s.(L’illustrazione Italiana, 21 November 1875,Muzej grada Rijeke)


17

The Largest Emigration in HistoryDuring the the peak period of European emigration, hundred odd years after theNapoleonic wars, some 50 million people moved overseas, which seriously affectedthe social fabric both in the emigrants’ homelands and in their adopted countries.

1The

exodus became so monumental that it acquired the characteristics of a pre-plannedand well organized project with long term consequences.

European emigration across the Atlantic has been the largest and the best document-ed transoceanic migration in the history of mankind. During that same period (1815-1914), some 10 million people moved from European Russia into Siberia, and largemovements of populations happened in India, China and Japan.

Europeans first came to the Americas as explorers and colonizers. Slaves from Africafollowed them, brought there by force, as did entrepreneurs, who had plenty of land

1 Dudley Bains, Emigration from Europe 1815 – 1930.Macmillan Education LTD, Houndmills, Basingstoke,Hampshire and London, 1991, p. 7. The author cites the number of 52 million immigrants,and warns that the actual number could have beencloser to 60 million. The discrepancy is partly due tothe “confusion” created by the “tourists” who trav-eled back and forth between America and their home-lands.


uvijek ima dovoljno zemlje, ve} u 18. stolje}u dolaze useljenici novoga tipa, u bitnodruk~ijem poloàju od prethodnika. Useljenici su, barem isprva, jo{ uvijek dobrodo{li. Od ku}a odlaze s gor~inom zbognemogu}nosti preìvljavanja, a dolaze sa strahom i nadom, ali im se u Americi vi{e nenude osobite pogodnosti.

Useljenici dolaze kao najamni radnici na upravo otvoreno trì{te rada. Zemlje u kojestiù prihva}aju ih, ali im vi{e ne nude nikakve posjede. Nude im samo mogu}nostpreìvljavanja i – {ansu za uspjeh.U zemljama iz kojih dolaze dru{tveni su odnosi jo{ gotovo feudalni, a Amerika ve}prednja~i poletnim gra|anskim sustavom. Liberalne dru{tvene okolnosti “obe}anezemlje” spretnima i umje{nima na svim podru~jima omogu}uju uspon kakav im kodku}e jo{ nije mogu}.

Razdoblje prvih naseljenika na podru~ju SAD-a vezano je isklju~ivo uzAnglosaksonce. Ve}e iseljavanje kontinentalnih Europljana u SAD po~inje sNijemcima potaknutim tridesetogodi{njim ratom i gospodarskim neda}ama.Petnaestak tisu}a njema~kih seljaka i obrtnika kre}e 1709. u Ameriku.Zato je dobrim dijelom krivac jedan njihov sunarodnjak koji tiska primamljiv poziv sla`nim obe}anjima o “slobodnoj zemlji” koja ih ~eka u Americi.Putovati su mogli jedino preko Engleske u koju dolaze i nekoliko mjeseci ~ekaju pri-jevoz. U i{~ekivanju, zbog lo{ih uvjeta ìvota, jedni umiru, druge vra}aju u Njema~ku.Preostali na kraju ipak stiù u Ameriku, ali nakon sukoba s Indijancima i tamo{njimstanovni{tvom, samo ih tri tisu}e stiè na kona~no odredi{te, u dolinu rijeke Hudson,na proizvodnju katrana i smole. Kona~no dobivaju i dozvolu da se nasele u predjeli-ma dràve New York.2

No unato~ tragi~nom po~etku, ve} je 1766. u engleskim kolonijama u Americi bilo oko200.000 njema~kih useljenika.

3

Prava masovna migracija po~inje s Ircima u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a. Prenapu~ena isiroma{na zemlja doslovno je umirala od gladi. Nakon katastrofe s propalim urodomkrumpira, osnovne ìvotne namirnice, 1846.–1847. irski se ìvalj smanjuje od osam namanje od tri milijuna!Najve}i dio preìvjelih odlazi u Englesku, u najbliù luku Liverpool, odakle se ve}inazaputila preko oceana.

4

2 Prema neobjavljenom tekstu Williama Klingera,Gradisca d’Isonzo, 2008.

3 Stjepan Radi}, Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni, MaticaHrvatska, Zagreb 1904., str. 326.

4 Bains, isto, str. 9.Autor navodi ukupno 7,3 milijuna irskih iseljenika(1815.–1830.).

AUSTRO-UGARSKA/ AUSTRIA-HUNGARY

PORTUGAL

[PANJOLSKA/SPAIN

NJEMA^KA/GERMANY

NORVE[KA/NORWAY

[VEDSKA/SWEDEN

RUSIJA/RUSSIA

1,67.7

70

21,3%

922.94111,8%

351.908

4,6%

78.251

1%

2,092.763 26,6%

2.191.734

27,9%

493.1

90

5,6%

106.7751,3&

ITALIA/ITALY

FRANCUSKA/FRANCE

VELIKA BRITANIJA/GREAT BRITAN

18

Karta predo~ava razmjere priljeva useljenikaiz europskih zemalja u SAD. Me|u najbrojni-jima su iseljenici koji dolaze iz srednje Europe– iz Austro-Ugarske Monarhije.(Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

A chart with the breakdown of emigrationfrom different European countries to the USA.One of the most active emigration areas wascentral Europe, including the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. (Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)


19

to exploit. But, by the 18th century, the fortunes of immigrants had changed.After having left their homelands frustrated by the lack of basic resources, they con-tinued to be welcomed in America, but they could no longer rely on receiving any spe-cial benefits. These immigrants found work as hired hands in the newly liberalizedlabor market. Their adopted countries allowed them entry, but they received nooffers for property. All they were offered was a chance to survive and better theirstanding.

While the dynamic American bourgeoisie set an example for the rest of the world, intheir home countries social relations still predominantly remained feudal. In liberalAmerica or “the promised land,” on the other hand, the resourceful and the daring inall walks of life could better themselves faster than they could at home at that time.

At first, immigrants into the future United States consisted primarily of those ofAnglo-Saxon and Irish descent. Large scale emigration from continental Europe start-ed with the Germans, after the Thirty Years War and the economic crises that ensued.In 1709, some 15,000 German peasants and artisans set out from Germany forAmerica. Their emigration had been prompted primarily by one of their compatriotswho had published an enticing leaflet containing false promises of free land alleged-ly waiting to be taken by the immigrants.

The only route to America led through England. There they waited several months forpassage. Due to poor living conditions, some of them died in England and many oth-ers were sent back to Germany. The rest finally arrived in America, where theyclashed with Indians and the local white population. Only three thousand reachedtheir final destination, the Hudson River Valley, where they engaged in the productionof tarmac and pitch. Eventually, they received permission to settle in the territory ofNew York.

2

In spite of the tragic fortune of the first wave of German immigration, in 1766 Germanimmigrants in the English colonies numbered around 200,000 persons.

3

Large scale immigration started with the Irish in early 19th century, when the over-sized and impoverished population of Ireland suffered from starvation. After cata-strophically low crop yields of potatoes, the main food staple, in 1846-1847, the popu-lation of Ireland dropped from eight million to less than three million! Most of the sur-vivors went to the nearby English port of Liverpool, and from there the majority sailedacross the Atlantic.

4

The face of immigration changed in late 19th and early 20th centuries, with the arrivalof immigrants of other origins, whose existence at home had been either threatened orwho had been poor. In some cases, they even received encouragement, often directly,to emigrate on religious or nationalistic grounds. However, during that period manyemigrants did not emigrate for good but only to save money to improve their livingconditions at home.

Between 1871 and 1915, emigration from Central Europe, that is, from Austria-Hungary, totalled 4,383,000.

5

When plotted on the entire 100 year period, i.e., from the Napoleonic wars until WorldWar I, emigration from Austria-Hungary totalled five million. Thus, one in tenEuropean immigrants was a native of Central Europe. After Great Britain (11.4 mil-lion), Italy (9.9 million) and Ireland (7.3 million), Austria-Hungary represented thefourth largest source of emigration.

6

2 From an unpublished text by William Klinger,Gradisca d’Isonzo, 2008.

3 Stjepan Radi}, Modern Colonization and the Slavs(Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni), Matica Hrvatska,Zagreb 1904, p. 326.

4 Bains, ibid, p. 9. The author gives 7.3 million as thetotal number of Irish emigrants (1815-1830).

5 Ferenczi, W.F. Willcox, International Migration, vol. I,Statistics, National Bureau of Economic Research,New York, 1929, p. 230-231. W. Nugent, Crossings, The Great TransatlanticMigrations, 1870-1914. Bloomington-Indianapolis,Indiana University Press, 1992, p. 12.

6 Bains, ibid, p. 9.


20

Pretrpana paluba pru`a istu sliku pri isplov-ljenju iz europske luke i pri dolasku uAmeriku. Ovaj brod pristi`e iz sjevernonje-ma~kih luka, iz kojih od kraja 19. stolje}aodlazi najvi{e siroma{nih srednjoeuropskihiseljenika i ruskih @idova u bijegu predpogromom.(Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

On departure from European ports and onarrival to America decks were equally crowd-ed. This ship arrived from one of the northGerman ports. As of the late 19th century theywere most popular with the poor centralEuropean emigrants and with the Jews fleeingthe pogroms. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York).


21


22

Masovno iseljavanje “kontinentalaca” drugoj polovici 19. i po~etkom 20. stolje}a novaje pojava koja odre|uje i nove glavne tokove migracije. Zemlja iz koje iseljenici odlaze ili im ne omogu}uje osnovne uvjete preìvljavanja iline nudi ìvot kakav prièljkuju. Katkad ih – vi{e ili manje izravno – i poti~e naodlazak, naj~e{}e zbog vjerskih ili nacionalnih razloga.Ipak, u novije doba mnogi ne odlaze zauvijek, nego samo da bi zaradili za bolji ìvotu domovini.

Iz srednje Europe, to~nije iz Austro-Ugarske, u razdoblju od 1871. do 1915. iselilo je4.383.000 ljudi.

5

Ako se uzme u obzir cijelo stogodi{nje razdoblje, od napoleonskih ratova do Prvogasvjetskog rata, broj se osobito ne pove}ava, ali ipak dosiè ukupno pet milijuna ise-ljenika. Dakle, desetina je europskih iseljenika rodom iz srednje Europe. Nakon VelikeBritanije (11,4 milijuna), Italije (9,9 milijuna) i Irske (7,3 milijuna), ovo je podru~jenajve}i izvor iseljavanja.

6

Srednja Europa i migracijaDràva i iseljavanje Na~elno su i u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a slobodni ljudi, naro~ito plemstvo, obrazovaniljudi, studenti, obrtnici i trgovci, imali slobodu kretanja, ali zapravo je za svako puto-vanje, ~ak i u susjedni okrug, trebalo odobrenje, svako je putovanje trebalo biti prijav-ljeno i odobreno, trebalo je zapravo dobiti putovnicu na koju, dakako, nisu moglira~unati oni koji su do 1848. bili kmetovi.

7

U Habsbur{koj je Monarhiji tek 1857. uvedena op}a sloboda putovanja u granicamadràve, a za inozemstvo je i dalje trebala putovnica.

Iako u njema~kome Svetome Rimskom Carstvu (koje je propalo 1806.), prethodnikuAustrijskoga Carstva i Austro-Ugarske (1867.), postoji svojevrsno “pravo emigracije”(ius emigrandi), ono se ne odnosi na pravo pojedinca, ve} na pravo nekatoli~kih vjer-skih grupa, uglavnom protestanata, da uz uredno pla}ene pristojbe napuste zemlju.No time se ujedno gube sva prava i imanja u zemlji.Iako je to pravo zasnovano u po~ecima novoga vijeka (1555.), gotovo do sredine 19.stolje}a (1837.) doga|aju se povremeni progoni protestanata iz Austrije.

8

Iseljavanje je od 18. stolje}a strogo zabranjeno jer merkantilisti~ka dru{tvena koncep-cija brojnost stanovni{tva smatra jednim od temelja snage i dobrobiti dràve.Francuski je ekonomist Jean Baptista Say tvrdio: “Ako se godi{nje iseli 100.000 ljudi sdesetak milijuna forinti, to je isto kao da vojska od 100.000 ljudi s oru`jem i opremompro|e preko granice i tamo propadne.”

9

Jedan je od brojnih patenata cara Josipa II. i patent o emigraciji, izdan 10. kolovoza1784., u kojem su saèti svi stari propisi. U prvom je paragrafu definiran pojam emi-granta: “Iseljenikom se smatra onaj tko iz bilo koje carsko-kraljevske nasljedne zemljestupi u vanjsku zemlju s namjerom da se vi{e ne vrati.”

10

5 Ferenczi, W.F. Willcox, International Migration, sv. I,Statistics, National Buereau of Economic Research,New York, 1929., str. 230.–231.W. Nugent, Crossings, The Great TransatlanticMigrations, 1870 - 1914. Bloomington-Indianapolis,Indiana University Press, 1992., str. 12.

6 Bains, isto, str. 9.

7 Prema neobjavljenom tekstu Stefana Malfera, Be~2007.

8 Stefan Malfer, isto.

9 Citat prema navodu Stjepana Radi}a, Moderna kolo-nizacija i Slaveni, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1904., str.326.Zabrana iseljavanja vrijedila je u svim europskimzemljama. Tijekom 18. stolje}a Engleska donosi nizodredaba koje strogo brane emigraciju. Isto tako i[panjolska i Njema~ka.


Prizori iz sredi{ta Be~a, prijestolnice Austro-Ugarske Monarhije. Poslanici u Carevinskomvije}u (Reihstag) godinama raspravljaju olo{im i dobrim stranama te o posljedicamaemigracije u Ameriku. Zbog razli~itih intere-sa, unato~ brojnim prijedlozima i nacrtima,zakon o emigraciji nije nikad izglasan.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 3784)

Sights from downtown Vienna, Capitol of theAustro-Hungarian Monarchy. For yearsdeputies at the Imperial Council (Reichstag)debated pros and cons of emigration toAmerica. Due to conflicting vested interests, alaw on emigration was never adopted, inspite of different proposals and bills. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 3784)

Dolje:Nakon ukidanja kmetstva 1848. seljaci postajuslobodni, ali ne i posjednici zemlje kojuobra|uju. Prezaduènost sela i gospodarskekrize u koje zapada postfeudalno dru{tvo,glavni su razlozi iseljavanja.Najvi{e iseljavaju stanovnici najsiroma{nijih,uglavnom perifernih i “egzoti~nih” krajevaMonarhije – iz dana{nje Poljske, Slova~ke,Srbije (Vojvodine), Rumunjske (Banat).(Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Down:After the abolition of serfdom in 1848, peas-ants got freedom but not ownership of landthey worked on. The main reasons for emigra-tion were indebtedness of the peasantry andan economic crisis that beset the post-feudalsociety.Emigration was most intense in the poorest,mostly peripheral and “exotic” regions of theMonarchy – modern Poland, Slovakia, Serbia(Vojvodina), Rumania (Banat).(Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)


23

7 According to an unpublished text by Stefan Malfer,Vienna 2007.

8 Stefan Malfer, ibid.

9 Quoted in the text by Stjepan Radi}, ModernColonization and the Slavs, Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb,1904, p. 326. All European states banned emigrationduring this period. In the 18th century, Englandpassed several regulations strictly banning emigra-tion, as did Spain and the Germanic states.



Central Europe and MigrationThe State and Emigration

In principle, in the late 19th century, freemen, especially the nobility, the educated,artisans and merchants, had freedom of movement. Yet, for any travel, even to a near-by borough, they needed a permit. For that, they had to register and obtain a traveldocument. Obviously, serfs, who received their freedom only in 1848, had no entitle-ment to one.

7

In 1857, the Habsburg Monarchy introduced general freedom of travel within stateborders. But one still needed a travel document for trips abroad.

The Holy Roman Empire (which had been dissolved in 1806), predecessor of theAustro-Hungarian Empire (1867), recognized a “right to emigration” (ius emigrandi),but not as an individual right. This right had been granted only to non-Catholic reli-gious groups, mostly Protestants, who could leave after the payment of a required fee.After emigrating, they lost all their rights and all property they left behind. The rightto emigration had been established early in the modern era (1555). As late as the mid-19th century (1837), Austria expelled several hundred Protestants.

8

During the 18th century, emigration had been strictly banned in the spirit of mercan-tilism, which viewed the populace of a state as its backbone and the source of its wel-fare. The French economist, Jean-Baptiste Say, claimed: “If 100,000 persons leave acountry with 10 million Florins, that is the same as if 100,000 fully equipped andarmed soldiers go across the border and perish there.”

9

One of the many patents issued by Emperor Joseph II, dated 10 August 1784, con-cerned emigration, encompassing all prior regulations. Paragraph 1 defined the termemigrant: “An emigrant is any person who moves from any of Our Hereditary Landsabroad with the intention to stay there.”

10

The patent strictly forbade such emigration, as it also banned any incitement to emi-grate! A breach resulted in the loss of all civic rights and confiscation of property,which the state would then administer on behalf of the wrongdoer’s legal heirs. Theissuance of this patent proves that emigration existed and that the state feared it!Because of this fear, the patent obliged major landowners and local authorities toassist all people willing to work so that they would not be forced to leave.Until the 1850s, emigration from the Monarchy did not exceed 1,000 persons per year.

11

In 1832, Emperor Francis Joseph I issued another emigration patent, this one recogniz-ing “legal emigration,” but with the loss of citizenship. But, that patent recognized theproperty rights of legal emigrants.Though the Parliament (Reichstag) in Vienna debated “free emigration” during the

Sredi{te Be~a na prijelazu stolje}a.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO37813)

Centre of Vienna at the turn of the century(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO37813)

Rumunjski seljaci iz Transilvanije.(Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Roman peasants in Transylvania.(Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)


24

Takva je emigracija strogo zabranjena, kao i njezino zagovaranje! Kazna je gubitaksvih gra|anskih prava i zapljena posjeda kojim dràva nastavlja upravljati u imezakonskih nasljednika.Dono{enje ovog zakona potvr|uje da emigracije ima i tada i da je se dràva priboja-va! Zato istim patentom obvezuje veleposjednike i mjesne vlasti da pomognusvakome tko ho}e raditi, da ga nu`da ne bi natjerala na odlazak. No emigracija iz Monarhije u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a ne prelazi prosjek od tisu}uiseljenika godi{nje.

11

Car Franjo I. izdaje 1832. novi iseljeni~ki patent kojim uvodi pravo “zakonske emi-gracije” prema kojem se moglo legalno iseliti, ali se gubilo dràvljanstvo i dobivalostatus stranca. Ipak, nije se gubilo pravo vlasni{tva, {to su ga i dalje gubili svi ilegalniiseljenici.Iako se u vrijeme revolucionarnih previranja 1848./49. u parlamentu (Reichstagu) uBe~u raspravlja o “slobodnoj emigraciji”, nikakav zakon o tome nije donesen jo{dvadeset godina, sve do 1867. kada je progla{ena sloboda kretanja koja se ograni~avajedino u slu~aju vojne obveze. Emigracija je kona~no dopu{tena, no unato~poku{ajima cjelovit zakon o iseljavanju nije donesen do kraja Monarhije, ve} je u poje-dinim ~lancima ostao na snazi odavna zastarjeli zakon iz 1832. godine.

12

Iako nije sporno da emigrantu ostaje pravo vlasni{tva, ostaje sporno pravo na dràv-ljanstvo za koje se po~inje smatrati da ga iseljenik gubi tek kada prihvati stranodràvljanstvo.

Prvi iseljenici, masovno iseljavanje i neodlu~nost dràveNeki dokumenti upu}uju na po~etke ve}ega prekomorskog odljeva.Izvje{taj zapovjednika otoka Visa kapetana Josefa Schmidta od 6. listopada 1860.,upu}en vrhovnome pomorskom zapovjedni{tvu ustvr|uje: “Svi mladi ljudi su oti{li,vi{e od stotinjak njih, u Ameriku i Australiju, a mnogi su drugi na Lloydovim parnimbrodovima i drugim trgova~kim brodovima...”

13

No {ezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina 19. stolje}a iz Habsbur{ke se Monarhije jo{ uvi-jek iseljava samo nekoliko tisu}a ljudi godi{nje, a Dalmacija je prete~a toga razvoja. Tek 1880., u jeku velike gospodarske krize, emigracija iz austrijskog dijela u preko-morje naglo raste na 20.000 iseljenika godi{nje i nikad se vi{e ne smanjuje. Godine1892. dosiè broj od 50.000 iseljenika, a 1904. ~ak 100.000 iseljenika godi{nje.

Na dotad nepoznatu i posve novu pojavu, poput brojnih i organiziranih napu{tanjadomovine, dràva odgovara sporo i prili~no neodlu~no. Poticanje i reklamiranje emi-gracije zabranjeno je, a to uklju~uje i bilo kakve bro{ure, letke i oglase u novinama. Jo{1895. putni~kim je uredima izri~ito zabranjeno nova~enje emigranata, poticanje emi-gracije ili izdavanje putnih “karata za potpalublje” za brodove stranih pomorskihkompanija. Zakon od 21. sije~nja 1897. zabranjuje bavljenje emigrantskim poslovimabez slu`bene dozvole, a za nagovaranje na emigraciju slijedi i zatvorska kazna.No ti su propisi ipak ve}inom ostali nedjelotvorni. Habsbur{ka Monarhija slu`beno ne




Prizor galicijskog sela u dana{njoj Poljskoj izalbuma carskog ~asnika. Iz ovih je krajevaiselilo stotine tisu}a seljaka.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A sight from a Galician village, modernPoland, taken from a photo album of an impe-rial officer. Hundreds of thousands of peas-ants emigrated from this region. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka).

Karta pravaca austrougarske emigracije.Najvi{e iseljenika iz srednje Europe prijePrvoga svjetskog rata odlazi u SAD, nopodosta njih upu}uje se i u zemlje Ju`neAmerike i u Kanadu.(Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

A chart showing the main routes of emigra-tion from Austria-Hungary. Prior to WorldWar I, most emigrants from central Europewent to the USA, but quite a few headed toSouth America and Canada. (Nach Amerika,Burgenlandische Landesausstellung, BurgGüssing, 1992.)

KANADA/CANADA

SAD/USA

ARGENTINA

JU@NA AMERIKASOUTH AMERICA

AUSTRO-UGARSKAAUSTRIA-HUNGARY

AZIJA/ASIA

AFRIKA/AFRICA

AUSTRALIJA/AUSTRALIA4.097

109

1771

167,969

2,953.587

6.544 64.360

358.507

BRAZIL/BRASIL


25



revolutionary movement of 1848-1849, such a concept only became law in 1867, whenthe only restriction imposed applied to conscripts. Although the Monarchy thus lib-eralized emigration, it never passed an all-encompassing law on emigration, whichcontinued to be partially regulated by the old 1832 law.

12

With the passage of time, the state recognized not only an emigrant’s right to the prop-erty that he left back home but also to citizenship, which he would lose only upon theacquisition of another citizenship.

First Emigrants, Large Scale Emigration andVacillation of the State

Some records point to the commencement of the large-scale emigration. Thus, in hisreport to Navy Headquarters, dated 6 October 1860, the commander of Vis Island,Captain Josef Schmidt notes: “All the young people have left, more than a hundred toAmerica and Australia, while many others are on the Lloyds and other cargosteamships….”

13

In the 1860s and the 1870s, emigrants from the Habsburg Monarchy numbered onlyseveral thousand per year, with Dalmatia in the lead. Only during the economic reces-sion in the 1880s did overseas emigration from the Austrian part of the Empire sharplyrise to 20,000 persons per annum and it never fell below that level again. In 1892, thenumber of emigrants reached 50,000 and in 1904 as many as 100,000.

The state responded slowly and hesitantly to the new phenomenon of organized largescale emigration. The Government banned the instigation and advertising of emigra-tion, including all brochures, fliers and newspaper ads. As early as 1895, travel agen-cies were explicitly ordered not to recruit emigrants, instigate emigration or sell“cargo hold tickets” for transoceanic ships of foreign shippers. A law passed on 21January 1897 forbade unauthorized emigration business and introduced a prison sen-tence for anyone encouraging emigration.

These regulations were rarely enforced. Although the Habsburg Monarchy officiallyrejected emigration, the phenomenon soon got out of control. However, only aroundthe early 1900s did the problem became a subject of serious debate.

Reactions to emigration varied from open nationalistic gloating over the emigration ofundesirables, such as Jewish merchants and poor Ruthenian peasants, to the recogni-tion of the right of a free man to emigrate anywhere where he would not face the risk

@idovi iz Galicije iseljavaju se manje negoruski @idovi, no i oni spadaju u najugroènijei, prema mi{ljenju nekih politi~ara uCarevinskom vije}u, najmanje poèljne naro-de Monarhije.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Galician Jews emigrated in smaller numbersthan those from Russia. Yet, even the formerwere amongst the most endangered groups,considered by some politicians in the ImperialCouncil the least desirable ethnic group in theMonarchy. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka).

Karta Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, najsloènijezemlje na svijetu. Monarhiju ~ine dvije glavnejedinice, Austrija i Ugarska, a svaka od njihobjedinjuje brojna kraljevstva, vojvodstva,kneèvine, grofovije i markgrofovije.Dotada{njoj {arolikosti koja u istoj dràvizdruùje istok i zapad, pridruèna je i najeg-zoti~nija akvizicija – Bosna i Hercegovina sislamskim ugo|ajem Orijenta.

A map of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy,the world’s most complex country. TheMonarchy consisted of two main units,Austria and Hungary, each comprising a largenumber of kingdoms, duchies, principalities,counties and arch counties. The complexitywas augmented with the annexation of theexotic Bosnia-Herzegovina, with its orientalIslamic atmosphere.

Budimpe{taBudapest

PragPrague

Bodenbach

De~inTetschen

Brno

Opava Krakow

Oswiecim/AuschwitzLavovLiviv

êrnovici

Temi{varTimisoara

Novi Sad

Zagreb

Rijeka

Trieste

Pore~

Gorizia

Ljubljana

GrazKlagerfult

Innsbruck

Salzburg

Linz

Zadar

Sarajevo

SibinjSibiu

Be~Vienna

Feldkirch

Cormons


26

prihva}a emigraciju, a u stvarnosti je fenomen migracije pokrenut poput lavine.Tek se na prijelazu u 20. stolje}e po~inje ozbiljno raspravljati o problemu emigracije.

Reakcije na emigraciju kre}u se od nesakrivenoga nacionalisti~kog zadovoljstva zbogodlaska nepoèljnih, ìdovskih trgovaca i siroma{nih rusinskih seljaka, do priznava-nja prava slobodnog ~ovjeka da ode onamo gdje ne}e umrijeti od gladi. Istovremenose javlja i zabrinutost zbog opusto{enih krajeva. Ima i onih koji upozoravaju na potre-bu ublaàvanja problema i stvaranja uvjeta da se kod vlastite ku}e mogu prehraniti“djeca na{e zemlje”.

Na nerije{ene probleme emigracije upozoravali su i pojedini skandali poput kaznenihpostupaka u Wadowicama (na jugu dana{nje Poljske) 1889. i 1890. kada je nekolikoemigracijskih agenata osu|eno zbog prijevara kojima su o{tetili brojne seljake, zbog~ega se razvila velika bura u parlamentu i u novinama. Sve se vi{e govorilo o nu`nosti zakona koji }e urediti problem emigracije. U raznimje prigodama u parlamentu predloèno vi{e zakona o emigraciji, no ni jedan nije bioizglasan. Pred sam je rat, 1913., predloèn novi, vrlo restriktivan zakon koji je doìvioburne kritike od onih koji su navodili uzorne talijanske, {vicarske i njema~ke zakone.

Emigracija izme|u protivnika i zagovornikaProtivnici emigracije gledali su u iseljavanju zlo za narodno gospodarstvo i upozo-ravali na àlostan odljev stanovni{tva, jedne od temeljnih okosnica dràve.Zagovornici su prihva}ali stanje kakvo jest, navodili pozitivne strane i isticali va`nostpriljeva inozemnog novca.

U svakom slu~aju, sukob mno{tva suprotstavljenih interesa desetlje}ima jeomogu}avao da se emigracija razvija bez ikakva dràvnog utjecaja, ovisno o trì{tu iinteresima brodara, èljeznice, posrednika, bankara i agenata, barem koliko i interesi-ma onih o ~ijoj se koì radilo – koji su pak imali osnovni ljudski interes i pravo da sepoku{aju spasiti od bijede i potraè svoju sre}u.

Neki su krajevi posve opustjeli, ali se zato, kaù prista{e iseljavanja, Americi moèzahvaliti {to je othranila njihove ìtelje. Protivnici pak upozoravaju na to da je iselja-vanje unijelo pusto{ u zavi~ajne domove.No napredak je mnogih krajeva u domovini vezan upravo za povratnike iz Amerike.înjenica je da do samoga pada Austro-Ugarske u be~kom parlamentu nije izglasanzakon o emigraciji. Pravi je razlog u okolnostima koje jednima pogoduju, a drugima{tete. Industrijalci koji trebaju radnu snagu, protive se. I vojska je protiv emigracije jer gubiregrute. Ali zato èljezni~ke i parobrodarske kompanije imaju koristi od emigracije ipoti~u je.

Ugarska ima vi{e nerazvijenih krajeva odAustrije, a “nema|ari” koji nastavaju rubnapodru~ja, slova~ke pokrajine, Banat iTransilvaniju, vi{e su podlo`ni odlaènju odMa|ara.(Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Hungary was less developed then Austria.Non-Hungarian populations of the peripheralregions, Slovakia, Banat and Transylvaniaemigrated in larger numbers than ethnicHungarians. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909.,Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Zgrada Parlamenta u Budimpe{ti politi~ko jesredi{te isto~ne polovice Monarhije. Za raz-liku od austrijskoga, ugarski je parlament vi{eputa donosio zakon o emigraciji.(Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

The parliament in Budapest was the politicalseat of the eastern part of the Monarchy.Unlike the Austrian parliament, theHungarian Parliament passed several emigra-tion laws. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)


27

of starvation. Some people expressed concern over the depopulation of entire regions.Others advised that the problem could be alleviated as emigration could create theconditions for the survival of “the children of our lands” at home.The unresolved problems concerning emigration became accentuated by scandals,such as those in Wadowice (now in southern Poland) in 1889 and 1890, when severaltravel agents were sentenced for fraud, damaging the interests of a large number ofpeasants, which caused an outcry in the Parliament and in the newspapers.By then it had become increasingly obvious that the problem of emigration had to besubject to legal regulation. On several occasions, MPs introduced bills for new emi-gration laws, but Parliament never adopted any of them. In 1913, on the eve of WorldWar I, a very restrictive emigration bill was introduced, which met with fierce criti-cism from the proponents of the exemplary emigration laws that had been passed inItaly, Switzerland and Germany.

Emigration, For and Against

The critics of emigration considered it a scourge for the national economy and warnedabout the shameful exodus of the population, a backbone of the state. The proponentsof emigration accepted the status quo, noting that it had some positive effects, such asthe inflow of foreign currencies.In any case, due to a clash of interests, for decades emigration continued without stateinterference, and depended on economic fluctuations and the interests of shippers,railways, middlemen, bankers and travel agents. These interests mattered at least asmuch or more than the interests of the emigrants themselves, who only tried to real-ize their basic human rights to earn a decent living and the right to social advance-ment.When some regions became totally depopulated, proponents stressed that the UnitedStates should be thanked for saving those people from starvation. On the other hand,critics warned about the depopulation of entire villages. However, emigrants whoreturned home boosted development and economic growth in many Austro-Hungarian regions.The true reason Austria-Hungary never passed a law on emigration must be based onthe clash of interests between the critics and proponents of emigration. Thus, theindustrialists, because of their need of a labor force remained opposed to emigration,as did the military, which needed recruits. But the railways and the shippers profitedfrom emigration and thus encouraged it.One of the critics of emigration expressed his opposition quite picturesquely: “OurGovernment must pass economic, social and political measures that would ensure theloyalty of the labor force we need for our homeland…. But, the state will not be able

Idili~an prizor selja~kog ìvota, kako gaprikazuju rasko{no opremljene monografije okrajevima i narodima Austrije i Ugarske, nepokazuju stvarne te{ko}e seoskog ìvlja.(Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

This idyllic vignette of peasant life, takenfrom a sleek monograph on the regions andthe ethnic groups in Austria-Hungary, beliedthe real difficulties of rural life. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Selja~ka kola s galicijskom obitelji, pretrpanavre}ama i zave`ljajima, vi{e podsje}aju na bijeg i nevolje negoli na svakodnevni ìvot naselu.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A horse cart with a Galician peasant family,overflowing with bags and bundles, evokesflight and trouble, rather than normal villagelife. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka).


28

Jedan je od stavova o nu`nosti spre~avanja emigracije izraèn prili~no osebujno: “Zadatak je na{e vlade da pomo}u gospodarskih i socijalno-politi~kih mjera osigurada radna snaga koju ne èlimo izgubiti ima dovoljno razloga da voli na{u domovinu......Me|utim ne ide to tako da dràva... s policijskom palicom u ruci tr~i za vlastitomdjecom i grmi: ’Morate me voljeti’.”

14

Slaveni i iseljavanjeNa po~etku najve}ega iseljavanja iz Monarhije, panslavenski orijentiran hrvatski“pu~ki tribun” i selja~ki vo|a Stjepan Radi}, koji je u Parizu studirao “komparativnukolonizaciju”, u svojoj knjizi Moderna kolonizacija i Slaveni, objavljenoj 1904., naro~ito jezabrinut za iseljavanje socijalno i gospodarski najugroènijega ìvlja Austro-Ugarske. Radi}u je jasno da }e se broj iseljenika iz srednje Europe jo{ pove}avati pa, govore}i ouzrocima iseljavanja iz Podunavlja, isti~e naro~ito jak odljev Hrvata i Slovaka: “To }eizseljavanje svakako potrajati jo{ neko vrieme, jer u jednu ruku sjeverna i ju`naAmerika silno napreduju u materijalnom blagostanju, dok u drugu ruku ba{ ~itavoPodunavlje prolazi stra{nom gospodarstvenom krizom.”Razloge krize vidi i u pona{anju dràvnog aparata koji od dràvljana traì poreze “ponajmodernijem sustavu”, a radnici i seljaci u ~itavom su Podunavlju otprilike na istomstupnju znanja i svijesti na kojem su bili prije pedeset ili stotinu godina. Tako je nas-tao potpun nesklad izme|u potreba i mogu}nosti pa su niì narodni slojevi tolikougroèni da “bjeè glavom bez obzira”.

15

Uspore|uju}i nadnice hrvatskih, slova~kih i poljskih radnika sa zaradom talijanskihradnika, za koje se uvrijeìlo mi{ljenje da je vrlo niska, ustanovio je da su slavenskiradnici u Austro-Ugarskoj pla}eni vi{estruko lo{ije. Zato se u Galiciji u vi{e od 500op}ina pro{irio {trajk poljoprivrednih radnika. A jednako su lo{i i uvjeti radnika uHrvatskom zagorju.

16

Slijedi i vrlo dramati~an zaklju~ak:“U takvim prilikama mi se ne smijemo dugo zadràvati kod teorije, je li izseljavanje{tetno, ili korisno, jer, ponavljam i naglasujem: mi se Slaveni u ovo najnovije doba oso-bito u sviet ne selimo, nego iz domovine bjeìmo, kud koji zna i moè. Pod tim “mi”razumijem, dakako, osnov svega na{ega narodnog bi}a: selja~ki i radni~ki na{ puk.”

17

U svakom slu~aju, veliki je egzodus iz srednje Europe, iz prostranstava izme|uJadrana, Alpa i Podunavlja, u manje od ~etiri desetlje}a odnio blizu pet milijuna ìte-lja, a neke krajeve posve opusto{io, odnijev{i preko velike vode najbolje mladi}e io~eve obitelji. îni se kao da je samo svjetski rat mogao prekinuti egzodus – kona~anzavr{etak jedne epohe. Nakon rata vi{e ni{ta nije kao prije.

14 Alexander Löffler, Der Entwurf eines Gesetzes betre-ffend die Auswanderung. Ein Kritik, Wien, 1913., str. 19.

15 Radi}, isto, str. 337.

16 Radi}, isto. str. 338.“U nas se gotovo ob}enito zna i misli, da je u Italijinajmanja nadnica i najteì ìvot za sirotinju. Pa gle:najlo{ije pla}eni sicilski radnik sluì na dan jednu ipol taljanske lire; lombardijske nadni~arke koje radeoko riè dobivaju na dan 1 liru i hranu; radnice slam-natih {e{ira u Toskani zasluè dnevno najmanje jednuliru i hranu.A gle: u Hrvatskoj na glavnoj pruzi Zagreb-Rieka...pla}a nije naprosto nikakova...50 filira dnevno ihrana, a najve}a je nadnica 1 kruna bez hrane. A odtoga neka ìvi ciela obitelj!”17 Radi}, isto, str. 338.

Izrazito sirotinjski izgled poljskog ko~ija{auvjerljivo govori o prilikama u najsiroma{ni-jim krajevima u kojima je velik dio selja{tvana rubu gladi.(Mein Oesterreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II,Be~ 1914., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Miserable appearance of a Polish carter clear-ly reflects the conditions in the poorestregions, where most peasants lived at theverge of starvation. (Mein Oesterreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II,Vienna 1914., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Dva slikovita seljaka iz sredi{nje Hrvatske(Hrvatsko zagorje) iz koje je velik dio mladihljudi izbjegao u Ameriku. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO15069-4)

Two picturesque peasants from centralCroatia (Hrvatsko zagorje region), which lostmany young people to emigration to America. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO15069-4)


29

to achieve that…if it keeps running like a policeman after its children with a raisedbaton shouting: “You must love me.”

14

Emigration of the Slavs

In 1904, at the beginning of the peak of emigration from Austria-Hungary, the Pan-Slavic people’s tribune and peasant leader, Stjepan Radi}, who had studied “compar-ative colonization” in Paris, expressed keen concern over the emigration from Austria-Hungary of the socially and economically most deprived segments of the population.Radi} predicted that emigration from Central Europe would keep growing. In a pas-sage on the causes of emigration from the Danube basin, especially of the Croats andthe Slovaks, he wrote: “This emigration will certainly continue for a while, given thefast economic growth in South America and North America and the terrible recessionin the entire Danube basin”.According to Radi}, the Government also prompted emigration, as it demanded thatits citizens pay taxes “in accordance with the latest system” although the know-howand the education level of the workers and the peasants in the Danube basin remainedas it had been 50 or 100 years earlier. That created a growing chasm between the needsof the state and the potential of the working classes, whose very existence had been soseverely threatened that “they started fleeing in all directions to save their bareskins”.

15

In a comparison of the daily wages of Croatian, Slovak and Polish workers to those ofItalian workers, whose wages had been considered particularly low, he noted thatSlavic workers in the Austro-Hungarian Empire received several times less pay thantheir Italian counterparts. As a result, farm workers went on strike in more than 500municipalities in Galicia. For the workers in the Hrvatsko zagorje region, conditionshad been equally miserable.

16

His conclusion sounded equally dramatic:“Under the circumstances, we should not dwell on theoretical questions about thepros and cons of emigration. Here I would like to reiterate and stress: recently, we, theSlavs, have not been emigrating from our homeland, we have been fleeing from herein desperation. When I say ‘we,’ I have in mind primarily the backbone of our nation:our peasants and workers.”

17

In any case, in less than 40 years, in a large-scale exodus from central Europe, an areabetween the Adriatic, the Alps and the Danube basin, almost five million people,including some of the finest young men and bread winners, emigrated across theocean. That resulted in the depopulation of large areas and it took nothing less thanWorld War I to end the exodus and mark the end of an era. After the War, nothingremained the same again.

14 Alexander Loffler, Der Entwurf eines Gesetzes betref-fend die Auswanderung. Ein Kritik, Wien, 1913, p. 19.

15 Radi}, ibid, p. 337.

16 Radi}, ibid, p. 338.“In our lands people generally believe that the wagesand the plight of the Italian poor are the worst. Yet:the worst paid worker in Sicily makes 1 ? lira per day;the women working in the rice paddies of Lombardyreceive victuals and 1 lira; makers of wicker hats inTuscany no less than 1 lira and victuals. And inCroatia at the Zagreb-Rijeka main railway …the payis a pittance…between 50 fillers and victuals and 1Crown without victuals. And who can support a fam-ily on that?!”

17 Radi}, ibid, p. 338.

Dva prijatelja, Pa{o i âkan, zapam}eni kaoprvi Rusini koji 1897./98. napu{taju rodniRuski Krstur, Banat (Vojvodina) i odlaze narad u Barbiton u Ameriku. Rusini spadaju unajugroènije stanovni{tvo Monarhije i visokosu na listama austrougarskog iseljeni{tva. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Two friends, Pa{o and âkan, who wentdown in history as the first Ruthenian emi-grants in 1897/98 They left their native Banat(Vojvodina) and went to Barbiton, AmericaRuthenians, who featured high in the statis-tics of emigration from Austria-Hungary,were one of the most endangered groups inthe Monarchy. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Prizor iz najisto~nijih dijelova Ugarske –ov~ar pred skloni{tem od {iblja. Teàk ìvotna selu mnoge je nagnao na potragu za boljimsvijetom.(Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

A sight from the easternmost regions ofHungary – a shepherd in front of a wicketshelter. Due to the hardship of rural life, manypeasants emigrated in search for a better life. (Ungarn, Budapest 1909., Collection zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)


30

Tablica prema/according to: Chmelar, Auswanderung, 93.

Tablica prema/according to: Chmelar, Auswanderung, 94.

Emigracija iz Monarhije u Sjedinjene Dràve, po nacionalnim skupinama Emigration from the Monarchy to the USA, according to nationality

Tablica prema/according to: Hans Chmelar, Höhepunkte der österreichischen Auswanderung. Die Auswanderung aus den im Reichsrat vertretenen Königreichen und Ländern in den Jahren 1905-1914. (=Studien zur Geschichte der Öster-reichisch-Ungarischen Monarchie Bd. XIV, Wien 1974)., 93.

Stanovni{tvo Austro-Ugarske Population of Austria - Hungary

Emigranti iz Austro-Ugarske u Ameriku (1908.-1913.) u doba najve}eg iseljavanja Emigrants from Austria-Hungary to the USA (1908-1913), during the greatest emigration wave

100,02145977258737170191168529338507265291275723177158206009172532113300Sveukupno/Total

1,042236190539765613489284822354277266843Ostali/Others

7,1215281113141284311529318885148841735220211187591284813006@idovi/Jews

14,673147802681827941238265959342848458712385127132306913310Ma|ari(Hungarians

4,37938351531786359912199351277396165835634334492020Romani/Italians and Romanians

60,9613080381770461040359182519303615644916639410250912592011370977105Slaveni/Slavs

11,842541522632421096275764049734848336422250723597162497816Nijemci/Germans

Narodnost/Nationality

UkupnoTotal

Ukupan boj 1901.-1910Total 1901-1910

U postocimaPercent

1910190919081907190619051904190319021901Godina/Year

Prema razgovornom jeziku/Accirding to the language they use

Dràva/Country

Nakon popisa pu~anstvaAfter population census

Sveukupno/Total

Ostali/Others

@idovi/Jews

Ma|ari/Hungarians

Romani/Italian andRomainas

Slaveni/Slavs

Osobe koje govorenjema~ki/

German-speaking1900.

2615070843797812247119351954750147715148752404Austrija/Austria

192545593942338513788143604279527251515891918483Ma|arska/Hungary

454052678322112076089815295537500221992310310670887Austro-Ugarska/Austria-Ungaria

1910.

285719345223311313687107971039981161845389500600Austrija/Austria

208864874276469235378833819303218655882142081085Ma|arska/Hungary

494584219499772237224884461640721672177275211581685Austro-Ugarska/Austria-Ungaria

UkupnoTotal

êsiCzechs

Osobe kojegovore

njema~ki/Germanspeaking

GodinaYear

1908./1909.17019184312237474841947327941115136281523636183660921096

1909./1910.25873742132203134593878526818185894522743860675816226324

1910./1911.8212910101472190761530812504557151602743084886323Austrija/Austria769282684206734582105371930836177719088518515027Ma|arska/Hungary159705127852114547721815219616128663341706827515867321350Skupa/Total

1911./1912.858548535659256884935610483858172843045978406265Austrija/Austria9302822222435871991495822818512453359119019114859Ma|arska/Hungary178882107572501774552380723174109963112087530649803121124Skupa/Total

1912./191313724511831177972470054997103628113Austrija/Austria117580337125923119552297029422387916002Ma|arska/Hungary25482515202407672857924115Skupa/Total

285

258737

235126361

445138583


31

“Austrijska depandansa” – carski ~inovnicipred kartom obiju Amerika, s ucrtanim crnimto~kama krajeva u koje im podanici najvi{ebje`e.(Nach Amerika, BurgenländischeLandesausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

“Austrian subsidiary” – imperial clerks infront of the map of the Americas. Black dotsshow the areas in which their citizens emi-grated most.(Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaus-stellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)


Ustroj prekooceanskogegzodusa


Organizational setup of The Transoceanic Exodus


34

Prijevoznici i posredniciSrednjoeuropska emigracija, ona “drugoga vala” koja slijedi iza masovnog iseljavanjaIraca, Nijemaca i Skandinavaca i doga|a se od 1880-ih do Prvoga svjetskoga rata,naslijedila je ve} visokorazvijen organizacijski, prijevozni~ki i posredni~ki sustav kojiraste, razvija se i ve} je oproban u prethodnim desetlje}ima. Op}i razvoj tehnologijekoji naj~e{}e shva}amo kao samorazumljivu, gotovu stvar, pridonio je zama{noj orga-nizaciji preseljenja milijuna Europljana u Ameriku.

18

Putovanje zapre`nim kolima iz unutra{njosti kontinenta i potom jedrima prekooceana, i u 19. je stolje}u bilo prava pustolovina. I putovanje kopnom traje danima itjednima, a plovidba preko oceana nerijetko i dva mjeseca.Razbojstva na cestama nevjerojatno su ~esta. Krajnje siroma{tvo i glad, primjerice uGorskom kotaru u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a, poti~u brojna razbojstva na Lujzijani,glavnoj cesti koja Rijeku spaja s unutra{njosti Hrvatske i Ugarske. O tome svjedo~i i to{to tridesetih godina cestu ~uva cijela pukovnija!

19

Ni kada su se, jo{ prije sredine 19. stolje}a, po~eli graditi specijalizirani jedrenjaci zaprijevoz emigranata, uvjeti se nisu bitno pobolj{ali. No zato vlasti i zakoni propisujunajnu`nije higijenske uvjete te minimalan prostor za svakog ukrcanog putnika, koji jebrod duàn osigurati.Iako prvi veliki parobrod nije bio uspje{an u prijevozu putnika, te je brzo prenamije-njen, velika brodarska dru{tva uskoro uvode prve po{tanske i putni~keprekooceanske parobrode. Pojava po{tanskih linija (packet-boath) usmjerena je, uz osta-lo, i na pove}avanje brzine prijevoza, a to prije svega zna~i na tehni~ka pobolj{anjastrojeva, smanjenje potro{nje goriva, unapre|enje udobnosti smje{taja te, na kraju,smanjenje cijene putni~ke karte koju je moglo platiti sve vi{e emigranata.Ve} krajem 1850-ih Atlantikom plovi tridesetak parobroda, a uskoro ih je sve vi{e ivi{e, pa i onih koji mogu primiti vi{e od dvije tisu}e putnika.Umjesto nekada{njih mjesec i pol ili dva, putovanje na prijelazu stolje}a traje oko dvatjedna, a pred sam svjetski rat najbrì su brodovi prelazili najkra}u atlantsku rutu (izengleskih i francuskih luka) za manje od pet dana. U svakom slu~aju, veliki val “nove emigracije” ve} do po~etka 1880-ih do~ekuje razvi-jena èljezni~ka mreà koja i najudaljenija srednjoeuropska sela spaja s velikim luka-ma. Ve} je prvim iseljenicima iz najsjevernijih krajeva Carstva bilo lako sti}i do sjever-nonjema~kih luka. A tijekom 1870-ih moglo se razmjerno brzo iz unutra{njosti Ugarske otputovati doRijeke i potom preko Ljubljane ili Trsta do atlantskih – belgijskih, francuskih iengleskih luka.Razvijen sustav iseljeni~kih luka ve} ima organiziran prihvat – smje{taj i nu`nuuslugu za iseljenike. Velik broj parobrodarskih dru{tava udruìo se u kartele(Continental Pool, Mediterannean Pool) koji se natje~u u osvajanju trì{ta pa sve vi{epobolj{avaju uvjete i smanjuju cijenu prijevoza.U tom se velikome transkontinentalnom poslu pojavljuje i niz posrednika. Oni koji utome poslu prednja~e ~esto nevjerojatnom gipko{}u, nastoje objediniti {iroku ponuduraznovrsnih usluga – prodavaju}i putne karte za parobrod i èljeznicu, organiziraju}iputovanje i, nerijetko, opskrbljuju}i putnike potrebnim kartama od rodnog sela dokrajnjega odredi{ta. Mnogi od njih istovremeno pruàju nov~arske i bankovne usluge– mijenjaju valute, omogu}avaju razmjerno pouzdane {tednje i posreduju u slanjunov~anih doznaka obiteljima u domovinu.

Iseljeni~ke agencijske ku}e, bankari, predstavnici pomorskih kompanija i tisu}e“akvizitera” obilaze ~ak i udaljena sela, poti~u}i iseljavanje u potrazi za boljim ìvo-tom. Unato~ lo{em glasu koji su mnogi stekli borbom za opstanak u uvjetima silnorazvijene trì{ne utakmice, kao i zaobilaènjem zakonskih ograni~enja, organizacijaprijevoza i svih usluga izme|u srca europskog kontinenta i najudaljenijeg ameri~kogazapada na naj{irem transkontinentalnom planu funkcionirala je gotovo besprijekorno.To posvjedo~uju milijuni prevezenih putnika.

18 Moltmann, Günter, Steamship Transport ofEmigrants from Europe to the United States, 1850 –1914: Social, Commercial and Legislative Aspects, inMaritime Aspects of Migration, edited by KlausFriedland, 309-320. Cologne, Bohlau 1989.

19 Da omogu}i promet cestom, ovamo je raspore|enapje{a~ka pukovnija (regimenta) baruna von Meyera.

Compagnie General Transatlantique, vode}ifrancuski brodar koji preko Atlantika prevozistotinjak tisu}a austrougarskih podanika,reklamira svoju liniju iz Le Havrea u NewYork, na kojoj plove parobrodi La Provence, LaLorraine, La Savoie i La Touraine. I ovaj, kao ibrojni drugi plakati prekomorskih prijevozni-ka, obe}ava bolji ìvot koji iseljenike ~eka uNovome svijetu.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Compagnie General Transatlantique, the leadingFrench shipper, that carried about a hundredthousand emigrants from Austria-Hungaryacross the Atlantic, advertised its Le Havreservice in New York. The service was operat-ed by La Provence, La Lorraine, La Savoie and LaTouraine steamships. This, like so many otherposters by transoceanic shippers, promisedbetter life for the emigrants in the New World.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


35

Carriers and AgentsUnlike the mass emigration of the Irish, the Germans and the Scandinavians, the sec-ond wave of emigration, from Central Europe, from the 1880’s until World War I,relied on organization, transport and management developed over the previous sev-eral decades. The enormous endeavor of transport of millions of Europeans toAmerica was greatly boosted by general technological progress, which we often takefor granted.

18

As late as the 19th century, travel by horse cart from distant locations in European hin-terlands to the ports and then by sailboats across the ocean was a real adventure. Onland, travel took days or even weeks and ocean passage up to two months. Road banditry was rampant. In early 19th century, utter poverty and starvation, forexample in the Gorski kotar region, resulted in many bandit attacks on the Louisianaroad, the main thoroughfare connecting Rijeka with Croatian and Hungarian hinter-lands. This is born out by the fact that in the 1830’s the road was guarded by a regi-ment of soldiers!

19

Even when the first sailing boats built specifically for transport of emigrants set sail,before mid 19th century, the conditions did not improve significantly. However, atthat time authorities prescribed minimal hygienic standards and passenger space onboard.

Although the first large steamship proved unsuccessful in passenger transport andwas soon redesigned, large shippers soon introduced the first regular transoceanicmail and passenger services. The packet boats were designed for faster, more fuel-effi-cient and more comfortable travel, at reduced prices, which made it affordable for agrowing number of emigrants. That was made possible partly thanks to advances inengine construction.

Already by 1860, the Atlantic routes were operated by more than 30 ships. Many morewere added to the fleets, including those that carried more than 2,000 passengers.Rather than 6-8 weeks, at the turn of the centuries the passage took around two weeks.On the eve of WW I, the fastest ships completed the transatlantic passage from thenearest English and French ports in less than five days.

In any case, as of the 1880’s, the emigrants of the second wave use a well-developedrailway network, connecting even the most distant central European villages with thelarge ports. At that time even the emigrants from the northernmost regions of theEmpire could reach the north German ports without much inconvenience. Already in the 1870’s one could rather easily travel from Hungarian hinterlands toRijeka, and from there to Belgian, French and English ports, via Ljubljana or Trieste.By then the well developed network of emigration ports have opened facilities foraccommodation and basic services for the emigrants. Shippers formed cartels(Continental Pool, Mediterranean Pool), which competed in prices and standards.This large intercontinental business soon attracted a large number of middlemen.Often in the forefront of the business, the resourceful businessmen offered a wholegamut of different services, including train and steamship tickets, and management ofan emigrant’s entire tip from his native village to the final destination. Many agentsalso provided exchange and banking services, such as money exchange, rather reliablesaving and transfer of money to the families in the homeland.Emigration agents, bankers, shippers’ representatives and thousands of “sales agents”traveled even to the most remote villages, to look for customers willing to try theirluck abroad. In spite of their bad reputation, earned by the tricks in the highly com-petitive business environment and by violation of legal restrictions, they organizedtransport and other services between the heart of Europe and all destinations in theUSA impeccably, as proved by the transport of millions of passengers. In spite of that, the experiences of many individual emigrants were traumatic anddeserve to be studied with due respect and from a different perspective. From theaspect of people’s heightened emotions and frustrations, the system was not only effi-

18Moltmann, Gunter, Steamship Transport of Emigrantsfrom Europe to the United States, 1850-1914: Social,Commercial and Legislative Aspects, in Maritime Aspectsof Migration, edited by Klaus Friedland, 309-320.Cologne, Bohlau 1989.

19 In order to safeguard traffic on the road, aninfantry regiment from Rijeka, commanded by baronVon Meyer, was dispatched there.

[etnje palubom – jedan od prospekata koje sudijelili brodari i iseljeni~ke agencije. I puto-vanje u potpalublju prikazivali su kao ugodui zabavu.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

A stroll on the deck – from one of thebrochures that were distributed by shippersand emigration agents. Even the passage inthe cargo hold was portrayed as pleasant andfun.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


36

Dakako da tu ~injenicu nimalo ne umanjuju pojedina~ne ljudske traume o kojima susvjedo~anstva iseljenika vi{e nego brojna te zasluùju da im se posveti du`na pa`njai posve druk~ije razmatranje. Sa stajali{ta koje se bavi ljudskim emocijama i frustraci-jama, nije mogu}e zamisliti dirljivije okolnosti i agresivniji, ali jednako u~inkovit sus-tav.Prvi se put u povijesti upravo u organizaciji velikoga prekomorskog egzodusa jasnoiskazala i transkontinentalna organizacija poslovanja. To je ujedno zna~ilo i preno{enjeposlovnog sredi{ta iz Europe u Novi svijet, iz Londona u New York – u kojem su sedonosile i bitne strate{ke odluke koje su se ticale povezivanja obiju obala Atlantika.

Parobrodarske kompanije

Iako razvoj velikih brodara, koji se pojavljuju ve} sredinom 19. stolje}a, zapo~inje udoba jedrenjaka, njihov je velik uspjeh zapo~eo s prekooceanskim ~eli~nim parobrodi-ma koji su uskoro postali sve uobi~ajeniji, a u putni~kom prekooceanskom prometuve} sedamdesetih potpuno potiskuju jedrenjake.Velike nade putni~koga prekooceanskog prometa bile su polagane u nekoliko slavnihbrodova – Great Western (1838.) bio je najve}i dotad izgra|en parobrod, duga~ak vi{eod sedamdeset metara i prvi parobrod gra|en za prijevoz putnika preko Atlantika.Ovim je brodom najavljena era parobrodara; tih je godina osnovano vi{e parobro-darskih dru{tava koje parni pogon isti~u i u nazivu kompanije (npr. Great WesternSteamship Company osnovana u Bristolu 1836., Royal Mail Steam Packet Company, osno-vana u Londonu 1839.).

Me|u najslavnijim su ranim brodovima gotovo stotinu metara duga~ak Great Britain(izgra|en 1843.) i vi{e od dvjesta metara dug Great Eastern (izgra|en 1858.). Iako supostali simboli tehni~kog napretka svoga doba, ti su brodovi u poslovanju doìvjelipravi krah i umjesto za prijevoz putnika vi{e sluìli drugim namjenama, pa i za pri-jevoz tereta i polaganje podmorskih kabela. Prvi su prekooceanski parobrodi, kao i jedrenjaci, isprva vi{e odràvali redovite linijezbog prijevoza po{te nego zbog putnika. Po{tanska slu`ba zna~ila je pouzdan iredovit prihod, no i redovitost odràvanja linija bila je obveza koje su se brodarimorali ~vrsto pridràvati pa su isplovljavali u to~no odre|ene dane, obi~no jednomtjedno ili svaka dva tjedna, bez obzira na koli~inu po{tanskih po{iljki (paketa) i brojputnika. Na to su ih silili i ugovori za prijevoz po{te i pritisci iseljeni~kih luka koje suèljele sprije~iti izgrede i izbje}i da iseljenici predugo ~ekaju brod.

Luka Liverpool u okolnostima rane industrijalizacije i prekomorskoga putni~kog pri-jevoza u 19. stolje}u posve potiskuje stariju i poznatiju luku Baltimore (mati~nu lukuGreat Westerna) te postaje sjedi{te prvih velikih parobrodarskih dru{tava. Uz najve}e njema~ke brodare iz Bremena (s mati~nom lukom u Bremerhavenu) iHamburga, u prekooceanskom putni~kom prijevozu desetlje}ima glavnu rije~ vodetri velika brodara iz Liverpoola – Cunard Line, White Star i Inman Line.

Samuel Cunard iz Halifaxa (Nova Scotia) u Kanadi zajedno s partnerima osniva 1838.British and North American Royal Mail Steam Packet Company (koja se od 1878. nazivaCunard Steamship Company).

20Prvi parobrod ovoga dru{tva Unicorn (izgra|en 1838.) u

svibnju 1840. poduzima prvu plovidbu preko Atlantika. No jo{ je va`nije to {to jeCunardova novoizgra|ena Britannia ve} 4. srpnja te godine isplovila iz Liverpoola uHalifax i Boston i time zapo~ela odràvanje prve stalne prekooceanske parobrodarskelinije.

21

Za po~etak Cunardova prekooceanskog poslovanja presudno je to {to je britan-ska vlada, nakon vi{e uspje{nih prekomorskih plovidbi Great Westerna, objavila nam-jeru da subvencionira parobrodarsku plovidbu izme|u Engleske i Amerike. Ne zbogprijevoza putnika ili tereta, nego prije svega zbog prijevoza po{tanskih po{iljaka.Razvijena i brza prekomorska komunikacija Britanskom je Carstvu iznimno va`na izbog veze s kolonijama i zbog gospodarskih razloga.

20 Stephen Fox, The Ocean Railway, IsamabardKingdom Brunel, Samuel Cunard and theRevolutionary World of the Great AtlanticSteamships, HarperCollins Publishers, London 2003.

21 Stephen Fox, isto, str. XII. Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line, 1989.

Po{tanski ured na parobrodu Fürst Bismarckdru{tva Hamburg-Amerika Linie jednom odbrzih po{tanskih brodova. Dràvna koncesijai stalan prihod od prijevoza po{te jam~ili susigurnost, ali i obvezivali na redovitostodràvanja linije.(Ueber Land und Meer, Stuttgart, Leipzig,Berlin, Be~ 1891./92., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A post office on Hamburg-America Line’s mail-steamer Fürst Bismarck. Initially, such shipswere more common than passenger ships.State concessions and a steady income fromtransport of mail guaranteed security but alsobound shippers to maintenance of regularschedules.(Ueber Land und Meer, Stuttgart, Leipzig,Berlin, Vienna 1891./92., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)

Ogledna mu{ka dvokrevetna kabina –reklamni prospekt. Takvima su se reklamiralepogodnosti prijevoza iseljenika, mnogo poz-natijeg po mu~nom vi{etjednom boravku uskupnim spavaonicama u kojima je obi~nosmje{teno vi{e desetaka iseljenika. (In{titut zaslovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)

A typical male berth with two beds – a com-mercial brochure. The brochures such as thisone stressed the amenities on the emigrants’ships, which were notorious for hardships ofseveral week long passages in communal dor-mitories accommodating several dozen emi-grants each. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvoZRC SAZU, Ljubljana)


37

cient but also aggressive. For the first time in history a large overseas exodus was clearly organized at atranscontinental level. That resulted in the shift of the world’s business centre fromLondon to New York, where the major strategic decisions were made concerning bothsides of the Atlantic.

The Shipping Companies

Although major shippers sprang up already in mid 19th century, in the era of the sail-ing boat, they won the battle with the sailing boat only with the introduction of largeiron steamships. By the 1870’s the sailing boat was on the wane.The hope for the transoceanic transport was pinned on several famous ships, such asthe Great Western (1838). At 70 meters long, it was the largest steamship ever built andthe first steamship built specifically for transport of passengers across the Atlantic.That ship inaugurated a new era for the shipping industry; over the next few yearsseveral companies whose names suggested steam power were founded (e.g. GreatWestern Steamship Company, founded in Bristol in 1836, Royal Mail Steam PacketCompany, founded in London in 1839). Some of the most famous early ships were the Great Britain (built in 1843), almost 100m long and the Great Eastern (built in 1858), more than 200 m long. Although hailed asthe symbols of technological progress of the time, they failed as passenger ships andwere redesigned for cargo transport and laying of underwater cables.Just like the sailing boats before them, the first steamships maintained regular servic-es primarily for the transport of mail. Mail service generated steady income, but theshippers had to observe a strict schedule, with 2-4 passages a month, regardless of thequantity of mail and the number of passengers. That was enforced both by contractson transport of mail and by migration ports that feared riots if the emigrants had towait too long for boarding. In the 19the century, at the time of early industrialization and transoceanic passengertransport, the port of Liverpool took primacy from older and more famous port ofBaltimore (home port of the Great Western) and hosted the first large shipping compa-nies. For the next few decades, other than by the major German shippers from Bremen(whose port was in Bremerhaven) and Hamburg, the transoceanic passenger transportwas dominated by the three main Liverpool shippers – Cunard Line, White Star andInman Line.In 1838, Samuel Cunard from Halifax (Nova Scotia), Canada, with partners estab-lished British and North American Royal Mail Steam Packet Company (from 1878 knownas Cunard Steamship Company).

20

20 Stephen Fox, The Ocean Railway, Isamabard KingdomBrunel, Samuel Cunard and the Revolutionary World ofthe Great Atlantic Steamships, HarperCollingPublishers, London 2003.

Blagovaonica tre}ega razreda – svakakonajzastupljenijeg na prekomorskim putovanji-ma, u brodarskim i agencijskim prospektimaizgleda privla~no i udobno.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

A 3rd class dining hall. In the brochures ofshipping and travel agents the conditions inthis most popular class looked enticing andcomfortable. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Reklamna ilustracija Cunard Linea, jednog odnajve}ih svjetskih putni~kih kompanija izvoznog reda rije~koga brodara Adrije. Zastavepovezuju Veliku Britaniju, mati~nu zemljubrodarske kompanije, s Ugarskom i SAD-om,koje spaja Cunardova linija izme|u Rijeke iNew Yorka.(Zbirka zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

An ad in the schedule of Adria, a shipperbased in Rijeka, for Cunard Line, one of theworld’s largest shippers. The flags link GreatBritain, seat of the shipper, to Hungary andthe USA, two countries served by Cunard’sRijeka – New York service. (Collection zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

@enska kabina s udobno{}u koju je tre}a klasarijetko u`ivala, iako su se uvjeti smje{taja prijePrvoga svjetskog rata bitno pobolj{ali u odno-su na one otprije nekoliko desetlje}a.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

A 3rd class female berth. Although standardsgreatly improved over a few decades leadingto World War I, such comfort was rare in 3rd

class.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


38

Dotad kori{teni neveliki jedrenjaci pokazali su se nepogodnima i Admiralitet je uprosincu 1838., kada se ve} uvjerio u pogodnosti parobroda za plovidbu oceanom,razglasio da podupire pokretanje parobrodarskog prijevoza po{te. Samuel Cunardbrzo reagira, dolazi u London i uskoro pokre}e prve parobrodarske linije.

22

Godine koje slijede, sve do 1870., razdoblje su potpune prevlasti ovoga brodara; tak-maci mu jo{ uvijek nisu opasni. Tek se sedamdesetih godina izme|u brodara razbuk-tava izravna borba za prevlast na trì{tu.

23Uz razvijen promet iz luka u Sjevernom

moru i u europskim atlantskim lukama, Cunard se na prijelomu stolje}a zajedno sWhite Starom natje~e s Nijemcima oko linija izme|u sredozemnih luka (Genova iNapulj) i Amerike. A kada krajem1903. dolazi u luke Trst i Rijeku, Nijemci poduzima-ju sve da ga suzbiju jer Austro-Ugarsku smatraju “doma}im” terenom. Cunardovmonopol u Rijeci (1903.–1914.) ublaàva to {to je u Trstu slab takmac doma}oj Austro-Americani – koja je u ve}inskom vlasni{tvu njema~kih brodara.Brodovi koji su po~etkom stolje}a plovili na atlantskoj, mediteranskoj i “aus-trougarskoj” ruti (od New Yorka do Trsta i Rijeke) prevozili su oko dvije tisu}e putni-ka. Neki od njih nisu ni imali prvu klasu, a drugi samo manji broj kabina prve klase,dok su u tre}oj klasi neki od brodova imali i zajedni~ke spavaonice (dormitorije) ikabine.

Za razliku od starije Auranije (1883.) koja krajem 1903. obavlja “probne” vo`njeizme|u New Yorka, Trsta i Rijeke i prevozi 500 putnika prve i druge te 700 putnikatre}e klase, kasniji brodovi namijenjeni prije svega emigrantskim lukama, imaju vrlomalo ili uop}e nemaju kabine prve klase, ali zato imaju mnogo vi{e spavaonica zatre}u klasu.

24

Me|u takvima su Ultonia (1898.), Ivernia (1900.), Carpathia (1902.), Pannonia (1903.),Slavonia (1903.), Caronia (1905.), Carmania (1905.). Luksuznije su opremljeni brodovi koji su se ponosili ljepotom i brzinom, poputLusitanije (1907.) i Mauretanije (1907.).

Nakon konkurentskih White Starovih Titanica i blizanaca, i Cunard je morao izgraditikrunski brod i ponos svoje flote – Acquitanniju (1914.) koja je prevozila 618 putnika uprvoj, 614 u drugoj i 1998 u tre}oj klasi!

25

No kompanija nije stigla dugo uìvati u njezinoj ljepoti i slavi, uskoro zasjenjenojpo~etkom rata.

Inman Line jo{ je jedno slavno liverpulsko brodarsko dru{tvo.26William Inman

zajedno s jo{ dvojicom partnera 1850. osniva Liverpool and Philadelphia Steam ShipCompany. Krajem 1851. dru{tvo nabavlja parobrod City of Glasgow koji je me|u prvi-ma pokretan isklju~ivo vijkom i pogodniji je za olujne uvjete na oceanu, iako brzinomod samo 9 ~vorova zaostaje za tada uobi~ajenim parobrodima s lopaticama. Unato~relativnoj sporosti, iskazao se ve} na prvoj plovidbi preko Atlantika na koju je krenuo17. prosinca 1850. s 400 ukrcanih putnika. City of Glasgow je za samo deset dana stigaou Philadelphiju.

Kao i drugi rani putni~ki parobrodi, ni ovaj nije izgra|en za prijevoz iseljenika, ve} zasamo 52 putnika u prvoj i 85 u drugoj klasi. No vrlo je brzo preure|en – 1852. dobioje 130 kabina i smje{taj za 400 putnika tre}e klase.Vlasnici su ubrzo shvatili da budu}nost oceanske plovidbe nije u prevoènju po{tan-skih po{iljaka, ve} u prevoènju iseljenika – putnika tre}e klase.Unato~ spretnim poslovnim potezima i dobrim izgledima za budu}nost, City ofGlasgow nije imao sre}e: 1. sije~nja 1854. isplovio je iz mati~ne luke s ukupno 480 put-nika i ~lanova posade i tajanstveno nestao. Nikad se vi{e nije ni{ta ~ulo ni o brodu nio putnicima!Sudbina ovoga broda nije pokolebala Inman Line u nabavi novih parobroda i u napre-dovanju jednog od najve}ih prekooceanskih brodara. Isti je brodar sljede}ih godina imao vi{e havarija; City of Philadelphia nastradao je iste1854., ali nije bilo ljudskih `rtava, a City of Boston je 1870. doìvio brodolom u kojemje stradalo 177 putnika i ~lanova posade.No velike nov~ane pote{ko}e ve} su 1886. uzdrmale ovu kompaniju ~ija flota uskoro

22 Fox, isto. str. 85.

23 Fox, isto, str. 84.–112.

24 Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line,1989.

25 Haws, isto.

26 Fox, isto. str. 178.–195.

Cunardov “brod Njegova Veli~anstva”,Aquitanija, bio je krunski dragulj u flotinajve}ega britanskog i svjetskog prijevoznika.Presjek broda i pogled u njegovu sloènuutrobu ~ini ga jo{ impresivnijim.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Cunard’s H.M.S. Acquitania, was the crownjewel in the fleet of the world’s largest ship-per. The ship looks especially impressive onthis cross cut picture, revealing the complexinterior. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRCSAZU, Ljubljana)

I Cunard se, kao i drugi, hvali zadivljuju}im ibrzim prekooceanskim ljepoticama. Veliki seputni~ki parobrodi smatraju najve}im i,prema nekima, najljep{im gra|evinama svogadoba.(Zbirka zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Like other shippers, Cunard boasted of itsawesome and fast transoceanic beauties.Large passenger steamers were consideredthe biggest and arguably the most beautifulman made objects at that time.(Collection zu Koswein - de Canziani, Rijeka)


39

In May 1840, the Unicorn, that company’s first steamship (built in 1838), went on itsmaiden voyage across the Atlantic. Yet, more importantly, on 4 July 1840, Cunard’snewly built Britannia set out from Liverpool to Boston via Halifax, thus starting thefirst regular transoceanic steamship service.

21

Cunard’s transoceanic business would not have been possible without a subsidyfrom the British Government. Encouraged by several successful trips of the GreatWestern, the Government decided to subsidize mail transport between Europe andAmerica. For the British Empire, well developed and fast transoceanic transport wasvital for communication with the colonies and for economic reasons. In December 1838, the Admiralty announced a tender for a steamship mail service,after it had ascertained the advantages of the steamship over the smaller and less con-venient sailing boat for transoceanic voyages. Samuel Cunard reacted quickly. Hecame to London and soon launched several steamship services.

22From that moment

until 1870, that shipper reigned supreme without any serious competition. Only the1870’s saw a direct competition between the shippers for the control of the market.

23

After having established itself in the North Sea and the European Atlantic ports, at theturn of the centuries Cunard competed, together with White Star, with the Germanshippers for the services between the Mediterranean ports (Genoa and Naples) andAmerica. In late 1903, when Cunard entered the ports of Rijeka and Trieste, theGerman shippers used all means possible to push it out as they considered Austria-Hungary their back yard. Cunard’s monopoly in Rijeka was offset by its poor perform-ance in Trieste, where it could not compete with Austro-Americana, owned mostly by

21 Stephen Fox, ibid, p. XII. Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line, 1989.

22 Fox, ibid, p. 85.

23 Fox, ibid, pp. 84-112.

American Line, sa sjedi{tem u Philadelphiji,nasljednik je flote britanskog Inman Linea kojije prvi shvatio da budu}nost pripadaputni~kom, a ne po{tanskom prometu.Zbog jeftinije europske radne snage, ameri~kisu brodari rijetkost u prekooceanskoj plovidbiu kojoj te{ko konkuriraju najve}im engleskimi njema~kim brodarima.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

American Line, based in Philadelphia, succes-sor of the British Inman Line which first real-ized that the future belonged to passengerand not to mail transport. Due to cheap laborin Europe, American shippers were rare intransoceanic transport as they could not com-pete against the major English and Germanshippers.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


40

postaje vlasni{tvo jednog od malobrojnih ameri~kih prijevoznika na Atlantiku –American Linea kojemu je mati~na luka Philadelphia.

27

Unato~ poslovnoj propasti i havariji prvih velikih parobroda, novi su brodari uvi|alipogodnosti uvo|enja parom pogonjenih ~eli~nih grdosija. Uostalom, i jedrenjaci sustolje}ima stradavali pa se nije prestajalo jedriti. Presudio je brì prijevoz ve}eg brojaputnika, razmjerno manji tro{kovi i niè cijene putnih karata. A to zna~i i sve vi{e put-nika tre}e klase.

White Star Line (Oceanic Steam Navigation Company iliWhite Star Line of BostonPackets), poznat je po tragediji Titanica (1912.) te po stradanju njegova blizancaBritannica u Prvome svjetskom ratu.Rana povijest kompanije s jednim od najslavnijih imena prili~no je zamr{ena. PrvotnaWhite Star Company razvila se stapanjem malih kompanija i osnivanjem novog dru{tvanazvanog Liverpool, Melbourne and Oriental Navigation Company, Limited. Dru{tvo jeosnovano za plovidbu u Australiju, za koju je zanimanje naglo poraslo kada je tamootkriveno zlato. Kako poslovi nisu napredovali, White Star se okre}e prema Americi.Prvi parobrod, Royal Standard, nabavlja 1863. godine. Velika ulaganja u nove brodoveomogu}ena su podr{kom banke koja se, me|utim, 1867. povla~i iz posla i izazivabankrot dru{tva.No kako direktor National Linea 1868. kupuje ugledno ime uglednog brodara, WhiteStar je ipak na neki na~in opstao. U posao se uklju~uju i novi partneri – trgovac spre-man za ulaganja i brodograditelj voljan izgraditi brodove za obnovljenu kompaniju.Najprije su izgra|eni Oceanic, Atlantic, Baltic i Republic, a 1871. pokrenuta je linijaizme|u Liverpoola i New Yorka, s pristajanjem u irskoj luci Queenstown (dana{njiCobh).Najslavniji su brodovi kompanije krajem stolje}a bili Britannic, Germanic, Teutonic iMajestic.

Uo~i velikog egzodusa iz isto~ne Europe 1880-ih, na ~elu engleskih brodara ve} su sena{la tri dru{tva, a uskoro (1886.) su svedena na samo dva – Cunard i White Star.Njima nasuprot stajala su dva jaka kontinentalna takmaca – njema~ka dru{tvaHamburg-Amerika Linie i Norddeutscher Lloyd.

HAPAG ili Hamburg-Amerika Linie osnovan je u Hamburgu 1847.(kratica HAPAG uobi~ajenija je od punog naziva – Hamburg Amerikanische PacketfahrtActien Gesellschaft, kako se dru{tvo zvalo do 1893.).Dru{tvo zapo~inje prekomorski promet ve} sljede}e godine jedrenjakom Deutschlandkojim odràva “po{tansku” liniju izme|u Hamburga i New Yorka, s pristajanjem uSouthamptonu. Plovidba jedrima na toj pruzi i tada traje ~etrdesetak dana. Rast kompanije ubrzan je i preuzimanjem manjih brodara (Adler Line, 1875., Carr Unio

27 Iako je, dakako, bilo jo{ ameri~kih kompanija zaprekomorski prijevoz putnika – Williams and GuionSteamships Company osnovana je 1840. u New Yorku,a 1851. zapo~ela je odràvati redovitu prugu izme|uNew Yorka i Liverpoola.

Hamburg Amerika Linie (HAPAG) najve}i jenjema~ki brodar, prije Prvoga svjetskog ratanajve}i na svijetu, s ~ak 20.000 zaposlenika.Uz jake sjeverne linije, ovo je dru{tvo me|unajve}ima i u sredozemnom prometu sAmerikom.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO18133-1)

Hamburg Amerika Linie (HAPAG) was thebiggest German shipper. Before WW I it wasthe world’s largest shipper, with as many as20,000 employees. Along with its major pres-ence in northern ports, this company was oneof the largest shippers in the Mediterraneantraffic with America.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO18133-1)


41

the German shippers. At the turn of the century, the capacity of the ships operating the Atlantic, theMediterranean and the Austro-Hungarian routes was around 2,000 passengers. Someof the ships did not have the 1st class and some offered only a limited numbers ofberths of the 1st class. In the 3rd class some ships had both communal dormitories andberths. Unlike the older Aurania (1883), which started its trial runs between New York, Triesteand Rijeka in late 1903, with 500 passengers in the 1st and the 2nd and 700 in the 3rd

class, later emigration ships had more dormitories in the 3rd class and few or no 1st

class berths.24

Some such ships were the Ultonia (1898), the Ivernia (1900), the Carpathia (1902), thePannonia (1903), the Slavonia (1903), the Caronia (1905), the Carmania (1905).The Lusitania (1907) and the Mauretania (1907) were more luxurious and took pride intheir speed and comfort. After White Star built the Titanic and its twin ship, Cunard responded by the Aquitania(1914), the jewel and the pride of its fleet, with the capacity of 618 passengers in the1st class, 614 in the 2nd class and 1,998 in the 3rd class!

25Yet, the company did not

bask long in its beauty and fame, which was soon overshadowed by WW I.

Another famous shipper from Liverpool was Inman Line.26 In 1850 WilliamInman and his two partners founded Liverpool and Philadelphia Steam Ship Company. Inlate 1851, the company purchased steamship the City of Glasgow, one of the first pro-pelled only by the screw and thus more appropriate for ocean storms. With the speedof only 9 knots it was slower than the standard peddle ships of the time but its quali-ty was proven already by its maiden voyage on 17 December 1850, when it took 400passengers to Philadelphia in only 10 days.Just like the earlier passenger ships, this one was not purpose built for the transportof emigrants. Hence, it boarded only 52 passengers in the 1st and 85 in the 3rd class.However, already in 1852 it was redesigned and got 130 berths and room for 400 pas-sengers in the 3rd class. The owners soon realized that the future of the oceanic trav-el lied in the transport of emigrants in the 3rd class rather then in the transport of mail. In spite of successful business deals and good prospects for the future, the City ofGlasgow was doomed: on 1 January 1854 it sailed from its home port with 480 passen-gers and crew on board and disappeared mysteriously. The ship and the passengerswere never heard of again!Yet, Inman Line was not shaken by the destiny of that ship. It purchased moresteamships and grew into one of the biggest transoceanic shippers. In the following years Inman Line suffered several shipwrecks. In 1854 the City ofPhiladelphiawent down, without human loss. In 1870 the City of Boston suffered a ship-wreck that killed 177 passengers and crew. Yet, in 1886 the company suffered financialloss that led to its take over by American Line, on of a few American shippers on theAtlantic routes, whose home port was Philadelphia.

27

In spite of bankruptcies and shipwrecks of the first big steamships, the newly estab-lished shippers realized the advantages of those steam powered iron colossuses. Afterall, for centuries before that, sailing boats had been experiencing shipwrecks and yet,that had not stopped the sailing. The steamships had higher speed, bigger capacity,smaller operational costs and lower ticket prices to recommend them. And that meantmore passengers in the 3rd class.

White Star Line (Oceanic Steam Navigation Company or White Star Line of BostonPackets), became notorious after the shipwreck of the Titanic (1912) and then its twinship the Britannic in WW I. The early history of this famous shipper was quite turbulent. It was created by a merg-er of several small companies. The newly created company, called Liverpool, Melbourneand Oriental Navigation Company, Limited, focused on the routes for Australia, whichhad become suddenly popular after the discovery of gold. Yet, business was sluggishand White Star shifted its interest towards America.The first steamship, the Royal Standard, was purchased in 1863. Thanks to bank loansthe company then bought more ships. Yet, in 1867, when the bank withdrew its sup-

24 Duncan Haws, Merchant Fleets, Cunard Line,1989.

25 Haws, ibid.

26 Fox, ibid, p.p.178-195.

27 Of course, there were other American companiesfor transoceanic passenger transport, such as Williamsand Guion Steamships Company, founded in 1840 inNew York, which commenced a regular servicebetween New York and Liverpool in 1851.

Imperator, HAPAGOV ponos, izgra|en 1913.,reklamiran je kao najve}i na svijetu. O{trabitka za premo} izme|u najve}ih engleskih injema~kih brodara iskazivala se natjecanjemu gradnji brodova zadivljuju}e veli~ine, lje-pote i brzine.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

41 The Imperator, pride of the HAPAG’s fleet,built in 1913, was advertised as the world’slargest ship. Stiff competition between themajor English and German shippers resultedin the construction of ships that were meant toastound with size, beauty and speed. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


42

Line, 1886. i drugi) te se HAPAG postupno razvija u najve}e njema~ko brodarskodru{tvo, a po~etkom 20. stolje}a i u najve}u svjetsku kompaniju!Od 1872. dru{tvo odràva tjednu vezu s New Yorkom. Pove}ava se i broj linija teHAPAG-ovi brodovi pristaju i u Baltimoreu, a plove i za Srednju Ameriku, Meksiko,Ju`nu Ameriku, Kinu, Japan i Australiju. Godine 1873. pokre}e i liniju koja se ljetiodràva izme|u Hamburga, Antwerpena i Montreala, a zimi izme|u Hamburga,Antwerpena i Bostona.Da izbjegnu konkurenciju na Sredozemlju Hamburg-Amerika Linie i Norddeutscher Lloydpokre}u i liniju koja povezuje sredozemne luke Napulj i Genovu s New Yorkom(1897.–1905.).Uspon HAPAG-a uvelike se pripisuje i spretnosti i poduzetnosti najslavnijega direk-tora Alberta Ballina (1857.–1918).

28

Ro|en je kao trinaesto dijete u skromnoj hambur{koj ìdovskoj obitelji podrijetlom izDanske. Zarana se suo~io s iseljeni~kim ambijentom jer mu je otac bio suvlasnik agen-cije koja je organizirala odlazak iseljenika u SAD. Kada 1874. otac umire, mladi Albertpreuzima posao i razvija tvrtku u nezavisnoga linijskog iseljeni~kog brodara koji nas-toji smanjiti tro{kove prijevozom tereta na povratnim turama na kojima uglavnomnema mnogo putnika.Spretnim je poslovanjem privukao pa`nju HAPAG-a te ve} 1888. postaje jedan oddirektora, a 1899. i generalni direktor. U njegovo je doba kompanija na vrhuncu, 1914.ima ukupno 175 velikih brodova, odràva linije s pet kontinenata i zapo{ljava dvade-set tisu}a radnika!U to je doba HAPAG je, u nadmetanju s vode}im brodarima koji su se hvalili velikimi luksuznim brodovima, iste godine kada je izgra|en Titanic, dao izgraditi brod koji jereklamirao kao najve}i na svijetu – Imperator (1912.). Ovaj je div mogao primiti 700putnika prve, 600 druge i 940 tre}e klase te – 1750 putnika “~etvrte klase”. Pobolj{aniuvjeti tre}e klase potaknuli su i “inovativno” uvo|enje novoga kategoriziranja putni-ka! Ballin je koncipirao i izgradio i uzorno iseljeni~ko selo na izdvojenomu mjestu do koje-ga je izravno stizala èljeznica. O~ito je pokazivao i odre|eno razumijevanje inaklonost prema siroma{nim isto~noeuropskim i srednjoeuropskim iseljenicima,naro~ito prema @idovima koji su bjeàli pred pogromom, no jo{ je vi{e vodio ra~unao interesima svoje kompanije.Organizacija i priprema za odlazak u Ameriku u naselju koje su nazivali Ballinov grad– Balinstadt – u drugim se lukama ~esto spominjao kao uzor pa tako i u Rijeci koja sepoziva na hambur{ki primjer kada gradi svoj, tako|er uzoran, “hotel iseljenika”.

Norddeutscher Lloyd (NDL) nastao je 1857. udruìvanjem ~etiri manjabrodara.Osniva~ je dru{tva dugovje~ni bremenski poduzetnik i politi~ar Hermann HeinrichMeier (1809.–1898.) koji ga je ubrzo u~inio jednim od najve}ih svjetskih brodara.

Ve} sljede}e 1858. godine Dru{tvo pokre}e prvu liniju za New York, a potom (1868.)za Baltimore i (1869.) za New Orleans. Poslije su ustanovljene i linije za Srednju iJu`nu Ameriku i druge.Kada se bitan dio prometa iseljenika premje{ta u ju`nu Europu, i NDL, poput drugihvelikih brodara, 1891. pokre}e liniju iz Italije – Genove i Napulja – u New York.

Tijekom devedesetih dru{tvo gradi vi{e velikih brodova, od kojih neke naziva imeni-ma careva novoga Njema~kog Carstva (osnovanog 1871.). Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse(Vilim I., 1897.) nazvan je najve}im na svijetu, no nekoliko godina poslije izgra|en jejo{ ve}i, Kaiser Wilhelm II (1903.) koji u prvi razred prima 332, u drugi 343, a u tre}i1074. putnika.Jedan od vode}ih tada{njih parobrodara uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata najavljuje novuutakmicu u gradnji najve}ih, najljep{ih i najbrìh transatlantika – od kojih nekimasudbina nije bila sklona, kao ni njihovim putnicima.Uspjeh luke Bremerhaven najve}ma je povezan s izvanrednim usponom NorddeutscherLloyda. Milijunima prevezenih putnika u Ameriku, koje ova kompanija prevozi iz

28 Hans Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wöst, AlbertBallin, u Hans-Hermann Groppe/ Ursula Wöst, ViaHamburg to the World, From the Emigrants Halls toBallinStadt, Ellert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg, 2007.,str. 28.–33.

Norddeutscher Lloyd (Sjeveronjema~ki Lloyd)iz Bremena, uz hambur{ki je HAPAG,najmo}niji njema~ki brodar s poslovnicama~ak i nadomak europskog juga – u Zagrebu iu Brodu na Savi (Slavonski Brod).(Engleski bez u~itelja, Zagreb 1911., Muzejgrada Rijeke)

After HAPAG, based in Hamburg,Norddeutscher Lloyd (North German Lloyd)from Bremen was the second largest Germanshipper, with branch offices as far away assouth Europe, including Zagreb and Brod naSavi (Slavonski Brod) (An advertisement in an English languagemanual for the emigrants, Zagreb 1911, Muzejgrada Rijeke).


43

port, the company went bust. Already the following year the director of National Line bought the famous franchise,thus rescuing the White Star name. The business soon attracted two more partners – amerchant with money to invest and a ship builder ready to build ships for therevamped company. The first ships to be built were the Oceanic, the Atlantic, the Baltic and the Republic. In1871 the company introduced a service between Liverpool and New York, with a stopover at the Irish port of Queenstown (present Cobh). At the turn of the century, thecompany’s most famous ships were the Britannic, the Germanic, the Teutonic and theMajestic. On the eve of the big exodus from Europe, in the 1880’s, there were three majorEnglish shippers. Soon (1886), only two of those remained – Cunard and White Star.They had strong competition on the Continent - German shippers Hamburg-AmerikaLinie and Norddeutscher Lloyd.

Hamburg-Amerika Linie, or HAPAG, was founded in Hamburg in1847 (HAPAG stood for the company’s full title: Hamburg Amerikanische PacketfahrtActien Gesellschaft, that the company bore until 1893). As early as 1847, the company’ssailing boat, the Deutschland, started operating a mail service between Hamburg andNew York, with a stop over in Southampton. Even at that time sailing boats needed 40odd days for the passage. The company grew by take over of smaller companies (Adler Line in 1875, Carr UnioLine in 1886 and others). Thus HAPAG gradually developed into the biggest Germanshipper. In early 20th century it was the biggest sipper in the world!In 1872 HAPAG introduced a weekly service for New York. Soon HAPAG’s shipsstared calling in at Baltimore, Central America, Mexico, South America, China, Japanand Australia. The year 1873 saw the introduction of a summer service Hamburg-Antwerp-Montreal, and a winter service Hamburg-Antwerp-Boston. In order tocounter the competition in the Mediterranean, Hamburg-Amerika Linie andNorddeutscher Lloyd introduced a service connecting the ports of Naples and Genoawith New York (1897-1905).The rise of HAPAG has been primarily credited to the resourcefulness and entrepre-neurship of its most famous manager, Albert Ballin (1857–1918).

28Ballin was the 13th

child of a humble Hamburg Jewish family of Danish descent. Early on he becamefamiliar with the emigration milieu thorough his father, a co-owner of a travel agencythat sent emigrants to the USA. After his father’s death in 1874, Albert took over thebusiness and developed it into an independent emigration shipper that cut costs on itsregular lines by carrying cargo on the return trips, when the number of passengerswas rather small. Thanks to his business skill he was hired by HAPAG, which made him manager in1888 and general manager in 1899. During his era the company was at its apogee. In1914 it had 175 large ships, sailed to the five continents and employed 20,000 persons!In a competition with major shippers, which boasted large and luxurious vessels, in asingle year (1912) HAPAG built the Titanic and the Imperator, which was advertised asthe world’s largest ship. That behemoth carried 700 passengers in the 1st class, 600 inthe 2nd, 940 in the 3rd and 1,750 in the 4th. Namely, after having improved conditionsin the 3rd class, the company cleverly introduced a new categorization of passengers.

28 Hans Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wost, AlbertBallin, in Hans-Hermann Groppe/Ursula Wost, ViaHamburg to the World, From the Emigrants Halls toBallinStadt, Elert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg, 2007,pp. 28-33.

Gospodska djeca zasjela na palubi, a na pot-platima im ime novoizgra|enog broda,Imperator, i godina izgradnje (1913.). Prva jevo`nja “najve}eg broda na svijetu” pro{laneusporedivo bolje od pro{logodi{njeTitanicove.(Sa{a Dmitorvi}, Rijeka)

Bourgeois children lounging on the deck ofthe Imperator (built in 1913), with the name ofthe ship written on their soles. The maidenvoyage of this „largest ship in the world“ wasmuch more fortunate than the maiden voyageof the Titanic the year before. (Sa{a Dmitorvi}, Rijeka)


46

mati~ne luke, treba pridodati i one iz drugih usputnih luka poput Southamptona iCherbourga, u kojima redovito pristaju kompanijini brodovi, kao i one prevezene“mediteranskom linijom” iz Genove i Napulja, koje su Nijemci (NDL i HAPAG) pre-vezli mnogo vi{e nego talijanski brodari.

Veliku zaslugu za brojnost putnika u Bremerhavenu ima i izvanredno organiziranakompanijina agencijska slu`ba koja je naslijedila sustav poznate Mislerove agencijekoja je imala poslovnice ~ak i nadomak europskog juga – i u Zagrebu i SlavonskomBrodu (tada{njem Brodu na Savi).

***

Najve}i brodovi koji su potom slijedili mogli su uglavnom primiti vi{e od dvije tisu}eputnika, od toga barem tri ~etvrtine onih tre}e klase. Netko je izra~unao da su zapra-vo visoke tro{kove malobrojnih putnika u prvoj klasi dobrim dijelom podmirivalimnogobrojni putnici iz potpalublja – tre}a klasa – od koje su svi brodari isklju~ivo iìvjeli.Naro~ito se u manjim lukama, poput Rijeke i Trsta, ukrcavalo malo putnika prve klasei zato brodovi gra|eni po~etkom stolje}a imaju pove}an, iako ve} podno{ljivo oprem-ljen prostor tre}e klase – koja umjesto prija{njih velikih skupnih spavaonica dobivajednostavno opremljene ~etverokrevetne, a katkad ~ak i dvokrevetne kabine.No sve do rata jo{ uvijek su uvjeti ìvota tre}e klase uglavnom prili~no skromni – ili~ak novouvedene “~etvrte klase”. Spavaonice su i dalje skupne, s vi{e desetaka ilistotina gusto zbijenih leàjeva na kat, a blagovaonice su opremljene oskudno, s dugimdrvenim stolovima i neudobnim klupama.I brojni opisi nezadovoljnih putnika, kao i fotografije, naj~e{}e svjedo~e da ~ak i nanajnovijim brodovima uvjeti nisu bili onako primamljivi kao {to ih prikazujureklamne knjiìce brodarskih kompanija.

Brodarski karteli

Iako je uvo|enje parnih brodova snizilo cijenu brodskog prijevoza tereta, u putni~komprijevozu cijene se dugo ne smanjuju unato~ ve}oj ekonomi~nosti parobroda. To seobja{njava osnivanjem brodarskih kartela (konferencija – shipping conference),udruènjima brodara koja dogovorno odre|uju tarife putni~kog prijevoza i kvote kojeodobravaju pojedinim brodarima, ~lanovima kartela, u odnosu na ukupno europskoiseljeni~ko “trì{te”.

29

Karteli su osnovani u kriznom razdoblju pada prometa kako bi smanjili rizike odkonkurentskih sniàvanja cijena prijevoza. Takve su borbe me|u suprotstavljenimkartelima nazvane – tarifnim ratovima.

30

Razvojem parobrodarske flote karteli postaju sve mo}niji te umjesto trì{nim nad-metanjem cijene putni~kih karata odre|uju dogovorima. Visoke cijene izgradnje veli-kih parobroda smanjile su drasti~no broj brodara. Istovremeno su porasle i lu~ke pris-tojbe jer se pred luke postavljaju ve}i i novi zahtjevi – nu`na spremi{ta za vodu i skla-di{ta za ugljen.Nekoliko dioni~kih parobrodarskih dru{tava, “velika ~etvorica”, upravlja glavninomsvjetskoga putni~kog prometa. Prvi kartel za regulaciju trì{ta osnovan je 1872. – New York North Atlantic Steam TrafficConference – a okupio je britanske brodare koji su prevozili migrante iz Velike Britanijei Skandinavije.Desetak godina poslije, 1883., udruùju se njema~ki, nizozemski i belgijski brodari snamjerom da se poku{aju oduprijeti Britancima. No izravna konkurencija manjih bro-dara koji su djelovali u njihovim mati~nim lukama izjalovila je napore HamburgAmerika Linie (HAPAG), Norddeutscher Lloyda, Red Star Linea i Holland America Linea.Na osnutak konkurentskog kartela Englezi su odgovorili “tarifnim ratom” koji jeprouzro~io raspu{tanje britanskog kartela i pad cijena karata prodanih “u pretplati”,koje su upla}ene u Americi.

29 Dio teksta o kartelima prire|en je na osnovi neob-javljenog teksta Williama Klingera, Gradisca d’Isonzo2008.

30 Greenhill R., Competition or cooperation the GlobalShipping Industry: The origins and impact of theConference system for British Shipowners before1914. in Global Markets: The internationalization ofthe sea transport industries since 1850, St. John 1998.

Na prethodnim stranicama:Parobrod Oceanic, izgra|en 1899., jedan je odnajve}ih brodova White Stara, uz Cunard Linenajve}eg rivala njema~kim brodarima u pri-jevozu iseljenika. U bespo{tednoj utrci WhiteStar 1912. gradi najslavniji u nizu najve}ihbrodova na svijetu – Titanic.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Previous pageThe Oceanic, built in 1899, one of the largeststeamships of White Star, along with CunardLine, the main competitor of German shippersin emigrants’ transport. As the result of cut-throat competition, in 1912, White Star builtThe Titanic, the most famous in a line of theworld’s largest ships.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


47

Ballin designed and built an exemplary emigrants’ village in an isolated area serveddirectly by train. He was evidently interested in and sympathetic with the plight ofpoor Eastern and Central European emigrants, especially the Jews, who were fleeingthe pogroms, but his main concern were the interests of his company. The manage-ment of the village, known as Ballin’s town, i.e. Ballinstadt, and the preparation of theemigrants for passage to America, were admired by other ports, including Rijeka,which modeled its “emigrants hotel”, also exemplary, on the Hamburg model.

Norddeutscher Lloyd (NDL) was created in 1857 with the merger of foursmall shippers. The founder was a long-lived entrepreneur and politician fromBremen Hermann Heinrich Meier (1809-1898), who quickly developed it into one ofworld’s largest shippers.

Brodarski karteli/Shipping Conferences“konferencije” i nezavisni brodari u razdoblju 1885.–1895.“conferences” and independant steamship companies 1885–1895

Kontinentalna konferencija / Continental Conference (1885–1895)Nord Atlantische DampferLinien Verband (1892):Osnovana 1883., preustrojena 15. svibnja 1885. i ponovno 23. oùjka 1887. / Founded in 1883, restructured

on 15 May 1885 and again on 23 March 1887

Osniva~i / Founders:Holland America Line (Rotterdam)Red Star Line (Antwerpen)Hamburg America Line (Hamburg)North German Lloyd (Bremerhaven)

Drugi kontinentalni linijski brodari / Other Continental lines:French Line (~lan Continental Conferencea 1886.–1895., nisu se pridruìli NDLV-u, ve} je s njima zaklju~en poseban

ugovor, koji se drào pravila i cijena odre|enih na njujor{koj Continetal Conference) / member of the

Continental 1886-1895, did not join the N.D.L.V. but separate agreement was concluded with the Line which

adhered the rules and price fixing of the New York Continental Conference)

Thingvalla Line (Kopenhagen)White Cross Line Obustavili prijevoz putnika krajem 1880-ih / discontinued passenger service end of 1880s

Carr LineUjedinili se s Union Line 1885. / merged with Union Line in 1885

Union LineUdruìli se s Hamburg America Line 1886. / pool agreement with Hamburg America Line in 1886

Sredozemna konferencija / Mediterranean Conference 1885–1895Utemeljena 20. studenoga 1885., reorganizirana 3. kolovoza 1888. i ponovno reorganizirana 22. sije~nja

1894. / Established November 20th 1885 reorganized August 3rd 1888 and again January 22nd 1894

Fabre Line (1885.)Italian Line (1885.)Red Star Line (1885.)Holland America Line (1885.) Anchor Line (1888.)North German Lloyd (1894.)Hamburg America Line (1894.)French Line (1894.)

Sjevernoatlanska parobrodarska konferencija / North Atlantic Steam TrafficConference (British Lines 1885–1895)Allan LineAnchor Line American Line Beaver LineCunard LineDominion LineGuion Line – obustavili svoje usluge 1894. / discontinued its service in 1894Inman Line – preuzela ih American Line 1886. / taken over by the American Line in 1886National Line – obustavili prijevoz putnika 1892. / discontinued passenger service in 1892White Star Line


48

Continental conference (ili Continental pool) osnovana je 1885. i postigla dogovor o mi-nimalnim cijenama u odnosu na kvalitetu usluge. Kao i drugi karteli, i ovaj, sastavljenisklju~ivo od europskih kontinentalnih brodara, me|u kojima su vode}i Nijemci, imasjedi{te u New Yorku.Cijene su se mogle mijenjati jedino uz pobolj{anje usluga, {to je potaknulo brodare daizmi{ljaju posebne oblike usluga koje se nisu mogle uspore|ivati s drugima, ali suomogu}avale pove}anje cijena. Niè cijene od utvr|enih mogli su imati oni ~iji subrodovi bili stari i spori (poput Holland Lineovih) i oni koji su vozili na manje promet-nim linijama (poput Red Star Linea na prugama za Baltimore i Philadelphiju).Osim utvr|ivanja cijena brodskih karata i broja putnika koje pojedini brodar moèprevesti, karteli su nadzirali i druge usluge. Brodari tako nisu smjeli prodavatièljezni~ke karte, a uveden je i o{triji nadzor agencija kojima su preciznije odre|enaprava i obveze te odre|ena visina provizije u odnosu na cijene prodanih brodskihkarata.Budu}i da je iseljavanje do Prvoga svjetskog rata bilo u stalnom porastu, karteli su seusmjerili na tri bitna trì{ta: britansko-skandinavsko, kontinentalno i mediteransko, abitka se uglavnom uvijek vodi izme|u najve}ih engleskih i njema~kih brodara.Tako Nijemci unato~ svim naporima ne uspijevaju pridobiti u svoj krug ni skandi-navske kompanije niti tamo{nje iseljenike. Kada su Nijemci (zapravo brodari udruèni u Kontinentalnu konferenciju) osnovaliMediteransku konferenciju (1885.), prije svega ih zanima upravo pokrenuto “talijan-sko trì{te” iako su tamo ve} neki brodari imali linije za New York (Fabre Line i ItalianLine). Iako su u toj konferenciji pored sjevernja~kih, uglavnom njema~kih brodara,sudjelovali i doma}i, sredozemni brodari – Austro-Americana, i tr{}anska je tvrtkaimala ve}inski udio njema~kog kapitala.Prava borba za talijanske emigrante razbuktava se, kao i obi~no, izme|u Engleza iNijemaca, no ovaj su put posebice zainteresirani i Francuzi – Compagnie GénéraleTransatlantique iz Le Havrea koji, s obzirom na èljezni~ke pogodnosti, Talijane smatra“svojima”. Upravo zbog pogodnih èljezni~kih putova, u Le Havre po~etkom 20. sto-lje}a odlazi i dobar dio Primoraca i Slovenaca, podjednako koliko ih na prijelazu sto-lje}a odlazi u Genovu.Konferencije su dinami~no okupljale svoje brodare do Prvoga svjetskog rata, nastoje}iodràti ste~ene prednosti i osvojiti nove. Katkad bi se me|u suprotstavljenim strana-ma razvili pravi “tarifni ratovi” koji su zna~ili sniàvanje cijena u nadi da }e pro-tivni~ki kartel imati vi{e {tete. Od toga su samo brodari mogli imati {tete – pa su senajve}i i zato najugroèniji protivnici ipak uvijek iznova dogovarali i mirili.

Najve}i njema~ki, nizozemski i belgijski bro-dari ~ine ~vrstu okosnicu kontinentalne kon-ferencije (kartela) kojoj su u prijevozu iseljeni-ka preko oceana vje~ni rivali vode}i britanskibrodari.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Bulk of the Continental Conference (theCartel) consisted of main German, Dutch andBelgian shippers. Their perennial competitorsin the transport of emigrants were the Britishshippers. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Parobord Colombo najve}eg talijanskog pri-jevoznika Navigazione Generale Italiana, koje-mu su u prijevozu Talijana veliki konkurentiengleski i njema~ki brodari. Mediteranski kar-tel (konferencija) u rukama je njema~kih bro-dara.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47973)

Steamship Colombo, of the largest Italian ship-per Navigazione Generale Italiana. Their maincompetition were English and German ship-pers. The Mediterranean Cartel was held bythe German shippers. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47973)


49

Already the next year the company launched its first service for New York, followedin 1868 and in 1869 by services for Baltimore and New Orleans respectively. Later onNDL added services for Central and South America and others.When emigration business picked up in southern Europe, NDL, like other big ship-pers, introduced a line from Genoa and Naples to New York (1891). During the 1890’s the company built several large ships, some of which were calledafter the emperors of the new German empire (founded in 1871). The Kaiser Wilhelmder Grosse (William I, 1897) was hailed as the world’s largest ship at the time. Yet, sev-eral years later an even larger ship was built, the Kaiser Wilhelm II (1903), for 332 pas-sengers in 1st class, 343 in 2nd and 1,074 in 3rd.On the eve of WW I, this major shipper inaugurated a new race in size, luxury andspeed of transatlantic ships, some of which fared badly, along with their passengers.The rise of the port of Bremerhaven was closely linked to the phenomenal success ofNorddeutscher Lloyd. Along with millions of passengers from its home port, that com-pany carried many others to America from the regular ports of call, such asSouthampton and Cherbourg, as well as those from Genoa and Naples, where theGerman shippers (NDL and HAPAG) were much more dominant then their Italiancounterparts. A major credit for the large volume of traffic from Bremenhaven goes to NDL’s veryefficient travel agency, successor of the renowned Missler agency, with branch officesas far away as Zagreb and Slavonski Brod (then Brod na Savi).

Average capacity of the large ships that were built subsequently was more than 2,000passengers, at least three quarters in the 3rd class. According to one estimate, high costof travel in the small 1st class was largely subsidized by the large number of passen-gers in the cargo hold, i.e. the 3rd class, which generated profits for the shippers. Small ports, such as Rijeka and Trieste, boarded very few 1st class passengers. Hence,the ships built at the turn of the century had a larger and more comfortable 3rd class,with four-bed and even two-bed berths in place of the former communal dormitories. Yet, the conditions in such 3rd class were humble and some shippers even introducedthe 4th class. Some ships still contained communal dormitories, with dozens or evenhundreds closely packed bunk beds. Dining halls were poorly equipped, with longdining tables and uncomfortable benches. A large number of recorded passenger complaints and photos prove false enticingdescriptions of the standards aboard the new ships in the commercial brochures of theshipping companies.

Shipping Conferences

Although the cargo tariffs dropped with the introduction of the steamship, in passen-ger traffic they stagnated for a long time in spite of the better cost effectiveness ofsteamship transport. That has been explained as the result of the founding of shippingconferences – pools of shippers that set the tariffs in passenger transport and dividedthe total European emigration business between them.

29

The shipping conferences were formed during a business slump as a protectionagainst unbridled competition and possible reduction of tariffs. Such competitionbetween cartels has been popularly called tariffs’ wars.

30

With the growth of the steamship fleet, the cartels acquired more and more power andmanaged to secure their positions in the market through deals rather than throughopen competition. Due to high production costs of the large vessels, the number ofshippers in the market dropped sharply. At the same time, the ports raised the pricesof their services in order to foot the bills for the rising cost of port infrastructure,including necessary water tanks and coal storages. Thus, the bulk of international pas-senger traffic got to be controlled by the four big shipping joint stock companies. The first cartel, the New York North Atlantic Steam Traffic Conference, was founded in1872, and it comprised British shippers that transported emigrants from Great Britain

29 The chapter on shipping conferences is based onan unpublished text by William Klinge,r, Gradiscad’Isonzo 2008..

30 Greenhill R., Competition or Cooperation in the GlobalShipping Industry: The Origins and Impact of theConference System for British Shipowners Before 1914 inGlobal Markets: The Internationalization of the SeaTransport Since 1850, St. John, 1998.

Holland Amerika Linie na relaciji izme|uAmsterdama, Rotterdama i New Yorka, uzruske @idove, najvi{e prevozi iseljenike izAustro-Ugarske, a me|u njima su brojni i oniiz najudaljenijih krajeva, iz Banata (Vojvo -dine) i iz Hrvatske.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Most passengers on Holland Amerika Linie’sAmsterdam-Rotterdam-New York servicewere, other than Russian Jews, emigrantsfrom Austria-Hungary, including many fromfar-flung regions, such as Banat (Vojvodina)and from Croatia. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)


50

@eljeznica - od rodnog sela do polazne luke

@eljeznica se ve} 1840-ih po~ela naglo razvijati i me|unarodni su pravci brzouspostavljeni – emigrantska luka Antwerpen ve} je 1843. spojena s Kölnom, gradombliskim iseljeni~kim izvori{tima.Austro-Ugarska je donekle kasnila, dijelom i s obzirom na Alpe koje su sjevernedijelove Monarhije dijelile od njezina juga. No Austrijske ju`ne èljeznice (Österreichis-che Südbahn), vode}e èljezni~ko dru{tvo u Monarhiji, ipak su osnovane ve} 1841., aBe~ je s glavnom lukom Trstom spojen 1857. tzv. planinskom èljeznicom prekoSemeringa, kojoj je 1873. pridodan odvojak od Pivke ([entpeter) do Rijeke, drugeva`ne srednjoeuropske luke.Iste je godine i Budimpe{ta povezana s Rijekom i tek je otada mogu}e iz udaljenih kra-jeva istoga dana krenuti od ku}e i sti}i do mora – do prekooceanskog broda.

Do pojave velikoga srednjoeuropskog iseljeni~koga vala èljeznica ve} u~vr{}uje svojuulogu. U kopnenom prijevozu uop}e nema premca te spremno do~ekuje velik ise-ljeni~ki val.Kontinentalna èljezni~ka ~vori{ta i èljezni~ki grani~ni prijelazi na emigrantskimrutama ubrzo postaju jednako va`ni kao i luke iz kojih se iseljenici otiskuju od europ-skoga kopna.Preko velikih èljezni~kih ~vori{ta poput Be~a i Budimpe{te, kao i preko èljezni~kihgrani~nih prijelaza poput Auschwitza (Oswiecim) na njema~koj i Buchsa na {vicarskojgranici, u kojima se tako|er razvijaju emigrantske slu`be, stiè se do njema~kih,nizozemskih, belgijskih, francuskih i engleskih luka. Prije izravne iseljeni~ke prekomorske linije iz Trsta, deseci tisu}a iseljenika prelazièljeznicom austrijsko-talijansku granicu (Cormons) i nastavlja put u Genovu.Va`no je ~vori{te s brojnim agencijama bila i Ljubljana, no najsna`nija se agencijska iposredni~ka djelatnost razvila u Baselu, u blizini {vicarsko-francuske granice, odaklesu brojni vlakovi vodili do svih velikih atlantskih luka koje su iseljeni~ku stanicu ne-rijetko imale izravno u podru~ju luke.Smje{taj stanice u odnosu na iseljeni~ki terminal i njihovo kona~i{te (emigrantskuku}u) bio je vaàn da se sprije~i lutanje mase iseljenika i popratni “efekti” – izgredi,kra|e i prostitucija – koje u takvim okolnostima obi~no cvjetaju.

@eljeznica funkcionira spremno i brzo. U slu~aju potrebe u stanju je pripremiti poseb-ne iseljeni~ke vlakove i organizirati putovanja u razli~itim smjerovima. @eljeznica ima i posebne tarife za tre}u klasu predvi|enu za iseljenike, te nudi popustna èljezni~ke karte za grupe od preko deset putnika. U velikim se èljezni~kim~vori{tima razvijaju i brojne popratne i posredni~ke djelatnosti – agencijske,po{tanske, mjenja~ke i bankarske. Strani agenti, najvi{e upravo oni iz èljezni~kih ~vori{ta poput Basela, Buchsa iLjubljane, objavljuju svoje reklame u dalekim emigrantskim sredi{tima, pa i urije~kome Novom listu – i podsje}aju iseljenike na pogodnost grupnog putovanjaèljeznicom do njihovih poslovnica u [vicarskoj i Sloveniji, gdje ih prihva}aju i orga-niziraju im daljnji put, naj~e{}e opet èljeznicom do krajnjega odredi{ta u Americi.

Agenti se dovitljivo koriste razli~itim kombinacijama èljezni~kog prijevoza.Zagreba~ka agencija Ma{ek i drug katkad vodi svoje putnike iz Zagreba u Trst i potomih, umjesto ukrcaja na brod, vlakom odvozi ~ak u Hamburg.Ista agencija s filijalom u predgra|u Rijeke (na Kantridi, na austrijskom tlu, da bi izb-jegla ograni~enja koja name}e ugarska vlada) reklamira putovanje preko Le Havrea.Unato~ iseljeni~koj liniji koja Rijeku izravno povezuje s New Yorkom, Ma{ek i drug,kao i brojni drugi, odvodi vlakom svoje putnike do atlantske i sjevernonjema~ke obale– i tek ih tamo ukrcava na brod.

@eljeznica je bitna komponenta velikog europsko-ameri~kog prelijevanja. To je jediniu~inkovit i brz kopneni prijevoz do velikih iseljeni~kih luka. Vi{ednevno transkonti-nentalno putovanje èljeznicom, od sredozemne do atlantske luke, od Trsta do

Pariz je jedno od velikih èljezni~kihiseljeni~kih ~vori{ta na putu od istoka i jugaEurope do Le Havrea, Cherbourga,Southamptona i Liverpoola. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Paris was one of the main railway hubs con-necting the routes from Eastern and SouthernEurope with Le Havre, Cherbourg,Southampton and Liverpool. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


51

and Scandinavia. Eleven years later, in 1883, German, Dutch and Belgian shippers – Hamburg AmerikaLinie (HAPAG), Norddeutscher Lloyd, Red Star Line and Holland America Line, pooledtheir resources in a reaction to the British move. Yet, their effort was frustrated bydirect competition of small shippers in their home ports.The reaction of the British to the founding of a competing cartel was a tariffs’ war,which led to the dissolution of the British cartel and the reduction of the price of thetickets that had been paid in advance in America.

Continental Conference (or Continental Pool), founded in 1885, reached an agreement onthe minimal tariffs and the quality standards. Just like the other cartels, this one, com-prising shippers from continental Europe, predominantly German, was based in NewYork. A tariff could be changed only if standards improved significantly, which promptedproliferation of specific services that could not be compared across the board. The onlyshippers that could sail at tariffs below the agreed ones were those with old slow ships(such as Holland Line) and those operating less popular services (such as the Bostonand Philadelphia services of Red Star Line). Other than the setting of the tariffs and the volume of passengers for each of theirmembers, the cartels controlled other services too. Thus, the shippers were notallowed to sell train tickets, and the cartels specified the rights and obligations of tick-et agents and the percentage they received from the sale of the tickets.Considering that prior to WW I emigration grew steadily, the cartels focused on threemain markets: Britain and Scandinavia, Continental Europe and the Mediterranean.The main competitors were the major British and German shippers.Thus, in spite oftheir concerted efforts, German shippers never managed to co-opt any Scandinaviancompany or win a share of the Scandinavian market. When the Germans (that is, theshippers associated in the Continental Conference) founded the MediterraneanConference (1885), their main focus was on the newly opened Italian market, whichwas then served by Fabre Line and Italian Line, both with services for New York.Although this Conference comprised not only northern, mostly German shippers, butalso local Mediterranean ones, the Austro-Americana, from Trieste, was mostly ownedby the German capital.The competition for the Italian emigrants flared up between the old rivals, the Englishand the Germans, but this time with the participation of the French – CompagnieGenerale Transatlantique from Le Havre. The latter considered the Italian market itsown, due to good railway connections between Le Havre and Italy. Thanks to conven-ient train services, in early 20th century, a large share of the emigrants from theHrvatsko primorje region and from Slovenia traveled through Le Havre. This wasequal to emigration through Genoa from those two areas.Until WW I the cartels worked hard on pooling of resources, in order to protect theirvested interests and carve out a bigger share of the market. From time to time a cartelwould start a tariffs’ war, hoping that by slicing the prices it would push the compe-tition out of business. Yet, all the shippers were affected and the main and thus mostaffected rivals always came together and signed a truce.

The Railways – from the Native Village to thePort of Departure

The railway network started growing already in the 1840’s and the main internation-al corridors were established quickly. In 1843 the port of Antwerp was linked toCologne, a city close to the main hubs of emigration.Austria-Hungary lagged slightly behind, partly due to the Alps that divided the northof the empire from its south. Yet, in 1857 Austrian Southern Railways (OesterreichischeSudbahn), the largest railway operator in the Monarchy (est. in 1841), connectedVienna with the port of Trieste by a mountain route over the Semering pass. In 1873 abranch line was built from Pivka (Sempeter) to Rijeka, another important CentralEuropean port. That same year Budapest was connected with Rijeka, which enabled

Basel je glavno `eljezni~ko ~vori{te i sjedi{tebrojnih iseljeni~kih agencija koje `ive od isel-jenika iz Austro-Ugarske. U Baselu se obavlja-ju i lije~ni~ki pregledi i nabavljaju karte za putdo Rotterdama, Antwerpena, Le Havrea,Cherbourga, Southamptona i Liverpoola.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Basel was a major railway hub and the seat ofmany emigration agents that catered towardthe emigrants from Austria-Hungary. In Baselthey were examined by physicians and pur-chased tickets for transport to Rotterdam,Antwerp, Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southam-pton and Liverpool. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


52

Hamburga, od Rijeke do Le Havrea i Antwerpena, umnogome je dobar ispitizdr`ljivosti za prekomorski put – podudaraju se i higijenski uvjeti i duìna puta, ineizbje`na “promiskuitetna” bliskost putnika. Unato~ o~itim, donedavna nezamis-livim pogodnostima, dugotrajno{}u i poprili~nom neudobno{}u i èljezni~ki i brods-ki prijevoz nudi gotovo jednako te{ke uvjete preìvljavanja.

Glavna èljezni~ka ~vori{ta

Stroge zdravstvene i policijske mjere uvedene tijekom 1890-ih na njema~kim granica-ma, potaknute velikom epidemije kolere {to su je Hamburgom pro{irili ruski ìdovs-ki iseljenici, pridonijele su nastajanju novih iseljeni~kih tokova koji, umjesto premasjeveru – Bremerhavenu i Hamburgu, sve vi{e utiru put prema zapadnim – fran-cuskim, engleskim, belgijskim i nizozemskim lukama.

Iseljenici se sve vi{e kre}u od Be~a prema Innsbrucku i Feldkirchu do Buchsa u [vi-carskoj. Kako èljeznica prelazi preko teritorija Kneèvine Lihten{tajn s kojomAustrija ima poseban grani~ni odnos, na prijelazu u Shaanu nije bilo jake kontrole pase granica lako prelazila.Kada su stigli u Buchs, iseljenike su spopadali brojni agenti koji su tamo imali svojeposlovnice, prije svega zbog manjih kontrola i ve}ih pogodnosti nego u Austriji.Daljnje putovanje vodilo je do Basela, blizu francuske granice. Tamo su iseljenici no}iliu brojnim jeftinim preno}i{tima i ~ekali presjedanje u vlakove koji su ih trebali odvestiu raznim smjerovima – prema lukama u Le Havreu, Cherbourgu, Southamptonu,Liverpoolu, Antwerpenu i Rotterdamu.Basel je bio nevelik stari grad koji je upravo u to doba razvio velik èljezni~ki prometzahvaljuju}i ~vori{tu koje se ra~valo u dva glavna smjera, preko Dallea u Francuskuili preko St. Ludwiga u Njema~ku. Zbog pristizanja tisu}a iseljenika, u Baselu se razvila i opse`na iseljeni~ka mreà uslu-

Bez razvijenih tehni~kih dostignu}a, bezèljeznice i parobroda ne bi bilo mogu}eorganizirati prijevoz milijuna iseljenika navelike udaljenosti.Posebni iseljeni~ki vlakovi voze iz srcaEurope do izlaznih luka. Poput putovanjaparobrodom, i vlakom se putuje vi{e dana i unjemu se obavljaju sve bitne ìvotne funkcije.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Transport of millions of emigrants over longdistances had been made possible by majortechnological breakthroughs, such as the trainand the steamship. Dedicated trains transported emigrants fromthe heart of Europe to ports of departure. Justlike a steamship, a train was the emigrants’second home for several days. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


53

even the emigrants from far away destinations to travel from their homes to thetransoceanic ship in one day.By the time of the large Central European emigration wave, the railway network hadalready been well developed. In continental transport it was the main player and fullyequipped for the exodus. Continental railway hubs and border crossings on the emi-gration routes soon became equally important as the emigrants’ ports of departure.On their way to German, Dutch, Belgian, French and English ports, emigrants trav-eled through railway hubs, such as Vienna and Budapest and border crossings, suchas Auschwitz (Oswiecim) at the German and Buchs at the Swiss border. The hubs andthe crossings also developed emigration services.Before the introduction of a direct transoceanic service from Trieste, tens of thousandsof emigrants crossed the border between Austria and Italy at Cormons and then pro-ceeded to Genoa. Another important railway hub, with many agencies, was Ljubljana.Yet, the main concentration of agencies and middlemen was in Basel, close to theSwiss-French border. From Basel emigrants were transported by trains to all the mainAtlantic ports, where emigration centers were often situated in the port itself. The proximity of a center to an emigration terminal and an emigrants’ house, wasimportant to prevent roaming by large numbers of emigrants and the resulting inci-dents, thefts and prostitution, which were common under such circumstances. The railways functioned efficiently and smoothly. On demand the railways providedchartered trains for the emigrants for different destinations. The trains offered 3rd

class compartments to the emigrants and discounts for groups of ten or more. Somerailway hubs developed a whole range of auxiliary services – agencies, mail, moneyexchange and banking. Foreign agents, mostly those from the railway hubs, such as Basel, Buchs andLjubljana, advertised their services in far flung emigration centers, including the NoviList newspaper in Rijeka. The ads stressed the benefits of group train transport to theiroffices in Switzerland and Slovenia, where agents welcomed the emigrants and organ-ized the second part of their trip, usually by train, to a port of departure and then to

Canadian Pacific Railway, jedna od najve}ihkanadskih `eljezni~kih i brodarskih kompani-ja, pred Prvi svjetski rat dolazi i u Europu – uAustriju – i poku{ava preuzeti dio`eljezni~kog i brodarskog prometa, no ratsprje~ava sna`niji proboj prekomorskog“uljeza” ~iji brodovi plove od Trsta do kanad-skih luka.(Zbirka zu Kostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

On the eve of WW I, Canadian Pacific Railway,one of the largest Canadian railway and boatcompanies, entered the European market byintroducing a service from the Austrian portof Trieste to ports in Canada. Yet, WW Ithwarted the plans of this “intruder” to carveout a share of the European railway and ship-ping market.(Collection zu Kostwein - de Canziani,Rijeka)


54

ga koju vode agenti poput Zottija, Bichela i brojnih drugih, koji u novinama dalekihgradova blizu emigrantskih podru~ja reklamiraju upravo svoje bazelske poslovnice te{irok niz usluga i pogodnosti – prije svega kompletnu organizaciju putovanja, saèljezni~kim i brodskim kartama od Basela do krajnjega odredi{ta u Americi.

Situaciju u Baselu opisao je u svom izvje{taju od 17. svibnja 1913. bazelski carsko-kra-ljevski konzularni predstavnik H. Houda: “Jedan sam takav iseljeni~ki vlak izFeldkircha u Basel pratio s direktorom Moehrom (iz {vicarskoga saveznogiseljeni~kog ureda). Sveukupno je u vlaku bilo 700 osoba. Putnici su i u vagonima aus-trijskih dràvnih èljeznica i u onima {vicarskih saveznih èljeznica imali dovoljnomjesta. Unato~ tomu neki su vagoni bili prepuni jer se putnici koji su pripadali istojnarodnosti nisu htjeli razdvojiti.”

âk i u vrijeme stalnih brodarskih linija kojeRijeku i Trst od 1903. izravno povezuju s NewYorkom, iz ovih se èljezni~kih ~vori{ta i daljeodlazi na ukrcaj u svim smjerovima, uGenovu i Le Havre, kao i do najudaljenijihluka poput Hamburga i Liverpoola.(Ministarstvo kulture, fototeka, Zagreb)

Even after the launching of a direct boat serv-ice from Rijeka and Trieste to New York in1903, these railway hubs channeled passen-gers to different ports, from Genoa and LeHavre, to the most distant ports of Hamburgand Liverpool. (Ministry of Culture photoarchive, Zagreb).

Agencija Ivana Bihela (Buchel) jedna je odonih koje imaju poslovnicu i u Buchsu, na{vicarskoj strani èljezni~koga grani~nog pri-jelaza s Austrijom.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Ivan Buchel owned one of the travel agenciesin the railway hub of Buchs, Switzerland, justacross the border from Austria.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


55

their final destinations in America. The agencies were particularly good at devising imaginative train itineraries. Thus,Ma{ek i drug, based in Zagreb, sometimes sent their clients by train from Zagreb toTrieste, and then to the port of departure, sometimes as far away as Hamburg. That agency’s office in Kantrida, (a suburb of Rijeka on Austrian soil, where therestrictions imposed by the Hungarian government did not apply) advertised pas-sages from Le Havre. In spite of a non-stop service from Rijeka to New York, Ma{ek idrug and many other agencies sent their clients to the Atlantic and north Germanports, where they were boarded the ships.The railways played an important role in the shift of population from Europe toAmerica. The train was the only efficient and fast means of transport to the main emi-gration ports. A transcontinental train trip from a Mediterranean to an Atlantic port,

Fridriech Missler iz Bremena ve} je prije 1900.razvio gotovo nevjerojatnu mre`u agenata izapo{ljavao gotovo tisu}u ljudi {irom Europe,osobito u glavnim iseljeni~kim podru~jima.Tiskao je i letak u kojem je opisano “Kako sti}ido Bremerhavena bez ikakvih isprava.”(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Already before 1900, Friedrich Missler fromBremen developed an amazing network ofagencies, employing thousands of personsthroughout Europe, especially at the mainemigrants’ places of origin. He published aflier titled “How to get to Bremen WithoutAny Personal Documents”. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


56

Iseljeni~ke agencije

“Putuju}i” iseljeni~ki agenti naj~e{}e prvi dolaze do iseljenika i nagovaraju ih naodlazak u “obe}anu zemlju”. Posrednici koji iseljenicima organiziraju putovanja u gotovo nevjerojatnim pravcima ineo~ekivanim putovima, imaju izravan kontakt s emigrantima i zato najve}emogu}nosti – manipuliranja.Pojedini agenti obi~no predstavljaju vi{e brodarskih kompanija, organiziraju putova-nja iz raznih luka a, uz brodske, prodaju iseljenicima i èljezni~ke karte – i to zaeuropske i ameri~ke èljeznice. Isto tako mijenjaju novac i daju iseljenicima potrebneupute za putovanje.

Velike agencijske ku}e katkad imaju gotovo nevjerojatnu mreù povjerenika –“akvizitera” koji se u potrazi za iseljenicima upu}uju i do najudaljenijih sela. Zato imse ~esto i spo~itava krivnja za masovna iseljavanja.Njihova je glavna briga da ~im efikasnije i jeftinije dopreme emigrante do luke i brodakojim }e isploviti u Ameriku. U nastojanju da iseljeniku pruè ~im vi{e usluga, a ~immanji dio kola~a prepuste drugim posrednicima u opsluìvanju sloènog organizaci-jskoga lanca, spremni su u potpunosti organizirati put za tisu}e emigranata – odrodnog sela do kona~noga odredi{ta!U brojnim pograni~nim mjestima poput Buchsa, Basela i Udina, uglavnom izvangranica Austro-Ugarske, agenti doslovno “love” iseljenike i nastoje ih pridobiti narazne na~ine – agencija Nodari u Udinama na austrijskoj granici tiska svoje reklame na~e{kom, ma|arskom, poljskom, slovenskom, hrvatskom i ruskom!Vjerojatno je najve}a i najbolje organizirana iseljeni~ka agencijska ku}a Missler izBremena. Ve} je polovicom 19. stolje}a grad Bremen sklopio ugovor s Misslerom ~ija jezada}a stalno pronalaziti nove migrante i na najbolji mogu}i na~in organizirati njihovprijevoz.Ve} je prije isteka stolje}a ta agencija diljem Europe imala mreù s tisu}u povjerenika– suradnika i agenata – koji su dovodili ljude u Bremerhaven. Agencija Misslerpovezana je s Hermannom Heinrichom Meierom, osniva~em Norddeutscher Lloyda(Sjevernonjema~ki Lloyd), kompanije koja je postala najve}i prijevoznik na ruti izme|unjema~kog sjevera i New Yorka. Upravo se Missleru pripisuje da je njegovom zaslu-gom iz Bremerhavena u New York pristiglo vi{e od milijun i osamsto tisu}a ljudi.

Agenti su, uz nov~arske posrednike, mo`da najpovla{tenija, ujedno i najizloènija inajomraènija karika u iseljeni~kom lancu. Na njih se okomljuje dràva jer joj odvodepodanike, radnike i vojne obveznike. Na njih su bijesni iseljenici jer nikad ne dobijuono {to im je obe}ano. Trn su u oku brodarima jer ovise o njihovoj prodaji karata i jerim otkidaju dio kola~a i ubiru provizije. K tome izbjegavaju biti podvrgnuti odre|enojkompaniji i zastupaju ih vi{e. Kompanije mogu i same organizirati vlastito agencijskoposlovanje i prodavati karte, ali zbog ograni~enja koja im name}u karteli ne mogupruàti {irok niz usluga poput “~istih” agenata. Primjerice, ne mogu prodavatièljezni~ke karte.âk i brodari koji ne mogu poslovati bez svojih posrednika, katkad preziru svojeagente. Generalni direktor Nordeutscher Lloyda jednom je rekao: “U Galicijisura|ujemo s ljudskim izrodom.”

31

Omiljena su sjedi{ta agencijskih poslovnica, uz glavne gradove i nacionalne prijestol-nice, uz luke Trst i Rijeku, pograni~ni gradovi i grani~ni prijelazi te èljezni~ka~vori{ta poput Basela, Ljubljane i drugih mjesta na iseljeni~kim putovima prema sje-vernim i zapadnim lukama.Gotovo je nevjerojatna internacionalizacija i kozmopolitizam kojim iseljeni~kiposlovni svijet me|u prvima uspijeva probiti sve birokratske i nacionalne prepreke,djeluju}i istovremeno s obje strane oceana. Otkako brodovi u Europu ne putuju vi{eod tjedan dana, poslovanje je ubrzano do neslu}enih razmjera.Agenti sa sjedi{tem u New Yorku poput Franka Zottija, imaju poslovnice u Baselu,rije~ka Adria, pomorska tvrtka koja obavlja i agencijsko poslovanje, ima poslovnice uNovom Sadu i pograni~nim gradovima Ju`ne Ugarske, nadomak Srbije i Rumunjske.

31 Klaus J. Bade, Europa in Bewegung. Migration vonspäten 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, Europabauen, München 2000., str. 138. (navod prema neob-javljenom tekstu Gerharda Dienesa).

Ljubljanska agencija nudi putovanje iz Trsta uNew York “jedinom doma}om linijom” kojuodràva Austro-Americana, jedini doma}iprekooceanski prijevoznik.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

This agency from Ljubljana offered a passageto New York by Austro-Americana “the onlynational transoceanic liner”. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


57

e.g. from Trieste to Hamburg, or from Rijeka to Le Havre or Antwerp, lasting severaldays, was a good endurance test for the emigrants before the passage across the ocean.The duration of the trips, hygienic conditions and the unavoidable “promiscuous”proximity of other passengers were similar. Namely, in spite of amenities that wouldhave been difficult to imagine even a short while before, both the trains and the shipswere still slow and uncomfortable and the trips almost equally challenging for thepassengers.

The Main Railway Hubs

Due to strict medical and police check-ups that were introduced at the German bor-ders in the 1890’s, following a large cholera epidemic that had been spread inHamburg by Russian Jewish emigrants, emigrants started shunning northern ports ofBremerhaven and Hamburg in favor of the western ports in France, England, Belgiumand Holland.Thus, as of that time emigrants typically traveled from Vienna to Buchs inSwitzerland, via Innsbruck and Feldkirch. On the way to Buchs, the trains passedthrough the Principality of Liechtenstein, at Shaan, where control was loose and flowof traffic fast thanks to an agreement on cross border traffic between Austria andLiechtenstein. Once they arrived to Buchs, the emigrants were beset by many agentswho had set their offices there due to looser regulations and better benefits than were

L. Ma{ek i drug iz Zagreba imaju poslovnicu iu Rijeci, a nude razne mogu}nosti putovanja.Gotovo sve, osim putovanja brodom iz Rijeke.Jedna je varijanta vlakom do Trsta i odatle naukrcaj u – Hamburg! (Koledar, Muzej grada Rijeke)

L. Ma{ek i drug, based in Zagreb, had a branchoffice in Rijeka, which offered different traveloptions, save for a trip from Rijeka. One of theoptions was a train trip to Hamburg and apassage from the local port!(Koledar, Muzej grada Rijeke)


58

Sjeverni Nijemac Missler iz Bremena (koji se poslije stapa s Norddeutscher Lloydom) imaposlovnice na jugu – u Zagrebu i Slavonskom Brodu.

Poslovi iseljeni~kih agencija cvjetaju iako im èle dosko~iti i brodari i dràvne vlasti –prvi da im ne izmakne nadzor nad trì{tem i cijenama, a drugi da onemogu}e pre-nagla{enu, politi~ki i socijalno nezgodnu propagandu koja ljude poti~e na odlazak. Ma|ari su ve} 1881. zakonskim odredbama podvrgnuli agencije nadzoru Ministarstvaunutarnjih poslova, a zakonom iz oùjka 1903. ma|arski je parlament donio restrikti-van zakon kojim je trebalo ograni~iti emigraciju.No zakonske prijetnje ne ostvaruju se. Iako ministar predsjednik Kalman Tisza pod-sje}a da u Ugarskoj ima samo 25 legalnih agencija, njihovo je poslovanje posvudapro{ireno i posve izmi~e i zakonu i nadzoru. Brojni nelegalni agenti i dalje posluju bezikakvih smetnji i poti~u siroma{ne seljake na potragu za sre}om i zaradom.

Banke

Uz agencije va`ni su iseljeni~ki posrednici banke, kao i brojni manji poduzetnici kojiuz osnovne, agencijske usluge, nude i nov~arske transakcije.I iseljeni~ke se banke u Americi, kao i u domovini, bave i agencijskim uslugama i pro-dajom karata koja zalazi u bankarsko podru~je jedino kada je kreditirana i povezanas naknadnom otplatom. I bankari i agenti imaju isti motiv – {~epati iseljenika prije drugih i ne ispustiti ga izruku. Zato se vode na~elom da iseljenicima treba omogu}iti dobivanje svih usluga unjihovoj ku}i kako konkurenti uop}e ne bi dobili prostora za djelovanje.

U vrijeme kada se ve} u~vrstio “zlatni standard” (ili zlatna podloga na kojoj su zasno-vane vode}e valute), bankovno je poslovanje u prekomorskom prometu temeljeno na~vrsto odre|enim i pouzdanim valutama koje uglavnom odràvaju stalan te~aj –nema promjene odnosa me|u valutama.

U dobrom dijelu poslovanja bankama je glavni konkurent po{ta (nov~ane doznake)koja je pod dràvnim nadzorom i pouzdanija. Iako je tromija, po{ta nudi i o~ite pogod-nosti u odnosu na bankare – prije svega manje cijene usluge.Zato su u poslovanju s iseljenicima i velike banke i brojni mali “nov~ari” mnogo gip-kiji. Oni se trude privu}i iseljenike i uvjeriti ih da im pruàju najpogodniju uslugu i tona njihovu jeziku. Uvjeravaju ih i da im nude sigurnu {tednju i pouzdane doznake nji-hova novca u domovinu.

Zagreba~ki predstavnik Cunardove “ugarsko-ameri~ke” linije iz Rijeke u New York isti~e uoglasu i visoku cijenu prijevoza od 188 kruna.I bijeg od nova~enja i visokih cijena odvodiiseljenike u mnogo jeftinije sjeverne i zapadneluke.(Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej gradaRijeke)

In this ad Zagreb office of Cunard’sHungarian-American line (Rijeka-New York)highlighted a high price of 188 Crowns. Theprice and draft dodging were the main rea-sons for passage from much cheaper ports inNorthern and Western Europe.(Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej gradaRijeke)


59

those in Austria. From Buchs they traveled to Basel, close to the border with France.There they were accommodated at numerous cheap inns, while waiting for a connect-ing train service to Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southampton, Liverpool, Antwerp orRotterdam. Basel was a small old town that had just become an important railway hub, with con-nections to France, via Dalle and to Germany, via St. Ludwig. Due to the arrival ofthousands of emigrants, Basel developed a network of travel agencies, such as Zotti,Bichel and many others, providing different services to the emigrants. The agenciesadvertised their services, including organization of the entire trip from Basel to thefinal destination in America, together with the train and ship fares, in newspapers offar away towns, close to the sources of emigration. In his report dated 17 May 1913 Austrian consul in Basel H. Houda wrote: “I traveledon one such train from Feldkirch to Basel with director Moehr (from the emigrationoffice of the Swiss Federation). All in all, there were 700 persons on the train. Both inthe carriages of the Austrian State Railway and of the Swiss Federation there wasenough room. Yet, some carriages were overcrowded because people did not want tobe separated from their compatriots”.

Emigration Agencies

A potential emigrant was normally first reached by a traveling emigration agent, whotried to convince him to emigrate to “the promised land”. These middlemen, whodevised most impossible itineraries and found most bizarre routes, were in direct con-tact with the emigrants and thus exerted the greatest influence on them. Some agentsrepresented several shippers, organized trips to different ports and sold both ship andtrain tickets, for European and for American railways. They also changed money andinstructed the emigrants on travel details. Some major travel agencies had extended networks of commissioners who traveled tothe most distant villages in search for emigrants. Hence, they were often blamed forlarge scale emigration. The commissioners’ main task was efficient and fast transportof emigrants to the port of departure for America. Keen on providing as many servic-es as possible to the emigrants and on yielding as little profit as possible to other mid-dlemen in the long chain of emigration, they sometimes organized trips for thousandsof emigrants from their native villages to the final destinations!In many border towns, such as Buchs, Basel and Udine, mostly outside of the territo-ry of Austria-Hungary, the commissioners literally assailed the emigrants in anattempt to sell their services. The Nodari in Udine, across the border from Austria, pub-lished its ads in Czech, Hungarian, Polish, Slovenian, Croatian and Russian!Arguably the largest and best organized emigration agent was Missler from Bremen.Already around mid 19th century, the city of Bremen signed a contract with Missler,obliging the agency to keep recruiting emigrants and organizing their transport in themost efficient manner. By the end of the century the agency commanded a network ofa thousand commissioners – assistants and agents, who brought passengers toBremerhaven. The Missler was commissioned by Herman Heinrich Meier, founder ofNorddeutscher Lloyd, at that time the largest shipper between North Germany and NewYork. Missler has been credited with channeling 1.8 million emigrants throughBremerhaven to New York. Other than money exchangers, travel agents were the most privileged, the mostprominent and the most abhorred element in the emigration process. The state criti-cized them for taking away its subjects, labor force and military recruits. The emi-grants themselves were angry with them because they never delivered what theypromised. They were the thorn in the side of the shippers who depended on theirservices to sell the tickets and had to pay them commission. Furthermore, theydodged commitment to any one company and worked for several instead. Althoughentitled to set up their own travel agencies and sell the tickets, the companies werebound by cartel rules not to provide other services, such as the sale of train tickets. Even the shippers who could not do business without middlemen often detested theagents. Thus, general manager of Norddeutscher Lloyd said once: “In Galicia we aredoing business with human scum”.31

31 Klaus J. Bade, Europa in Bewegung. Migration vonSpaten 18. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, EuropaBauen, Muenchen, 2000, p. 138 (quoted from anunpublished text by Gerhard Dienes).

Putovanje iz Hamburga, Antwerpena iliTrsta? Izbor ovisi o pogodnostima koje bro-dari daju agentima te o voznom redu – o naj-pogodnijem terminu isplovljenja parobroda. (Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej gradaRijeke)

Passage from Hamburg, Antwerp or Trieste?The choice depended on the commission thatthe shippers paid to travel agents and on theschedules.(Strossmayerov koledar 1907., Muzej gradaRijeke)


60

U vrijeme financijskih kriza, pogotovo onih najve}ih, po~etkom 1890-ih te 1907./08. i1929., ni gubitak posla ni bilo koja druga nevolja nisu mogli vi{e uzdrmati ameri~keuseljenike od kraha brojnih banaka u rukama iseljeni~kih sunarodnjaka i gubitkavi{egodi{nje u{te|evine.

Kao primjeri poslovanja “domovinskih” banaka usmjerenih na poslovanje s iseljenici-ma, mogu se uzeti Hrvatska zemaljska banka i Prva hrvatska {tedionica, obje izZagreba.Hrvatska zemaljska banka izravno se bavi agencijskim poslovima u vezi s iseljenicimate sklapa dugogodi{nji ugovorni odnos s Cunard Lineom za otpremu hrvatskih iseljeni-ka na ukrcaj u Rijeku, odakle ih engleski brodar odvozi u New York.

32

Banke imaju i podru`nice u lukama i glavnim emigrantskim àri{tima, i u domovini iu Americi. Da bi bila dostupna iseljenicima, Prva hrvatska {tedionica, kao i drugesli~ne banke usmjerene na poslovanje sa sunarodnjacima, ima podru`nice u lukamaRijeci i Trstu te u vi{e gradova u SAD-u.

33

Kao primjer razmjerno malih ameri~kih “etni~kih” banaka s jednakom sudbinom,okolnostima uspona i pada, mogu posluìti banke Hrvata Franka Zottija, SlovencaFranka Saksera i Slovaka Petera V. Rovnianeka.

34

Sva trojica imaju nevjerojatno sli~ne sudbine – svi su se naglo obogatili i postalibankari, svi su ujedno izdavali i vlastite novine i imali jake politi~ke ambicije u vlasti-tome nacionalnom krugu. Imali su i osje}aj odre|ene misije “pu~kih tribuna”, koja senije kosila s dobrom zaradom {to im ju je omogu}avalo poslovanje s vlastitometni~kom zajednicom u Americi. Sva trojica su propala u krizi 1907.–1908., progutav{ipritom milijune dolara u{te|evine svojih sunarodnjaka!No u to su doba propale i brojne druge, velike i male ameri~ke banke.

35

Ogor~enje izazvano gubitkom mu~no ste~ene u{te|evine katkad se samo nadovezalona nezadovoljstvo po{tanskim uslugama koje su odbijale iseljenike i tjerale ih bankari-ma.Po{ta je u dostavljanju nov~anih doznaka u domovinu nerijetko bila previ{e spora pasu iseljenici glasno izraàvali svoje nezadovoljstvo i uvjerenje da se namjernozadràva njihov novac i manipulira doznakama. A upravo su nov~ane doznake udomovinu, obiteljima u rodnom kraju, do~ekivane kao spas i bitno su utjecale nagospodarski napredak.

32 Podaci: Malcolm Scott Hardy, London, JelenaDunato, Muzej grada Rijeke.Arhiv Cunard Linea, University of Liverpool.

33 Prva hrvatska {tedionica u Americi, Narodnaobrana (13. 10. 1909.), br. 234., str. 2.Prva hrvatska {tedionica u Zagrebu odlu~ila je osno-vati tri podru`nice u SAD-u – u New Yorku,Pittsburghu i u Chicagu. U tu je svrhu bio izaslan uAmeriku upravitelj podru`nice u Rijeci g. Pucek kojije sakupio na amerikanskom tlu sve nu`ne podatke oosnivanju novih podru`nica u SAD-u.

34 Podaci: Maria D. Zic, New York, MarijanDrnov{ek, Ljubljana, i Martin Besedi~, Bratislava.

35 Ivo Anti~evi} /ur./, Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje,Predavanje nar. zastupnika I.F.Lupisa, Zadrugarskabiblioteka, Knjiìca I., Spljet, str. 27.-28.“Notoran je i neizrecivo i bolan i {tetan doga|aj odotrag 8 - 10 godina, kada je kod skrahiranja ’bankara’Zotti u New Yorku, te njemu sli~nih ’bankara’ uAllegheny, Johnsonu i Chicagu, propalo do 5-6 miliju-na kruna narodnog novca. Ta rana ne bje{e jo{ zaci-jelila, a ovih nam dana javlja ìca iz Amerike da jepropala velika ’First National Bank’ u Pittsburghu, a snjom da }e propasti do 10 000 000 kruna hrvatskognovca.”

I slovenski i hrvatski agenti Frank Sakser iFrank Zotti pruàju razne posredni~keusluge, me|u ostalim i bankarske. Kao i ostaliuseljeni~ki agenti i bankari, i oni se prije svegaobra}aju svojim sunarodnjacima. Zotti ~akosniva Prvu hrvatsku bankarsku ku}u.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana ; desno: Maria D. Zic, New York)

Slovenian and Croatian travel agents, FrankSakser and Frank Zotti respectively, offereddifferent auxiliary services, including bank-ing. Like other emigration agents andbankers, they catered primarily to their com-patriots. Zotti even founded the First CroatianBanking Association (Prva hrvatska bankars-ka ku}a).(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana ; right: Maria D. Zic, New York)


61

Other than in the major towns and national capitals, including the ports of Trieste andRijeka, travel agents opened their offices in border towns and railway hubs, such asBasel, Ljubljana and others on the emigrants’ routes to the ports in the north and thewest. The emigration business was in the vanguard of globalization and it overcameall the bureaucratic and national restrictions, while operating from both sides of theocean, with an amazing ease. Once the passage time across the Atlantic was reducedto a week, business accelerated at an unprecedented pace.Travel agents based in New York, such as Frank Zotti, opened their branches in Basel.Adria, a shipper an travel agent, had offices in Novi Sad and border towns in southernHungary, close to Serbia and Romania. Missler from north Germany (which latermerged with Norddeutscher Lloyd) had offices in the south – in Zagreb and SlavonskiBrod. Emigration agencies’ business was flourishing, in spite of the shippers’ effortsto curb their influence on the market and on the tariff levels and the states’ effort tothwart their aggressive pro emigration propaganda and its awkward political andsocial consequences. Already in 1881, the Hungarians passed regulations making the agents responsible tothe Ministry of the Interior. In March 1903 Hungarian parliament passed a restrictivelaw with an intention to limit emigration. Yet, those provisions were not implement-ed. Although Prime Minister Kalman Tisza warned that Hungary had authorized only25 agencies, travel agencies proliferated and operated free of legal restrictions or any-one’s control. A large number of illegal agents kept operating without any impedi-ments and encouraging poor peasants to seek a better life overseas.

The Banks

Along with the agencies, another important element of the mediation sector was thebanks and small entrepreneurs who offered not only basic travel agency services butalso money transfers. Both in America and in their homelands, the emigrants’ banksdoubled as travel agents and issued loans to emigrants for purchasing of fares. Thebanks and the agents had the same motive – to beat the competition by recruiting asmany clients as possible. Hence, they tried to provide their clients with all the neces-sary services, so that they would not have to go to the competition. At that time the gold standard was already firmly established and banking businessoverseas was based on fixed exchange rates between different currencies. In most of their activities the banks competed primarily with the postal service(money transfers), which was state controlled and more reliable than the banks.Although more inert, the postal service offered several advantages over the banks:first of all, lower fees. Yet, both the big banks and local money transfer outlets were much more flexiblewhen dealing with the emigrants. They worked hard on attracting emigrants’ busi-ness and on offering them most convenient services in their native languages. Theyguaranteed safe deposit accounts and reliable transfer of their money home.During financial crises, especially the major ones, in the early 1890’s, from 1907 to 1908and in 1929, emigrants were more affected by the loss of savings of several years inbankruptcies of the emigrants’ banks than by the loss of a job or any other trouble.Some such emigrants’ banks were Hrvatska zemaljska banka and Prva hrvatskapo{tanska {tedionica, both from Zagreb. Hrvatska zemaljska banka was also a fullfledged travel agent with a long term contract with Cunard Line for the transport ofemigrants to Rijeka, where they boarded the English shipper’s boats for New York.

32

The banks had branch offices in ports and main railway hubs, both at home and inAmerica. In an attempt to reach out to the emigrants, Prva hrvatska {tedionica, andother banks catering to the emigrants, had branch offices in Rijeka and Trieste and inseveral US cities.

33

The plight of the small American ethnic banks owned by the Croat Frank Zotti, theSlovenian Frank Sakser and the Slovak Peter V. Rovnianek was typical of such banksat that time.

34

32 Data: Malcolm Scott Hardy, London, JelenaDunato, Muzej grada Rijeke.Cunard Line’s Archives, University of Liverpool.

33 Prva hrvatska {tedionica in America, Narodnaobrana (13 October 1909), no. 234, p. 2. Prva hrvatska{tedionica in Zagreb decided to establish threebranches in the USA, in New York, Pittsburgh andChicago. To that effect it dispatched to the USA man-ager of the Rijeka branch, Mr. Pucek, to collect all thenecessary information on the procedure for the open-ing of new branches in the USA.

34 Data: Maria D. Zic, New York, Marijan Drnov{ek,Ljubljana, and Martin Besedi~, Bratislava.


62

Luke - odakle putovati u novi svijet?Dvije velike europske luke, Liverpool i Bremerhaven, otpremile su preko oceana ustolje}u masovne europske emigracije 16 milijuna iseljenika – gotovo polovicu svihiseljenika koji su u to doba stigli u SAD.

Prvim se iseljeni~kim lukama uskoro pridruùje i Hamburg, poslije i brojne nove luke,a me|u njima najve}e – Rotterdam, Antwerpen, Le Havre, Southampton, Genova iNapulj.Tek na kraju velikog vala emigracije, po~etkom 20. stolje}a, Trst i Rijeka dobivaju li-niju za New York.Novoosnovane jadranske luke ne mogu se pogodnostima i cijenom natjecati satlantskima – ali kao doma}e luke imaju za{titu dràve i druge prednosti. NoBremerhaven i Hamburg, kao i sve atlantske luke, bitno su jeftiniji ~ak i za iseljenikeiz rije~ke okolice koji uz cijenu brodske karte moraju podmirivati i tro{kovevi{ednevnog putovanja do tih udaljenih luka.Unato~ tro{kovima i neugodnostima putovanja èljeznicom i potom brodom preko LaManchea, i engleske luke privla~e mnoge austrijske i ugarske podanike.

Gotovo su nevjerojatni putovi koje su pojedine agencije probijale prema Novom svije-tu. Iako su cijene glavni ~imbenik u izboru luke i brodara, katkad o polaznoj lucipresu|uju i nepredvi|ene okolnosti.Kada, na primjer, u rije~ku luku stigne tisu}u prekobrojnih emigranata, Cunard ih, uskladu s ugovorom sklopljenim s ma|arskom vladom, interventnim vlakom {alje uAntwerpen gdje pristaje Cunardov parobrod za New York. Utakmica izme|u luka ibrodara postaje èstoka ve} u drugoj polovici 19. stolje}a. Zato cijene sve vi{e padajui raste razina usluge. No sredozemne su luke uvijek bitno skuplje, a putovanje traje dvostruko duè od jed-notjedne plovidbe izme|u atlantskih luka i New Yorka.

Organizacijska spretnost i umje{nost osvajanja trì{ta na kojem se natje~u brojni bro-dari i agenti, jo{ i vi{e utje~e na iseljeni~ke tokove od duìne puta i cijene brodskekarte. Bremen i Hamburg bitno su jeftiniji od Rijeke, a nekima se ~ini bitnom i razlikaizme|u Hamburga (cijena 34 dolara) i Liverpoola, pa se zbog u{tede od 9 dolaraupu}uju preko engleskog Kanala.

36

Mnogo mladih ljudi bjeì od sluènja vi{egodi{nje vojne obveze – pa naprosto mora-ju putovati iz strane luke. Zato su, uz Hamburg i Bremen, omiljeni i Rotterdam,Antwerpen, Le Havre, Southampton, Liverpool i Genova.

37

Luke se ipak tek posredno bore za prevlast. Izravno se nadme}u brodari i agenti, koji-ma razvoj slobodnog trì{ta omogu}uje snaàn uspon.Sna`na internacionalizacija poslovanja do druge je polovice 19. stolje}a neuobi~ajenapojava. Tako je velikim njema~kim i engleskim brodarima omogu}eno da iz stranihluka odvoze velik broj iseljenika te da do po~etka Prvoga svjetskog rata imaju premo}u najve}im sredozemnim lukama – Genovi, Napulju, Trstu i Rijeci. âk je i doma}atr{}anska Austro-Americana (Cosullich) u ve}inskom vlasni{tvu njema~kih brodara.Uspjeh najve}ih luka gotovo je neodvojivo vezan uz sudbinu najve}ih brodara.Norddeutscher Lloyd (Bremerhaven), Hamburg – Amerika Linie (Hamburg) Cunard Line(Liverpool) i White Star Line (Liverpool) te Holland – America Line (Rotterdam), Red StarLine (Antwerpen), Compagnie Général Transatlantique (Le Havre) posluju u velikimtranskontinentalnim razmjerima i uvijek se uzajamno sastaju i dogovaraju u svojimpodru`nicama u New Yorku, ali su do kraja prije svega ~vrsto vezani uza svoje isho-di{ne, mati~ne luke.

36 Robert Perlman, Bridging Three Worlds: Hungarian-Jewish Americans, 1848–1914., Univ. of MassachusettsPress, 1991., str. 124.

37 Nach America, Eisenstadt. Unato~ pogre{kama, grafi~ki prikaz odlazaka sred-njoeuropskih iseljenika prema vode}im europskimlukama zorno pokazuje statisti~ki odnos me|u luka-ma.


63

The Ports - Where to Travel to TheNew World from?During the century of the large scale European emigration, two major European ports,Liverpool and Bremerhaven, dispatched to the New World 16 million emigrants,almost half of those who arrived during that period to the USA.

The first ports of emigration were soon joined by Hamburg and then by many others,including the biggest – Rotterdam, Antwerp, Le Havre, Southampton, Genoa andNaples. Trieste and Rijeka introduced services for New York only around 1900, at theend of the large emigration wave.

The recently established Adriatic ports could not compete with the Atlantic ones incomfort and prices. Yet, as domestic ports they enjoyed the state’s protection and otheradvantages. However, Bremerhaven and Hamburg, just as all other Atlantic ports,were considerably cheaper to travel from, even for emigrants from the region of

35 Ivo Anti~evi}, /ed./, The Problems of Our Emigrants(Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje), Expose by I.F. Lupis, MP,Zadrugarska biblioteka, Vol. 1, Split, pp. 27-28.The incredibly sad and damaging crash of “banker”Frank Zotti in New York, and of similar “bankers” inAllegheny, Johnson and Chicago, some 8-10 yearsago, resulting in the loss of 5-6 million Crowns of peo-ple’s money, is notorious. And now, when that woundis still raw, we learn by cable that the large FirstNational Bank in Pittsburgh collapsed, taking with it10 million Crowns of Croatian money.

RijekaTrieste

Budapest

Wien

Hamburg

Bremen

RotterdamAntwerpen

Le Havre

Genova

AUSTRO-UGARSKAAUSTRIA-HUNGARY

653.613

89.335

96.0

38 220.312

317.6

38

2,389.325

Gotovo su nevjerojatni putovi iseljavanja izsredi{nje Europe – mahom na sjever i zapad.Od ~etiri i pol milijuna iseljenika koji u manjeod pola stolje}a napu{taju Monarhiju i odlazeu Ameriku, pola milijuna ih odlazi prekoRijeke i Trsta. (Nach Amerika, BurgenlandischeLandes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

Emigration from Central Europe followedmost devious routes, primarily through thenorth and west of Europe. Out of 4 and a halfmillion persons who immigrated to Americafrom the Monarchy over less than half a cen-tury, half a million left through Rijeka andTrieste. (Nach Amerika, BurgenlandischeLandes-ausstellung, Burg Güssing, 1992.)

The biographies of all three of them were similar – they grew rich fast and becamebankers, published newspapers and were politically engaged in their ethnic commu-nities. In spite of hefty profits they generated in business with their emigrants’ com-munities, they felt obliged to act as “people’s tribunes”. All the three went bankruptin the recession of 1907-1908, and with them savings of their compatriots worth mil-lions of dollars!However, at that time many other American banks, both small and big, collapsed.

35

The emigrants’ anger over the loss of hard earned savings was compounded withtheir dissatisfaction with the postal service, whose inefficiency was often the reasonwhy the emigrants entrusted their money with the banks. Money transfers from theposts took so long that the emigrants complained openly, convinced that the delaywas a deliberate ploy to generate profits. And money transfers to the emigrants’ fam-ilies at home were a life line for them and a major factor in the development of theirhomeland.


64

Tablicu priredio William Klinger prema/ Table compiled by William Klinger by: A magyar szent korona országainak kivándorlása és visszavándorlása 1899-1913. - Budapest : Magyar Királyi Központi Statisztikai Hivatal, 1918. (Magyar sta-tisztikai közlemények ; 67.) p. 47. [Emigration and remigration from the countries of the Holy Hungarian Crown 1899-1913. - Budapest : Hungarian Royal Central Statistical Office, 1918. - (Hungarian statistical publications ; vol. 67) p. 47.]http://www.bogardi.com/gen/g024.htm

POLAZNE LUKE UGARSKIH ISELJENIKA DEPARTURE PORTS FOR HUNGARIAN EMIGRANTS

20382331071313122815185313447114680448520623187468542000232032305299Ukupno/Total

119159049226279115893120793939264299444345208471913

120516097598845069490946939659295573959219221912

7365401484652401041825653424123148852379185321911

11990101845756608058730866735600212614299368341910

12933702851160673206569101138742442191994729368241909

49365418702952018741044401624664361805154111908

20916961490952319631379451729379152336366028476201907

1781701735803412542658761383173218272463621493321906

17043071970510171688095142467685727664867359611905

9734050225009068439111086437187135080220161904

1199442333800084390181157002123008001903

9176203400080260143674785021485001902

71474053300045060112824234712806001901

547670678000307209697316299691001900

4339407820002301587453279454855001899

228028160001751743268147582135001898

141060673000762175282080921584001897

246490121000021054046122117263082001896

25858019000030124454675138573679001895

8044010800027720221240611366001894

22996010780006791357178120591867001893

351250721000572918086555176672645001892

330000104600043147845443172894124001891

31470014480009463741434218505418001890

2514401567000421166940171774873001889

176300000000094518179001888

182710000000086739598001887

25149000000001297312176001886

123480000000081694179001885

131950000000053107885001884

1483900000000336111478001883

1752000000000146016060001882

112570000000080410453001881

8766000000006208146001880

1759000000004671292001879

80300000000142661001878

65200000000157495001877

62500000000124501001876

106500000000278787001875

92700000000226701001874

96200000000198764001873

59500000000138457001872

2940000000058236001871

UkupnoTotal

NapoliGenovaCherbourgLe HavreLiverpoolRotterdamAmsterdamAntwerpenBremenHamburgTriesteRijekaLuka/Port

Godina/Year


66

Luke su mnogo sloèniji i teè prilagodljivi sustavi od pojedinih brodarskih poduze}a,vi{e ovise o naklonosti i subvencijama dràve te o iseljeni~kim tokovima.Dràvni poticaji i razvijenost èljezni~kog sustava va`ni su za sudbinu luke koliko isnaga prekomorskih prijevoznika, razvijen sustav konzularnih i dràvnih slu`bi teposrednika koji u njima posluju.

Bremerhaven

Bremerhaven, luka na u{}u rijeke Weser, {ezdesetak kilometara udaljen od gradaBremena, i Hamburg na rijeci Elbi (Labe), stotinjak kilometara udaljen od Sjevernogmora, me|u prvim su organiziranim europskim iseljeni~kim lukama.Zbog svoga nepogodna poloàja na preuskoj i previ{e plitkoj rijeci, nepovoljnoj zavelike jedrenjake, a jo{ vi{e za prekooceanske parobrode, tek osnovan, novoizgra|eniBremerhaven nastaje kao luka starog trgova~koga grada. Bremerhaven je osnovan 1830. i odmah po osnutku po~eo se razvijati iseljeni~kipromet za Ameriku. No kada je 1847. u luku uplovio ameri~ki rije~ni parobrodWashington, to je po~etak redovitoga po{tanskog i putni~kog prometa izme|u SAD-ai europskog kontinenta. Ve} 1854. Bremerhaven se smatra najve}om europskom ise-ljeni~kom lukom.

38

Neki stravi~ni primjeri koji govore o nemogu}im uvjetima preìvljavanja i umiranjana prvim iseljeni~kim jedrenjacima, nisu usporili emigraciju niti obeshrabrili ise-ljenike, ali su upravo u Bremerhavenu i Hamburgu bitno pridonijeli ja~em nadzorulu~kih vlasti, stroìm obvezama prijevoznika u odnosu na iseljenike i boljim uvjetimaprijevoza putnika.Poznat je primjer jedrenjaka New England koji je isplovio 30. listopada 1853., a nakonosmotjedne plovidbe, od 465 ukrcanih putnika do New Orleansa je umrlo njih 108.Ponajprije zbog nedostatka vode i hrane.

39

Iako je uz Bremerhaven vrlo razvijena i iseljeni~ka luka Hamburg, rani razvoj i sta-tisti~ki podaci o prometu prije sredine 19. stolje}a govore koliko je Bremwerhavensna`nija luka. Od 1841. do 1846. odatle je iselilo 115.000 iseljenika, a iz Hamburgaistovremeno samo 11.000.O va`nosti Bremerhavena za masovno iseljavanje iz srednje Europe najo~itije govorepodaci o ~ak 70% svih ameri~kih iseljenika koji se prije Prvoga svjetskog rata iz aus-trijskoga dijela Monarhije iseljava preko te luke i, manji dio, preko Hamburga, 20% ihodlazi preko Rotterdama i Antwerpena, a samo 10% preko svih drugih luka,uklju~uju}i i doma}i Trst.

40

U svakom slu~aju, prije Prvoga svjetskog rata Austrijanci, stanovnici Cislajtanije(zapadna polovica Carstva), ~ine vi{e od polovice svih iseljenika koji prolaze krozBremerhaven, a gotovo isklju~ivo odlaze u SAD.

38 Podaci prema neobjavljenu tekstu GerhardaDienesa, Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz, i premaDeutsches Auswanderer Haus / German EmigrationCentre, Das Buch zum Deutschen Auswandererhaus/ The Book to the German Emigration Center (ured-nik Simone Eick), Edition DAH, Bremerhaven, 2006.

39 Podatak preuzet od Gerharda Dienesa (rukopis)koji citira Ingrid Schöberl, Auf dem Weg in die neueWelt. Auswanderer im 19. Jahrhundert, u: Journal fürGeschichte 1/1984., str. 48.

40 Iako su podaci donekle nepouzdani, ipak pruàjuuvid u glavne smjerove emigracije od europskeunutra{njosti do vode}ih luka.

Pogled na sjevernonjema~ku luku Bremen,{ezdesetak kilometara udaljenu od nove lukeBremerhaven smje{tene bliè u{}u rijekeWeser. Bremerhaven je najve}a kontinentalnaiseljeni~ka luka iz koje u razdoblju od 1830-ihdo 1930-ih odlazi u Ameriku pribli`no sedami pol milijuna iseljenika. U drugoj polovici 19.stolje}a najve}i broj iseljenika pristiè iz Rusijei Austro-Ugarske.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

A view of the north German port of Bremen,some 60 km from the new port ofBremerhaven, close to the estuary of theWeser river. Between the 1830’s and the 1930’ssome seven and a half million emigrantssailed from Bremerhaven, the largest conti-nental emigration port, to America. In the late19th century most of the emigrants came fromRussia and Austria-Hungary. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Na prethodnoj stranici:

Gust putni~ki promet u luci Hamburg, oko1900. Nakon Liverpoola i Bremerhavena, to jenajve}a europska iseljeni~ka luka, nopo~etkom 20. stolje}a velik broj iseljenikaputuje preko Genove i Napulja. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

Previous page:Bustling passenger traffic in the port ofHamburg, around 1900. After Liverpool andBremerhaven, this was the biggest emigrationport in Europe. However, at the beginning ofthe 20th century, many emigrants travelledvia Genoa and Naples.(Hamburg Staatsarchiv)


67

Rijeka, who had to pay not only the ship fare but also the cost of several days longjourney to a distant harbor.In spite of the cost and inconvenience of the train trip and the ship passage across theEnglish Channel, the English ports attracted many Austrian and Hungarian subjects.

Travel agents proved to be very imaginative in tracing new ways to channel emigrantstowards the New World. Although the price was the main factor in the selection of aport and a shipper, sometimes the selection of both was determined by unexpectedcircumstances.Thus, when a thousand supernumerary emigrants arrived to the port of Rijeka,Cunard, pursuant to the contract with the Hungarian Government, sent them on achartered train to Antwerp, where they boarded a Cunard steamship for New York.Already after 1850 the competition between the ports and the shippers became fierce.As a result of that, prices were slashed and quality of service improved. Yet, theMediterranean ports remained significantly more expensive, and the voyage to NewYork took two weeks, compared to one week from the Atlantic ports.

In a highly competitive market, a travel agency’s and shipper’s good managementand marketing skills played even bigger role in channeling of emigrants than the tick-et price and the duration of passage. Although Hamburg and Bremen were muchcheaper than Rijeka, some emigrants found it worthwhile to travel across the EnglishChannel to Liverpool to save nine dollars (25 compared to 34).

36

Many young men opted for foreign ports by default, in an attempt to avoid militaryservice, which lasted several years. Hence, other than Hamburg and Bremen, ports ofchoice were also Rotterdam, Antwerp, Le Havre, Southampton, Liverpool andGenoa.

37

Yet, the competition between the ports was only indirect. The direct competitors werethe shippers and the travel agencies, whose businesses started flourishing after the lib-eralization of the markets.Around the 1850’s, quick internationalization of business practices was still anextraordinary phenomenon. Thus, large German and English shippers were permittedto transport large numbers of emigrants from foreign ports. Until World War I theywere key players in the largest Mediterranean ports – Genoa, Naples, Trieste andRijeka. Even Austro-Americana (Cosullich), the largest shipper in Trieste, was predom-inantly owned by German shippers.

Business of a port always heavily depended on the plight of the largest shippers.Large transcontinental shippers: Norddeutscher Lloyd (Bremerhaven), Hamburg –Amerika Linie (Hamburg), Cunard Line (Liverpool), White Star Line (Liverpool), Holland– America Line (Rotterdam), Red Star Line (Anwterp), Compagnie Transatlantique General(Le Havre) all met in their New York offices to strike deals, but throughout the emi-gration wave they remained very closely tied to their home ports.

Being much more complex and inert systems than individual shippers, the ports weremore dependent on favors and subventions of the state and on the directions of theemigration flows. State subsidies and development of railway networks affected theports’ prospects as much as the capacities of transoceanic shippers, the systems of con-sular and state services and the middlemen who operated them.

Bremerhaven

Organized European overseas emigration started in Bremerhaven, a port at the estu-ary of the Weser River, some 60 km away from Bremen, and in Hamburg, at the estu-ary of the Elbe River, some 100 km from the North Sea. Due to the narrowness andshallowness of the Weser, the old trading town of Bremen could not accommodatelarge sailboats, let alone transoceanic ships. Hence, in 1830, when Bremerhaven was

36 Robert Perlman, Bridging Three Worlds: Hungarian-Jewish Americans, 1848-1914, Univ. of MassachusettsPress, 1991, p. 124.

37 Nach Amerika, Eisenstadt.Although faulty, the graph showing the emigrants’departures from major European ports, still clearlyreflects their relative importance.

Misslerov reklamni nov~anik-suvenir sporukama na hrvatskom i, s druge strane, naslovenskom, pokazuje {irinu dometa bremen-skog agenta i bankara koji “odprema putnikebrzim parobrodima u Ameriku”. Missleru sepridaju najve}e zasluge za razvoj iseljeni~kogprometa preko Bremerhavena.(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Missler’s wallet with messages in Croatianand Slovenian on the reverse sides. This pro-motional souvenir testifies to the large clien-tele of this travel agent and banker, based inBremen, who “transported passengers by fastships to America”. Missler is considered themain promoter of emigration traffic throughBremerhaven. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)


68

Sudbinu luke uvelike je obiljeìo razvoj najve}ega doma}eg i jednog od najve}ih svjet-skih putni~kih prijevoznika, kojemu je sjedi{te u Bremenu. Norddeutscher Lloyd osno-vao je 1857. trgovac Hermann Heinrich Meier i stvorio prototip velikoga brodarskogpoduze}a kakvih prije nije bilo.

Va`na je i rano razvijena èljezni~ka veza koja je 1862. uspostavljena izme|u luke i{ezdesetak kilometara udaljenog “mati~noga grada” Bremena, te ubrzo spojena sju`nim “iseljeni~kim” predjelima, kao i jake iseljeni~ke agencije poput Misslerove,koja je na vrhuncu mo}i potkraj stolje}a imala mreù od tisu}u agenata razasutih di-ljem srednje Europe, s ispostavama ~ak i na poprili~no udaljenom jugu, u Zagrebu iBrodu na Savi (Slavonskom Brodu).

41

Iako je u Bremenu ve} 1849. izgra|ena “iseljeni~ka ku}a”, Bremerhaven je, za razlikuod Hamburga, uglavnom poznat po tome {to se iseljenici smje{taju u brojnimsvrati{tima i {to tu nikad nije izgra|eno veliko prihvatili{te sa svim potrebnimsadràjima.

Bremerhaven je dugo bio najve}a iseljeni~ka kontinentalna luka ~iji je godi{nji prometdaleko nadvisivao sve ostale luke, izuzev{i Liverpool. I u ukupnom zbiru od stotinugodina masovnoga iseljavanja, jedino Liverpool, najve}a europska iseljeni~ka luka,prednja~i s osam i pol milijuna ukrcanih emigranata, u odnosu na sedam i pol miliju-na onih koji su isplovili iz Bremerhavena.

Jedna od najpoznatijih agencija, F. Missler i J. Brugk iz Bremena, jo{ 1895. bez ikakvihskrupula dijeli letke s tekstom: “Kako sti}i do Bremerhavena bez ikakve putneisprave.”

42

Budu}i da u 19. stolje}u nema osobito ~vrste kontrole na granicama, lako ih je prije}i.A kada iseljenici stignu do polazne luke, ni lu~ke vlasti ni brodarski prijevoznici nemare osobito za valjanost isprava, pogotovo stranih dràvljana koji su vrlo ~esto bje-gunci i ne ispunjavaju neke od obveznih kriterija za dobivanje dozvole za iseljavanje– naj~e{}e nisu odsluìli vojsku!

Hamburg

Prema jednom opisu iz 1839., Hamburg je bio “svjetski grad koji su sagradili trgovci”,a ~iju trgova~ku va`nost ne}e dosti}i ni jedan drugi pomorski grad na europskomkontinentu.

43

Iako je jo{ 1832. u Hamburgu zabranjena kolektivna emigracija, {to se pravdalo stra-hom od “potpuno osiroma{enih putnika koji bi mogli pasti na teret dràvnoj socijal-noj skrbi”, veliki je trgova~ki i lu~ki grad ubrzo shvatio trgova~ku va`nost iseljeni~kogprometa i, po uzoru na Bremerhaven, organizirao iseljeni~ku luku.

U drugoj polovici 19. stolje}a hambur{ka je luka bitno modernizirana izgradnjomnovih pristani{ta i lu~kih postrojenja, s parnim dizalicama i kilometrima duga~kimskladi{tima.Iako i Hamburg, kao i Bremen, leì na rijeci daleko od mora, nema nikakvih problemas plovno{}u.

U odnosu na mali Weser, Laba (Elba) mnogo je ve}a i razvedenija rijeka, s brojnimrukavcima i pritokama (Alster i Billa), vi{e od stotinjak kilometara udaljena od u{}a uSjevernom moru, dovoljno {iroka za ulazak i kretanje najve}ih prekooceanskih brodo-va s najdubljim gazom. No i u ovoj su luci neka pristani{ta imala problema s vodosta-jem i gazom velikih putni~kih brodova, pa je ukrcaj iseljenika preseljen bliè u{}u,nadomak Brunnsbuttela, a oko 1900. i samo u{}e, u Cuxhafen.

I èljezni~ke su veze omogu}avale pristizanje stotina tisu}a iseljenika iz srednje i

41 U Zavi~ajnom muzeju u Ozlju sa~uvan je iMisslerov “suvenir” – nov~anik, s natpisom nahrvatskom i slovenskom, a u Muzeju grada Rijekeud`benik engleskog jezika kojemu je na pole|inireklama za Sjevernonjema~ki Lloyd (biv{i Missler).

42 Podaci preuzeti od Williama Klingera.

43 Osnovni podaci o iseljavanju iz Hamburga premarukopisu Gerharda Dienesa, Landesmuseum Joanneum,Graz, te iz kataloga Hans-Herman Groppe/UrsulaWöst, Via Hamburg to the World, From the Emigrants’Halls to BallinStadt, Ellert&Richter Verlag, 2007.

Albert Ballin (1857.–1918.), najslavniji idugogodi{nji direktor Hamburg-Amerika Linie,trinaesto je po redu dijete skromnehambur{ke ìdovske obitelji. Njegov je otacbio suvlasnik iseljeni~ke agencije, no ranoumire (1874.) i teret tvrtke prepu{ta prem-ladom Albertu. Mladi} posao ubrzounapre|uje i ~ak osniva uspje{nu prekoocean-sku brodarsku tvrtku. Ballinove je sposobnos-ti zapazio HAPAG kojega je pretvorio unajve}ega svjetskog brodara.(Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien -Gesellschaft Archiv)

Albert Ballin (1857 – 1918), the most famousand the longest serving director of Hamburg-Amerika Linie, was the 13th child in a humbleJewish family from Hamburg. His father wasa co-owner of an emigration travel agency.After his premature death (1874), the businesswas taken over by teenage Albert. The youngman made fast progress at work and evenfounded a successful transoceanic shippingcompany. Ballin’s qualities were noticed byHAPAG, whom he built into the world’slargest shipper.(Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien -Gesellschaft Archiv)


69

built, it immediately became a major port of departure for emigrants bound forAmerica. Yet, regular mail and passenger traffic to the USA commenced in 1847, withthe docking of the Washington, a US riverboat. By 1854 Bremerhaven enjoyed the rep-utation of the largest European emigration port.

38

In spite of some horrific incidents caused by dismally poor conditions on the first sail-ing boats, the emigration did not slow up. They did, however, prompt closer inspec-tion by port authorities in Bremerhaven and in Hamburg, which bound the shippersto higher standards in the transport of emigrants.One such incident was the two month long passage of the New England, starting on 30October 1853. Out of 465 passengers bound for New Orleans, 108 died during the trip,mostly due to shortage of food and water.

39

Although quite prominent as a port of departure for emigrants, until mid 19th centu-ry, Hamburg could not compete with Bremerhaven. Thus, according to the statisticsfor the years 1841 to 1846, 115,000 emigrants sailed from Bremerhaven and only 11,000from Hamburg. The importance of Bremerhaven for large scale emigration from Central Europe priorto WW I is born out by the fact that as many as 70 % of all Austrian emigrants toAmerica sailed from that port (with marginal participation of Hamburg), 20 % fromRotterdam and Antwerp and only 10 % from other ports, including the AustrianTrieste.

40In any case, before World War I, Austrians, inhabitants of Cisleithania (the

western part of the Monarchy) amounted to more than half of all emigrants throughBremerhaven, and almost all went to the USA.The development of the port was predominantly determined by the growth ofNorddeutscher Lloyd, the largest German and one of the world’s largest shipping com-panies, with the seat in Bremen. Norddeutscher Lloydwas founded in 1857 by merchantHerman Heinrich Meier, as the first large shipping company of that kind in the world.

Another important factor was the construction of a 60 km railway link in 1862between the port and Bremen, which was imminently connected with emigrationregions in the south. Also instrumental were travel agencies, such as Missler, with asmany as 1,000 agents throughout Central Europe, including quite distant southerncities of Zagreb and Brod na Savi (Slavonski Brod) at its apogee around 1900.

41

Although it built a dedicated emigrants’ hostel already in 1849, Bremerhaven, unlikeHamburg, never constructed a large emigrants’ refuge with all the necessary ameni-ties, unlike Hamburg. For a long time Bremerhaven featured as the largest continental emigration port, sur-passing all the others save for Liverpool. Over a hundred years of large scale emigra-tion, Liverpool, the largest European emigration port, boarded 8.5 million emigrants,and Bremerhaven was second, with 7.5 million.

Already in 1895, one of the best known agencies, F. Missler and J. Brugk, from Bremen,unflinchingly distributed fliers with the following text: “How to get to Bremerhavenwithout any documents?”

42

In the 19the century borders were easy to cross as the document control was loose.And once when emigrants got to the ports of departures, neither the port authoritiesnor the shippers paid much attention to the validity of their documents, especiallybecause foreign nationals were often fugitives who did not meet some of the criteriafor an emigration permit, often due to draft dodging!

Hamburg

According to a description from 1839, Hamburg was “a cosmopolitan city that wasbuilt by merchants”, a city whose importance as a trading center would not be sur-passed by any other in continental Europe”.

43

Although Hamburg banned collective emigration already in 1832, due to a fear of “thecost for the social services if burdened with too many pauperized passengers”, the

38 Data from an unpublished text by Gerhard Dienes,Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz, and fromDeutsches Auswandered Haus/German EmigrationCenter, Das Buch zum Deutschen Auswanderhaus / TheBook of the German Emigration Center (ed. by SimoneEick), Edition DAH, Bremerhaven, 2006.

39 Information carried from a manuscript by GerhardDienes, quoted by Ingrid Schoberl, Auf dem Weg in dieneue Welt. Auswanderer in 19. Jahrhundert, in: Journalfur Geschichte 1/1984, p. 48.

40 Although not fully reliable, the data provide aninsight into the main flows of emigrants fromEuropean hinterlands towards the main ports.

41 The Regional museum in Ozalj keeps a Misslersouvenir – a wallet with the logo in Croatian and inSlovenian and the Museum of the City of Rijeka anEnglish language textbook with an advertisement forthe Norddeutsche Lloyd (former Missler) on the backcover.

42 Data carried over from William Klinger.

43 Basic data on emigration from Hamburg weretaken from the manuscript by Gerhard Dienes,Landesmuseum Joanneum, Graz and from a cata-logue by Hans-Herman Groppe/Ursula Wost, ViaHamburg to the World, From the Emigrants’ Halls toBallinStadt, Ellert&Richter Verlag, 2007.

Ukrcavanje na parobrod u hambur{koj luci,uz Bremerhaven, jednoj od najve}ih u Europi,preko koje je u Novi svijet iselilo vi{e milijunaiseljenika. Od kraja 19. stolje}a ovamonaj~e{}e pristi`u ruski @idovi i iseljenici izsrednje Europe, nerijetko i oni s jadranskogajuga.(Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien -Gesellschaft Archiv)

Passengers board a steamship in Hamburg,the second largest European port, afterBremerhaven. Several million emigrantsimmigrated to the New World fromHamburg. As of the 1900’s, Hamburg was theport of choice for Russian Jews and for emi-grants from Central Europe, including quite afew from the Adriatic coast.(Hamburg - Amerikanische - Packetfahrt Actien -Gesellschaft Archiv)


70

isto~ne Europe. Od osamdesetih godina 19. stolje}a do Hamburga se moè do}i prekodobro razgranate èljezni~ke mreè iz Be~a, Budimpe{te, Praga, Krakova, Lavova idrugih gradova.

U godinama u kojima se biljeì vrhunac srednjoeuropske emigracije u Ameriku,Hamburg se po iseljeni~kom prometu podosta pribliàva Bremerhavenu. Po~etkom20. stolje}a Hamburg je ~etvrta luka europskog kontinenta, koja s godi{njim prome-tom od prosje~no 115.000 iseljenika doseè vi{e od tri ~etvrtine prometa obli`njegaBremerhavena. Polovica hambur{kih iseljenika dolazi iz Habsbur{ke Monarhije, a unato~ Rijeci iTrstu, katkad ~ak pristiù i s krajnjega juga i jugoistoka Carstva, ne samo izunutra{njosti Hrvatske, iz Vojvodine i Transilvanije, nego i iz Hrvatskog primorja iDalmacije.

44

Kao {to je uspjeh Bremerhavena uvelike vezan uz Norddeutscher Lloyd, tako i imeHamburga u europskim i ameri~kim lukama pronosi Hamburg-AmerikanischePaketfahrt Actien Gesellschaft (HAPAG), od 1893. pod nazivom Hamburg-Amerika Linie(Hamburg-America Line). Taj je brodar 1914. najve}e pomorsko parobrodarsko dru{tvona svijetu s ukupno dvadeset tisu}a zaposlenih!Pokreta~em toga svjetskog uspjeha smatra se Albert Ballin, nazvan “carskim@idovom”.

Jedna je od zapaènih i hvaljenih strana iseljeni~ke luke u Hamburgu smje{taj iseljeni-ka. Isprva su iseljeni~ke barake, privremena prebivali{ta za oko 1400 ljudi, bileizgra|ene na Ameri~kom pristani{tu (Amerika-kay), no zbog tamo{njih je higijenskihuvjeta prosvjedovala Crkva i kritizirao ih tisak. Te su da{~are kvarile dobar glas ham-bur{ke iseljeni~ke luke, a ni prepuna preno}i{ta u gradu nisu nudila primjernu sliku.U skladu s Bremenskim odredbama, ve} je 1850. nastala Hambur{ka udruga za za{tituiseljenika, a sljede}e je godine otvoren iseljeni~ki ured sa zada}om “da se ljudima, kojiuglavnom dolaze vlakom, pomogne pouzdanim informacijama.”

[irenje katastrofalne epidemije kolere koja je 1892. pokosila ~ak deset tisu}a ljudi,pripisivalo se ruskim iseljenicima, mahom @idovima u bijegu pred pogromom. Zbogstraha od sli~nih po{asti i gubitka va`nih prihoda ako se zaprije~i dotok stranih ise-ljenika iz rizi~nih podru~ja, daleko od sredi{ta grada, u Veddelu, osnovano je novoiseljeni~ko naselje s izravnom èljezni~kom vezom. Na tom je jedinstvenom i uzornomiseljeni~kom stjeci{tu, na prostoru veli~ine 60 tisu}a ~etvornih metara, izgra|enotrideset zgrada koje su mogle udomiti pet tisu}a iseljenika. Hamburg-Amerika Liniereklamirao je Veddel kao “najve}e svrati{te na svijetu”. Zahvaljuju}i vojnoj strogosti kojom se upravljalo naseljem, te izdvojenu poloàju ikaranteni, novi su paviljoni bitno unaprijedili smje{taj iseljenika i smanjili mogu}nostod zaraze. Epidemiju se poku{avalo sprije~iti i stroìm zdravstvenim mjerama na

44 O iseljavanju, Narodna obrana, Osijek, (1. 10.1903.).“Kako je hr|avo gospodarsko stanje vidi se po brojuiseljenika iz Hrvatske, iz Zagreba u subotu nave~er jeoti{lo preko Graza u Hamburg 117 iseljenika.”

Vreva u velikoj hambur{koj luci. Do uda-ljenog pristani{ta i do prekooceanskog brodakoji je plovio u Ameriku i katkad pristajaodaleko od sredi{nje luke, blizu samoga u{}arijeke Elbe, stizalo se, uz ostalo, i manjimbrodovima. Po~etkom 20. stolje}a godi{nje seovdje ukrca oko 115 tisu}a iseljenika.(Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

Commotion at the large port of Hamburg.Passengers often sailed on small ships to thetransoceanic steamers that docked far awayfrom the main port facility, close to the Elbaestuary. In the early 20th century, 115,000 emi-grants boarded the ships every year. (Hamburg Staatsarchiv)


71

large port and trading center soon realized the importance of the emigration trafficand organized an emigration port modeled on the one in Bremerhaven.In the second half of the 19th century, the port of Hamburg saw the construction ofmodern docks and port facilities, with steam cranes and several kilometers long stor-age facilities. Although Hamburg, like Bremen, straddled a river, kilometers awayfrom the coast, it never had a problem with navigability. Unlike the small Weser, the Elbe was much bigger and indented, with many channelsand tributaries (the Alster and the Billa). A few hundred kilometers from its estuaryon the North Sea coast, the river was broad and deep enough to accommodate thelargest transoceanic ships. Yet, due to variations in tide levels, some piers could notservice large passenger ships. Hence, the boarding of emigrants was moved closer tothe estuary, near Brunnsbuttel, and around 1900 to Cuxhafen, at the estuary.Thanks to the development of railway networks, hundreds of thousands of emigrantsstarted arriving from Central and Eastern Europe. As of the 1880’s, Hamburg waslinked to an extensive railway network, connecting it with Vienna, Budapest, Prague,Krakow, Lvov and other cities.

During the peak years of emigration from Central Europe to America, the emigrationtraffic in Hamburg reached almost the levels of Bremerhaven. Around 1900, Hamburgwas the fourth port in continental Europe, with the annual turnover of 115,000 passen-gers, just a quarter below the turnover of nearby Bremerhaven.Rijeka and Trieste notwithstanding, half of all emigrants from Hamburg came fromthe Habsburg Monarchy, some of them from the far south and southeast, i.e. not onlyfrom central Croatia, Vojvodina and Transylvania, but also from the HrvatskoPrimorje region and Dalmatia.

44

Just like the success of Bremerhaven largely depended on Norddeutscher Lloyd, thefame of Hamburg was spread around European and American ports by Hamburg-Amerikanische Paketfahrt Actien Gesellschaft (HAPAG), which changed name in 1893 toHamburg-Amerika Linie (Hamburg-America Line). In 1914 it was the world’s thebiggest shipper, with the labor force of 20,000 people! A person credited for the company’s global success was Albert Ballin, “the royal Jew”.

One of the most coveted and praised facets of the emigration port in Hamburg wereits facilities for the accommodation of emigrants. First built were sheds, with thecapacity of approx. 1,400 persons, at the America Key. Yet, poor sanitary conditionsprovoked criticism by the Church and the press. The wooden sheds gave bad name tothe Hamburg emigration port and the overcrowded hostels in town were equallyinappropriate.Based on the Bremen model, in 1850 Hamburg established an association for the pro-tection of emigrants, and the next year an emigrants’ office meant to “provide the peo-ple, most of whom are arriving by train, with reliable information”.

In 1892, when a catastrophic cholera epidemic killed as many as ten thousand people,it was blamed on Russian emigrants, mostly Jews, who had fled there in front of thepogroms. Out of fear of such scourges and possible loss of income if they cut shortinflow of emigrants from different regions, an emigrants’ village was built in Veddel,a far flung neighborhood, and linked with downtown Hamburg with a railway. Theunique and exemplary emigrants’ reception center, with the surface area of over60,000 m2, comprised 30 buildings with the total capacity of 5,000 emigrants.Hamburg-Amerika Linie advertised Veddel as “the biggest inn in the world”. Thanks to the fact that the center was run with military discipline, that it was far awayfrom residential areas and had a quarantine hospital, the living standards in the newpavilions were good and the risk of infections reduced. Epidemics were also curbedby tighter sanitary control at the German border crossings and at the Ruhleben trainstation in Berlin. This also saved trouble to the shippers, who no longer had to worrythat they would have to ship passengers back to Europe free of charge, after they wereturned back by the US authorities.

44 On Emigration, Narodna obrana , Osijek (1 October1903).

Prizori iz Ballinstadta, nazvanog po svometvorcu, HAPAG-ovu direktoru AlbertuBallinu. Ovo ogledno naselje smje{teno je uudaljenom hambur{kom predjelu Veddel dokojega se izravno sti`e vlakom. Ure|eno je uobliku niza paviljona za smje{taj ~ak pettisu}a iseljenika. Uz spavaonice i blagovao-nice, imalo je i du}ane i sinagogu, zbogvelikog broja @idova koji ovamo najvi{e sti`uiz Rusije.(Hamburg Staatsarchiv)

Scenes from Ballinstadt, called after itsfounder, director of HAPAG Albert Ballin.This exemplary accommodation facility, locat-ed in Vedell, the far-flung suburb ofHamburg, was served by a direct Train line.Consisting of a number of pavilions, it accom-modated 5,000 emigrants. Other than dormi-tories and dining halls, it featured shops anda synagogue, due to a large number of Jewswho arrived there mostly from Russia.(Hamburg Staatsarchiv)


72

njema~kim grani~nim prijelazima te na èljezni~koj stanici Ruhleben u Berlinu. Timesu se ujedno brodovlasnici li{avali brige o onima kojima bi mogao biti odbijen ulazaku SAD te bi im bili obvezni o svom tro{ku osigurati povratak.

Kada je iseljeni~ko naselje u Veddelu po~elo s radom, svaki je putnik za dvije markedobio krevet s madracem, plahtom i pokriva~em, a dvoje bi djece dobilo jedan zajed-ni~ki krevet. Za doru~ak se dobivao ~aj ili kava sa {e}erom i mlijekom te bijeli kruh, za ru~ak juhas mesom i povr}em, a za ve~eru isto {to i za doru~ak.Imu}niji su iseljenici mogli i stanovati u naselju, ali u zasebnim sobama u hotelimaSjever i Jug, za {to su pla}ali 3 marke i 25 pfeniga na dan.Kako su ve}inu iseljenika ~inili @idovi, sagra|ena je i sinagoga, a nu|ena su i jela uskladu s vjerskim propisima.Lije~ni~ki pregledi, koje su slu`bena izvje{}a hvalila kao napredna i moderna, izazi-vali su u iseljenika negodovanje. Jedna je od naj~e{}ih zaraza bio trahom, o~na bolestkoje su se svi pribojavali jer je i sama sumnja da su zaraèni bila dovoljna da im seuskrati put u Ameriku.Iako su isprva dvorane-paviljoni Veddela bile prije svega namijenjene iseljenicima izpodru~ja u kojima su harale zaraze, na kraju su svi emigranti stanovali u Ballinovugradu u kojem, ma koliko im bilo neugodno, obi~no nisu provodili vi{e od pet dana.

Iz Hamburga kao i iz Bremerhavena, s kojim su usporedbe uvijek neizbje`ne, milijunisu iseljenika isplovljavali u Novi svijet. Me|u onima koji su napu{tali domovinu,najvi{e ih je bilo upravo iz srca Europe.

Rotterdam

Bitan se preokret u povijesti Rotterdama dogodio 1873. kada je prokopavanjem novo-ga kanala (Nieuwe Waterweg) delta rijeke Nieuwe Maas (pritoka Rajne) izravno i bezustava povezana s morem te je izgra|ena prava europska luka. Iste je godine zapo~ela i povijest putni~kog prijevoza u Ameriku vezana uz osnutakkompanije Holland-Amerika Linea (nazavana Nederlandsch-Amerikaansche StoomvaartMaatschappij – NASM). Rotterdam je mati~na luka kompanije.

Preokret koji osamdesetih godina 19. stolje}a donosi kona~an prijelaz s jedrenjaka naparu, skra}uje putovanje iz Rotterdama s dva mjeseca na jedanaest dana i pridonosivelikom pove}anju prometa. Vrhunac europske emigracije ujedno je i vrhunacputni~kog prometa Rotterdama i kompanije Holland-Amerika Line.U vezi s pove}anim prometom, pobolj{avao se i prihvat iseljenika koji su smje{tani uposebne hotele-preno}i{ta {to su ih za svoje putnike izgradila parobrodarska dru{tva.

Iseljeni~ka ku}a u Rotterdamu, koju je zasmje{taj svojih putnika izgradila kompanijaHolland-Amerika Line. Kratica naziva brodara,NASM, izvedena iz nizozemskog nazivatvrtke, ponosno je istaknuta na krovu zgrade.I drugdje su iseljeni~ke ku}e, katkad nazivanei “hoteli”, uglavnom u posjedu i na brizi bro-darskih kompanija.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

An emigrants’ hostel in Rotterdam, built byHolland-Amerika Line for accommodation of itspassengers. Displayed proudly on the roof ofthe building was acronym NASM, denotingthe name of the shipper in Dutch. Most of theemigrants’ hostels, sometimes named“hotels”, in other ports were also owned andran by shipping companies. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Pogled na luku Rotterdam, jednu od najve}ihluka u Europi, potvr|uje njezinu va`nost.Osobito se razvija od 1870-ih, otkad je plov-nim kanalima priblièna otvorenome moru iistovremeno priklju~ena na vodene putovekoji je spajaju s pokrajinama u unutra{njosti.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

This photo clearly demonstrates the impor-tance of the port of Rotterdam, one of thelargest European ports. The port developedparticularly fast after the 1870’s, when it wasconnected with navigable canals to the opensea and the water routes in European hinter-lands.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


73

At the Vedell emigration village, emigrants were accommodated at the cost of 2 DMper day. For that price they got a bed with a mattress, a sheet and a blanket. Two chil-dren shared one bed. Breakfast consisted of tea or coffee, with sugar, milk and whitebread, lunch of meat and vegetable soup. Dinner was the same as breakfast. Better off emigrants could rent a room at the North and South hotels in the village, atthe price of 3 DM and 25 pfennig per day.Considering that most of the emigrants were Jewish, the village featured a synagogueand kosher food. The emigrants protested against medical-checkups, which the contemporary reportsdescribed as advanced and modern. One of the most common infections was tra-choma, an eye disease, feared by most emigrants, as even suspicion of was enough fora ban on the trip to America. Even though the pavilions were originally meant prima-rily for the emigrants from infected regions, soon the Ballin City was used by all emi-grants indiscriminately, whose unease at using it was mitigated by the fact that few ofthem had to stay there for more than five days.

Millions of emigrants set sail for the New World from Hamburg and its arch competi-tor Bremerhaven. And most of those who left their homeland through those portscame from the heart of Europe.

Rotterdam

The construction of a canal (Niuwe Waterweg) in 1873, connecting the estuary of theNieuwe Mass River (tributary of the Rein) with the city, directly and without lockswas a turning point in the history of Rotterdam. A major European port was built atthe estuary. The same year witnessed the commencement of passenger traffic toAmerica, with the founding of Holland-Amerika Line (whose full name wasNederlandsch-Amerikaansche Stoomvaart Maatschappij – NASM), whose home portwas Rotterdam.

Thanks to the transition from the sailing boat to the steamship in the 1880’s, the pas-sage time from Rotterdam was slashed from two months to 11 days and trafficboomed. The peak years of European emigration coincided with the peak years of theRotterdam port and the Holland-Amerika Line Company. Concurrently with the boostin traffic, reception of emigrants improved with the construction of specialized hos-tels-inns by the shippers.

Between 1908 and 1913, the average number of emigrants going to America fromRotterdam was 47,229.

45Other that sporadic Germans, most emigrants came from

Russia, Central and Eastern Europe. Jewish emigration was prompted by massivepogroms in Russia. Yet, also arriving were thousands of emigrants from Central

45 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte,Trieste.

Rotterdam. I do ove luke ~esto sti`u iseljeniciiz udaljenih jugoisto~nih krajeva – Hrvatske,Dalmacije, Banata.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Rotterdam. The port was used by many emi-grants from far away regions of south eastEurope, such as Croatia, Dalmatia and Banat.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Uspjeh luke Rotterdam, kao i razvoj drugihvelikih luka, ~vrsto je povezan s poslovanjemvelikoga doma}eg brodara. Holland-AmericaLine jedna je od najve}ih europskih kompani-ja.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

The growth of the port of Rotterdam, andmany other major ports, was closely linked tothe growth of the main local shipping compa-nies. One of the largest European shipperswas Holland-America Line. (Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)


74

U razdoblju od 1908. do 1913. iz Rotterdam u Ameriku odlazi godi{nje prosje~no47.229 iseljenika.

45

Uz pone{to Nizozemaca, najvi{e je iseljenika iz Rusije te srednje i isto~ne Europe.Veliki pogromi u Rusiji dovodili su ovamo brojne @idove. No dolaze i tisu}e sred-njoeuropskih iseljenika, i to ne samo iz obli`njih krajeva, nego i iz dalekih isto~nihpredjela. Dolaze i banatski Nijemci i drugi “podunavski [vabe”. Me|u najslavnijimaje obitelj Weissmüller iz Szabadfalua (danas Freidorf, ~etvrt u Temi{varu, Rumunjska)koja je tako|er emigrirala preko Rotterdama.

Jedan je od pokazatelja nacionalnog sastava roterdamskih putnika u Ameriku i listaputnika ukrcanih na brod Volturno, u vlasni{tvu kanadskog brodara UraniumSteamship Company (biv{i Northwest Transport Line), koji odràva liniju iz Rotterdamau Kanadu i SAD.Brod je 2. listopada 1913. isplovio iz Rotterdama i prema voznom redu trebao je najpri-je uploviti u Halifax (Nova Scotia u Kanadi), odakle je drugoga dana trebao krenuti uNew York. No Volturna je nasred oceana zahvatio poàr. U brodolomu je stradalo vi{eod 130 putnika, a ostale je spasio iseljeni~ki brod koji se zatekao u blizini.

46

Od 540 ukrcanih iseljenika, tre}ina je bila iz Austro-Ugarske: stotinjak Hrvata, a ostalisu bili Poljaci, Slovaci, Rusini i drugi.

Iako najva`nija, Rotterdam ipak nije jedina nizozemska iseljeni~ka luka.Amsterdam je velika luka na u{}u rijeke Amstel u zaklonjeni zaljev Ij. Iako je Amsterdam stari trgova~ki grad, svojedobno sjedi{te velikih kolonijalnih kom-panija, va`nost je njegove luke bitno porasla po~etkom 19. stolje}a, kada je otvorensjevernonizozemski kanal, te 1876. kada je otvoren sjevernomorski kanal.Amsterdam ne dosiè opseg iseljeni~kog prometa Rotterdama, no ima va`nost kaoprolazna luka u koju na putu preko oceana pristaju njema~ki brodari.Nije zanemariva ni ~injenica da su, nakon Bremerhavena i Hamburga, Rotterdam iAntwerpen primili i ispratili u Ameriku najvi{e austrougarskih iseljenika; obje lukeukupno 653.613 Poljaka, Hrvata, Slovaka, Rusina i drugih.

47

Antwerpen

Luka Antwerpen postaje sve va`nija za emigrantski promet po~etkom ~etrdesetihgodina 19. stolje}a, kada su Belgijanci poslali svoga stru~njaka da prou~i poslovanjeve} velike emigrantske luke Bremerhaven.

48

Po~etkom 20. stolje}a Antwerpen se ubraja me|u nekoliko najve}ih europskih ise-ljeni~kih luka s godi{njim prosjekom od 69.697 emigranata.

49

45 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte,Trieste.

46 Volturno Ship Disaster – October 1913., Submittedby Henning Pfeifer.Objavljena lista putnika – Manifest omogu}uje uvid unacionalni sastav i dràvljanstvo putnika.

47 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustel-lung, Burg Güssing, 25. April – 26. Oktober 1992., str.81.

48 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Williama Klingera,Gradisca d Isonzo 2008.

49 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trst(neobjavljen rad) – G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanicae trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, u: Bollettino dellemigrazione, br. 2, 1919., str. 4.

Po~etkom 20. stolje}a iz Antwerpena uAmeriku godi{nje odlazi pribli`no 70 tisu}aputnika. Pruga koja luku izravno povezuje sKölnom, omogu}ila je velik dotok iseljenika izglavnih emigrantskih krajeva srednje i isto~neEurope. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

In the early 1900’s, around 70,000 passengerstraveled from Antwerp to America annually.Thanks to a railway connection with Cologne,Antwerp absorbed a large flow of emigrantsfrom emigration areas of Central and EasternEurope. (Southampton City Heritage Services)


75

Europe, including the most distant regions. Some of them were ethnic Germans fromthe Banat region, and other Danube Germans from Schwaben. One of the best knownsuch families were the Weissmuellers from Szasbadfalu (presently Freidorf, a quarterin Timisoara, Romania) which also emigrated from Rotterdam.

One of the indicators of ethnic background of passengers who sailed from Rotterdamto America is the list of passengers aboard the Volturno, owned by the Canadian ship-per Uranium Steamship Company (former Northwest Transport Line), which operatedservices from Rotterdam to Canada and the USA. On 2 October 1913 the ship sailedout from Rotterdam. According to the timetable, the first port of call was Halifax(Nova Scotia in Canada). On the following day it was due to continue towards NewYork. Yet, in the middle of the ocean the Volturno caught fire. More than 130 passen-gers died in the shipwreck, and the others were rescued by an emigrants’ ship whichhappened to be nearby.

46

Out of 540 passengers on board, one third was from Austria-Hungary. Around 100were Croats, and the others Poles, Slovaks, Ruthenians and others.

Although the most important one, Rotterdam was not the only emigration port inHolland. Amsterdam was a major port at the estuary of the Amstel River in the quietIj bay. Although Amsterdam was an old trading center, formerly the seat of major colo-nial companies, the importance of its port rose sharply in the early 19th century withthe opening of the North Dutch canal and in 1876 with the opening of the North SeaCanal. Yet, although important as a port of call on transoceanic routes operated by theGerman shippers, Amsterdam never reached the volume of emigrants’ traffic com-manded by Rotterdam. Here it should also be noted that after Bremerhaven and Hamburg, Rotterdam andAntwerp were the main ports of departure for Austro-Hungarian emigrants: a total of653,613 Poles, Croats, Slovaks, Ruthenians and others.

47

Antwerp

The importance of Antwerp as an emigration port started growing in the 1840’s, whenthe Belgians sent its expert to study the operation of the already large emigration portof Bremerhaven.

48

Around 1900 Antwerp was one of the top European emigration ports, with the annu-al turnover of 69,697 passengers.

49

Unlike many other governments, which attempted to stifle emigration, the Belgiansrealized the importance of emigration business at times when manufacturing wasslow and agriculture affected by draughts. With that in mind, the Belgians construct-

46 Volturno Ship Disaster – October 1913, submitted byHenning Pfeier. Ethnic backgrounds and nationalitiesof passengers are evident from the published list ofpassengers – the manifest.

47 Nach Amerika, Burgenlandische Landesaustellung,Burg Gussing, 25 April – 26 October 1992, p. 81.

48 Taken from an unpublished text by WilliamKlinger, Gradisca d Isonzo.

49 Francesco Fait, Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte,quoted in an unpublished work by G. Russo,Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal portodi Trieste, in: Bolletino dell emigrazione, no. 2, 1919, p.4.

U Antwerpenu, uz najve}eg doma}eg pri-jevoznika Red Star Linea, na putu u Amerikupristaju i njema~ki i engleski brodari.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Other than by Red Star Line, the largest localshipper, the port of Antwerp was serviced byGerman and English shippers. (Southampton City Heritage Services)


76

U odnosu na vi{e drugih zemalja ~ije vlade obuzdavaju emigraciju, Belgijancishva}aju koliko je ova vrsta prometa unosna i korisna u vrijeme gospodarskihpote{ko}a u proizvodnji i su{nih godina u poljoprivredi.Zato grade i direktnu prugu za Köln, poti~u}i pove}anje njema~ke emigracije koja jedugo najzastupljenija.No nakon vrlo razvijenog prometa, u vrijeme zalaza jedrenjaka, Antwerpen posustajei emigrantski promet sa SAD-om pada na svega 1% od svih uplovljavanja u ameri~keluke (1858.–1865.).[tetne odjeke ima i slu~aj rije~kog jedrenjaka Giuseppe Bakarcich u najmu kod belgi-jskog prijevoznika Adolphea Straussa. Ljeti 1867. brod stiè u New York s osamnaestle{eva! Nesre}u je prouzro~ilo vi{e uzroka, ponajprije nemar te zaga|ena i nepitkavoda, nato~ena u spremi{te u kojemu je prethodno smje{tena nafta.Me|unarodni skandal i te{ke restrikcije produùju agoniju Antwerpena.

Prekretnicu poti~u novi zakoni i uvo|enje pruge ameri~kog prijevoznika Red StarLinea, koji osniva i belgijsku podru`nicu i od 1873. odràva liniju s Philadelphijom. Antwerpen je od 1876. izravno povezan i s New Yorkom. Od 1902. do 1904. linija seodvija s pristajanjem u Southamptonu, a od 1904. do 1914. umjesto u Southamptonuparobrod pristaje u Doveru.Pokazatelj kretanja putnika po nacijama slu`beno je izvje{}e za 1903. godinu kada je urazna odredi{ta, a najvi{e u Sjevernu Ameriku, stizalo najvi{e Rusa (zapravo ruskih@idova, 19.448), potom ìtelja Ugarske (uz Ma|are, tu su i Hrvati i Slovaci i ostali,ukupno 18.115), Austrijanaca (austrijski Nijemci, Poljaci, êsi, Slovenci i ostali).Sve ostale nacije dosiù jedva tre}inu ukupnog prometa – najvi{e Nijemci (sa sjevera),Belgijanci, Talijani i Englezi.

Antwerpen je mati~na luka Red Star Linea i usputna, “prolazna” luka njema~kih iengleskih brodara. Zato je to, na neki na~in, “pomo}na” rije~ka luka. Kada Cunard Lineve} krajem 1904. ima gu`vu u Rijeci i katkad ne moè ukrcati gotovo polovicupristiglih emigranata, tada u skladu s ugovornom obvezom stotine i tisu}e prekobro-jnih iz Rijeke vlakovima {alje na ukrcaj u svoj brod koji polazi iz Antwerpena. Posebni,interventni vlakovi prevoze tisu}e emigranata i ukrcavaju ih na brod za New York.

Sveukupno su od 1843. do 1905. iz Antwerpena u Ameriku otputovala 1.086.153 emi-granta iz ~itave Europe, a do rata je ukupan promet dosegao jo{ ve}i broj. Vi{e od600.000 iseljenika iz srednje Europe putuje na prijelomu stolje}a u Novi svijet izAntwerpena i Rotterdama.

50

Vi{e nego iz doma}ih luka, Rijeke i Trsta. S iseljeni~kog su gledi{ta te luke po va`nostiodmah iza Bremerhavena i Hamburga.

Le Havre

Le Havre je me|u vode}im europskim kontinentalnim lukama; po~etkom stolje}a, urazdoblju od 1908. do 1913., dosiè prosjek od 73.752 iseljenika godi{nje.

51

Najmanje 89.335 iseljenika iz srednje Europe iselilo je preko Le Havrea.52

U Le Havre se upu}uju brojni iseljenici koji prelaze {vicarsku i talijansku granicu kodBuchsa (Basela) i Udina, a to su ~esto Poljaci, Slovaci, Hrvati i Slovenci.[vicarske agencije ~esto hrvatske (Zotti), slovenske (Bihel) i druge emigrante vode urazne atlantske luke, no Le Havre je uvijek me|u vode}ima.

âk su i talijanske agencije u Udinama, s druge strane austrougarske granice, brojnim“prebjezima” iz susjedne Monarhije, kao i Talijanima, uz putovanje preko Genove,nudile i odlazak u Ameriku preko Le Havrea.Velik broj iseljenika iz rije~ke okolice i Hrvatskog primorja od po~etka 20. stolje}aputuje vlakom iz Rijeke preko Ljubljane, Innsbrucka, Buchsa, Basela, Pariza – u LeHavre ili Cherbourg.

50 Nach Amerika, BurgenländischeLandesaustellung, Burg Güssing,, 25. April – 26.Oktober 1992., str. 81.

51 Francesco Fait, Musei Civici di Storia ed Arte, Trst, uneobjavljenom radu citira – G. Russo, Emigrazionetransoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto di Trieste, u:Bollettino dell emigrazione, br. 2, 1919., str. 4.

52 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustellung,Burg Güssing, 25 April - 26 Oktober 1992., str. 81.

Nacionalni sastav ukrcanih putnika zaAmeriku, u Antwerpenu pokazuje slikutamo{njih iseljenika (1903.). Vi{e od tre}ine suruski dràvljani (uglavnom @idovi), malo jemanje od tre}ine ugarskih podanika –Ma|ara, Hrvata, Slovaka, podosta je“Austrijanaca” – Poljaka i drugih, a najmanjesvih ostalih nacija.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Ethnic breakdown of passengers that boardedships for America in Anwterp in 1903. Morethan a third were Russian citizens (mostlyJews), slightly less than a third wereHungarian subjects – Hungarians, Croats,Slovaks. There were quite a few Austrians, i.e.Poles and others, and small contingents ofother nationalities.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


77

ed a direct railway link to Cologne, in order to further boost the dominant Germanemigration. Yet, after a period of very dynamic traffic, with the demise of the sailingboat, Antwerp started legging behind and its share in emigration traffic with the USAdropped to only 1 % (1858-1865). The business was further affected by an incident on the Rijeka sailing boat GiuseppeBakarcich, chartered by the Belgian shipper Adolphe Strauss. In the summer of 1867the ship arrived to New York with 18 cadavers on board. The incident had severalcauses, primarily polluted water, from a tank that had previously contained oil.An ensuing international scandal and severe restrictions aggravated Antwerp’s agony.

Tides changed with the passing of new legislation and introduction of a new servicein 1873 between Antwerp and Philadelphia by the American shipper Red Star Line,which opened an outlet in Belgium. From 1876 Antwerp had a non-stop service forNew York. From 1902 until 1904 the ships called at Southampton and from 1904 until1914 at Dover. An indication of the ethnic background of the passengers is an annual report for 1903,when the largest number of passangers to different destinations, especially to NorthAmerica, was Russian (actually Russian Jews, 19,448), followed by the inhabitants ofHungary (ethnic Hungarians, but also Croats, Slovaks and other, 18,115 in total), andAustrians (Austrian Germans, Poles, Checks, Slovenians and others).All other ethnic groups accounted to only one third of the total traffic – primarilyGermans (Northern), Belgians, Italians and the English.

Antwerp was the home port of Red Star Line and a port of call for the German and theEnglish shippers. Thus, it was also a port of call for the ships sailing from Rijeka. Inlate 1904, when Cunard Line was inundated and could not board half of the emigrantsarriving to Rijeka, it honored its contractual obligation by diverting thousands ofsupernumeraries to its service in Antwerp. Thus, chartered trains transported thou-sands to the ships that took them to New York.

Between 1843 and 1905 a total of 1,086,153 emigrants set out for America fromAntwerp, with more emigrants leaving between 1905 and the War. At the turn of thecenturies more than 600,000 emigrants sailed from Antwerp and Rotterdam to theNew World.

50

That was more than the number of passengers from the domestic ports of Rijeka andTrieste. In the context of emigration from Austria-Hungary, Antwerp and Rotterdamcame immediately after Bremerhaven and Hamburg.

Le Havre

Le Havre was one of the leading ports in Continental Europe; between 1908 and 1913its annual average was 73,752 emigrants.

51A total number of Central European emi-

grations through Le Havre was no fewer than 89,335 persons.52

Le Havre was the port of choice for the emigrants who crossed the Swiss and Italianborders at Buchs (Basel) and Udine, including many Poles, Slovaks, Croats andSlovenians. Swiss travel agencies, as well as many Croatian (Zotti) and Slovenian(Bihel), sent emigrants to different Atlantic pots, and Le Havre was one of the mostpopular.

Even the Italian travel agencies in Udine, across the Austro-Hungarian border, offerednumerous “fugitives” from the nearby Monarchy, as well as Italian citizens other thanpassages from Genoa, passage to America from Le Havre.As early as the 1900, many emigrants form the region of Rijeka and Hrvatsko Primorjetraveled by train from Rijeka to Le Havre or Cherbourg, via Ljubljana, Innsburck,Buchs, Basel and Paris. Some of them travelled even further, across the EnglishChannel to Southampton.


51 Francesco Fait, Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte,quotes the an unpublished work by G. Russo,Emigrazione transoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal portodi Trieste, in: Bolletino dell emigrazione, no. 2, 1919, p.4.


Cunard u Antwerpen vlakovima dovoziprekobrojne putnike iz Rijeke i ukrcava ih nasvoj parobrod za Ameriku. Na to ga sili ugo-vor s ugarskom vladom, prema kojem jedu`an zbrinuti prekobrojne putnike po cijenikoja s tro{kovima `eljezni~kog prijevoza ismje{taja ne smije prelaziti cijenu karte odRijeke do New Yorka.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Cunard brought in Antwerp supernumerarypassengers by train from Rijeka, for boardingon its steamships bound for America.Pursuant to a contract with the Hungariangovernment, the shipper had to provide foraccommodation, train transport and passagefrom alternative ports of all supernumerarypassengers at the price of a Rijeka-New Yorkfare.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


78

Neki nastavljaju i dalje, preko Kanala – u Southampton.Le Havre je smje{ten na u{}u rijeke Seine, nasred La Manchea, na mjestu gdje je u 16.stolje}u osnovano malo ribarsko naselje. Krajem 18. i po~etkom 19. stolje}a izgra|enisu na tomu mjestu novi lu~ki bazeni i po~ela se razvijati velika luka.

53

Tome je osobito pridonijela uspostava trgova~kih i prometnih veza sa SjedinjenimAmeri~kim Dràvama te èljezni~ka pruga koja je sredinom stolje}a povezala LeHavre s Parizom. Bitno je za razvoj luke bilo i osnivanje Compagnie Générale Maritime(1854.) koja je 1861. preimenovana u Compagnie Générale Transatlantique.Kompanija je s dràvom potpisala ugovor na dvadeset godina, kojim se obvezala da}e odràvati redovitu parobrodarsku liniju izme|u Le Havrea i New Yorka, za koju }ezauzvrat primati godi{nje dràvne subvencije. Prvi je parobrod u Ameriku isplovio1864. godine. Do po~etka 20. stolje}a Kompanija je ve} dràla oko desetinucjelokupnog europskoga putni~kog prometa s Amerikom. Vode}i francuski brodar imao je monopol u Le Havru gdje je bio jedini prekooceanskiputni~ki prijevoznik.

Nesumnjive su prednosti Le Havrea u odnosu na brojne druge luke – pogodnostèljezni~kog puta iz sjeverne Italije, Austrije, Slovenije i Hrvatske, kratko}a plovidbepreko Atlantika i mogu}nost da se za tjedan dana stigne u New York. Zato su i cijeneniè od cijena iz udaljenijih luka, {to omogu}uje Compagnie Général Transatlantique(nazivana i French Line) i njihovim agentima velik priljev srednjoeuropskih iseljenika.Preko Le Havrea su naro~ito ~esto iseljavali ju`njaci iz Habsbur{ke Monarhije, onipodosta udaljeni od velikih sjevernonjema~kih luka.Le Havre i donekle Cherbourg, druga velika francuska atlantska luka, privukli sumo`da i polovicu svih iseljenika iz Hrvatskog primorja.

54

Mimo volje ugarskih vlasti i Cunard Linea, monopolisti~kog prijevoznika izme|uRijeke i New Yorka, rije~ke i strane agencije ugarske emigrante (a me|u njima najvi{eHrvate) redovito vlakovima odvoze iz Rijeke do francuskih luka, ~e{}e u Le Havre, alii u Cherbourg i Boulogne-sur-Mer, nekad slavni srednjovjekovni grad u Kanalu,nasuprot Doveru i u blizini Calaisa kojemu je “pomo}na” luka.

55

Cherbourg

I Cherbourg je francuska luka smje{tena u La Mancheu, stotinjak kilometara zapadnood Le Havrea. Iako postoji jo{ od 13. stolje}a, ubrzan razvoj doìvljava krajem 18. ipo~etkom 19. stolje}a, kada je osnovana trgova~ka luka i izgra|en velik lu~ki nasip.

56

U doba najve}e europske migracije u Ameriku, Cherbourg je postao va`na iseljeni~kaluka u kojoj su pristajali najve}i europski brodari, za razliku od Le Havrea u kojemCompagnie Générale Transatlantique ima monopolisti~ku ulogu.

53 Podatke prikupila Jelena Dunato, Muzej gradaRijeke.

54 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006., str. 128.Nedovoljan, ali ipak zanimljiv primjer malog selaZlobin pokazuje preko kojih su luka iseljavaliZlobinjari. Odnos me|u lukama prili~no je neo~eki-van. Preko Cherbourga i Le Havrea otputovalo je vi{eod 55% svih ovda{njih iseljenika.

55 U Boulognu se tako u lipnju 1912. na brod Potsdamkompanije Holland-America Line, ukrcao pove}i brojHrvata, Slovenaca i Slovaka, koji su u New York stigli3. srpnja.

56 Podatke prikupila Jelena Dunato, Muzej gradaRijeke.

Za razvoj Le Havrea va`no je osnivanjevode}ega francuskog brodara CompagnieGénéral Transatlantiquea (French Line, 1854.),koji ima monopol na prekomorski putni~kipromet iz vode}e francuske luke. Premagodi{njem prometu od preko 70 tisu}a preko-morskih putnika, ubraja se u vode}e europskeluke, a ovamo redovito pristiù deseci tisu}aiseljenika iz Slovenije i Hrvatske, naro~ito izHrvatskog primorja.((In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana; desno: Southampton City HeritageServices)

The development of Le Havre hinged on thefounding of Compagnie General Transatlantique(French Line, 1854), which had a monopoly ontransoceanic transport from that largestFrench port. With the annual traffic of over70,000 transoceanic passengers, Le Havre wasone of the top European ports, where tens ofthousands of emigrants from Slovenia andCroatia, especially from the Hrvatsko primor-je region, arrived every year. ((In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana; on the right: Southampton CityHeritage Services)


79

Le Havre was located at the estuary of the Seine River, in the middle of the EnglishChannel, at a place of a 16th century fisherman’s village. Around 1800, a new port areawas built there, and started growing into a major port.

53

The development of the port was greatly boosted by the establishment of trade linkswith the USA and by a train link with Paris around 1850. Also important for the devel-opment of the port was the founding of Compagnie Generale Maritime (1854), whichchanged name into Compagnie Generale Transatlantique in 1861. The company signed a20-year contract with the state, obliging it to maintain a regular steamship servicebetween Le Havre and New York, in return for annual state subventions. The servicewas inaugurated in 1864. By the 1900 the company controlled around 10 % of the totalEuropean passenger traffic to the USA. The largest French shipper had a monopoly in Le Havre, where it was the onlytransoceanic passenger shipper.

The advantages of Le Havre over many pother ports, i.e., good railway links withnorth Italy, Austria, Slovenia and Croatia and shorter passage time to the USA (onlyseven days to New York) were obvious. Thanks to its lover fares, Compagnie GeneraleTransatlantique (also known as the French Line) and its agents attracted many emigrantsfrom central Europe. Le Havre was especially popular with emigrants from the south of Austria-Hungary,who lived quite far from the major north German ports. Possibly as many as half ofall emigrants from the Hrvatsko Primorje region traveled through Le Havre and, insmaller numbers, Cherbourg, another major French Atlantic port.

54

In defiance of the Hungarian authorities and Cunard Line, the monopolist on theRijeka-New York service, travel agents based in Rijeka and elsewhere kept sendingHungarian emigrants (most of them Croats) by trains from Rijeka to the French ports,mostly to Le Havre, but also to Cherbourg and Boulogne-sur-mer, once a famousmedieval town, opposite Dover and near Calais, to which it served as an “accessory”port.

55

Cherbourg

Cherbourg was another French port on the Channel, some 100 km west from LeHavre. Although known since the 13th century, its heyday came around 1800 with theconstruction of a cargo port and a large rampart.

56

During the period of the most intensive European emigration to America, Cherbourgbecame an important emigration port, serviced by all the major European shippers,unlike Le Havre, where Compagnie Generale Transatlantique had a monopoly.

53 Data collected by Jelena Dunato, Muzej gradaRijeke.

54 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. The choice of ports by the emigrants from a small vil-lage of Zlobin, is an interesting, albeit not quite reli-able indication, of the flows of emigrants.Unexpectedly, more than 55 % of the emigrants fromZlobin chose Cherbourg and Le Havre.

55 Thus, in June 1912, a large group of Croats,Slovenians and Slovaks, boarded the Potsdam ofHolland-America Line, in Boulogne. They docked inNew York on 3 July.

56 Data collected by Jelena Dunato, Muzej gradaRijeke.

Pogodnosti Le Havrea su `eljezni~ke veze izsjeverne Italije, Austrije, Slovenije i Hrvatske,pa pribli`no 90 tisu}a iseljenika iz tih krajevapreko Innsbrucka, Buchsa, Basela i Parizasti`e upravo u tu luku ili u obli`nje lukeCherbourg i Boulogne-sur-Mer. (Southampton City Heritage Services)

Thanks to good railway connections withnorth Italy, Austria, Slovenia and Croatia,through Innsubruck, Buchs, Basel and Paris,Le Havre and the nearby ports of Cherbourgand Boulogne-sur-Mer were used by some90,000 emigrants from those regions. (Southampton City Heritage Services)


80

I engleske i njema~ke kompanije, Cunard Line, White Star Line, Hamburg-Amerika Liniei Norddeutscher Lloyd, na putu u Ameriku pristaju i ukrcavaju iseljenike u Cherbourgu.Iako se Cherbourg ne ubraja u najve}e europske iseljeni~ke luke, neki su agenti, poputFranka Zottija koji ima glavnu europsku poslovnicu u Baselu, osim mogu}nosti puto-vanja iz Le Havrea, Liverpoola i Southamptona, nudili i putovanja iz Cherbourga, aiseljenici iz nekih mjesta u udaljenim krajevima najvi{e su odlazili upravo preko teluke.

57

Liverpool

Iz Liverpoola su mnogo prije 19. stolje}a isplovljavali brodovi u Ameriku i ZapadnuIndiju (Srednja Amerika).

58

No u starije je doba Bristol bio najva`nija britanska luka na zapadnoj obali, ali ga jemimoi{ao razvoj industrije i porast stanovni{tva koji je Liverpoolu donijela industrijs-ka revolucija. Tekstilna industrija u Lancashireu trebala je velike koli~ine ameri~kogpamuka te drvenu gra|u, duhan i ostalu kolonijalnu robu.

Trgova~kom prometu pridruìo se u 19. stolje}u prijevoz iseljenika. Liverpool posta-je najva`nija europska emigrantska luka iz koje je u stotinu godina, od 1830. do 1930.,isplovilo pribli`no devet milijuna putnika (!) – uglavnom u SAD i Kanadu, no i uAustraliju.

Iseljeni~ki je promet u Liverpoolu po~eo rasti zahvaljuju}i blizini Irske u kojoj velikabijeda i prenapu~enost izazivaju masovno iseljavanje u Veliku Britaniju, na rad u tvor-nice, na gradili{ta i èljeznicu te u vojsku i mornaricu. Velika glad u Irskoj, 1846.–1847.,pokre}e egzodus kojemu je posljedica jedna od najve}ih demografskih promjena upovijesti. Irska je s vi{e od osam spala na svega tri milijuna stanovnika.Liverpool je bio prvo odredi{te najve}eg broja irskih izbjeglica. Mnogi su i ostali u tomgradu koji je potom poprimio podosta irskih obilje`ja, no mnogi su od 1.250.000 ise-ljenika koji su u razdoblju od 1845. do 1851. napustili svoju zemlju, zapo~eli novi ìvotu Americi.

Brodarske kompanije iz Liverpoola brzo su se uklju~ile u prijevoz iseljenika, a tom suse poslu posebno posvetili Cunard, White Star, Inman i Guion. Razvoju putni~kogprometa pomogao je i brz razvoj èljeznice. Tako je Wilsonova brodarska linija dovozi-la tisu}e iseljenika u luku Hull, na isto~noj obali Engleske. Dolazili su iz Skandinavije,a poslije iz Poljske i Rusije, i ve} ~etrdesetih godina odlazili u Liverpool èljeznicomLondonskog i sjeveroisto~noga èljezni~kog dru{tva (London & North-Eastern RailwayCompany – LNER) i za svega ~etiri sata putovanja stizali na drugu stranu Engleske.@eljeznica je u Hullu 1866. sagradila terminal uza samu obalu na kojoj su se iskrca-

57 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin.Zlobin, 2006., str. 128.Gotovo 30% Zlobinjara odlazi u Ameriku prekoCherbourga.

58 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta Malcolma ScottaHardyja, London 2008.

Liverpool je najve}a europska iseljeni~ka lukau kojoj se razvijaju i imaju sjedi{te najve}ekompanije – Cunard line, White Star Line,Guion Line, Inman Line. U vi{e od stotinjakgodina, iz ove je luke u Ameriku otputovaloblizu devet milijuna iseljenika. Cunard nekesvoje preokbrojne rije~ke putnike dovozi nabrod ~ak u Liverpool.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Liverpool was the largest European emigra-tion port and the seat of the largest shippers –Cunard Line, White Star Line, Guion Line, InmanLine. Over more than a century, almost ninemillion passengers traveled from this port toAmerica. Some of its supernumeraries in theport of Rijeka Cunard transported as far awayas Liverpool for boarding.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)


81

On the way to America, the English and German companies, Cunard Line, White StarLine, Hamburg-America Linie and Norddeutscher Lloyd boarded emigrants at Cherbourg.Although Cherbourg was not one of the largest European emigration ports, some trav-el agents, such as Frank Zotti, whose European seat was in Basel, offered, other thanLe Havre, Liverpool and Southampton, passages from Cherbourg, thus attracting emi-grants from some far flung regions.

57

Liverpool

Long before the 19th century ships had sailed from Liverpool to America and the WestIndies (Central America).

58

Initially, Bristol was the main British port on the west coast. Yet, during the IndustrialRevolution it did not experience the development of industry and population growthat the same pace as Liverpool. The textile industry in Lancashire needed large quanti-ties of American cotton, timber, tobacco and other colonial goods.

In the 19th century, transport of emigrants was added to cargo shipping. Liverpoolbecame the most important European emigration port, with around nine million pas-sengers, mostly bound for the USA, but also to Canada and Australia, between 1830and 1930.

Emigration traffic in Liverpool received a big boost during the large scale emigrationinto Great Britain from nearby Ireland, due to poverty and overpopulation. The immi-grants went into construction industry, railways, the military and the navy. From 1846to 1847, the big famine triggered an exodus that led to one of the biggest demograph-ic shifts in history, resulting in a drop in Irish population from eight million to onlythree.Most Irish emigrants went to Liverpool. Although many of 1,250,000 Irishmen wholeft their country between 1845 and 1851 stayed in Liverpool, giving the city its Irishtouch, may others chose a new life in America.

The Liverpool shippers, such as Cunard, White Star, Inman and Guion, soon gotinvolved in the transport of emigrants. The development of passenger shippingreceived an additional impetus from a fast growth of the railway network. Thus,Wilson shipping company took thousands of emigrants to the port of Hull, on the eastcoast of England. First the emigrants came from Scandinavia, and then from Polandand Russia. As of the 1840’s, they arrived to Liverpool aboard the trains of the London& North-Eastern Railway Company (LNER), traveling across England in only fourhours. In 1866 in Liverpool, the railway company built a terminal on the coast for disembark-ing of emigrants. Travelers from North Europe found it cheaper to travel fromHamburg to the British ports on the North Sea and then by train to Liverpool and formLiverpool to America then to board a ship for America in Hamburg.

Already in 1851 Liverpool was the biggest European emigration port, with the annu-al turnover of 160,000 passengers on services for America. At that time, that was fivetimes more than the turnover of its main foreign rival, Le Havre. By the end of the cen-tury, the local shippers engaged in a fierce competition with the German companies inBremen and Hamburg, especially due to a sudden drop in the emigration from Irelandand the Great Britain and growth in emigration from central and eastern Europe, forwhich German ports were much more convenient than Liverpool. Suddenly, evenSouthampton in the south of England, became more attractive than Liverpool, as itwas closer to Central and Eastern Europe. The Liverpool shippers quickly adapted tothe new circumstances and started calling at Southampton and other ports on theChannel and in the Mediterranean, especially at Genoa and Naples.Yet, in spite of unfavorable circumstances, in 1907 Liverpool handled 178,000 emi-grants, thus confirming its high placement amongst the leading European ports (thatyear Bremerhaven handled 204,000 and Hamburg 143,000 emigrants). Although very

57 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. Almost 30 % of the emigrantsfrom Zlobin went to America through Cherbourg.

58 Taken from an unpublished text by Malcolm ScottHardy, London, 2008.

Cherbourg, francuska luka u kanalu LaManche, stotinjak kilometara zapadno od LeHavrea, postaje va`na luka u godinamanajve}e europske migracije. Za razliku odmonopolisti~kog polo`aja French Linea(Compagnie Generale Transatlantique) u LeHavreu, u Cherbourg pristaju brojni stranibrodovi na putu u New York. Iz nekih sela uHrvatskom primorju, iz rije~ke okolice(Zlobin), iseljenici naj~e{}e odlaze upravopreko ove daleke luke.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Cherbourg, a French port on the Channel,some 100 km west from Le Havre, becameimportant during the peak period ofEuropean emigration. Unlike Le Havre,where the French Line (Compagnie GeneralTransatlantique) was a monopolist, Cherbourgwas served by many foreign ships bound forNew York. Most emigrants from some vil-lages in the Hrvatsko primorje region andfrom the larger Rijeka area (Zlobin) sailed offfrom this distant port.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


82

vali iseljenici. Putnicima iz sjeverne Europe bilo je jeftinije ploviti iz Hamburga u bri-tanske luke na Sjevernom moru i potom èljeznicom do Liverpoola, a iz Liverpoolabrodom u Ameriku, nego se izravno ukrcati na liniju iz Hamburga u Ameriku.

Ve} sredinom stolje}a, 1851., Liverpool postaje vode}a europska iseljeni~ka luka, sgodi{njim prometom od 160.000 putnika koji odlaze u Ameriku. To je pet puta vi{eprometa nego {to u to doba ostvaruje, primjerice, Le Havre, najbliì strani rival.Potkraj stolje}a ovda{nje su brodarske kompanije stupile u èstoku borbu snjema~kim kompanijama u Bremenu i Hamburgu, posebno zato {to je naglo opadaloiseljavanje iz Irske i Velike Britanije, a po~elo rasti iseljavanje iz srednje i isto~neEurope, za koju je Liverpool bio mnogo manje pogodan od njema~kih luka.Odjednom je pogodniji postao i doma}i Southampton na jugu Engleske, do kojega jeiseljenicima iz srednje i ju`ne Europe bio bliì put. Brodarske kompanije iz Liverpoolabrzo su se prilagodile novim prilikama i po~ele pristajati u Southamptonu i u drugimlukama u kanalu La Manche te u sredozemnim lukama, naro~ito u Genovi i Napulju.Unato~ svemu, promet od 178.000 iseljenika, ostvaren 1907. u ve} nepovoljnim prilika-ma, potvr|uje jo{ uvijek visoko mjesto koje Liverpool ima me|u vode}im europskimlukama (iste godine Bremerhaven biljeì 204.000, a Hamburg 143.000 iseljenika).Iako je za putnike iz srednje Europe, naro~ito za one iz ju`nijih predjela, Liverpoolkrajnje daleko, ipak ih dio odlazi preko te luke.Prekobrojni pri ukrcaju u Rijeci, vlakovima se prevoze na druge Cunardove brodove,osim u Antwerpen ~ak i u – Liverpool. Fiorello La Guardia, prvi ameri~ki konzularniagent za iseljenike u Rijeci, u svom je konzularnom izvje{}u napisao da je u jednommjesecu po~etkom 1904. broj putnika koji su morali biti preba~eni u Antwerpen iLondon (Liverpool) bio jednak broju ukrcanih u Rijeci.

59

Neki agenti, poput Franka Zottija u Baselu, ~ak i iseljenicima na Jadranu nude odlaskepreko vode}ih francuskih i engleskih luka. Iz nekih sela u rije~koj okolici podosta ise-ljenika odlazi preko Liverpoola.

60

Me|u putnicima iz srednje Europe koji se ukrcavaju u Liverpoolu, i jedno je budu}eslavno ime – Nikola Tesla. No Tesla ne stiè ovamo izravno iz domovine nego izPariza u kojemu je duè vrijeme radio i boravio.Mnogo vi{e srednjoeuropskih iseljenika ipak odlazi u Ameriku preko Southamptona.

Southampton

Southampoton je va`na srednjovjekovna luka na ju`noj engleskoj obali su~eliceFrancuskoj, ali se u novije doba sporo razvijao.

61

Neobi~no je da su njegove prednosti prvi uo~ili strani takmaci brodarskih dru{tava izLiverpoola.Brodovi HAPAG-a (Hamburg-America Linea) ve} su 1847. po~eli pristajati uSouthamptonu na putu u New York i ukrcavali britanske putnike iz Londona i sengleskog juga. Putnicima je to bilo pogodnije od odlaska u Liverpool.Brodovi Norddeutscher Lloyda, osnovanog 1857., ve} su sljede}e godine (1858.) po~elipristajati i u Southamptonu te su koristili tu luku do Prvoga svjetskog rata.Southampton je bio i britansko sjedi{te novoosnovanog American Linea (1883.). Veliku je va`nost za razvoj luke imalo i Londonsko i jugozapadno èljezni~ko dru{tvo(London & South West Railway Company – LSWR) koje je u luku dovozilo doma}e istrane iseljenike. Budu}i da je lu~ko poduze}e Dock Company imalo te{ko}a s pribavljanjem kapitala zadogradnju obala i pristani{ta, 1880. je posudilo novac od èljezni~kog dru{tva(LSWR). To je dru{tvo 1892. kupilo to lu~ko poduze}e i do Prvoga svjetskog rataure|ivalo je i pro{irivalo luku.Vrlo je zna~ajan razvoj zapo~eo 1907. kada je White Star, jedno od najve}ih britanskihi svjetskih brodarskih dru{tava, preselio velik broj svojih prekooceanskih linija uSouthampton. U skladu s tim, LSWR je po~eo izgradnju posebne White Starove obale

59 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, u Rije~kaluka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke2001., str. 234.

60 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006., str. 128.Preko Liverpoola odlaze 33 mje{tana, gotovo 14%.

61 Podatke prikupio Malcolm Scott Hardy, London2008.


83

far from Central and Southern Europe, Liverpool nevertheless attracted some passen-gers from those regions. Supernumerary passengers were transported from Rijeka toAntwerp, and even to Liverpool, to board Cunard’s ships in those ports. Fiorello LaGuardia, the first US emigration consul in Rijeka, wrote in one of his consular reportsthat in a month in early 1904 the number of passengers that had to be transported toAntwerp and London (Liverpool) equaled the number of those who boarded the shipsin Rijeka.

59

New travel agencies, such as Frank Zotti’s in Basel offered even the emigrants on theAdriatic passages from the main French and English ports. Thus, many emigrantsfrom some villages in Rijeka hinterlands traveled through Liverpool.

60

Amongst the Central European passengers who traveled from Liverpool was a futurecelebrity - Nikola Tesla. Yet, Tesla did not come here straight from his homeland butfrom Paris, where he had been living and working for a while. However, the bulk of Central European emigrants went to America fromSouthampton.

Southampton

Southampton was an important medieval port in the south of England, facing France,whose recent development has been slow.

61

Interestingly, Southampton’s advantages were first spotted by foreign competitors ofthe Liverpool shipping companies. Already in 1847, HAPAG’s ships (Hamburg-America Line) started calling at Southampton on the way to New York, to board pas-sengers from London and the south of England, for whom this port was more conven-ient than Liverpool. In 1858 the ships of Norddeutscher Lloyd, founded in 1857, started calling atSouthampton, which they used until World War I. Southampton was also the Britishseat of the newly founded American Line (1883).

Crucially important for the growth of the port was also London & South West RailwayCompany (LSWR), which brought domestic and foreign emigrants to the port.Considering that the Southampton port operator Dock Company lacked capital for theextension of the piers and port facilities, the money was supplied by the LSWR in1880. In 1892 LSWR bought the port operator and kept expanding the port until WorldWar I.

An important era in the development of the port was launched in 1907, when WhiteStar, one of the world’s top shippers, moved a large number of its transoceanic serv-ices to Southampton. In order to meet the demand, LSWR constructed a dedicatedWhite Star dock, which was opened in 1911. The dock accommodated the largest andnewest White Star ships, the twins Olimpic (191) and the Titanic (1912).

Many emigrants from southeast Europe and Austria-Hungary traveled by train to LeHavre and Cherbourg via Paris, and then sailed directly to New York. Alternatively,they crossed the Channel on LSWR ferries and traveled to America fromSouthampton. From the point of view of the British Government, a peripheral port such asSouthampton was very convenient for the transport of East European emigrants, as itchanneled them away from London. The importance of this port was underlined bythe fact that the emigrants arriving by train to Hull, rather then to Liverpool, sailedpredominantly from the southern port, as more convenient. Thus, many of the passen-gers who boarded the Titanic in April of 1912 had come from Hull. As usual, quite afew Austrians with Croatian and Slovenian surnames arrived across the Cannel, fromLe Havre or from Cherbourg.Apparently, in spite of the uncomfortable train journey from the Adriatic to south

59 John P. Kraljic, Rijeka as an Emigration Port (Rijekakao iseljeni~ka luka), in The Port of Rijeka: History,Development, Traffic (Rije~ka luka: povijest, izgradnjapromet) , Muzej grada Rijeke 2001, p. 234.

60 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006, p. 128.Thirty three inhabitants, almost 14 % of the total, emi-grated through Liverpool.

61 Data collected by Malcolm Scott Hardy, London2008.

Luka Southampton smje{tena je na pogod-nome mjestu u kanalu La Manche, kuda pro-laze i gdje ve} od sredine 19. po~inju pristajatinjema~ki, francuski i drugi brodovi na putu uAmeriku. Zbog te{ko}a koje imaju pri ulazu umati~nu luku, sve ve}i brodovi liverpulskihkompanija kao polaznu luku sve vi{e po~injukoristiti Southampton. Tako i White Starovbrod Titanic 1912. odavde kre}e na svoje prvoi posljednje putovanje.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

The Southampton harbour is convenientlylocated at the English Channel, whereGerman, French and other ships started pass-ing and docking on their way to Americaalready in the 19th century. Due to difficultieswhen entering their home port, the ever larg-er ships of the Liverpool-based companiesstarted increasingly using Southampton astheir stop. Thus, also White Star’s ship RMSTitanic embarked on its first and last journeyin Southampton in 1912.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


84

(dock) koja je dovr{ena 1911.; upravo su odatle kretali najve}i, tek izgra|eni WhiteStarovi brodovi blizanci – Olimpic (1911.) i Titanic (1912.).

Mnogi iseljenici s jugoistoka Europe i iz Austro-Ugarske putuju vlakom u Pariz ipotom u francuske luke Le Havre i Cherbourg, odakle imaju izravne veze s NewYorkom, ili trajektima Londonskog i jugozapadnoga èljezni~kog dru{tva (LSWR)prelaze kanal La Manche, dolaze u Southampton i odatle putuju u Ameriku.S gledi{ta britanske vlade bilo je bolje isto~noeuropske iseljenike dràti podalje odLondona, za {to je usputna luka poput Southamptona bila vrlo pogodna. O va`nostiove luke govori i to {to je èljeznica nove migrante koji su pristizali u Hull, umjesto uLiverpool, po~ela sve vi{e odvoziti na jug u pogodniju luku. I me|u onima koji su seu travnju 1912. ukrcali na Titanic, podosta ih je iz isto~ne Europe pristiglo preko Hulla.A prili~an broj “Austrijanaca” s hrvatskim i slovenskim prezimenima stigao je, kao iobi~no, preko Kanala, iz Le Havrea i Cherbourga.îni se da su i Primorci iz rije~ke okolice, unato~ neudobnoj vo`nji vlakovima odJadrana do juga Engleske, mnogo vi{e odlazili u Ameriku preko Southamptona negopreko Rijeke. To potvr|uje i primjer sela Zlobin iz kojega gotovo ~etvrtina ameri~kihiseljenika odlazi u Southampton.

62

U godinama velikog prometa, od 1890. do Prvoga svjetskog rata, preko Southamptonasu brojne britanske i strane kompanije odvozile stotine tisu}a iseljenika, najvi{estranih, onih iz srednje, ju`ne i isto~ne Europe, ~ak i nakon 1903., u vrijeme kada suve} uvelike plovili parobrodi na rije~koj i tr{}anskoj liniji u New York.

63

Genova

Gotovo 100.000 iseljenika iz Austro-Ugarske odlazi u Ameriku preko Genove(96.038).

64

Uglavnom dolaze èljeznicom sa sjevera i istoka i prelaze talijansku granicu kodCormonsa. Upravo zbog velikog broja iseljenika, àndarmerija u Cormonsu po~injevoditi redovitu evidenciju putnika iz raznih krajeva Monarhije. Od 1896. do 1905.popisano je 23.025 austrougarskih iseljenika. Iz prikupljenih podataka vidi se njihovopodrijetlo i odredi{te.Iznena|uju}e je da ih je najvi{e iz Galicije (25,4%), zatim iz Banovine Hrvatske (21,4%)te iz Dalmacije (19%) i Kranjske (Slovenije, 19%).Vi{e od polovice emigrira u SAD, tre}ina u Brazil, manji dio u Kanadu i Argentinu(ukupno 10%), a neznatan broj u Australiju, Novi Zeland i drugdje.

65

Austrijskoj je policiji prijavljeno da iseljeni~ka tvrtka iz Rijeke C.R. Cargnelli (nazvananasljednikom stanovitog Pirellija) svakog ponedjeljka i utorka nelegalno vodi velikbroj iseljenika, i to vojnih obveznika, preko Cormonsa do Udina, odakle ih {alje uGenovu.

62 Radovan Tadej, In Search of Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006., str. 128.Preko Southamptona odlazi 57 iseljenika, tek ne{tomanje nego preko Cherbourga i Le Havrea. Brojni iseljenici iz Rukavca i obli`njih sela iznadOpatije, u grupama od po desetak ili dvadesetakljudi, naj~e{}e odlaze preko Southamptona.

63 O prometu preko Southamptona nedostaju inajop}enitiji statisti~ki podaci kakvi su, primjerice,objavljeni za Hull i za druge, naro~ito kontinentalne,luke (Malcolm Scott Hardy).

64 Nach Amerika, Burgenländische Landesaustel-lung, Burg Güssing,, 25. April – 26. Oktober 1992., str.81.

65 Podatke prikupio Francesco Fait, Civici Musei diStoria ed Arte, Trst. – G. Russo, Emigrazione transocean-ica…

Luka Southampton me|u omiljenijim je luka-ma agencija i putnika iz srednje Europe, kojidolaze vlakovima preko Innsbrucka, Basela iPariza. Neki odlaze iz francuskih luka, nopodosta ih prelazi Kanal trajektimaLondonskog i jugozapadnoga èljezni~kogdru{tva i ukrcava se u Southamptonu. Me|unjima i mnogi Primorci iz rije~ke okolice.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Southampton is one of the most popular har-bours among agencies and travellers fromCentral Europe who arrived there by trainfrom Innsbruck, Basel and Paris. Some startedtheir journeys from French ports, but manycrossed the Channel on ferries of the Londonand Southwest Railway Company and board-ed the ships in Southampton. Among themwere many Croatians from the area aroundRijeka.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


85

England, passengers from the Rijeka region in Hrvatsko Primorje rather traveled toAmerica from Southampton than from Rijeka. An example of that is the village ofZlobin, from which almost a quarter of emigrants traveled to America throughSouthampton.

62

Between 1890 and WW I, a period of large scale emigration, many British and foreigncompanies carried hundreds of thousands of emigrants from Southampton, mostlythose from Central, Southern and Eastern Europe. That continued even after 1903,when steamships started operating services for New York from Rijeka and Trieste.

63

Genoa

Almost 100,000 emigrants (96,038) from Austria-Hungary went to America throughGenoa.

64

Most of them arrived by train from the north and the east and crossed into Italy atCormons. Due to a large number of emigrants, gendarmerie in Cormons started keep-ing records of passengers from different regions of the Monarchy. Between 1896 and1905 it recorded 23,025 emigrants from Austria-Hungary, including their provenanceand destination. It is surprising that the largest number came form Galicia (25.4 %), then from CentralCroatia (21.4 %), Dalmatia (19 %) and Carniola (Slovenia, 19 %). More than a half emigrated to the USA, one third to Brazil, a smaller percentage toCanada and Argentina (10 % of the total) and a marginal number to Australia, NewZealand and other countries.

65

The Austrian police learned that the emigration agency C.R. Cargnelli (considered asuccessor of a Pirelli), based in Rijeka, was transporting a large number of illegal emi-grants, draft dodgers, every Monday and Tuesday to Udine, via Cormons, and thenfrom Udine to Genoa. Emigration agencies in Udine (Ligure Americana, Nodari), thenat the Austrian border, organized passages specifically for foreign nationals throughGenoa and Le Havre.

66

After the introduction of a line between Trieste and New York by Cunard Line in 1903,the cross border traffic dropped.

Initially, only German and English ships sailed from Genoa to New York. Betweenthem they transported hundreds of thousands of emigrants, mostly from nearbyLigurian villages. Only later did the local Navigazione Generale Italiana get involved intransoceanic transport. Yet, two out of three Italians leaving from the domestic ports, were still transported bythe big four – Norddeutscher Lloyd, Hamburg-Amerika Linie, White Star and CunardLine.67

62 Radovan Tadej, In Search of the Lost People of Zlobin,Zlobin, 2006, p. 128. The number of emigrants fromSouthampton was 57, slightly fewer than fromCherbourg and Le Havre. For many emigrants fromRukavac and the nearby villages above Opatija, whotraveled in groups of ten or 20, the port of choice wasSouthampton.

63 For the traffic in Southampton we lack even themost basic statistical data, such as those that havebeen published for Hull and other, especially conti-nental, ports (Malcolm Scott Hardy).


65 Data collected by Francesco fait, Musei Civici diStoria ed Arte, Trieste - G. Russo, Emigrazionetransoceanica…

66 Emigrazione, La bilancia (15 September 1903).Yesterday afternoon 158 peasants from the Hungarianlittoral emigrated to North America through Genoa.The emigrants’ passports were checked by Mr.Francesco Loibelsberger, police officer, who foundthem perfectly regular.Emigrazione, La bilancia, (29 July 1903).Yesterday morning 35 villagers from the nearbyCroatian territory emigrated to NorthAmerica…Officer in charge forbid the departure oftwo unaccompanied juvenile girls.

Ocean Quai u Southamptonu – mjesto ukrca-vanja za Novi svijet. Na slici je samo nekolikomanjih prekooceanskih brodova, no ovdjepristaju i najve}i divovi najve}ih engleskihbrodara White Stara i Cunarda.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Ocean Quai in Southampton – the boardingplace for the New World. The picture showsonly a few of the smaller transatlantic pas-sanger ships, but this was also the mooring ofgigantic ships of the biggest English shippingcompanies, White Star and Cunard. (Southampton City Heritage Services)


86

Agencije za iseljenike u Udinama (Ligure Amerikana, Nodari), koje su tada na graniciAustrije, organiziraju putovanja upravo za strane emigrante, i to preko Genove i LeHavrea.

66

No broj se prelazaka granice smanjuje kada krajem 1903. Cunard Line zapo~injeodr`avati liniju izme|u Trsta i New Yorka.

Isprva iz Genove u New York plove isklju~ivo njema~ki i engleski brodovi koji pre-voze stotine tisu}a iseljenika, najvi{e iz okolnih ligurskih sela. Tek se poslije uprekooceansku plovidbu uklju~uje doma}i brodar Navigazione Generale Italiana.No dvije tre}ine Talijana koji odlaze iz doma}ih luka, i dalje odvoze “velika ~etvorica”– Norddeutscher Lloyd, Hamburg-Amerika Linie, White Star i Cunard Line.

67

Prije Prvoga svjetskog rata Napulj (156.125 iseljenika godi{nje) i Genova (126.897 ise-ljenika) vode}e su luke, prva i tre}a, me|u emigrantskim lukama (razdvaja ih jedinoBremerhaven – tada na drugome mjestu!).O masovnosti iseljavanja govori i u~estalost odlazaka i broj parobroda na linijama –~ak 25 velikih prekooceanskih brodova pod raznim zastavama odvoze u Ameriku iTalijane i brojne strance (1904.).Unato~ blizini vlastitih luka, i mnogi Talijani odlaze iz stranih, atlantskih luka,naro~ito iz Le Havrea u koji ~esto odlaze i austrougarski dr`avljani.Hrvati, Slovenci i ostali, od kojih mnogi iseljavaju preko Genove, rijetko se ukrcava-ju u udaljenijem Napulju.

Ameri~ke ulazne luke i Ellis Island

Useljenici su u SAD ulazili preko brojnih luka. Europski su putnici, osobito u prija{njavremena, pristajali u Bostonu, New Orleansu, New Yorku i Philadelphiji.Oni koji su stizali iz Kine i drugih azijskih zemalja, dolazili su na zapadnu obalu,najvi{e u San Francisco, a oni iz Sredi{nje i Ju`ne Amerike u Miami na Floridi iGalveston u Teksasu.

Od 5,4 milijuna imigranata koji su stigli u SAD izme|u 1820. i 1860. godine, pribli`no3,7 milijuna ili vi{e od dvije tre}ine, stiglo je preko New Yorka. Na drugom je mjestubio New Orleans (550.000) pa Boston (380.000) te Philadelphia i Baltimore (svaki po230.000).

Velike kompanije poput Norddeutscher Lloyda, imaju i izravne linije izme|u europskihluka i Bostona, Philadelphije i Baltimorea.No od 1850. vi{e od tri ~etvrtine imigranata ulazi preko New Yorka, a od devedesetihgodina to su ~etiri petine. Godine 1907. kada je u SAD stiglo vi{e emigranata nego bilo

66 Emigrazione, La Bilancia, (15. 9. 1903)Nel pomeriggio di ieri emigrarono per l’ America delNord – via Genova – 158 contadini del Litoraleungaro-croato.I passaporti degli emigranti vennero visitati dall uffi-ciale di polizia signor Francesco Loibelsberger, efurono trovati in perfetta regola.Emigrazione, La Bilancia, (29. 7. 1903.)Ieri mattina emigrarono per l’ America del Nord, viaGenova, 34 villici del limitrofo territorio croato....Ilfunzionario vieto la partenza a due ragazze minoren-ni, che non erano accompagnate da alcuno.

67 La Merica! 1892 1914, Da Genova a Ellis Island, ilviaggio per mare negli anni dell emigrazione italiana,Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, Sagep Editori,Genova 2008.

Prije Prvoga svjetskog rata Genova spada unajve}e europske luke. Gotovo sto tisu}a ise-ljenika iz Austro-Ugarske ukrcava se izGenove za put u Ameriku.Od kraja 19. stolje}a mnogo vi{e putnika izGenove i Napulja prevoze najve}e njema~ke iengleske kompanije, a tek manji dio doma}aNavigazione Generale Italiana.(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Before World War I, Genoa was among thebiggest European harbours. Almost one hun-dred thousand Austro-Hungarian emigrantsembarked on their voyage to America fromthere.Beginning with the end of the 19th century,many more passangers from Genoa andNaples travelled with German and Englishcompanies, instead of with the domesticNavigazione Generale Italiana.(Southampton City Heritage Services)


87

Before WW I, Naples (156,125 emigrants per annum) and Genoa (126,897 emigrants)ranked 1st and 3rd amongst the emigration ports (with Bremerhaven in the 2nd place). The evidence of the large scale of emigration is the number of departures and shipsoperating on the lines – the Italians and many foreign nationals traveled to Americaon board of as many as 25 transoceanic ships flying different flags (1904).In spite of the proximity of domestic ports, many Italians departed from the Atlanticports, especially Le Havre, which was used frequently by the nationals of Austria-Hungary too. The Croats, the Slovenians and others, often departed from Genoa but rarely from themore distant Naples.

American Ports of Entry and Ellis Island

People immigrated into the USA through different ports. European passengers, espe-cially in the early days, docked at Boston, New Orleans, New York and Philadelphia.People coming from China and other Asian countries, arrived to the west coast, most-ly to San Francisco, and those from Central and South America to Miami, Florida andGalveston, Texas.

Out of 5.4 million immigrants into the USA from 1820 until 1860, approx. 3.7 millionarrived through New York. New Orleans came second (550,000), followed by Boston(380,000), Philadelphia and Baltimore (230,000 each).

Large companies, such as Norddeutscher Lloyd, also operated non-stop servicesbetween European ports and Boston, Philadelphia and Baltimore.

However, as of 1850, 75 % of all immigrants came through New York, which rose to 80% in the 1890’s. In 1907, the year of record immigration, the USA operated 70 entryfacilities. Yet, 90 % of all immigrants came through Ellis Island (1,004,756, out of1,285,349 immigrants that year).

As early as the 1840’s, the city authorities and the state administration started control-ling the immigration into the USA, in order to prevent entry by the undesirables, theill and the infirm and to thwart the proliferation of crime. Initially, the immigrantswere supported by the city, until the opening of the Castle Garden, a facility for theinspection of emigrants in south Manhattan, in 1855. The facility was also known asFort Clinton, as it was situated in an old bulwark that had been built around 1800 asa part of a rampart system in the port of New York. The central immigration facilityin New York, run by the federal authorities, became the most important US institutionof its kind.

67 La Merica! 1892 1914, From Genoa to Ellis Island,Maritime Travel During the Years of Italian Emigration,Musei del Mare e della Navigazione, Sagep Editori,Genoa, 2008.

Prije uspostave redovitih iseljeni~kih linija izRijeke i Trsta krajem 1903., u Genovu jeodlazilo podosta iseljenika iz srednje Europe.Na austrijsko-talijanskoj dr`avnoj granici kodCormonsa (Udine) od 1896. do 1905. popisanoje 23.025 iseljenika, od kojih je ~etvrtina izGalicije (uglavnom Poljaci i @idovi), otprilikepetina iz Banovine Hrvatske te gotovo istotoliko iz Dalmacije i Kranjske (Slovenije).(Southampton City Heritage Services)

Before regular emigration lines from Rijekaand Trieste were opened at the end of 1903,many emigrants from Central Europe went toGenoa. On the Austro-Italian border nearCormons (Udine) 23,025 emigrants were list-ed between 1896 and 1905, of which one quar-ter was from Galicia (mostly Poles and Jews),one fifth from the Banovina of Croatia andalmost just as many from Dalmatia andCarniola (Slovenia).(Southampton City Heritage Services)


88

koje druge godine, u zemlji je bilo sedamdeset imigrantskih stanica. No 90% uselilo jepreko Ellis Islanda (1.004.756 od ukupno 1.285.349. useljenih te godine).

Ve} od ~etrdesetih godina gradske vlasti i dràvna uprava nastoje nadzirati ulazstranaca u SAD, sprije~iti ulaz nepoèljnih, bolesnih i nesposobnih za rad te sprije~iti{irenje kriminala. Imigranti su isprva spadali na teret grada, a onda je kona~no 1855.ustanovljena imigrantska kontrolna stanica na jugu Manhattana – Castle Garden.Naziva se i Fort Clinton jer je bila smje{tena u staru utvrdu izgra|enu po~etkom 19.stolje}a u sklopu lu~kog obrambenog sustava.

Sredi{nja ustanova za prihvat useljenika u New Yorku pod upravom saveznih vlastipostaje najzna~ajnijom takvom ustanovom u SAD-u.Nakon iskrcavanja s prekooceanskog broda u njujor{koj luci, putnici prve klase odlazesvojim putem, a useljenici moraju pro}i posebne provjere. Isprva ne odlaze daleko odpristani{ta jer je iseljeni~ka stanica Castle Garden na Manhattanu, no poslije ih (od1892.) malim brodovima prevoze na obli`nji oto~i} Ellis Island. Izdvojen i stoga lakonadziran oto~i} u najblièm susjedstvu Liberty Islanda i Kipa Slobode, postaje novaglavna iseljeni~ka stanica za ulaz u SAD.

Isprva kroz Castle Garden (od 1855.), a poslije kroz Ellis Island (od 1892.) morajupro}i svi useljenici koji dolaze u New York. Tu ih ameri~ke vlasti registriraju,ustanovljuju njihovo tjelesno i du{evno stanje i provjeravaju ne}e li pasti dràvi nateret.Budu}i useljenici moraju dokazati da imaju dovoljno novca za ìvot ili nekoga tko }eza njih jam~iti. Moraju biti i podobni za uklju~ivanje u ameri~ko dru{tvo pa su obvezniizjaviti da nisu ni anarhisti ni poligamisti!

One koji ne zadovoljavaju kriterije, brodari su du`ni u vratiti u Europu, a ostali kre}una odredi{ta diljem Amerike, uglavnom tamo gdje imaju kakva ro|aka, susjeda iliznanca. Ellis Island bio je ~vrsto ustrojena savezna ustanova. Njegovu va`nost potvr|uje i to{to je upravitelja birao sam predsjednik SAD-a.Unato~ naoko privla~nim zgradama od crvene cigle i bijelog mramora, s ~etiri slikovi-ta tornja s lukovicama, zbog izdvojenosti i poloàja usred mora, Ellis Island vi{e pod-sje}a na zatvor nego na mjesto na kojem se s dobrodo{licom primaju budu}i gra|aniSAD-a.Ipak, centar je bio ustrojen po svim pravilima tada{njih filantropskih nazora, s pros-torima za boravak, blagovaonicama, spavaonicama, bolnicom, knji`nicom tezabavi{tima i igrali{tima za djecu, a glavna mu je zada}a da {to brè i {to pouzdanijerazdvoji one kojima }e ulazak u SAD biti odobren, od onih koji }e biti vra}eni uEuropu.

Pogled na velika skladi{ta u luci New Yorkpokazuje veli~inu luke u gradu koji je u todoba u velikom rastu i postaje najve}i na svi-jetu.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 12)

A view of the huge warehouses in the NewYork harbour shows the size of the port in acity that experienced a population boom atthe time and soon became the largest in theworld.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 12)

Pogled na Ellis Island, oto~i} u njujor{koj luci,glavnu useljeni~ku prihvatnu stanicu za ulazu SAD. Preko ovoga oto~i}a je od 1892. do1920-ih u{lo 90% svih ameri~kih useljenika.Iseljenici su podvrgnuti lije~ni~kom pregledui psiholo{kim testovima. Zahvaljuju}iprethodnoj selekciji, obavljenoj u europskimlukama u prisutnosti ameri~kih konzularnihslu`bi, velika ve}ina pristiglih dobila jedopu{tenje za ulazak, a ostale su brodari biliobvezni vratiti u Europu.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

View of the Ellis Island, a small isle in theNew York harbour, that served as the mainimmigration admission station before enter-ing the USA. Between 1892 and 1920, 90% ofAmerican immigrants entered the country viathis isle. The immigrants had to undergo amedical and psychological examination. Dueto the previously carried out selection in theEuropean ports in the presence of Americanconsular services, the greatest part of the newimmigrants was admitted into the country,while the others had to return to Europe withthe same shipping company they arrivedwith.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)


89

After disembarking in the port of New York, 1st class passengers went their own wayand the immigrants had to undergo a number of inspections. Initially, that was doneat the Castle Garden, Manhattan, near the docks. Later on (1892) they were shipped insmall boats to the nearby Ellis Island. Thus, this isolated small island in the immedi-ate vicinity of Liberty Island and the Statue of Liberty became the main US immigra-tion facility.

In New York all the immigrants had to pass though the Castle Garden (as of 1855) andEllis Island (as of 1892). There they were registered by immigration officials, checkedfor physical and mental handicaps and vetted for means of support. Potential immi-grants had to prove that they had enough money to support themselves or someonewho would guarantee for their upkeep. In order to prove their suitability for integra-tion into the American society, they had to pledge that they were not anarchists orpolygamists! Those who did not meet the criteria the shippers had to take back toEurope, and the others proceeded to different destination in the USA, mostly to jointheir relatives, former neighbors or acquaintances.

Ellis Island was a well organized federal institution, whose importance is born out bythe fact that the manager was appointed by the US president himself. In spite of itsattractive buildings, made of red brick and marble, with four picturesque bulbous tur-rets, due to its isolation and location in the sea, Ellis Island looked more like a prisonthan a place where future citizens of the US could expect a warm reception.Yet, the facility was organized in accordance with the latest philanthropic standards.It featured lounges, dining rooms, bedrooms, a hospital, a library, play rooms andplaygrounds for the children. The main purpose of the facility was a quick and reli-able separation of persons for immigration into the USA, from those that would besent back to Europe.A large number of inspectors, state officials, physicians and psychiatrists was incharge of interviewing the arrivals, recording their personal data and checking theirphysical and mental health and capacity. That lengthy process hinged on good com-munication with the immigrants, most of whom did not speak English. That was thetask of a large number of translators, including those for small languages. For a while, Fiorello La Guardia, former emigration consul in Rijeka, also worked as atranslator. La Guardia was intimately familiar with the immigration issues and spokesix languages, including Croatian.

Considering that the immigrants had been preliminarily checked at the Europeanports and railway hubs (such as Basel), under the auspices of the US consular officesand the local authorities, the number of persons turned back at “the island of tears andhope” was not particularly high and most arrivals were integrated into the Americansociety.

Kompleks Ellis Islanda od osnutka 1892. dome|uratnih godina sustavno se pove}ava i uzveliku prijamnu zgradu i spavaonice, dobiva ibolnicu, knji`nicu, dje~ja igrali{ta i drugesadr`aje.(Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

The complex of Ellis Island grew successivelyfrom its foundation in 1892 until the interwaryears. In addition to the big admission build-ing and dormitories, it got a hospital, a library,a playground, etc.(Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)


90

Niz inspektora, dràvnih ~inovnika, lije~nika i psihijatara imalo je zada}u da obaviprili~no opseàn posao, ispita i upi{e osobne podatke te da procjeni tjelesno i du{evnozdravlje i mentalne sposobnosti useljenika.Tako opseàn postupak zahtijevao je i dobro sporazumijevanje s iseljenicima kojiuglavnom ne znaju engleski. Za to su postojali brojni prevoditelji, ~ak i za male jezike.Prevoditelj je neko vrijeme bio i Fiorello la Guardia, biv{i iseljeni~ki konzularni agentu Rijeci, koji je dobro upoznat s problemima iseljenika i koji govori {est jezika, me|ukojima i hrvatski.

Budu}i da su ve} u europskim lukama i èljezni~kim ~vori{tima (poput Basela), ise-ljenici morali pro}i prve preglede koje su organizirale tamo{nje ameri~ke konzularneslu`be u suradnji s doma}im vlastima, postotak vra}enih nije bio osobito velik te seve}ina pristiglih na “otok suza i nade” ipak uklju~ivala u ameri~ki ìvot.Nakon obavljena pregleda, useljenici su besplatno prevoèni do èljezni~kih stanica ibrodskih pristani{ta gdje im je i pruèna pomo} u nalaènju prijevoza i kupnji putnihkarata.

Oko oto~i}a Ellis vrtjeli su se i brojni agenti, poduzetnici i bankari, pripadnici istih na-roda kojima su pripadali i najnoviji useljenici, koji su stoga znali i jezik i imalimogu}nosti da im se odmah pribliè i pruè potrebnu pomo} i razne usluge koje su uprvom trenutku najvi{e trebali, s ciljem da tako pridobiju nove klijente.Nudili su im promjenu valute, kupnju karata, organizaciju putovanja do odredi{ta idruge usluge.

Unato~ desecima useljeni~kih stanica preko kojih se moglo u}i u SAD, Ellis Island jenekoliko desetlje}a predstavljao glavna vrata Amerike i bio klju~no mjesto odluke odkoje su strepili milijuni useljenika.


91

After the check-ups, the immigrants were shipped free of charge to train stations anddocks, where they were escorted to their trains or ships and helped with the purchaseof fares.

The area around Ellis Island was prowled by different agents, entrepreneurs andbankers, themselves minorities who could communicate with the immigrants in theirlanguages. They approached the immigrants with offers for assistance and differentservices, with the intention to win new clients. Services offered included moneychanging, fare purchasing, organizing the trip to the final destination and others.

Although only one of several dozen immigration facilities in the USA, for decadesEllis Island was the main gate of America and the place where the decision was madethat was anxiously expected by millions of immigrants.


Rije~ka i Tr{}anska luka


The Ports of Rijeka and Trieste


68 Ivan Jardas, Kastav{tina, Gra|a o narodnomìvotu i obi~ajima u kastavskom govoru, Zbornik zanarodni ìvot i obi~aje Ju`nih Slavena, Knjiga 39.,JAZU, Zagreb, 1957., str. 355.“Najprej su hojevali va Brazilij, ontrat v Argentinu iva drugi kraji Dolnje ale Sud-Meriki. Tamo su ofcestrigli, po farmah su delali, navigali, a neki su zlatoiskevali.”

Rije~ka lukaDo po~etka 1880-ih godina Rijeka je nevelika luka. Promet po~inje bitno rasti teknakon izgradnje nove luke koja kona~no zamjenjuje nekada{nju luku na u{}u Rje~ine(Fiumari – Mrtvom kanalu).Najve}i rije~ki prekooceanski brodar, Ugarsko parobrodarsko dru{tvo Adria (RoyalHungarian Sea Navigation Company “Adria” Limited – Fiume, osnovana 1882.), ve} 1880-ih odràva trgova~ke linije s vode}im francuskim i britanskim lukama te prekomorskuliniju s brazilskim lukama Pernambuco, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro i Santos.

Iako je Adrijina ju`noameri~ka linija prije svega namijenjena prijevozu tereta, krajemstolje}a i poneki iseljenik iz rije~ke okolice odlazi u Ju`nu Ameriku, najprije u Brazil,a poslije u Argentinu i druge zemlje – gdje striè ovce, radi na farmama ili traì zlato.

68

Od samog isteka stolje}a po~inju u Rijeci djelovati i prve iseljeni~ke poslovnice kojeputnike vode u Le Havre (Ma{ek i drug, Compagnie Général Transatlantique), uAntwerpen (Konstantin Teodorovi}) i u druge atlantske luke. Brojne agencijeuglavnom imaju sjedi{te u rije~kim predgra|ima, na Su{aku ili Kantridi, jer vlasti

94

Pogled na glavnu luku – sredi{nji bazenrije~ke luke, jedinog ugarskoga pomorskogupori{ta. Brodovi u luci vlasni{tvo su dru{tvaUngaro-Croate i namijenjeni su obalnoj plovid-bi. Na udaljenijim su i velikim brodovimadostupnijim vezovima Adrijini trgova~kiparobrodi koji prometuju s Brazilom iCunardovi koji prometuju s New Yorkom.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

A view of the main harbour – the central poolof Rijeka’s harbour, the only Hungarian mar-itime “stronghold”. The ships in the harbourbelong to the company Ungaro-Croate and areintended for coastal shipping. Adria’s andCunard’s merchant ships, which operate withBrasil and New York respectively, are locatedat the more distant, for big ships more easilyaccessible, anchorages.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


95

The Port of RijekaUntil the 1880’s the port of Rijeka had been relatively small. Trade through Rijekastarted picking up significantly after the construction of new port facilities at the estu-ary of the Rje~ina river (Fiumara – Mrtvi kanal).As early as the 1880’s, the largest local transoceanic liner, the Royal Hungarian SeaNavigation Company Adria Limited - Fiume, introduced cargo services to the mainFrench and British ports and a transoceanic line to the Brazilian ports of Pernambuco,Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and Santos.Although mainly a cargo service, by the end of the 19th century the South Americanline already carried a limited number of emigrants from the Rijeka region to SouthAmerica, first to Brazil and then to Argentina. There they fleeced sheep, worked onfarms and searched for gold.

68

At the turn of the 20th century, Rijeka saw the opening of the first emigration agencieswhich organized emigration through Le Havre (Ma{ek i drug, CompagnieTransantantlique Generale), and through other ports on the Atlantic. This fast develop-ing sector set up shop mostly in the peripheral areas of Su{ak and Kantrida, as the cityauthorities did not approve of emigration. Some agencies organized illegal emigra-

68 Ivan Jardas, region of Kastav, Source on Life of thePeople and Their Customs, Written in the KastavDialect, Almanac on Life of the People and Customsof South Slavs, Volume 39, JAZU, Zagreb, 1957, p.355. “Najprej su hojevali va Brazilij, ontrat v Argentinu iva drugi kraji Dolnje ale Sud-Ameriki. Tamo su ofcestrigli, po farmah su delali, navigali, a neki su zlatoiskali”.


96

nevoljko podnose one koji odvode iseljenike. Ima i agencija koje iseljenike odvodepotajice i bespravno, naro~ito u Genovu (G. B. Cargnelli) – i to mladi}e koji jo{ nisusluìli vojsku.

Sve ve}i promet iseljenika, u po~etku najvi{e iz obli`njih krajeva, po~etak je masovno-ga iseljavanja iz Hrvatske i to dobrim dijelom upravo èljezni~kim putem koji krozRijeku, kao novo tranzitno ~vori{te, vodi na zapad, u atlantske ili talijanske luke, ispr-va najvi{e u Le Havre i Genovu. U studenome 1902. odlazi iz Hrvatske vi{e od osamstotina iseljenika; gotovo su svi iz samo dvije ùpanije – Modru{ko-rije~ke iZagreba~ke.

69

Iseljeni~ka vreva na tlu Hrvatske o~ituje se i u ve} velikom ugarskome prometnom~vori{tu. Posebno je ìvo u oùjku 1903.: “Ju~er je bilo na Rieci pred agencijama zaprekomorsko putovanje vanredno ìvahno. Narod se je na buljuke gurao na vrata.Ju~er i jutros oti{lo je u Ameriku nekoliko stotina ljudi, ponajvi{e iz na{ega primorja iiz obli`njih gorskih krajeva.”7

0

Iz Rijeke u Ameriku otputovala su 17. oùjka jo{ 352 hrvatska iseljenika, a 23. i 24.oùjka jo{ 242 iseljenika iz Like, Dalmacije i Slavonije.

71Sve u svemu, s nevelikog i

rijetko naseljenog podru~ja – otprilike tisu}u ljudi u svega nekoliko tjedana. Sve je vi{evijesti o odlascima, ponajvi{e Primoraca, u skupinama od vi{e desetaka ili ~ak kojestotine iseljenika, koji u po~etku najvi{e odlaze put – Genove.

Ve} krajem 1902. u ugarskim vladinim krugovima po~inje se razmi{ljati da se emi-gracija usmjeri u Rijeku, doma}u luku te da parobrodarsko dru{tvo Adria treba izgra-diti nove parobrode namijenjene prijevozu emigranata. Razmi{lja se i o mogu}nosti dase po hambur{kom uzoru sagradi prihvatili{te za iseljenike koje bi bilo pod nadzoromdràvnih vlasti.“Ra~una se da bi se investicije isplatile, jer tro{ak izseljavanja doseè u monarkijigodi{nje visoku svotu od 40 milijuna kruna, a zgodnim administrativnim, osobito paktarifalnim sredstvima, dalo bi se navrnuti na Rieku sada{nje dosta jako izseljavanjepreko Genove, znatan dio onih koji sada putuju preko Hamburga i Bremena...”

72

Polovicom 1903. novine (Pester Lloyd iz Budimpe{te) najavljuju da uprava Ugarskogdru{tva za pomorsku i rije~nu plovidbu iz Budimpe{te upravo razmatra mogu}nostda iseljenike za Sjevernu Ameriku usmjeri prema Rijeci i da njezini direktori u stra-nim lukama prou~avaju organizacijske aspekte emigracije.

73

Neki su strahovali da }e vlada koncesiju za prijevoz iseljenika dodijeliti stranoj kom-paniji koju }e “maskirati” doma}im imenom. Osobito je velika bojazan od ulaskanjema~kog prijevoznika u ma|arsku luku, nau{trb doma}e kompanije. “Problem”

69 Koliko je naroda oti{lo u Ameriku u mjesecu stude-nom? Novi list, 15. I. 1903. Promet upu}uje na neravnomjerno iseljavanje izraznih hrvatskih krajeva – gotovo osam stotina isel-jenika iz samo dvije ùpanije, prema svega 27 iz svihostalih ùpanija: Bjelovarsko-krièva~ke, Vara`din-ske, Li~ko-krbavske, Poè{ke i Srijemske.

70 U Ameriku. Novi list, 4 (4. 3. 1903.), str. 4.Bjeè u Ameriku, Novi list, 4 (7. 4. 1903.), str. 4. “Sino} je oti{lo put Amerike 199 iseljenika, ponajvi{eiz ju`ne Hrvatske. Jo{ nijedne godine kao ove nije biloovakove selitbe Hrvata, {to se ima u prvom redupripisati nesretnoj financijalnoj podredjenosti u kojojse nalazi Hrvatska.”

71 Hrvatski izseljenici, Narodna obrana, 2 (27. 3.1903.), br. 70, str. 4.

72 Izseljivanje u Ameriku preko Rieke, Narodnaobrana (Osijek) 1(28. 9. 1902.), str. 3.–4.

73 L’ emigrazione ungherese per l’ America diretta viaFiume, La Bilancia (23. 7. 1903.)Il proghetto della centralizzzazione, (5. 9. 1903.)

Rije~ka luka – pogled s gradske rive premalukobranu. Po~etkom 20. stolje}a u luci je jo{uvijek puno malih jedrenjaka i brodova kojiuz jedra koriste i paru.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

The Rijeka harbour – view from the water-front towards the pier. At the beginning of the20th century, there were still many small sail-ing ships and ships that used steam in addi-tion to sails. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Parobrod Caronia na odlasku u Ameriku, najednoj od razglednica namijenjenih putnicimakoji pred polazak {alju ku}ama posljednje“europske” pozdrave. Cunardovi su brodovi uRijeci pristajali na Rudolfovu molu (danasOrlandov gat).(Muzej grada Rijeke)

The steam ship RMS Caronia leaving forAmerica, depicted on one of the postcardsintended for passangers sending home theirlast European greetings before departure.Cunard’s ships dropped anchor at Rudolf’squay in Rijeka (called Orlando’s wharf today).(Muzej grada Rijeke)


97

tion, including that of young men who had not completed their military service, pri-marily through Genoa (G. B. Cargnelli).The trickle of emigrants, at first mostly from neighboring regions, soon grew into asteady flow from all around Croatia. They traveled from Rijeka, now a railway junc-tion, by train to Atlantic and Italian ports, mostly to Le Havre and Genoa. InNovember 1902 alone, more than 800 persons emigrated from Croatia, almost all ofthem from Modru{-Rijeka County and the area of Zagreb.

69

The emigration tide became most prominent in the fast growing Hungarian commu-nications hub of Rijeka. The month of March 1903 was particularly busy: “Yesterday,the agencies for transoceanic voyages were inundated with people, who were besieg-ing their doors in droves. Over the past two days several hundred people, mostlyfrom the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko primorje) region and from the nearby mountains,emigrated to America.”

70

On 17 March, 352 Croat emigrants sailed from Rijeka to America, followed on 23March and 24 March by 242 emigrants from Lika, Dalmatia and Slavonia

71. All in all,

in only a few weeks as many as a thousand persons emigrated from those rather smalland sparsely populated regions. News about emigration of large numbers of people,mostly from the Croatian Littoral, in groups of several dozen or even several hundredpersons, became more and more frequent. Initially, most of them departed fromGenoa.

69 How many persons went to America inNovember?, Novi list, 15 January 1903. The breakdown of the emigrants’ provenance reflectsuneven emigration rates from different counties -almost 800 emigrated from only two counties, where-as only 27 from all the others – Bjelovar-Krizevci,Varazdin, Lika-Krbava, Pozega and Srijem.

70 To America, Novi List, 4 (4 March 1903), p. 4. Fleeing to America, Novi list, 4 (7 April 1903), p. 4. “Yesterday evening 1999 emigrants, mostly fromsouthern Croatia, went to America. This year emigra-tion of Croats peaked, primarily as the result ofCroatia’s unfortunate financial inferiority”.

71 Croatian Emigrants, Narodna obrana, 2 (27 March1903), no. 70, p. 4.

Plakat za “rije~ko-ameri~ku liniju” ~e{}e nazi-vanu Hungarian-American Line, na kojoj nekovrijeme plove Pannonia, Slavonia i Ultonia. Naliniji se izmjenjuje ukupno jedanaest parobro-da (najslavniji je Carpathia). Da bi se linijaodr`avala redovito i da bi svakoga drugogpetka brod mogao isploviti u New York dokojega obi~no putuje osamnaest dana, uvijeksu u slu`bi po tri broda.(Közlekedési Múzeum – Muzej prometa,Budimpe{ta)

The poster of the Hungarian-American Line,connecting Rijeka and America, which wasserved for a time by the ships Pannonia,Slavonia and Ultonia. Altogether this line hadeleven steam ships (the most well-known wasthe RMS Carpathia). The line had to be regularand a ship had to leave for New York everyother Friday (the one-way journey took abouteighteen days), so that there were alwaysthree ships in service. (Közlekedési Múzeum – Traffic Museum,Budapest)


98

nacionalnog ponosa i, donekle, protunjema~kog raspoloènja, za prvu je ruku jednos-tavno i prakti~no razrije{en tako da je Adria unajmila brodove engleskog brodaraCunard Linea. Utana~ivanje dogovora dovelo je u Rijeku krajem rujna 1903. predstavnike vlade, sav-jetnika Bele Gonde i povjerenika za emigraciju Levaia, a potom je vlada dodijelila pri-jevozniku “privremenu koncesiju”.

74

Protivnici Cunardova i Adrijina monopolizma podràvaju ve} otklonjenu mogu}nostda se u posao uklju~i i Ugarsko dru{tvo za pomorsku i rije~nu plovidbu, koje se spo-minjalo u prvim vladinim razmatranjima jer “zdrava konkurencija ne moè nego bitiprednost za izravne korisnike kao i za ~itav na{ grad”.

75

I White Star Line, drugi veliki engleski brodar, odlu~uje se uklju~iti u prijevoz iseljeni-ka iz Sredozemlja u Ameriku i za tu namjenu odre|uje tri parobroda. Govori se i oRijeci kao jednoj od mogu}ih luka u kojima bi brodovi mogli pristajati, no to ipak nijeostvareno.

76

U svakom slu~aju, unato~ po~etnim premi{ljanjima, nije uspjela zamisao omogu}nosti izravna uklju~ivanja doma}ega brodara u prijevozni~ki posao. Doista sedogodilo da je ime Cunard-Adrije samo plod prikrivanja, ili bar ublaàvanja, ~injeniceda je unosan posao povjeren stranomu brodarskom dru{tvu. Nakon prvih najava,poslije se vi{e uop}e i ne spominje nikakva britansko-ugarska kompanija pod imenomCunard-Adria. Prijevoz iseljenika iz Rijeke u New York u potpunosti obavlja CunardLine, a Adria preuzima samo uobi~ajene agentske i druge posredni~ke poslove. KaoCunardov predstavnik u Ugarskoj, Adria osniva i vi{e poslovnica u raznim gradovima,pa i u pograni~nim krajevima “ju`ne Ugarske”. Jedino liniju za New York u svomevoznom redu redovito najavljuje i reklamira kao vlastitu.

77

Ipak, Adria nije odustala od mogu}nosti uspostavljanja “nacionalne” linije zaAmeriku. Po~etkom 1906. u Berlinu je, u prisutnosti predstavnika ugarske vlade, saz-van sastanak Adrije s Cunardom, Norddeutscher Lloydom i Hamburg-Amerika Lineom.

78

Poslije se pregovorima pridruùje i Holland-Amerika Line. Spominje se ve} i temeljnikapital novog prijevoznika, koji bi trebao biti 10–12 milijuna kruna.

79

No osnivanje nacionalne kompanije za prekomorski promet, u kojoj bi udjela imali ipozvani strani brodari, ni ovaj put ne uspijeva.

Ve} potkraj 1903., prije sklapanja kona~nih ugovora s ugarskom vladom, Cunard Linepoduzima dvije “probne” vo`nje iz Rijeke u New York. Jedan od najve}ih prekoocean-skih prijevoznika upravo se u~vr{}uje na {irem podru~ju Sredozemlja, naro~ito u tali-janskim lukama Genovi i Napulju. Rije~ko-tr{}anska linija za Ameriku zapo~inje djelovati isplovljenjem Cunardova paro-broda Aurania koji 20. listopada kre}e iz New Yorka s ukrcanih 349 putnika te se

74 La Società “Adria” ed il Governo, La Bilancia (30.9. 1903.).Il movimento d’ emigrazione tra Fiume e New York,La Bilancia, (1. 12. 1903.)Il ministro presidente...ha accordato alla societa“Cunard Steamship Company”, la quale e rapresenta-ta in Ungheria dalla societa “Adria”, il permessoprovvisorio per l imbarco di emigranti nei suoipiroscafi, che comunicheranno prossimamente traFiume e New York.

75 La Società “Adria” ed il Governo, La Bilancia (30.9. 1903.)

76 Una nuova linea Fiume-America, La Bilancia, (21.11. 1903.)

77 Parobrodarsko dru{tvo Cunard-Adria, Novi list 5(9. 3. 1904.).Adria, Regia ungarica società anonima di nav. marit-tima, La Bilancia (5. 9. 1906.) Per quelli che emigrano, Nuove agenzie de emi-grazione, La Bilancia (29. 8. 1912.)

78 Una nuova linea ungaro americana, La Bilancia(11. 1. 1906.)

79 La nuova linea ungherese d emigrazione, LaBilancia (1. 8. 1906.)

Lu~ka ~etvrt na zapadnoj strani grada s indus-trijskom zonom u kojoj je 1908. izgra|ena ise-ljeni~ka ku}a poznatija kao hotel za emigranteza pribli`no dvije tisu}e ljudi. “Hotel” jeizgra|en tik do èljeznice i u bliziniiseljeni~koga Rudolfova mola. Prije su ise-ljenici smje{tani u manja prihvatili{ta,uglavnom u zapadnim gradskim ~etvrtima ipredgra|ima.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

The port district in the western part of Rijekaincluding the industrial zone in which an emi-grants’ home, better known as the Emigrants’Hotel, for approximately two thousand peo-ple, was built in 1908. The “Hotel” was erect-ed next to the railway station and near theemigrants’ Rudolf’s quay. Before, emigrantswere accommodated in smaller lodgings,mostly in the western parts of the town and insuburbs. (Muzej grada Rijeke)


99

In late 1902 the Hungarian Government started to consider channeling emigrationthrough Rijeka’s port and to make certain that the Adria shipping company built newsteamships for the transport of emigrants. Another idea was the construction of a hos-tel for emigrants, supervised by the state authorities, based on the Hamburg model.“The investments have been assessed as profitable, given the high cost of emigrationfrom the Monarchy, amounting to as much as 40 million Crowns annually. Channelingthe growing tide of emigrants to Rijeka, by appropriate tariffs and by administrativeregulations, would stem the flow of emigrants to Genoa, Hamburg and Bremen…”

72

In mid-1905, Budapest’s Pester Lloyd announced that the management of theHungarian Company for Maritime and River Navigation in Budapest was consider-ing options to direct emigration to North America through Rijeka and that the man-agers were studying organizational aspects of emigration in foreign ports.

73

Some people feared that the Government would grant a concession for the transportof emigrants to a foreign company, ostensibly under the name of a local shipper.Particularly feared was the introduction of a German company into the Hungarianport, at the expense of local companies. In order to save national pride and, to a small-er degree, to appease anti-German sentiments, Adria opted for a simple and practicalinterim solution – it hired ships from the British shipping company Cunard Line.

74

In late September 1903, Government officials Bele Gonde, a councilor, and Levai, theCommissioner for Emigration, arrived in Rijeka to finalize an agreement.Subsequently, the Government granted a “temporary concession” to Cunard.Opponents of Cunard’s and Adria’smonopoly reiterated an already discarded plan forthe involvement of the Hungarian Company for the Maritime and River Navigation, whichhad been voiced in the initial Governmental debates, because “healthy competitioncan be nothing but beneficial for the end consumers and for our town as a whole.”

75

The White Star Line, another major British shipper, decided to start transporting emi-grants from the Mediterranean to America and dedicated three ships to that purpose.Rijeka was considered as one of the ports of call, but the company never carried outthe plan.

76

Thus, in spite of initial proposals, the idea to involve local shippers directly in thetransport project was never implemented. As the result of that, the name Cunard-Adria was used just as a ploy, i.e., to sweeten the fact that the profitable project hadbeen granted to a foreign shipper. After the initial announcements, a British-Hungarian company called Cunard-Adria was no longer mentioned. Only the Cunard Line transported emigrants from Rijeka to New York, withAdria acting only as its agent and a representative. As Cunard’s representativein Hungary, Adria opened a number of outlets in different towns in the periph-

72 Emigration to America through Rijeka, Narodnaobrana (Osijek) 1 (28 September 1902), pp. 3-4.

73 Hunarian Emigration to America ChanneledThrough Rijeka (L’emigrazione ungarese perl’America diretta via Fiume), La Bilancia (23 July1903).The centralization project (Il progetto della centraliz-zazione), (5 September 1903).

74 The Adria company and the Government (LaSocieta Adria ed il Governo), La Bilancia (30September 1903).The Transport of Emigrants from Rijeka to New York(Il movimento d emigrazione tra Fiume e New York),La Bilancia, (1 December 1903). The Prime Minister … has granted to CunardSteamship Company, represented in Hungary byAdria company, a temporary concession for transportof emigrants by its steamships, which will start oper-ating between Rijeka and New York soon (In ministropresidente…ha accordato allo societa CunardSteamship Company, la quale e representata inUngheria della societa Adria, ili promesso provviso-rio per l embarco di emigranti nei suoi piroscafi, checommunicheranno prossimamente tra Fiume e NewYork), La Bilancia (30 September 1903).

75 The Adria Company and the Government (LaSocieta Adria ed il Governo), la Bilancia (30September 1903).

76 New line Rijeka-America (Una nuova linea Fiume-America), La Bilancia (21 November 1903).

Hotel za emigrante, moderna armiranobeton-ska arhitektura kojom se ugarske vlasti oso-bito ponose jer zadovoljava filantropske stan-darde onoga doba kojima je uzor bioBallinstadt u Hamburgu. U zgradi se obavlja-ju lije~ni~ki pregledi i dezinficira prtljaga, aiseljenicima su na raspolaganju i razne drugeusluge nu`ne prije odlaska u Ameriku.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

The Emigrants’ Hotel with its reinforced-con-crete structure had a modern architecture thatmade the Hungarian administration especial-ly proud, since it complied with the phylan-thropic standards of the time, which tookBallinstadt in Hamburg as a model. In thebuilding, emigrants could go to medicalexaminations and have their luggage desin-fected, as well as use other services, necessarybefore embarking for America. (Muzej grada Rijeke)


100

zapu}uje prema Sredozemlju. Najprije stiè u Trst, a 10. studenoga u Rijeku.80

Brod koji u Rijeci izaziva divljenje svojom veli~inom, ljepotom i udobno{}u, prvi putisplovljuje iz Rijeke u New York 14. studenoga sa samo 53 iseljenika. Adria preuzimabrigu o reklamiranju linije i prodaji voznih karata te u rujnu po~inje objavljivati oba-vijesti o isplovljavanju Auranije za Ameriku. No brod isplovljava gotovo prazan, a zanedostatak putnika neki optuùju brojne rije~ke agente – koji se nisu potrudili prona}iputnike za rije~ki brod, nego i dalje vode iseljenike u druge luke.

81

Jo{ prije isteka godine, 18. prosinca, iz Rijeke u New York kre}e drugi Cunardov brod,Carpathia, s 257 iseljenika u tre}em razredu i tri putnika u prvom razredu. Brod pris-taje u luci Baross, “kod ribarnice”. Izvjestitelji ne propu{taju istaknuti najsuvremenijutehni~ku opremljenost broda, va`nu i za sigurnost plovidbe. Dostignu}e je svoga dobabeì~ni telegraf –”markoniev brzojav bez ìca”.

82

Istoga dana kada Carpathia polazi iz Rijeke, u obratnom smjeru iz New Yorka kre}eAurania. Po~etkom 1904. Cunard uvodi i tre}i parobrod s namjerom da se linijaodràva redovito i da brod iz Rijeke kre}e dva puta mjese~no. Na liniji ostaje Aurania,povla~i se Carpathia, a uvode se Slavonia i Ultonija.

83

Ispo~etka Cunardovi brodovi, osim u Rijeci i Trstu, ukrcavaju iseljenike i u Veneciji,Genovi, Napulju, Palermu i Gibraltaru; ubrzo je odre|eno da pristaju samo uPalermu, uglavnom radi opskrbe, i da ne ukrcavaju putnike tre}e klase. Na povratkuiz New Yorka, brodovi pristaju i u Napulju.

84Vijest o lukama na liniji britanskog pri-

jevoznika rije~ka La Bilancia prenosi iz be~koga Zeita koji ne propu{ta podsjetiti datr{}anski Lloyd Austriaco ne smije prevoziti iseljenike jer je linija za Ameriku davnimugovorom (1878.) izme|u Austrije i Ugarske rezervirana za ugarskoga brodara.

85

Brod iz Rijeke isplovljuje svaka dva tjedna (petkom). Redovito su u slu`bi tri ili ~etiribroda koja prevoze otprilike 2000 putnika, uglavnom one tre}e klase, a u desetak go-dina izmjenjuje se na toj liniji vi{e parobroda – Aurania, Carpathia, Pannonia, Slavonia iUltonia, a kasnije Carmania, Caronia, Fraconia, Ivernia, Laconia i Saxonia. Iseljeni~ki paro-brodi samo u po~etku pristaju u luci Baross, poslije se iseljenici ukrcavaju u glavnojluci na Rudolfovu molu (dana{nji Orlandov gat), nedaleko od èljezni~kog kolodvorai “hotela za emigrante”.

S uspostavom nove linije vlada revidira i zakonske odredbe; nove stupaju na snagu20. travnja 1904. i odnose se na veli~inu brodova i sigurnost prijevoza te na iseljenikekoji u Rijeci moraju imati dvodnevan besplatni smje{taj i hranu.Prekobrojni, koji ne mogu biti ukrcani, imaju se èljeznicom odvesti u neku drugueuropsku luku, a cijena prijevoza do bilo koje luke, zajedno s cijenom brodske karte,ne smije prema{ivati cijenu karte od Rijeke do New Yorka.Daljnje se odredbe ti~u ograni~enja u vezi s vojnim obveznicima. To~no su odre|ene i cijene putnih karata – za brodove koji plove brzinom od 15 ~voro-va 180 kruna, za brè brodove 200 kruna, a za djecu pola cijene. Posebnim se odred-bama zabranjuje iseljavanje u Brazil.

86

U svakom slu~aju, nakon polugodi{njega uhodavanja ugarska vlada kona~no reguli-ra odnos s Cunardom. Grof Tisza, predsjednik vlade, izlaè 25. srpnja u ugarskom par-lamentu ugovor {to ga vlada sklapa s britanskim prijevoznikom.

87

Ugovorom su svi ugarski iseljenici u Sjevernu Ameriku, zapravo svi putnici iz “zema-lja ugarske krune”, obvezni ploviti Cunardovom linijom iz rije~ke luke.Vlada Cunardu dodjeljuje monopol kojim svoje dràvljane vezuje za tu liniju.Zauzvrat, prijevoznik ima obvezu za svakog putnika translajtanijske – ugarskepolovice Monarhije platiti ugarskoj vladi 10 kruna za takozvani iseljeni~ki fond.

88

Brodaru je zajam~eno i da }e iz Rijeke godi{nje prevesti 30.000 putnika, a ako ih budemanje, vlada }e mu pla}ati od{tetu od 100 kruna po osobi – za one koji nedostaju.Kvota je 1907. ukinuta zbog bojazni ameri~kih vlasti da }e poticati brodara i na pri-jevoz onih koji ne ispunjavaju kriterije ulaska u SAD.

89

BROJ PUTNIKA UKRCANIH U RIJECI 1903.-1913. / NUBMER OF PASSENGERS WHOEMBARKED IN RIJEKA 1903 - 1913

ISELJENICI IZ MA\ARSKE U SAD 1904.-1913. / EMIGRANTS FROM HUNGARY INTHE USA 1904 - 1913Postoci izraàvaju udio iseljenika preko rije~ke lukeEmigrants through the port of Rijeka in percentages.

GodinaYear

UkupnoTotal

313190331,273190436,950190549,386190648,483190715,322190835,224190937,506191018,326191122,874191221,9811913

317,638

Iseljenici izUgarske/

Emigrations fromHungary

Ukupno iseljeni uSAD/Total numberof emigrations in

the USAGodina

Year

177156 (17,65%) 812870 (3,84%)1904163703 (22,57%) 1026499 (3,60%)1905153540 (32,17%) 1100732 (4,49%)1906193460 (25,06%) 1285349 (3,77%)190785526 (17,92%) 782870 (1,96%)1908135793 (25,94%) 7517860(4,69%)1909122944 (30,51%) 1041570 (3,60%)191076928 (23,82%) 878587 (2,09%)191193098 (24,59%) 838172 (2,73%)1912143321 (15,34%) 1197892 (1,83%)1913

1256821 (25,25%) 9716330 (3,27%)UkupnoTotal

80 Put Rieke, Novi list (23. 10. 1903.), str. 4. Za prijevoz putnika u Ameriku, Novi list (11. 11.1903.)“Parobrod je velik, krasan, providjen sa svimmogu}im udobnostima.”81 Odlazak Auranie, Novi list, 4 (14. 11. 1903.), str. 4.82 Parobrod Carpathia, Novi list, 4 (16. 12. 1903.)83 Parobrodarsko dru`tvo Cunard-Adria, Novi list, 5(9. 1. 1904.) Putovanje Rieka-New York i obratno, Novi list, 5 (12.2. 1904.)84 L’ emigrazione da Fiume e Trieste, La Bilancia (15.1. 1905.) 85 La “Cunard Line” nei porti dell Adriatico, LaBilancia (5. 9. 1903.)Il trust di Morgan e la linea Cunard nel Mediterraneo,La Bilancia (19. 8. 1903.)86 Per l’ emigrazione, La Bilancia (14. 4. 1904.)87 Novi list, Ugovor sa Cunard-Line, Novi list, 5 (26.7. 1904.)88 Ameri~ka zlatna brda, Novi list (1904.)89 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, u: Rije~kaluka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke,Rijeka, 2001., str. 233.


101

NACIONALNI SASTAV EMIGRANATAKOJI SU ISELILI U AMERIKU PREKORIJE^KE LUKE 1909. / NATIONALITY OFEMIGRANTS WHO LEFT FOR AMERICAFROM THE PORT OF RIJEKA IN 1909.

xxxx

NACIONALNA ZASTUPLJENOST ISE-LJENIKA PREKO RIJE^KE LUKE / NATIONALITY OF EMIGRANTS WHOSAILED FROM THE PORT OF RIJEKA

broj/N°Narodi/nations

17415Ma|ari/Hungarians6270Slovaci/ Slovaks4647Nijemci/Germans3424Rumunji/Romanians1724Hrvati/Croats888Rusini/Ruthenians572Srbi/Serbs76Rusi/Russians55Austrijanci/Austrians37Bugari/Bulgarians8Turci/Turks5Kana|ani/Canadians5Crnogorici/Montenegrins3Talijani/Italians2Grci/Greeks2Armenci/Armenians1Nizozemci/Dutch90Amerikanci ro|eni u inozemstvu ili

~iji su roditelji ro|eni u inozemstvu/Americans, of foreing birth orparentage

35224Ukupno/Total

IseljeniciEmigrantsNarodi/Nations

40%Madari/Hungarians25%Slovaci/Slovaks15%Nijemci/Germans10%Rumunji/Romanians5%Rusini/Ruthenians3%Hrvati/Croats2%Srbi/Serbs

77 Cunard-Adria Shipping Company, Novi list 5 (9March 1904).

Adria, Royal Hungarian Sea Navigation Company(Regia ungarica societa anonima di nav. marittima),La Bilancia (5 September 1906).

Per quelli che emigrano, Nuove agenzie de emi-grazione, La Bilancia (29 August 1906).

78 A New Hungarian-American Line (Una nuovalinea ungaro americana), La Bilancia (11 January1906).

79 New Hungarian Line for the Emigrants (La nuovalinea ungarese d emigrazione), La Bilancia (1 August1906).

80 Destination Rijeka, Novi list (23 October 1903), p. 4.

81 Departure of the Aurania, Novi list, 4 (14November 1903), p. 4.

82 The Carpathia steamship, Novi list, 4 (16 December1903).

83 Cunard-Adria steamship company, Novi list, 5 (9January 1904).

84 Emigration from Rijeka and Trieste (L’emigrazioneda Fiume e Trieste), La Bilancia (15 January 1905).

85 The Cunard Line in the Adriatic Ports (La CunardLine nei porti dell Adriatico), La Bilancia (5September 1903). The Morgan Trust and the Cunard Line in theMediterranean (Il trust di Morgan e la linea Cunardnel Mediterraneo), La Bilancia (19 August 1903).

86 For Emigration (Per l’emigrazione), La Bilancia (14April 1904).

eral region of “southern Hungary”. Nevertheless, Adria usually advertised the serv-ice for New York as its own in its timetable.

77

However, Adria did not give up its plans to introduce its own “national” service forAmerica. In early 1906 Adria’s representatives met in Berlin with the Cunard andNorddeutscher Lloyd in the presence of Hungarian government officials.

78Subsequently,

the Holland-America Line joined the negotiations to establish a new carrier. The project-ed capital stock of the new shipper would be 10 to 12 million Crowns.

79But the plans

to establish a national transoceanic shipping company, jointly with selected foreignshippers, flopped again.Already in late 1903, before signing the final contract with the HungarianGovernment, Cunard Line carried out two trial voyages from Rijeka to New York. Atthat time this major transoceanic carrier was expanding its operations in theMediterranean, especially through the Italians ports of Genoa and Naples.

80

On 20 October 1903 Cunard launched its Trieste-Rijeka-New York line using theAurania steamship, which sailed from Trieste to Rijeka with 349 passengers on board.After leaving Trieste, it called in Rijeka on 10 November 1903The ship’s size, beauty and comfort awed Rijeka’s inhabitants. On 14 November theship set sail for New York with only 52 emigrants on board. Adria assumed responsi-bility for marketing and ticketing and in November it announced the timetable for theAurania’s voyages to America. But the ship continued to sail virtually empty, whichsome blamed on numerous agencies in Rijeka which sent emigrants to other ports.

81

On 18 December, another Cunard’s ship, the Carpathia, left Rijeka for New York, with257 emigrants in third class and three in first class. The ship docked in Porto Baro{,“by the fish market”. Reporters did not fail to mention the ship’s cutting edge equip-ment, including that important for navigation safety. The ship boasted the latestinvention, a wireless telegraph, dubbed “Marconi’s telegram without wires.”

82

On the same day when the Carpathia put out from Rijeka, the Aurania headed towardsRijeka from New York. In early 1904, the Cunard introduced a third steamship, inorder to maintain a regular biweekly service from Rijeka. Cunard withdrew theCarpathia from the service and added the Slavonia and the Ultonia with the Aurania tothe route.

83

Initially, other than in Rijeka and Trieste, the Cunard’s ships boarded passengers inVenice, Genoa, Naples, Palermo and Gibraltar. Soon, it was decided that Cunard’sships would dock only in Palermo, mostly for supplies, and would not allow thirdclass passengers to board there. On the way back from New York the ships docked inNaples too.

84Rijeka’s La Bilanica carried a report from Vienna’s Zeit, which did not fail

to mention that Trieste’s Lloyd Austriaco was not allowed to transport emigrants toAmerica, as that had been reserved for Hungarian shippers by an earlier understand-ing between Austria and Hungary, signed in 1878.

85

Ships sailed out from Rijeka twice per month, on alternative Fridays. Three to fourships remained in service on the route, each ship having a capacity of approximately2,000 passengers, mostly in third class. Over the next ten years, the Cunard Line oper-ated several ships on the line, including the Aurania, the Carpathia, the Pannonia, theSlavonia and the Ultonia and later the Carmania, the Caronia, the Fraconia, the Ivernia,the Laconia and the Saxonia. Initially the emigrants’ ships docked at Porto Baro{.Later on, emigrants were boarded at the main port on Prince Rudolf’s Pier (presentlyOrlando’s Pier), close to the train station and the Emigrants’ Hotel.The new line coincided with the passing of new legal provisions, implemented on 20April 1904. These regulations specified the size of ships and safety standards and pro-vided that emigrants waiting in Rijeka would be entitled to free food and board fortwo days.In case of overbooking, passengers would be taken free of charge by train to someother port and shipped from there to New York, all for the price of the Rijeka-NewYork ticket.Other regulations pertained to limitations concerning men of military age. Ticket prices were precisely stipulated – 180 crowns for ships with a maximum speedof 15 knots, 200 crowns for faster ships, half price for children. Special regulationsbanned emigration to Brazil.

86


102

Ugovorom su se ponajprije osjetila pogo|ena njema~ka parobrodarska dru{tva, koja“dvojnu Monarhiju” smatraju svojim doma}im trì{tem. Zato su Nijemci na svena~ine poku{ali onemogu}iti uljeza, no s mnogo manje uspjeha nego u Trstu, na tlu“njema~ke” polovice Carstva, u kojoj je Cunard doista onemogu}en uspje{nijomkonkurencijom pod kontrolom sjevernonjema~kih brodarskih dru{tava.Borba se na trì{tu vodi pruànjem boljih usluga za manje cijene, oko ~ega senjema~ke kompanije posebno trude.“Dok je izme|u ugarske vlade i Cunard-Linie ustanovljena ciena prevoza 180 k,njema~ka dru{tva spustila su tu ciene ve} na 80, dapa~e i 70 kruna. To je tako djelova-lo na Cunard Liniju, da je njezino ravnateljstvo samo od sebe, dakle i mimo ugovora,spustilo svoje ciene prevoza na 120 k izjavom, da niè ne moè po}i, jer onih 50 K na70 K njema~kih ciena dieli se ovako: 20 k ide birou za izdavanje karata, 20 dru`tvuAdria’ a 10 K fondu za iseljavanje.”

90

Gotovo istovremeno s “rije~kim dogovorima”, Cunard krajem 1903. postiè sli~anodnos i s austrijskom vladom za liniju izme|u Trsta i New Yorka. Engleski je pri-jevoznik “dobio od austrijske vlade istu dozvolu kao i onu od ugarske, za odprema-nje iseljenika iz Austrije”. Izjedna~ene su i cijene karata za odlazak iz Trsta kao i izRijeke, no broj je iseljenika jo{ uvijek vrlo mali jer su karte preskupe.

91

U praksi Cunard u Trstu ne postiè ni pribli`ne uvjete kao u Rijeci. U Trstu uskorodobiva jaku austrijsko-njema~ku konkurenciju (Austro-Americana), a u Rijeci do krajazadràva monopol i blagoslov ugarske vlade. Cunardu na ugarskom tlu nimalo nesmetaju velike sjevernonjema~ke kompanije koje se nikad i ne uspijevaju probiti urije~ku luku.

Prihvat emigranata u Rijeci, pregled dokumenata i zdravstveni pregled uo~i ukrcajavrlo su brzo rije{eni u suradnji s ameri~kim predstavnicima.Krajem 1903. u Rijeci se otvara Konzularna agencija SAD-a; dolazi mladi i agilnidvadesetogodi{njak Fiorello La Guardia koji se brine o regularnosti isprava i nadzirezdravstveni pregled iseljenika. Redoviti lije~ni~ki pregledi bitno smanjuju broj odbi-jenih kojima vlasti u New Yorku ne odobravaju useljenje.

Unato~ vi{emjese~nome nedovoljnom broju iseljenika i neisplativih plovidbi, ve} udrugoj polovici 1904. posebnim vlakovima iz Ma|arske po~inju redovito pristizati sto-tine ili ~ak tisu}e prekobrojnih. Po~etkom listopada problem gotovo poprima razmjereelementarne nepogode.

92

Gradona~elnik Francesco Vio upozorava ministra unutarnjih poslova i traì rje{enjerazmatraju}i, osim smje{taja na brodu i u “hotelima za emigrante”, kori{tenje vlakovakoji su zate~eni na rije~kom kolodvoru.

90 Ameri~ka zlatna brda, Novi list (1904).

91 Izseljavanje preko Rieke i Trsta, Novi list, 5 (29. 1.1904.) “U ostalom ovom se odpremnom slu`bom ovogenglezkog dru`tva nije dosele jo{ pove}ao broj izsel-jenika preko Trsta i Rieke, a to mo`da radi toga, {to jeput preko Trsta ili Rieke u New York veoma skup zaizseljenike. Naprotiv bio je ve}i promet emigranatakod povratka...mjesta na parobrodima /su/ pokad{tozakaparirana po nekoliko tjedana prije odlazkaladja.”

92 Una questione grave – Emigranti privi d’ alloggio,La Bilancia (4. 10. 1904.)

Vreva na obali i na palubi pri ukrcaju na brodu Rijeci. Pribli`no dvije tisu}e iseljenika, neko-liko stotina ~lanova posade i stotineznatièljnika koji su ispra}ali prekooceanskibrod, uvijek su zanimljiv i {arolik prizor nakoji su Rije~ani skretali pa`nju i svojim gosti-ma.(Rije~ka luka, povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzejgrada Rijeke, 2001.)

A crowd of people on Rijeka’s coast and onthe ship deck during boarding. Rijeka’s inhab-itants used to draw the attention of their visi-tors to this always interesting and picturesquescene of around two thousand emigrants, sev-eral hundred crew members and a hundredcurious bystanders who were seeing off thetransatlantic passenger ship. (The Rijeka Harbour, History, Construction,Traffic, Muzej grada Rijeke, 2001)


103

After a six month introductory period, the Hungarian Government finally formalizedits relationship with Cunard. On 25 July Count Tisza, Prime Minister, outlined inParliament the agreement that the Government reached with the British shipper.

87

Pursuant to the agreement, all Hungarian emigrants to North America, that is, all theemigrants from the “territories of the Kingdom of Hungary,” had to travel from theport of Rijeka on Cunard ships. The Government granted Cunard a monopoly on thetransport of all Hungarian citizens. In return, the shipper had to pay the Government10 crowns for each passenger from the Transleithanien, i.e., the Hungarian part of theAustro-Hungarian Monarchy, which would be credited toward a so-called Emigrants’Fund.

88

The Government had to pay Cunard compensation of 100 crowns per passenger if itfailed to meet the stipulated minimum of 30,000 passengers per year. In 1907, thequota was lowered in respond to a demand from the United States, which feared thatit would encourage Cunard to transport even those passengers who did not meet theUS immigration standards.

89

The first to be antagonized by the agreement were German shipping companies, whoconsidered the “Dual Monarchy” their own back yard. Hence, the Germans used allmeans available to eliminate the intruder. Yet, in Rijeka they were much less success-ful than in Trieste, in the Germanic half of the Monarchy, where Cunard was disabledby more powerful competition controlled by north German shipping companies. Theshippers competed by lowering prices and raising the standard of their services.German shippers proved especially dynamic in this regard.“Compared to the 180 crowns stipulated in the agreement between the Hungariangovernment and the Cunard Line, the German companies offered voyages at 80, oreven 70 crowns. The Cunard Line reacted by lowering its price to 120 crowns, withoutwaiting for an amendment to the agreement. They explained in a statement that theycould not go any lower, as the 50 crowns difference with the German price had to bedivided among the ticket agent (20 crowns), Adria Ltd. (20 crowns) and the Emigrants’Fund (10 crowns).”

90

In late 1903, almost concurrently with the “Rijeka negotiations,” Cunard struck a sim-ilar deal with the Austrian Government for the Trieste-New York service. TheAustrian Government granted the English shipper “the same conditions to transportemigrants from Trieste as the Hungarian Government had before it”. The agreementconformed ticket prices in Trieste to those in Rijeka, yet the interest of emigrantsremained limited as the prices were too high.

91

Cunard fared much worse in Trieste than in Rijeka. While it kept its monopoly grant-ed by the benevolent Hungarian Government in Rijeka, it faced stiff competition inTrieste from the Austrian-German company, Austro-Americana. On Hungarian soil,Cunard operated free of competition from large north German companies, whichnever got hold in the port of Rijeka.

87 Contract with the Cunard Line, Novi list, 5 (26 July1904).

88 American Hills of Gold (Americka zlatna brda),Novi list (1904).

89 John P. Kraljic, Rijeka as a Port of Emigration(Rijeka kao iseljenicka luka), in: The Port of Rijeka,History, Development, Operation, (Rijecka luka: povi-jest, izgradnja, promet), Muzej grada Rijeke, Rijeka,2001, p. 233.

90 American Golden Hills, Novi list (1904).

91 Novi list 5 (29 January 1904) “That being said, the departures of emigrants thoughtTrieste and Rijeka aboard the British ships did notincrease, because the voyages remained too expan-sive for the emigrants. On the other hand, the inflowof emigrants was so big that on occasions tickets forthe return tips had to be booked several weeks beforedeparture”.

Razglednica s poznatim Cunardovim brodomCarpathia koja neko vrijeme plovi na linijiizme|u Rijeke i New Yorka. Brod, kojemu jedobar dio posade iz rije~ke okolice, proslaviose spa{avanjem pre`ivjelih s Titanica.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

A postcard showing Cunard’s well-knownship RMS Carpathia which connected for atime Rijeka and New York. This ship, whosecrew memebers came to a greater part fromthe region around Rijeka, became famous forrescuing the survivors of RMS Titanic.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


104

Nakon kratkotrajne zbrke, u Slavoniju se ukrcava 1920 emigranata s kojima brodisplovljava 6. listopada 1904.. Oko 1500 prekobrojnih vlakom je upu}eno u Antwerpenna ukrcaj u Carpathiju.

93

Budu}i da isti brodovi pristaju u Rijeci i Trstu, zanimljiv je pokazatelj odnos ukrcanihu obje luke u vrijeme najve}e vreve. Primjerice, na Panoniju, koja 20. listopada 1904.isplovljuje iz Rijeke, ukupno su ukrcana 2063 putnika, od toga u Trstu samo 214, dakletek – desetina! A sljede}ega ih je dana jo{ petstotinjak prekobrojnih posebnim vlakomkrenulo iz Rijeke na ukrcaj u Antwerpen! Ukrcaj u vlakove (katkad jedan za drugimkre}u po dva vlaka prekobrojnih) koji putuju za belgijsku luku, postaje gotovo redovi-ta praksa.

94

Nevolje s velikim brojem iseljenika koji dolaze u vrijeme ukrcaja, ve} su u po~etkuprivremeno rije{ene smje{tajem u ku}e za emigrante u Ulici Serpentina na Pioppima(alloggio Marac), u zapadnom predgra|u. [estotinjak ih se smje{ta u Hotel Su{ak i uvojno skladi{te (casa di trasporti militari) u Ulici Castello.

Iako se od samog po~etka spominje nu`nost gradnje posebne emigrantske ku}e pouzoru na Hamburg u kojem postoji cijelo naselje sa svim potrebnim sadràjima, pa icrkvom i sinagogom, izgradnja se oteè vi{e godina.

95

Ve} krajem 1904. vlada otkupljuje zgradu na Turni}u koju namjerava preurediti u emi-grantsko prihvatili{te koje }e zadovoljavati sve nu`ne higijenske uvjete.

96

No po~etkom 1906. ve} po~inju radovi na izgradnji potpuno novog “hotela za emi-grante” u “via Volosca” (“industrijska” – Bar~i}eva ulica) koji bi trebao biti dovr{eniste godine. Izgradnja je ujedno i demonstracija najnovije tehnologije armiranog be-ona, a treba zadovoljiti sve zahtjeve higijene i smje{taja 2000 iseljenika.

97

Zgrada je doista impozantnih razmjera – duga~ka 160 m, {iroka 24 m, a visoka 17,5 m.U povi{enom suterenu predvi|en je odvojen smje{taj za tek prispjele emigrante, kojejo{ nije pregledala ni policija ni lije~nik, zatim velika dvorana-~ekaonica, kupaonice,prostorija za lije~ni~ke preglede, prostorija za dezinfekciju, garderoba za prtljagu iodje}u te strojarnica, skladi{ta hrane, praonica i prostorije za smje{taj osoblja.

I u prizemlju su predvi|ene odvojene mu{ke i ènske spavaonice za privremenismje{taj tek prispjelih, zatim ured za prijam iseljenika, velika ~ekaonica, dvorane zave} pregledane i primljene emigrante, ured za pregled putnih karata i ured za emi-grantskog povjerenika te prostorija za bolesne, dva velika predvorja, kuhinje, velikablagovaonica i du}ani s namirnicama i tekstilom, brija~nica i trafika.Na prvom i drugom katu su spavaonice; na svakom katu po osam velikih spavaoni-ca, {est manjih i nekoliko za cijele obitelji, te kupaonice i zahodi, predsoblja i sli~no.Uza spavaonice su i prostorije u kojima se emigranti mogu zadràvati danju teotvorene terase. U spavaonicama je smje{teno oko 500 kreveta. Predvi|ene su i pro-tupoàrne sigurnosne mjere, uvedena elektri~na rasvjeta i ventilacija.

98

Radovi su se ipak otegnuli pa je iseljeni~ka ku}a – “hotel za emigrante” – otvorena tekpo~etkom 1908. godine. Unato~ strogim pravilima pona{anja u zgradi, u takvommno{tvu ljudi nerijetko se doga|aju nepredvi|ene okolnosti i kra|e, a radi opreznos-ti i straha od epidemije zbog pristiglih iz zaraènih krajeva, katkad su svi emigrantizatvoreni u ku}i i ne mogu izlaziti u grad.

99

Od 1904. do 1913. preko rije~ke luke u SAD iseljava 317.638 iseljenika. U vrijeme najin-tenzivnijega iseljavanja, od 1904. do 1910., preko Rijeke je godi{nje odlazilo izme|u30.000 i 50.000 osoba. Iznimka je 1908. kada zbog gospodarske krize u SAD iseljujusamo 15.322 iseljenika.

100

Po broju ukrcanih iseljenika rije~ka je luka na 8. mjestu me|u europskim kontinental-nim lukama (nisu ubrojene engleske luke Liverpool i Southampton). Iako je u ugarskoj polovici Monarhije Rijeka jedina luka i zato obvezna za ugarske ise-

93 Cronaca del Emigrazione, La Bilancia (5. 10. 1904.)

94 Cronaca dell emigrazione, La Bilancia (21. 10.1904.)

95 Hans-Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wöst, ViaHamburg to the World, From the Emigrants Halle toBallinstadt, Ellert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg 2007.

96 L’ albergo per gli emigranti, La Bilancia (29. 11.1904.)

97 Il nuovo albergo per gli emigranti, La Bilancia (17.2. 1906.)

98 Il nuovo albergo degli emigranti, La Bilancia (30. 5.1906.)

99 L ‘albergo d emigrazione bloccato, La Bilancia (30.9. 1910.)

100 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, u: Rije~kaluka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke,Rijeka, 2001., str. 234.

“Kraljevsko-ugarsko parobrodarsko dioni~kodru{tvo Adria” obavlja agencijske poslove zaCunard – reklamira i prodaje karte za NewYork. Oglas objavljen na hrvatskom jasnoporu~uje kome je namijenjen – prije svegasiroma{nim seljacima u rije~koj okolici iPrimorju.(Novi list, studeni 1903., Sveu~ili{na knji`nicaRijeka)

“The Hungarian Steamship Company Adria”ran agency services for Cunard, such as adver-tising and selling tickets for New York. Thisannouncement published in Croatian clearlystates to whom it is addressed – primarily topoor farmers from and around Rijeka and theLittoral region. (Novi list, November 1903, (Sveu~ili{naknji`nica Rijeka)


105

The United States opened a consular office in Rijeka in late 1903, with the arrival of ayoung and agile Fiorello La Guardia, then still in his 20s, which monitored the inspec-tion of documents and medical examinations of emigrants. Thanks to regular medicalcheck-ups, the number of emigrants turned back by the immigration authorities inNew York diminished.In cooperation with United States’ representatives, the reception of emigrants, thereview of their documents and their medical check-ups were quickly organized.

After several months, when the number of emigrants remained insufficient to guaran-tee the profitability of voyages, special trains from Hungary started bringing hun-dreds, even thousands, of supernumerary emigrants in late 1904. In early October theproblem almost reached the proportions of a natural catastrophe.

92

Mayor Francesco Vio alerted the Minister of the Interior. The Mayor suggested thatother than on a ship, and in the Emigrants’ Hotel, the passengers should be accommo-dated on trains that alight at the Rijeka train station.

After a short period of confusion, on 6 October 1904 the Slavonia set sail with 1,920emigrants on board. About 1,500 supernumeraries were sent by train to Antwerp, toboard the Carpathia.

93

Considering that the same ships called at Rijeka and at Trieste, an interesting indica-tor is the number of boarded passengers at the two ports in peak periods. Thus, on 20October 1904, 2,063 passengers sailed on board of the Pannonia from Rijeka and only214 from Trieste (i.e., only 10%!). On the next day, another 500 odd supernumerarieswere sent by special train from Rijeka to Antwerp. From then on, supernumerary emi-grants were sent to the Belgian port by special trains (sometimes two at a time) almostregularly.

94

The problem of the large number of emigrants was initially solved by their accommo-dation in emigrants’ hostels in Via Serpentina sui Pioppi (alloggio Marac), in the west-ern suburbs. About 600 emigrants could be accommodated at the Su{ak hotel and ina military storage area (casa dei trasporti militari) in Via Castello.

Although the construction of an emigrants’ hostel, modeled on one in Hamburgwhich consisted of a residential area, with a church and a synagogue, was considerednecessary from the very outset, work on same did not begin in Rijeka for several years.

95

In late 1904, the Government bought a house in the Turni} area in order to convert itinto an emigrants’ refuge meeting all necessary hygienic standards.

96

Work on the Emigrants’ Hotel started in early 1906 in Via Volosca (formerly

92 A Serious Question – Emigrants Have Nowhere toStay (Una questione grave – Emigranti privi di alog-gio), La Bilancia (4 October 1904).

93 Cronaca del Emigrazione, La Bilancia, (5 October1904).

94 Chronicle of Emigration (Cronaca dell emi-grazione), La Bilancia (21 October 1904).

95 Hans-Hermann Groppe, Ursula Wost, ViaHamburg to the World, from the Emigrants Halle toBallinstadt, Ellert & Richter Verlag, Hamburg 2007.

96 An Emigrants’ Hostel (L’Albergo per gli emi-granti), La Bilancia (29 Novembar 1904).

Blagovaonica iz Cunardova prospektaUgarsko-ameri~ke linije. Zbog lo{ega glasakoji je pratio smje{taj tre}e klase, brodari sepo~etkom 1900-ih rado hvale pobolj{animstandardom namijenjenim najskromnijimputnicima.(Upute i razja{njenje sjeverno amerikanskim izse-ljenicima, Muzej grada Rijeke)

The dinning room from Cunard’s leaflet of theHungarian-American Line. Due to the badreputation of the accommodation of the thirdclass, at the beginning of the 1900s shippingcompanies often advertised improved stan-dards for the most modest passengers.(Instructions and explanations for emigrants toNorth America, Muzej grada Rijeke)


106

ljenike, ovim je putem iselila samo ~etvrtina svih iseljenih iz Ugarske (1.256.821) u tomrazdoblju. Iako smanjen, odljev iseljenika prema sjevernim i zapadnim lukama i daljeje velik.

U rije~koj se luci naj~e{}e ne ukrcavaju stanovnici iz okolice. Zbog Cunardove koncesi-je koja vrijedi samo za ugarske iseljenike, a ne i za austrijske, oni s otoka i iz obli`njihzapadnih predjela uop}e ne mogu biti ukrcani. No ni Primorci koji su ugarski dràv-ljani, uglavnom ne odlaze iz Rijeke – zbog visokih cijena i poslovnih interesa brojnihovda{njih i stranih agencija koje ih odvode u druge luke. Ovamo uglavnom stiù iseljenici iz unutra{njosti me|u kojima su najbliì oni iznedalekih predjela Like.U svakom slu~aju, u vi{e od deset godina neprekidna iseljeni~kog prometa, iz Rijeke iTrsta je u SAD otputovalo vi{e od pola milijuna iseljenika.A nakon rata iz rije~ke se luke vi{e ne putuje u Ameriku.

Karta pograni~nih podru~ja izme|u glavnihluka Carstva – austrijskoga Trsta i ugarskeRijeke. Austrijsko primorje do padaMonarhije seè do zapadnih rije~kih pred-gra|a. Izravno je pod ugarskom vladom uBudimpe{ti jedino usko podru~je Rijeke.Isto~no predgra|e, Su{ak, koje se krajem 19.stolje}a razvija u pravi grad, pripadaKraljevini Hrvatskoj, jednoj od zemaljaugarske krune.(Josip @galji}, Rijeka)

The map of frontier areas between the mainports of the Empire – Austrian Trieste andHungarian Rijeka (Fiume). Until the fall of theMonarchy, the Austrian part of the littoralreached until the western suburbs of Rijeka.Only the narrow area of the town of Rijekawas under direct Budapest-based Hungarianrule. The eastern suburb, Su{ak, which starteddeveloping into a proper town at the end ofthe 19th century, belonged to the Kingdom ofCroatia-Slavonia, one of the autonomousparts under the Hungarian crown.(Josip @galji}, Rijeka)


107

Industrijska, now Bar~i}eva Street) and was scheduled to be completed by the end ofthe year (though work on the Hotel dragged on until 1908). The construction wasmeant to demonstrate the use of the latest technology of reinforced concrete and tomeet all hygienic standards to accommodate 2,000 emigrants.

97

The building was really imposing – 160 m long, 24 m wide and 17.5 m high. Newarrivals would enter into a separate room in the basement, where they would remainbefore being checked by the police and the physicians. The basement included a largewaiting hall, bathrooms, a room for medical check-ups, a disinfection room, storagefor luggage and clothes, a boiler room, a food storage facility, a washroom and roomsfor the staff.

98

Separate male and female bedrooms were placed on ground floor for temporaryaccommodation of new arrivals. The ground floor included a check-in office, a largewaiting room, halls for checked-in and examined emigrants, an office for inspection offares, an office of the commissioner for emigration, an infirmary, two large anti-cham-bers, a kitchen, a large dining hall, food and textile shops, a barber’s shop and a kiosk.

The first and the second floors each had eight large bedrooms, six smaller bedroomsand several family bedrooms, bathrooms, toilets, ante-chambers and similar rooms.Next to the bedrooms were living rooms for the emigrants and open terraces. Totalnumber of beds in the bedrooms was around 500. The Hotel had electric power, ven-tilation and fire prevention equipment.

99

In spite of strict house rules, problems and thefts frequently occurred due to the largenumbers of emigrants. As a precaution against epidemics, especially when emigrantsarrived from infected areas, from time to time emigrants remained confined to theHotel and could not go out.

Between 1904 and 1913, 317,638 emigrants traveled from Rijeka to the USA . In thepeak period, between 1904 and 1910, between 30,000 and 50,000 persons emigratedthrough Rijeka every year. During that period, only 1908 had been a slow year whenonly 15,322 persons emigrated due to a recession in the USA.

100

By number of boarded passengers, the port of Rijeka ranked 8th in Continental Europe(not counting the English ports of Liverpool and Southampton).

Although the only port in the Hungarian part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, andthus obligatory for Hungarian emigrants, only a quarter of all emigrants fromHungary (1,256,821) during that period used Rijeka. Although abating, the outflow ofemigrants towards northern and western ports remained significant.

Normally, emigrants from the immediate area of Rijeka did not depart from that port.Cunard’s concession applied only to Hungarian emigrants, and not to the Austrians,which would have included emigrants from nearby islands and Istria. But, even emi-grants from the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko Primorje) region, who were Hungariancitizens, mostly opted for other ports, due to high fare prices and vested interests oflocal and foreign travel agents.As a result, emigrants from the hinterlands primarily used the port of Rijeka.

In any case, over ten years of continuous emigration, more than half a million emi-grants traveled to the USA from Rijeka and Trieste.

After World War I, ships no longer sailed to America from Rijeka’s docks.

97 New Hostel for the Emigrants (Il nuovo albergoper gli emigranti), La Bilancia (17 February 1906).

98 New Hostel for the Emigrants (Il nuovo albergoper gli emigranti), La Bilancia (30 May 1906).

99 The Hostel for the Emigrants Sealed Off (L’ alber-go d emigrazione bloccato), La Bilancia (30 September1910).

100 John P. Kraljic, Rijeka as a Port of Emigration (Rijekakao iseljenicka luka), in: The Port of Rijeka, History,Development, Operation, (Rijecka luka: povijest, izgrad-nja, promet), Muzej grada Rijeke, Rijeka


108

Fiorello la Guardia i ameri~ki konzulat u Rijeci

Iako konzularni predstavnici SAD-a u Rijeci djeluju od 1831., ve}ina su konzularnihpredstavnika ro|eni Rije~ani, no njihova je uloga zanemariva.

101

Tek po~etkom 20. stolje}a, otkad SAD ima konkretnih potreba sa sustavno organizira-nom konzularnom slu`bom, po~inju u Rijeku stizati ameri~ki dràvljani – profesio-nalni konzularni namje{tenici.Prvi je Raymond Norman Willey, u Rijeci od 1900. do 1903. godine. Za svoga jeslu`bovanja upoznao Achillea Carla la Guardiju, rodom iz Foggije u Apuliji, koji je uAmerici ìvio od 1880., a do umirovljenja 1898. bio je kapelnik ameri~ke vojske. Nakonpovratka nakratko se nastanio kod ènine obitelji u Trstu, ali je vrlo brzo stigao uRijeku.

102

Ve} 17. lipnja 1899. La Guardia preuzima vo|enje restorana Hotela Kontinental uSu{aku. Budu}i da govori vi{e jezika, nije mu te{ko nau~iti i – hrvatski. Uklju~uje se iu dru{tveni i glazbeni ìvot pa na natje~aju za rije~ku canzonetu osvaja prvu nagradupjesmom Dime Rita (1901.).

Upravo je zahvaljuju}i konzulu Willeyu Achilleu ponu|eno mjesto konzularnog agen-ta. Spretni gostioni~ar to nije prihvatio, ali se potrudio da mu tada jo{ vrlo mladi sinFiorello Henry la Guardia (1882.–1947.) ve} 1900. bude namje{ten u ameri~komeGeneralnom konzulatu u Budimpe{ti.

103

Kada se krajem 1903. zbog priprema za pokretanje izravne parobrodarske linijeizme|u Rijeke i New Yorka ukazala potreba za konzularnim agentom u Rijeci,najboljim se izborom pokazao mladi Fiorello, najvi{e zahvaljuju}i poznavanju talijan-skog jezika. U velja~i 1904. premje{ten je iz Budimpe{te u Rijeku kao jedini slu`benikameri~ke konzularne agencije.

104

U Rijeci mu je glavna du`nost pregled iseljenika koji se svaka dva tjedna ukrcavaju ubrod za New York.Budu}i da je stigao upravo na po~etak organiziranog iseljavanja preko Rijeke, najpri-je je pokrenuo rad ovda{nje ameri~ke konzularne slu`be na poslovima u vezi smasovnim iseljavanjem iz Ugarske i vodio brigu o sustavnom i temeljitom lije~ni~kompregledu emigranata.Zaposlio je i lije~nika Stanislaoa D’ Emilia koji prije ukrcaja redovito pregledava put-nike, kako bi se izbjegli pre~esti slu~ajevi povrata iseljenika nakon pregleda iseljeni~keslu`be u New Yorku.

Vi{e nego iseljenici, La Guardiji su nevolje izazivali diplomatski osjetljivi slu~ajevi, naprimjer, povratnici i biv{i bjegunci od vojne obveze, koji su u me|uvremenu postaliameri~ki gra|ani. Nakon povratka u rodni kraj, austrougarske su ih vlasti progonilezbog starih grijeha, a konzul branio pozivaju}i se na Konvencije o naturalizaciji ipravu ameri~kih dràvljana da budu izuzeti iz obveze sluènja vojnog roka u starojdomovini. îm je stigao u Rijeku, zauzeo se za jednog takvog krivca, “biv{eg” Hrvata.

U travnju 1904., samo dva mjeseca nakon stupanja na du`nost konzularnog agenta,ambiciozni La Guardia upu}uje u Washington prijedlog da se konzularna agencija uRijeci podigne na rang konzulata, a on unaprijedi u konzula. Prijedlog nije bio usvo-jen. Osim izravnog bavljenja iseljenicima, konzulat ima i drugih du`nosti. Uz ostalo, ipruànje usluga ameri~kim brodovima i Amerikancima koje su ovamo dovodili razniposlovi. Na poziv parobrodarskog dru{tva Adria krajem listopada 1905., u Rijeku stièameri~ki socijalisti~ki pisac Walling koji prou~ava uzroke iseljavanja u Ameriku.Zanima ga ukrcavanje iseljenika na brod, a posebno prati veliku skupinu hrvatskihemigranata.

101 Irvin Lukeì}, Povijest rije~kih konzulata, Adami},Rijeka 2004., str.166.–187.

102 Njegova je èna Irene iz ìdovske obitelji Coenpodrijetlom iz Splita. Lukeì}, isto, str. 172.

103 Ubrzo nakon sinova odlaska, otac ve} sljede}egodine, 1901., neo~ekivano napu{ta Rijeku i odlazi uKopar.

104 Fiorello La Guardia, The Making of An Insurgent,An Autobiography: 1882 – 1919, J. B. LippincottCompany, Philadelphia and New York, 1948., str.38.–61.

Achille Carlo la Guardia, glazbenik iz pokra-jine Apulije u Italiji, odlazi u Ameriku i od1880. do umirovljenja 1898. vojni je kapelnik.Nakon povratka nastanjuje se kod ènineobitelji u Trstu, no ve} 1899. dolazi u Rijeku (uSu{ak) i preuzima restoran Kontinental. Nanatje~aju za rije~ku canzonettu osvaja prvunagradu pjesmom Dime Rita (1901.).Ponu|eno mu je i namje{tenje u ameri~komkonzulatu, no on radije preporu~uje mladogsina Fiorella.(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Achille Carlo la Guardia, a musician from theItalian region of Apulia, emigrated toAmerica, where he was a military kapellmeis-ter from 1880 until 1898. After coming back,he lived with his wife’s family in Trieste, butalready in 1899 he moved to Rijeka (to Su{ak)and took over the restaurant Kontinental. Hewon the first prize at Rijeka’s musical compe-tition called canzonettawith his song Dime Rita(1901). He was offered a job at the AmericanConsulate, but he rather recommended hisyoung son Fiorello.(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)


109

Fiorello LaGuardia and the US Consulate in Rijeka

The United States had Consular Agents in Rijeka since at least 1831. Most of theseAgents had been the natives of Rijeka and their role had been limited to commercialand other, marginal matters.

101Only in the early 1900’s, when the USA decided to

establish a full time consular office in Rijeka, did it post American citizens and profes-sional consular officers in Rijeka.

The first in line was Raymond Norman Willey, who served as American ConsularAgent from 1900 to 1903. During his term, he met Achille Carlo LaGuardia, a nativeof Foggia in Apulia, who had worked in the USA as a military bandmaster from 1880until his retirement in 1898. After LaGuardia’s return from the USA, he first moved inwith his in-laws in Trieste. Shortly thereafter, he settled in Rijeka.

102

On 17 June 1899, LaGuardia took over the management of a restaurant at theKontinental Hotel in Su{ak. Fluent in several languages, he learned Croatian too.LaGuardia became active in the local social circles and the musical scene, to such anextent that in 1901 he won a prize in a competition for the local canzoneta with a scoretitled “Dime Rita.”

Thanks to Willey, Achille was offered the post of Consular Agent. The clever catererdeclined, but made sure that his teenage son, Fiorello Henry LaGuardia (1882 – 1947),landed a job at the US General Consulate in Budapest in 1900.

103

In late 1903, when the launching of a non-stop steamship service from Rijeka to NewYork created a need for a Consular Agent, young Fiorello was a natural choice, prima-rily due to his knowledge of Italian. In February 1904 he was transferred fromBudapest to Rijeka, as the only official of the American Consular Agency in town.

104

His main task in Rijeka was to screen the emigrants awaiting boarding in the port forthe biweekly service to New York.

He arrived at the time when emigration facilities in Rijeka were being set up, so thathe first established consular services necessary for a large scale emigration fromHungary and for systematic and thorough medical check-ups of emigrants. In order to prevent the rejection of emigrants by immigration authorities in New York,he hired a physician, Stanislao D’Emilio, who regularly examined emigrants beforeboarding.

In addition to his work with emigrants, La Guardia remained busy with diplomaticproblems created by the return of former draft dodgers, now American citizens, whofaced legal prosecution by Austro-Hungarian authorities on return to their homeland.The Consular Agent defended their interests in accordance with a convention on nat-uralization and the right of American citizens to be exempt from military service intheir former homelands. Soon after LaGuardia’s arrival to Rijeka, he interceded on behalf of one such Croat.

LaGuardia also engaged in other activities, such as serving American ships and assist-ing American citizens visiting Rijeka. In October 1905, the American Socialist author,William English Walling, came to Rijeka on invitation by the Adria steamship compa-ny to study the reasons for emigration to America. He monitored the boarding of anespecially large group of Croatian emigrants.

In April 1904, only two months after he had assumed his post of Consular Agent, theambitious LaGuardia suggested that Washington upgrade the Consular Agency inRijeka into a Consulate and to make him a Consul. Washington did not approve thesuggestion at the time.

In early June 1906 La Guardia resigned and sailed to New York aboard the steamship

101 Irvin Luke`i}, History of the Consular Offices inRijeka (Povijest rije~kih konzulata), Adami}, Rijeka,2004, pp. 166 – 187.

102 The family of his Jewish wife, Irene Cohen, camefrom Split.Luke`i}, ibid, p. 172.

103 In 1901, only a year after the arrival of his son, heunexpectedly moved from Rijeka to Koper.

104 Fiorello La Guardia, The Making of an Insurgent,An Autobiography, 1882 – 1919, J.B. LippincottCompany, Philadelphia and New York, 1948, pp. 38-61.

Fiorello Henry la Guardia (1882.–1947.),najpoznatiji kao dugogodi{nji omiljenigradona~elnik New Yorka, kojemu otac naprijelomu stolje}a nakratko boravi u Rijeci(Su{aku), ve} 1900. zapo{ljava se uAmeri~kome generalnom konzulatu uBudimpe{ti, a u velja~i 1904. premje{ten je uRijeku na ispra`njeno mjesto jedinognamje{tenika – konzularnog agenta. Zbogupravo pokrenute redovite linije za NewYork, njegova slu`ba odjednom postaje va`na.Uzorno je organizirao konzularne poslovevezane uz iseljenike. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Fiorello Henry la Guardia (1882–1947), bestknown as a longstanding popular major ofNew York, whose father lived in Rijeka(Su{ak) for a short time at the turn of the cen-tury, started working in the American GeneralConsulate in Budapest already in 1900, and inFebuary 1904 he was transferred to Rijeka tothe open post of the only employee – the con-sular agent. Due to the newly installed regu-lar line to New York, his service became sud-denly important. He organized the consularaffairs concerning emigration in a remarkableway. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)


110

Po~etkom lipnja 1906. La Guardia prekida slu`bu, ukrcava se na parobrod Ultoniju iodlazi u New York.

105

No jo{ se neko vrijeme druì s iseljenicima – zapo{ljava se na Ellis Islandu kao tuma~.Iseljeni~koj je slu`bi vrlo koristan budu}i da govori vi{e jezika; osim engleskog i tali-janskog, francuski, njema~ki i – hrvatski. U to vrijeme doista upisuje i zavr{ava studijna pravnom fakultetu te postaje odvjetnik. Politi~ka mu karijera te~e glatko – postajei ~lan ameri~kog Kongresa, no najpoznatiji je kao dugogodi{nji omiljeni gradona~elnikNew Yorka i direktor UNRRA-e.

U Rijeci ga je po~etkom listopada 1906. nakratko zamijenio prvi tajnik generalnogkonzulata u Budimpe{ti.

106

Kad je konzularna agencija kona~no uzdignuta na rang konzulata, prvi je konzulimenovan u lipnju, a stigao u Rijeku 3. srpnja 1908. godine. Charles (Clarence) RiceSlocum na toj du`nosti ostaje do smrti 1912. godine. Kompetencija konzulata poslije jeprotegnuta i na cijelu Hrvatsku i Slavoniju.U studenome Slocum {alje izvje{}e u kojem navodi da me|u emigrantima koji stiù izRijeke, ima najvi{e Ma|ara, gotovo polovica, a svi ostali ~ine drugu polovicu –Slovaci, Nijemci, Rumunji, Rusini, Hrvati i Srbi.

107Ovi posljednji – Hrvati i Srbi – ukup-

no ~ine tek pet posto svih iseljenika koji odlaze iz rije~ke luke.108

I u Slocumovo doba tri su lije~nika zaduèna za pregled emigranata – jedan je konzu-larni, drugi je zaposlenik Cunardova doma}eg partnera Adrije, a tre}i je iz lu~kezdravstvene slu`be koja se ponajprije brine o lazaretu u obli`njoj Martin{}ici.

Me|u najustrajnijim je slu`benicima Konzulata od 1909. do 1916. Attilio J. Clementi,isprva tajnik, a potom i ameri~ki vicekonzul. Posljednjih predratnih godina iseljava-nje je dosegnulo vrhunac, a po~etkom rata odjednom posve prestalo. Zato se od 1914.konzulat mnogo vi{e bavi ratnim nego iseljeni~kim i gospodarskim problemima.

109

Tko se ukrcava u Rijeci?

Gotovo je lak{e na}i Engleza koji se s kartom tre}ega razreda (steerage) ukrcava narije~ku liniju za New York, nego Rije~anina i Primorca. Cunardovom Pannonijom odlazitako Edward McCormack iz Liverpoola, neoènjen tridesetogodi{njak, koji stiè uNew York 8. oùjka 1907. godine.

Malobrojni su Rije~ani koji iseljavaju u Ameriku. I u Rijeci ima dovoljno posla i dobrose zara|uje. Ovamo dolaze brojni useljenici, a gotovo nitko ne odlazi u potragu zakruhom. Ako se to i dogodi, umjesto u brod, obi~no se ukrcava u vlak i kre}e prema

105 La Guardia u Rijeci nije bio zadovoljan svojim sta-tusom koji se i nije mogao bitno pobolj{ati jer nijeimao potrebnu naobrazbu. Ipak, u oùjku 1906.poku{ava jo{ jednom - traì imenovanje za ameri~ko-ga generalnog konzula u Beogradu. Budu}i da munije udovoljeno, odlu~io se vratiti u Ameriku i upisatina studij prava.

106 U to doba raste i uvoz iz SAD-a. Najvi{e se uvozepoljoprivredni strojevi, bakar, pamuk i drugo, a 1907.rije~ka tvornica torpeda Whitehead po~inje proizvodi-ti za tvrtku American Electric Boat Company.Lukeì}, isto, str. 181.

107 J. P. Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka. An Introductionto the Legal Issues Involved and the Role of the AmericanConsulate in Rijeka, u Zbornik Pravnog fakultetaSveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, vol. 18, br. 2, Rijeka, 1997.

108 Tijekom 1909. i 1910. preko rije~ke luke iseljava ineznatan broj stranaca – Rusi, Austrijanci, Bugari,Turci, Kana|ani, Crnogorci, Talijani, Grci, Armenci,Nizozemci i Makedonci.

109 Lukeì}, isto, str. 184.

Fiorello la Guardia na jednom od iseljeni~kihbrodova (na slici desno). Bio je poznat poodlu~nosti i razumijevanju koje iskazujeprema iseljenicima. No u Rijeci ostaje kratko.Nakon neuspjela poku{aja da rije~ko pred-stavni{tvo digne na rang konzulata i postigneslu`bu konzula, u lipnju 1906. ukrcava se naUltoniju i odlazi u New York. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Fiorello la Guardia on one of the emigrationships (on the right). He was known for hisdetermination and the understanding heshowed for emigrants. However, he stayed inRijeka only for a short time. After havingfailed to promote the representation in Rijekato the level of a proper consulate and becomea consul himself, he departed for New Yorkon the Ultonia in June 1906. (LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)


111

Ultonia.105Upon his return La Guardia resumed his work with emigrants, this time as

an interpreter. The immigration service found him very useful due to his commandof several languages; other than English and Italian, he spoke French, Spanish,German and Croatian. After graduation from law school, he became an attorney.Concurrently, he embarked on a successful political career, which brought him a seatin Congress. Later on he served several terms as a popular Mayor of New York Cityand as director of UNRRA.

In early October 1906, La Guardia was briefly replaced by the secretary of the GeneralConsul to Budapest.

106

In 1908 the Consular Agency was finally upgraded into a Consulate. The first Consul,Charles (Clarence) Rice Slocum, was appointed in June and arrived in Rijeka on 3 July.He remained in his post until his death in 1912. The jurisdiction of the consulate cov-ered the whole of Croatia-Slavonia.

In November, Slocum sent a report noting that almost half of the emigrants fromRijeka were ethnic Hungarians and the rest Slovaks, Germans, Romanians,Ruthenians, Croats and Serbs.

107The latter, the Croats and the Serbs, comprised only

five percent of all emigrants from the port of Rijeka.108

During Slocum’s tenure, emigrants were examined by three physicians – one from theConsulate, another from Adria, Cunard’s local partner, and a third from the port’s med-ical service, whose main task was to manage the quarantine in nearby Martin{}ica.One of the longest serving consular officers, from 1909 to 1915, was Attilio J. Clementi,who initially served as Secretary and then Vice-Consul.

Emigration peaked on the eve of World War I and then stopped. Hence, as of 1914 theConsulate turned the focus of its activities from emigration and economics to issuesrelated to the War.

109

Who Sailed from Rijeka?

On the lists of passengers on the Rijeka-New York service, it is easier to find an Englishname than the name of some inhabitant from Rijeka or the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatskoprimorje) region. Thus, Edward McCormak from Liverpool, 30 years of age, single,sailed aboard Cunard’s Pannonia and docked in New York on 8 March 1907.

Rijeka natives represented very few of the passengers, as Rijeka had an abundance ofjobs with high wages. Rather then being a source of emigration, Rijeka attracted laborfrom other regions. Those who did leave, went by train to other ports, at first toGenoa, and then more and more often to Le Havre, Cherbourg, Southampton,Liverpool, Antwerp and even Bremen and Hamburg.

110

Frane (Franco) Trinajsti}, who declared Austrian citizenship, Croat ethnicity and

105 In Rijeka La Guardia was not happy with his sta-tus which could not be significantly improved due tohis lack of qualifications. Yet, in March 1906 he triedone more time – he requested the post of the USGeneral Consul in Belgrade. When the request wasdenied, he decided to return to America and study fora law degree.

106 That was the time of growing imports from theUSA. The imports consisted mostly of agriculturalmachinery, copper, cotton and other products. In 1907Whitehead, a local torpedo manufacturer became asupplier of the American Electric Boat Company. Luke`i}, ibid, p. 181.

107J.P. Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka. AnIntroduction to the Legal issues Involved and theRole of the American Consulate in Rijeka, in ZbornikPravnog fakuteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, vol. 18, no. 2,Rijeka, 1997.

108 In 1909 and 1910, emigration from Rijeka includ-ed some foreign nationals – Russians, Austrians,Bulgarians, Turks, Canadians, Montenegrins, Italians,Greeks, Armenians, Dutch and Macedonians.

109 Luke`i}, ibid, p. 184.

110 Passenger lists of the Ellis Island ImmigrationMuseum: Rade Peric, Hungary, ethnic Croat, Hreljin,ship: Graf Waldersse, port: Hamburg, arr. to NY: 15Feb 1905; Petar Peric, Hungary, ethnic Croat, Hreljin,arr. To NY: 31 Oct 1906, sip: Caronia, port: Liverpool.

Zahvaljuju}i poznavanju vi{e jezika, LaGuardia neko vrijeme radi i kao iseljeni~kiprevoditelj na Ellis Islandu. Mnogo poslije se,u kampanji za gradona~elnika New Yorka,hvalio i zaslugama u radu s iseljenicima i poz-navanjem, navodno, {est jezika – uz engleski italijanski, govori jo{ njema~ki, francuski, srp-ski i – hrvatski!(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

Thanks to his knowledge of several lan-guages, La Guardia worked as an emigrationtranslator on Ellis Island for some time. Manyyears after that, during his election campaignfor becoming major of New York, he boastedof achievements in his work with emigrantsand of his knowledge of, allegedly, six lan-gauges – in addition to English and Italian, hespoke German, French, Serbian and –Croatian!(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)


112

drugim lukama, isprva u Genovu, a poslije ~e{}e u Le Havre, Cherbourg,Southampton, Liverpool, Antwerpen, pa ~ak i u Bremen i Hamburg.

110

I Frane (Franco) Trinajsti}, koji je prijavio austrijsko dràvljanstvo, hrvatsku nacional-nost i Rijeku kao zadnje mjesto prebivanja – odlazi iz Le Havrea 9. svibnja 1903. i uNew York stiè 18. svibnja. I on je, poput brojnih drugih ovda{njih iseljenika, podrijet-lom iz okolice – Kastav{tine ili s Krka. êsti su odlasci mladi}a iz rije~ke okolice – Kr~ana, Cresana i Lo{injana, Kastavaca,Grobni~ana i Kiraca. Ali i oni se, umjesto na brod kojim bi izravno doplovili uAmeriku, u Rijeci ukrcavaju u vlak i odlaze u atlantske i druge luke.

Glavni su razlozi tome skupa karta za rije~ki brod i aran`mani koje ovda{nji iseljeni~kiagenti imaju s drugim brodarima. Cunard Line u Rijeci ima monopol u prijevozu putnika, ali i namete koje mora pla}atidràvi (za emigrantski fond) i Adriji, parobrodarskom dru{tvu s dràvnim povlastica-ma, koja jedina u Rijeci prodaje karte za liniju Rijeka – New York. Na prigovore da jekarta preskupa, u Cunardu se pravdaju da oni namete pla}aju dràvi i iseljeni~komfondu dru{tvu Adrija za agencijske usluge.

Cunard je skup pa mu agenti, koji posluju izvan doma{aja ugarskih vlasti, na Kantridi(najvi{e Ma{ek i drug), ali i u Su{aku (Konstantin Teodorovi}) pred nosom otimaju put-nike i odvoze ih u atlantske luke. âk i ljubljanski i tr{}anski agenti, kao i oni izBuchsa i Basela, ogla{avaju svoje usluge i pogodnosti u rije~kome Novom listu i mameiseljenike na sjeverne i zapadne rute, preko Ljubljane, Buchsa i Basela do francuskih,belgijskih, nizozemskih i engleskih luka.

Rijetki su iseljenici kojima je Rijeka mjesto ro|enja ili zadnje prebivali{te i koji se usvome gradu ukrcavaju na brod. Aleksandar Peri} (Alessandro Peric), Hrvat, star 23godine, neoènjen, ukrcava se na Slavoniju i stiè u New York 23. svibnja 1907. godine.Rije~anin je i Vinczo Adamic (28 godina, neoènjen), naveden kao Ma|ar i s ugarskimdràvljanstvom. Ukrcao se na Pannoniju i u New York stigao 8. oùjka 1907. godine.

I poneki su se stanovnici rije~ke okolice ukrcali na brodove Cunardove ugarsko-ame-ri~ke linije. Frane Trinajsti} iz Trinajsti}i, u dobi od 32 godine, oènjen, ukrcava se 16.oùjka 1905. u rije~koj luci na brod Pannoniju i stiè u New York 3. travnja. U istoj jegrupi s brojnim mladi}ima iz obli`njih kastavskih sela Trinajsti}i, Rukavac, Ku}eli,Ju{i}i, a neki su iz Voloskoga – Vinko Dubrovi}, Ivan Drnjevi}, Josip Kinkela, IvanKu}el, Frane Lukseti}, zatim Ju{i} i Vlah...Osamnestogodi{nji Petar [vrljuga iz Hreljina ukrcava se na Ultoniju i stiè u New York16. oùjka 1906. godine.

Na Ultoniju se u travnju 1910. ukrcavaju i Anton Justini}, Anton Str~i} i Jure Perovi},svi iz Dobrinja na otoku Krku.Neki su o~ito lako presko~ili prepreku koja Kastavce i Kr~ane – austrijske dràvljane– ko~i u odlasku preko “ma|arske luke”. Iako Cunard Line ima ugovor samo za pri-

110 Na putni~kim listama Ellis Island ImmigrationMuseuma: Rade Peric, Hungary, Croatian, Hreljin,Ship -Graf Waldersse, Single, Port Hamburg, arr. NY,Feb 15 1905.; Petar Peric, Hungary, Croatian, Hreljin,Arr. NY, Oct 31 1906, M, Ship Caronia, Port Liverpool.

Me|u razglednicama namijenjenim iseljenici-ma, dva su tipa – slikovito obojeni parobrodi iprizori gu`vi na palubi uo~i isplovljenja i pripristajanju u New York.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

There are two types of postcards intended foruse by emigrants – picturesquely colouredsteamships and images of crowds on thedecks at the time of departure or arrival inNew York. (Muzej grada Rijeke)


113

Rijeka as his last residence, sailed from Le Havre on 9 May 1903 and arrived in NewYork on 18 May. Like many other emigrants from this region, he had been a native ofeither Kastav or the island of Krk.

The areas with most emigrants in the region of Rijeka were the islands of Krk, Cresand Lo{inj, as well as Kastav, Grobnik and Crikvenica. Emigrants from these areas toobypassed the port of Rijeka and went instead by train to some Atlantic or other port.The expensive fares on the Rijeka service and deals that local travel agents had withforeign shippers accounted for this.

While Cunard Line had a monopoly in Rijeka, it also had to pay fees to the state (theEmigrants’ Fund) and to Adria, a state sponsored steamship company and the onlyticket agent in Rijeka for the Rijeka-New York service. When reprimanded that the farewas inflated, i.e., 120 crowns compared to 70 crowns from the German ports, Cunardreplied that it had to pay 20 Crowns to the Emigrants’ Fund and 10 Crowns to its agentAdria out of each fare.

Due to Cunard’s high fares, travel agents operating at the outskirts of Rijeka, outsideof Hungarian-controlled Rijeka, in Kantrida (primarily Ma{ek i drug) and in Su{ak(Konstantin Teodorovi}), snatched passengers under Cunard’s nose and transportedthem to Atlantic ports. Even agents in Trieste and Ljubljana, as well as those in Buchsand Basel, advertised their services and comparative advantages in Rijeka’s Novi List.Thus, they attracted emigrants for northern and western routes, in France, Hollandand England, via Ljubljana, Buchs and Basel.

Only a few of the passengers boarding in Rijeka were natives or residents of that town.Aleksandar Peri} (Alessandro Peric), an ethnic Croat, 23 years old, single, boarded theSlavonia and arrived in New York on 23 May 1907. Vincenzo Adamic (age 28, single),also a native of Rijeka, was registered as a Hungarian national of Hungarian descent.He boarded the Pannonia and arrived in New York on 8 April.

Some inhabitants from the greater Rijeka region also traveled on the Hungarian-American line. Frane Trinajsti} from Trinajsti}i, age 32, married, boarded the Pannoniaon 16 March 1905 and arrived in New York on 3 April. He traveled with large groupof young men from the villages around Kastav, such as Trinajsti}i, Rukavac, Ku}eliand Ju{i}i. The men from Volosko included Vinko Dubrovi}, Ivan Drnjevi}, JosipKinkela, Ivan Ku}el, Frane Lukseti}, Ju{i}, and Vlah. Petar [vrljuga from Hreljin sailedoff on the Ultonia and docked in New York on 16 March 1906. In April 1910 the Ultoniaalso carried Anton Justini}, Anton Str~i} and Jure Perovi}, all from Dobrinj on theisland of Krk.

From the above, one can obviously see that some individuals from Austrian territo-

Na ovoj razglednici naoko nevelike Carpathije,privezane na pristani{tu u rije~koj luci i snim-ljene uo~i isplovljenja, neki je iseljenik napisaoda je na brod ukrcano “preko dve hiljade”putnika.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

On this postcard of the seemingly smallCarpathia, docked in the wharf of Rijeka’s har-bour and shot when putting to sea, an emi-grant wrote that “more than two thousand”passengeres boarded the ship.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


114

jevoz iseljenika iz Ugarske, ta se odredba o~ito nije dokraja ~vrsto po{tovala. No ipakje ovda{njih putnika, austrijskih ili ugarskih dràvljana, bilo vrlo malo.

Tko se onda ukrcava u Rijeci?Unato~ nedostatku cjelovite statistike za sve godine, podaci za 1908. 1909. i 1910., {toih je prikupio ameri~ki konzulat u Rijeci, podrobno prikazuju nacionalni sastav putni-ka koji kre}u u Ameriku i mogu se uzeti kao omjer koji vrijedi za svih desetak godinarije~ke linije.

111

Iako je nakon gospodarske krize u Americi 1908. broj emigranata opao na tre}inu uodnosu na prethodnu godinu, stanje idu}ih godine, kada se broj iseljenika u odnosuna 1908. vi{e nego udvostru~uje, pokazuje i dalje isti odnos me|u narodima. Me|uonima koji dolaze u Rijeku polovica su Ma|ari, vi{e je od petine Slovaka, vi{e od dese-tine Nijemaca i gotovo isto toliko Rumunja. Hrvata je ne{to vi{e nego Rusina, kojih jevi{e nego Srba. Posve je zanemariv broj stranaca – primjerice, tek nekoliko desetinagodi{nje “Austrijanaca”, {to uglavnom zna~i Primoraca iz austrijskoga dijelaMonarhije. Svake se godine na brod ukrcava i nekoliko desetina naturaliziranihAmerikanaca koji se ponovno vra}aju, a svih ostalih, “pravih” stranaca – Bugara,Rusa, Talijana i Grka, gotovo je zanemariv broj..

112

Posebnu pa`nju privla~i mali broj najbliìh iseljenika – Hrvata. Sude}i po navedenimpodacima, u svih desetak godina preko rije~ke ih je luke iselilo jedva desetak tisu}a!Svoje iseljenike Hrvatska nije tjerala u Rijeku, ve} im ostavljala zakonsku mogu}nostda idu kamo ho}e. Ma|arska je pak svoje tjerala u jedinu luku. Zato je lako objasnititoliko mnogo Ma|ara i Slovaka.

Iako se ~ini iznena|uju}im, i brojnost Nijemaca, Rumunja i Rusina proizlazi iz toga {tose Ma|arska tada protezala do pokrajina koje su danas dijelovi Rumunjske i Srbije(Transilvanija i Vojvodina), koje su tada nastavali i “banatski Nijemci”, kao i drugedijelove Ma|arske (“podunavski [vabe”), i da su svi bili tjerani na put u Rijeku. Uzposlovnice u Budimpe{ti i Rijeci, Cunardov zastupnik Adria upravo je u tim krajevimaimao nekoliko iseljeni~kih agencija – u Novom Sadu, Pan~evu, Gyekenyesn, Gombosu(Bogojevu) i âkovcu.

113

Prikaz glavnih smjerova iseljavanja banatskih Nijemaca pokazuje da ih 1903., prijepokretanja rije~ke i tr{}anske linije, vi{e od tri ~etvrtine odlazi u Bremen, gotovo~etvrtina u Hamburg, a tek zanemariv broj u Antwerpen i Rotterdam. Kasnijih godi-na ve} dvije petine ili gotovo polovica banatskih Nijemaca, od kojih neki dolaze ~ak izokolice Temi{vara, putuje preko doma}ih luka, Rijeke i Trsta!

114

Iseljavanje iz rije~ke okolice i zale|a

Hrvati su u neslavnoj iseljeni~koj utrci koja se zbiva od kraja 19. stolje}a do Prvogasvjetskog rata, na tre}emu mjestu u Austro-Ugarskoj, odmah iza Poljaka i Slovaka, aispred @idova, Nijemaca i Ma|ara.Od 1880-ih do Prvoga svjetskog rata u SAD je doselilo pribli`no 400.000., a po nekimra~unicama, i pola milijuna i vi{e hrvatskih iseljenika.

115

Prvi hrvatski iseljenici koji u ve}im skupinama dolaze u Sjedinjene Ameri~ke Dràveuglavnom su pomorci iz Dalmacije, ~esto s Pelje{ca i iz Dubrovnika.Najprije se naseljavaju na jugu SAD-a, u u{}u Mississippija. Otkad je SAD 1803. kupioLouisianu od Napoleonove Francuske, New Orleans se razvija u najve}u ameri~kuluku na isto~noj obali, i u tome kraju ve} oko 1835. ìvi ove}a skupina Hrvata. Tako suDubrov~ani uz u{}e Mississippija tih godina izgradili jedno od prvih hrvatskih nasel-ja.Bili su to pomorci, ribari i uzgajiva~i kamenica. Sljede}a je naseljavanja potaknula “zlatna groznica” u Kalifoniji.Godine 1848., kada nakon rata s Meksikom Kalifornija ulazi u sastav SAD-a,

POLAZNE LUKE ISELJENIKA IZBANATA 1903.DEPARTURE PORTS OFBANATERS IN 1903


Rotterdam 17Antwerpen 64

Hamburg 381

Bremen 1647

Rotterdam 65Le Havre 124

Antwerpen 171

Hamburg 407

Rijeka/Trieste 732

Bremen 2606

111 John Peter Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka, AnIntroduction to the Legal Issues Involved and the Role ofthe American Consulate in Rijeka, u: Zbornik Pravnogfakulteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, sv. 18., br. 2, 1997., str.507.– 552.

112 Drugi dokument iz istog izvora – Ameri~kogkonzulata u Rijeci (Kralji}, isto, str. 528.) navodi ne{todruk~ije omjere – 40% Ma|ara, 25% Slovaka, 15 %Nijemaca, 10 % Rumunja, 5% Rusina, 3 % Hrvata i 2% Srba.

113 Cunard, ugarsko-amerikanska pruga, Rieka(Fiume) – New York, Uputa i razja{njenje sjever-noamerikanskim izseljenicima. Budimpe{ta (oko1910.).

114 David Dreyer, Anton Kraemer, Pre World War IMigration Patterns of Banat Germans to North America,2003.

115 George J. Prpic, The Croatian Immmigrants inmAmerica, Philosophical, Library New York, 1980., str.141. - 143.Ve}eslav Holjevac, Hrvati izvan domovine, Zagreb,1968., str. 79.


115



Le Havre 22Rotterdam 89

Antwerpen 160

Hamburg 553

Bremen 2225

Rijeka/Trieste 2565

Le Havre 28Rotterdam 144

Antwerpen 315

Hamburg 1017

Rijeka/Trieste 2295

Bremen 3657

111 John Peter Kralji}, Emigration from Rijeka, Anintroduction to the Legal Issues Involved and theRole of the American Consulate in Rijeka, in: Zbornikpravnog fakulteta Sveu~ili{ta u Rijeci, vol. 18, no. 2, 1997,pp. 507-552.

112 In another document from the same source – theUS consulate in Rijeka (Kralji}, ibid, p. 528), the break-down is somewhat different – 40% Hungarians, 25%Slovaks, 15% Germans, 10% Rumanians, 5 %Ruthenians, 3% Croats and 2% Serbs.

113 Cunard, Hungarian-American service, Rieka(Fiume)-New York, Instruction and Tips forEmigrants to North America (Uputa i razjasnjenjesjevernoamerikanskim iseljenicima), Budapest(around 1900).

114 David Dreyer, Anton Kraemer, Pre World War IMigration Patterns of Banat Germans to North America,2003.

115 George J. Prpic, The Croatian Immmigrants inmAmerica, Philosophical, Library New York, 1980., str.141. - 143.Ve}eslav Holjevac, Croats Abroad (Hrvati izvandomovine), Zagreb, 1968, p. 79.

ries, such as Kastav and Krk, managed to depart from the Hungarian port, in spite ofthe Cunard’s contractual obligation to carry only the Hungarian emigrants. Yet, all inall, the number of local passengers, both from Austrian and Hungarian territories,remained very limited.

Then, who were the passengers who sailed from Rijeka?

Although we do not have the statistics for this entire period, data for 1908, 1909 and1910, collected by the US consulate in Rijeka, which detailed the ethnic backgroundsof passengers, must suffice to establish the ethnic background for the entire durationof the Rijeka-New York service.

111

Although after the American recession of 1908 the number of emigrants dropped bytwo-thirds, already the next year it grew to more than twice that in 1908. The ethnicbreakdown of the emigrants remained steady. Ethnic Hungarians constituted half ofthe passengers from Rijeka, with Slovaks numbering more that 20%, Germans andRomanians accounting for more than 10% each, and the Croats more numerous thatthe Ruthenians (who, in turn, had been more numerous than the Serbs). The numberof Austrian citizens, mostly from the Croatian Littoral (Hrvatsko primorje) region,proved negligible (this included several dozen Austrians, i.e., Primorje people fromthe Austrian territories). Every year, several dozen naturalized Americans returned tothe US from Rijeka, as well as an insignificant number of genuine foreigners –Bulgarians, Russians, Italians and Greeks.

112

Especially noteworthy is the absence of Croats from nearby Croatian territories.According to the above-mentioned data, over the ten year period only about 10,000 ofthem sailed from the port of Rijeka! While Hungary channeled its emigrants to Rijeka,Croatia allowed its citizens to freely choose where they wanted to travel from. Thatexplains the large number of Hungarians and Slovaks.

The large number of Germans, Romanians and Ruthenians stems from the fact that atthat time Hungarian territory included some regions of modern Romania and Serbia(Transylvania and Vojvodina), then inhabited by the Danubian Germans, as well aspresent day Hungarian territory. The Hungarians directed all these people towardRijeka. Other than in Budapest and Rijeka, Cunard’s representative, Adria, had officesin those regions too – Novi Sad, Pan~evo, Gyekenyes, Gombos (Bogojevo) andCsaktorny (^akovec).

113

According to a survey of the main routes that Banat Germans emigrants took prior tothe launching of the Rijeka service in 1903, more than three-quarters left throughBremen, almost one-quarter through Hamburg, and only small numbers throughAntwerp and Rotterdam. Later on, almost half of all Banat Germans, including somefrom as far as away as Timisoara, traveled through the ports of Rijeka and Trieste!

114

Emigration from the Rijeka Region and theHinterlands

In the emigration race that took place between the late 19th century and World War I,the Croats represented the third largest group to emigrate from Austria-Hungary, afterthe Poles and the Slovaks, followed by Jews, Germans and Hungarians.

Between the 1880s and World War I, between 400,000 and more than 500,000 Croatsmoved to the US.

115

The first large groups of Croat immigrants to the US consisted of seamen fromDalmatia, often from Pelje{ac and Dubrovnik. They established their first settlementsin the south of the United States, at the mouth of the Mississippi River. In 1803, whenthe United States bought Louisiana from Napoleon’s France, New Orleans started


116

prona|ena su kod Sutiers Creeka velika nalazi{ta zlata pa su mnogi naseljenici sraznih strana nahrupili u dotad puste krajeve, nastanjene jedino Indijancima. S njimastiù i prve ve}e skupine Hrvata. Tek su budu}i nara{taji po~eli odlaziti na isto~nuobalu i u industrijske krajeve sjeveroistoka.

Prvi dolaze dalmatinski pomorci i naseljavaju se u San Franciscu, Los Angelesu,Sacramentu, San Joseu i okolnim mjestima te postaju – kopa~i zlata. Osnutak prvih hrvatskih “potpornih dru{tava” svjedo~i i o najranijim mjestima njiho-va naseljavanja. Prva hrvatska udruènja u Americi bila su Slavonsko-ilirsko uzajam-no potporno dru{tvo (Slavonic Illyric Mutual and Benevolent Society) osnovano 1857. uSan Franciscu i Sjedinjeno slovinsko dru{tvo od dobro~instva, osnovano 1874. u NewOrleansu.

116

Iako prili~no rijetki me|u brojnim Dalmatincima, i prvi se Primorci pojavljuju ve} unajranije “kalifornijsko doba”. O tome svjedo~e prvi Kr~ani, iseljenici iz Omi{lja,Duba{nice i Svetog Vida – uz Juru Grega, spominje se i Petar Kralji} koji je 1860. ve}vlasnik saloona, te Marko Grego, vlasnik prodavaonice namje{taja, Dinko Mar{i} vlas-nik vo}arnice, i drugi.

117

U rano su doba Primorci odlazili i u Ju`nu Ameriku. Zanimljiv je primjer pustolovnogMatea Paravi}a iz Krasice koji dolazi na Falklandske otoke s misionarskim ambicija-ma, a potom 1863. u luku Santa Cruz u îleu gdje bezuspje{no poku{ava prosvje}ivatitamo{nje Indijance.Ve} 1864. odlazi u Patagoniju i postaje kopa~ zlata te je me|u prvima zainteresiran zavlastito zemlji{te u Ognjenoj zemlji. Potom je i sto~ar i pomorac, vlasnik i kapetanbroda Victoria na kojemu je 1880-ih stradao u brodolomu na u{}u rijeke Santa Cruz,ostaviv{i iza sebe îleanku s osmero djece.

118

Nakon prvih kr~itelja putova, i drugi su se stanovnici rije~ke okolice po~eli vi{e iselja-vati jo{ prije 1880-ih. Rukav~ani, mje{tani obli`njeg sela iznad Opatije, odlaze u znat-nom broju ve} 1864. te ih je do 1883. u Kaliforniju stiglo 140.

119Naseljavaju se uz obalu,

no kako se u to doba zlatna groznica ve} ispuhala, i oni se, kao i ostali naseljenici,okre}u drugim poslovima. Ustaljuju se u Humboltovu zaljevu, u gradovima Arcata i Eureka, koje su ve} polovi-com 19. stolje}a osnovali kopa~i zlata i istisnuli tamo{nje Indijance. Iako potje~u iz sela nadomak moru, bliì su im {umski poslovi, pa i u Kaliforniji goto-vo svi rade na sje~i golemih stabala sekvoje, u {to se u to doba ne upu{taju niDalmatinci ni drugi Hrvati.

120

Upadljiva je i netipi~na jo{ jedna pojava – polovica ranih rukava~kih iseljenika su

116 O prvim hrvatskim istraìva~ima, misionarima iputnicima u tim krajevima te o po~ecima masovnije-ga naseljavanja Hrvata posebno pi{e Adam Eterovichu npr.: Slavonic Illirians of San Francisco,1848-1880.,Matica iseljeni~ki kalendar, Zagreb, 1976.Na osnovi njegovih radova, o tome govore i pregledihrvatskog iseljeni{tva u Americi, npr.: Ivan îzmi},Hrvati u ìvotu Sjedinjenih ameri~kih dràva: doprinos uekonomskom, politi~kom i kulturnom ìvotu, Globus,Zagreb, 1982., str. 23.–124.; Ljubomir Anti}, Hrvati iAmerika, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada i Hrvatskamatica iseljenika (2. dop. izd.), Zagreb, 2002,.str.119.–125.

117 Anton Bozani}, Hrvatsko iseljeni{tvo u SjedinjenimAmeri~kim Dràvama i Kr~ani u New Yorku, Krk – NewYork, 1996., str. 39.–40.

118 Anti}, isto, str. 50.

119 Frane [epi} Bertin, istraìva~ zavi~ajne povijesti,ima poimeni~ne popise iseljenika s adresama, ku}nimbrojevima u Rukavcu, koje su sastavili rukava~ki isel-jenici iz Arcate – Eureke. Popisi obuhva}aju razdobljeod 1867. do 1883. i od 1901. do 1923. godine, ukupnotristotinjak imena.

120 Dokaz o drvosje~ama iz Rukavca vi{e jesa~uvanih fotografija u obitelji Kinkela - ônjinovi iGrèti} - Ivulovi. Fotografije prikazuju golemazasje~ena debla sekvoje pokraj kojih stoji vi{eRukav~ana s pilama u rukama, a neki su se i posjeli uzasjekotinu.

Karta Modru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije, u sastavuKraljevine Hrvatske, koja seè samo dorije~kog predgra|a, Su{aka i ne obuhva}augarsku Rijeku. @upanija obuhva}a Hrvatskoprimorje, Gorski kotar i seè do granica Like iBosne; po~etkom 1900-ih ima vi{e od 200tisu}a stanovnika. Kao jedno odnajsiroma{nijih podru~ja Hrvatske, ve} jeprije 1880. podlo`no velikom iseljavanju. Dorata iselilo je vi{e od {ezdeset tisu}a stanovni-ka.

A map of the Modru{-Rijeka administrativecounty, which was part of the Kingdom ofCroatia-Slavonia, reaching only until Rijeka’ssuburb of Su{ak and not comprising theHungarian part of Rijeka. The county encom-passed the Croatian Littoral and Gorski Kotarand extended to the border of Lika andBosnia; at the beginning of the 1900s it had apopulation of more than 200 thousand inhab-itants. Being one of the poorest Croatianregions, it was already abandoned by manyemigrants before 1880. Until the beginning ofthe war more than 60 thousand people left thecounty.


117

developing into a major American port. As early as 1835, New Orleans housed a largegroup of Croats. Emigrants from Dubrovnik founded one of the first Croat settlementsin the area, at the Mississippi estuary. There they worked as sailors, fishermen andmussel farmers.The California Gold Rush triggered the next wave of Croat emigration. In 1848, afterthe war with Mexico and the annexation of California, the discovery of gold at Sutter’sCreek drove large number of immigrants into that desolate region, inhabited only byNative Americas. The settlers included groups of Croats. Dalmatian seamen camefirst, settling in San Francisco, Los Angeles, Sacramento, San Jose and nearby towns,where they dug for gold.Early Croat immigration can be traced through the first Croat charitable groups, suchas Slavonic Illyric Mutual and Benevolent Society, founded in 1857 in San Francisco, andSjedinjeno slovinsko dru{tvo od dobro~instva (Common Slavic Benevolent Society),founded in 1874 in New Orleans.116

Although greatly outnumbered by the Dalmatians, emigrants from the CroatianLittoral also participated in emigration during the California period. They came fromOmi{alj, Duba{nica and Sveti Vid on Krk. They included Jure Grego, Petar Kralji},owner of a saloon in 1860, Marko Grego, owner of a furniture shop, Dinko Mar{i},owner of a fruit shop, and others.

117

Early on, those from the Littoral started traveling to South America. Mateo Paravi}from Krasica had been one such adventurer. He arrived on the Falkland Islands withmissionary ambitions. Then he moved to the port of Santa Cruz in Chile, where hefailed to convert the local Indians. He left for Patagonia in 1864 to dig for gold andbecame one of the first settlers who expressed interest in purchasing land in Tierra delFuego. Then he worked as a rancher and a sailor. He died in the 1880s in the wreckof his ship Victoria, at the estuary of the Santa Cruz, leaving behind his Chilean wifeand eight children.

118

After these trail blazers, in the 1880s other emigrants came from the region of Rijeka.In 1864, a rather large group from the village of Rukavac above Opatija arrived inCalifornia. By 1883, their community there grew to 140 persons.

119They settled on the

coast, but, considering that by then the Gold Rush had petered out, they turned tookto other jobs. They lived in Arcata and Eureka, cities in the Bay of Humboldt, estab-lished in the 1850s by gold miners, who had displaced the local Indians. Althoughoriginally from coastal villages, they found forest work more agreeable. Almost all ofthem logged huge sequoia trees in California, work shunned even by Dalmatians andothers Croats at that time.

120

Here one should also note the fact that half of the emigrants from Rukavac werewomen! Records do not mention whether they indulged in any activities other than

116 On the first Croat explorers, missionaries andtravelers in those regions, as well as on the beginningof large scale Croat immigration, see Adam Eterovich,in, e.g.: Slavonic Illirians of San Francisco, 1848 -1880,Matica iseljnicki calendar, Zagreb, 1976. His workswere also used as a base for surveys of Croat immi-gration into America, e.g.: Ivan îzmi}, Croats in theUnited State of America: Their Contributions to theEconomy, the Politics and the Arts (Hrvati u ìvotuSjedinjenih ameri~kih dràva: doprinos u ekonomskom,politickom i kulturnom ìvotu), Globus, Zagreb, 1982,pp. 23-124; Ljubomir Anti}, The Croats and America(Hrvati i Amerika), Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada iHrvatska matica iseljenika (2nd amended edition),Zagreb, 2002, pp. 119-125.

117 Anton Bozani}, Croat Emigrants in the United Statesof America and the Emigrants from Krk in New York(Hrvatsko iseljeni{tvo u Sjedinjenim Ameri~kimDràvama i Kr~ani u New Yorku), Krk, New York, 1996,pp. 39-40.

118 Anti}, ibid, p. 50.

119 Frane [epi} Bertin, a researcher of the history ofhis native region, collected a list of individual emi-grants to Arcata – Eureka, including their formeraddresses in Rukavac. The list, consisting of around300 names, covers the periods 1867-1883 and 1901-1923.

120 Evidence of lumberjacks from the village ofRukavac includes a series of photographs kept by theKinkela – ônjinovi and Grèti} – Ivulovi families.The photos show several Rukavac people, saws inhands, next to huge hacked sequoia trees, with somesitting in a hack.

AUSTRIJAAUSTRIA

UGARSKAHUNGARY

Istra

Modru{ko -rije~kaùpanija

Zagreba~kaùpanija

Bjelovarskokrièva~kaùpanija

Vara`dinskaùpanija

Viroviti~kaùpanija

Srijemskaùpanija

BOSNA IHERCEGOVINABOSNIA ANDHERCEGOVINA SRBIJA

SERBIA

OSMANSKOCARSTVOOTTOMANEMPIRE

CRNA GORAMONTENEGRO

Rijeka

Pula

Ogulin

SenjOto~ac

Li~kokrbavskaùpanija

Gospi~

Zadar

[ibenik

Split

Dalmacija

Dubrovnik

Kotor

Vukovar

Poè{kaùpanija

Virovitica

Poèga

BjelovarKrièvci

Vara`din

ZagrebTrieste

Karta teritorija Hrvatske sa Srijemom, kojidanas dijelom pripada Vojvodini (Srbiji) iBokom kotorskom (Crna Gora). KraljevinaHrvatska u sastavu je Ugarske i podijeljena jeu osam ùpanija, a priobalno podru~je, Istra iDalmacija, u sastavu je Austrije. Iako su prviiseljenici mahom pomorci iz Dalmacije, kra-jem 19. stolje}a iseljavanje najvi{e zahva}aZagreba~ku i Modru{ko-rije~ku ùpaniju, aposlije i ostale krajeve.

A map of the territory of Croatia includingSrijem, which is a part of Vojvodina (Serbia)today, and Boka Kotorska (Montenegro). TheKingdom of Croatia was an autonomous partof the Hungarian part of the Monarchy, andconsisted of eight counties, whereas thecoastal region, Istria and Dalmatia, belongedto the Austrian part. Even though all the firstemigrants were sailors from Dalmatia, at theend of the 19th century, emigration mostlyaffected the Zagreb and Modru{-Rijeka coun-ties, and later also other regions.


118

ène! Ne spominje se jesu li se bavile jo{ ~ime osim ku}anskim poslovima, djecom imo`da vrtom. Me|u prvima su oti{le Marija Mohorovi~i}, Marija Grèti}, Franjica Armanini, Helena[epi}, Elena Grgurina...

121

Sve u svemu, iz sela koje na prijelomu stolje}a ima pribli`no 1500 stanovnika, dopo~etka 1920-ih iselilo je najmanje tristotinjak osoba.

122

Podosta kasna sje}anja kaù da su iz Kastav{tine (kojoj pripada i Rukavac), na zapad-noj strani Rijeke, izme|u 1890. i 1914. ve}ina mu{karaca izme|u 18 i 50 godina baremjednom oti{li u Ameriku te da su uglavnom radili u rudnicima, kamenolomima i – kaodrvosje~e. Ku}i su se nerijetko vra}ali s lijepom u{te|evinom i sagradili novu ili ure-dili staru ku}u. No bilo je i onih koji su stradali, posve propali i zauvijek se izgubili.

123

I u drugim je dijelovima Primorja iseljavanje po~elo rano. U izvje{}u Modru{ko-rije~keùpanije iz 1894. kaè se:“Iseljavanje iz Primorja u Ameriku traje dodu{e jo{ uvijek, ali ne u tolikoj mjeri kao {toje prije bilo. Prije 10 do 15 godina sve je jatomice hrlilo u Ameriku u namjeri da si tamoste~e bogatstva i blaga, pa da se kao bogat ku}i vrati. I zaista mnogi se tamo pomogao,pa se ku}i vratio, te sad materijalno prili~no dobro stoji.”

124

Poznati prirodoslovac i geograf iz nauti~ke {kole u Bakru pi{e da je “1884. otputova-lo iz upravne op}ine hreljinske 956 mu{karaca, koji uze{e putnice kod op}inskogureda, do~im je stotinu njih oti{lo bez putnica, da ih naknadno dignu kod svojihkonzulata. (...)u Ameriku se zaputilo njih 700”.

125

Na samome po~etku 20. stolje}a pojedina su mjesta u najblièm rije~kom zale|u bilagotovo ispra`njena jer je u vrlo kratkom vremenu nekoliko tisu}a siroma{nih seljakanapustilo svoja sela i iselilo u Ameriku.Ukupna migracija toga siroma{noga i kr{nog kraja koja, dodu{e, ne obuhva}a samoprekooceanske odlaske, ve} i migraciju unutar Monarhije, od kraja 19. stolje}a doPrvoga svjetskog rata dosiè gotovo ~etvrtinu! Mjesni je ùpnik u Hreljinu s propo-vjedaonice preklinjao mje{tane da ne odlaze i ne ostavljaju selo pustim!I iz nevelika Zlobina, tako|er na bakarskom podru~ju, u razdoblju od 1898. do 1915.oti{lo je vi{e od dvjesto mje{tana.

126

Poimeni~no je popisano 217 osoba, mahom mla|ih mu{karaca koji su u selu ostavilisvoje obitelji, a naj~e{}e su odlazili u Chicago i druga mjesta u Ilinoisu, zatim uMinesotu, Michigan ili Novi Mexico te u Port Arthur, Quebec i druge kanadskegradove.Prili~no je iselilo i stanovnika Vinodola. Cijeli je kotar Crikvenica, koji na prijelomu

121 Rukopisni popis Frane [epi}a Bertina.

122 Zapravo je rije~ o trima rukava~kim selima -Donjem Rukavcu, Gornjem Rukavcu i Ku}eli.

123 Ivan Jardas, Kastav..., Jugoslavenska akademijaznanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb, 1957.

124 Ivan Barbali}, Po~eci iseljavanja iz Vinodola,Migracioni procesi u Vinodolu, I. dio, u: Vinodolskizbornik, 9/2004., str. 233.–243.

125 Vinko Tadejevi}, Stanovni{tvo Hreljina u povijesnomrazvoju, u: Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar 1995., str. 23.–31.

126 Prema podacima s brodskih putni~kih lista naEllis Islandu, popis je sastavio i objavio RadovanTadej, In Search of Lost People of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2004.

Starac s jednog od kvarnerskih otoka.Ispra`njena sela iz kojih su mnogi mladi}i izreli muèvi odlazili za zaradom tjerala sustarce, ène i djecu da obavljaju “mu{ke”poslove.(Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)

An old man from one of the Kvarner Gulfislands. Many young and mature men lefttheir villages to earn money, so that older peo-ple, women and children had to perform“male” work. (Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)

Iz Kastav{tine, nadomak Rijeke, brojni sumladi}i i ve} zreli muèvi odlazili u Ameriku,poneki isprva u Brazil, no potom uglavnom uSAD. Naj~e{}e zato da bi “posujilnice”isplatili dug, kupili njivu i sagradili ku}u ili{ternu. (Muzej grada Rijeke)

Many young men and mature husbands fromthe Kastav region near Rijeka left for America.Some of them first headed to Brasil, but latermostly to the US. Their biggest motivationwas earning money to pay back loans, buy aplot of land and build a house.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


121 A list handwritten by Frane [epi} Bertin.

122 Actually, these figures refer to three villages –Donji Rukavac, Gornji Rukavac and Ku}ela.

123 Ivan Jardas, Kastav…, Jugoslavenska akademijaznanosti i umjetnosti, Zagreb, 1957.

124 Ivan Barbali}, Early Emigration from Vinodol,Migration Processes in Vinodol (Po~eci iseljavanja izVinodola, migracioni procesi u Vinodolu), Part I,Vinodolski zbornik, 9/2004, pp. 233-243.

125 Dragutin Hirc, Hrvatsko primorje, Kugli i Deutsch,Zagreb, 1891; Vinko Tadojevi}, Population of Hreljin,History (Stanovni{tvo Hreljina u povijesnom razdoblju),in: Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar 1995, pp. 23-31.

126 According to a list made by Radovan Tadej basedon the ship manifestos at Ellis Island, In Search of LostPeople of Zlobin, Zlobin, 2004.119

house chores, children and, perhaps, gardening. Some of the earliest women emi-grants included Marija Mohorovi~i}, Marija Gr`eti}, Franjica Armanini, Helena [epi}and Elena Grgurina.

121

All in all, by the 1920’s, at least three hundred persons emigrated from that village, outof a population of approximately 1,500 around 1900.

122

According to later records, between 1890 and 1914, most men age 18 to 50 from theKastav region (including Rukavac) went to America at least once. There, most of themworked in mines, quarries and as lumberjacks. Many of them returned home withample savings and built new houses or renewed old ones. But some of them sufferedincidents or financial loss and were never heard of again.

123

People started emigrating early from other areas of the Croatian Littoral as well. Areport for Modru{-Rijeka County from 1894 claims:

“Emigration from the Littoral to America is still going on, but at a slower pace. Some10 to 15 years ago, people moved to America in droves in order to make a fortunethere and come home rich. Actually, many of those who managed to improve theirfinancial situation there, have come back and are now well off.”

124

A renowned naturalist and geographer of the Bakar nautical school wrote: “In 1884,956 men emigrated from the Hreljin municipality with passports issued by the localmunicipal office. Another 100 men left without passports, with the intention to getthem at the consular offices… Out of those, 700 went to America”.

125

Some villages in the Rijeka hinterland became practically depopulated due in theearly 20th century due to the large scale emigration of poor peasants to America.

From the late 19th century through World War I, that poor and barren region lostalmost 40% of its population. They went both overseas and to other regions in theMonarchy. A local parish priest in Hreljin appealed to the villagers from the pulpit notto leave for fear of totally depopulating the village!

From 1898 until 1915, the small village of Zlobin, also in the Bakar region, lost morethan 200 inhabitants to emigration.

126The list of those who left includes 217 names,

mostly of young men, who left their families at home. Most of them went to Chicago,and other locations in Illinois, then to Minnesota, Michigan, New Mexico, as well asto Port Arthur, Quebec and to other Canadian towns.

Emigration proved to be quite large from Vinodol as well. Between 1897 and 1913, the

Neuobi~ajen prizor primorskih `ena u barcina uzburkanome moru. Mu{karci za zaradomu prekomorju tjeraju ih na mu~ne i pogibeljneribarske i druge te{ke poslove.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO15741)

An unusual sight of coastal women in a boaton choppy sea. As men were earning moneyoverseas, they were constrained to performhard and risky work like fishing.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO15741)

Cunardove “Upute i razja{njenja” namijenjeneprekomorskim putnicima i tiskane na vi{ejezika zapravo su reklamni prospekt koji ise-ljenicima, u ovom slu~aju Hrvatima, nudi bro-jne pogodnosti putovanja “ugarsko-amerikanskom prugom” iz Rijeke u NewYork.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

Cunard’s “Instructions and Explanations”,addressed to transatlantic passengers andprinted in several langauges, are actually anadvertisement for emigrants, in this caseCroats, offering numerous advantages of trav-elling on the “Hungarian-American railway”from Rijeka to New York.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


120

stolje}a ima oko 25 tisu}a stanovnika, 1897. imao dvije tisu}e i {esto stanovnika vi{enegoli 1913. godine. S podru~ja op}ina Bribir, Crikvenica, Drivenik, Griàne, Krmpote,Novi i Selce iselile su tisu}e stanovnika. U Ameriku ih je najvi{e oti{lo iz podru~jaGriàne – Belgrad. U to doba dvostruko vi{e ljudi odlazi i u druge zemlje nego {to ihiseljava u Ameriku.

127

Uz rane kalifornijske iseljenike, puno je oto~ana, uglavnom pomoraca, iseljavalo oddevedesetih godina. Novi iseljenici, Kr~ani, Cresani, Lo{injani, a malo poslije i Istranis podru~ja Plomina i Labina, odlaze na isto~nu obalu, u New York i na obli`nji sjever,naj~e{}e u Pennsilvaniju, Ohio i Ilinois. Ve} 1883. na otvorenju Metropolitan opere u New Yorku nastupa poznati tenor JosipKa{man iz Malog Lo{inja.

128

Oko 1895. kr~ki pomorci iz Omi{lja u New Yorku osnivaju Dru{tvo sv. Nikole, 1900. uNew Yorku je osnovano Austrijsko dobrotvorno dru{tvo sv. Nikole od otoka Veglie(The Island of Veglia St. Nicholas Austrian Benevolent Society), a sve}enik don NikoGr{kovi}, tako|er Kr~anin, osniva 1902. u Chicagu list Hrvatska sloboda.

129

I cresko-lo{injski pomorci osnivaju u New Yorku 1895. svoje prvo potporno dru{tvo,Anchor Society, a Plominjani koji su se po~eli kasnije iseljavati, u New Yorku osnivajuDobrovoljno pomorsko dru{tvo sv. Jurja.

130

Me|u vi|enijim su Primorcima u hrvatskome javnom ìvotu i jedan od osniva~aHrvatske narodne zajednice (poslije Hrvatska bratska zajednica) Zdravko V. Muìna,a aktivan je i mla|i Josip Marohni} iz Hreljina, tiskar, izdava~ i pjesnik.

Sa {irega podru~ja rije~koga zale|a, iz Modru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije (koja ne obuhva}agrad Rijeku) koja se {iri od Primorja u Gorski kotar do Like i Bosne, sa slabo nase-ljenog podru~ja koje u razdoblju do 1910. dosiè oko 220.000 stanovnika, iselilo je vi{eod 60.000 stanovnika, a od toga velik broj u prekomorske zemlje.

131

Od 1899. do 1912. u Ameriku je iz ove rijetko naseljene ùpanije iselilo gotovo 50.000emigranata, {to s obzirom na broj stanovnika zna~i da je iseljavanje upravo odavdebilo najintenzivnije i ostavilo teè posljedice nego u drugim hrvatskim krajevima.

Za prve je Primorce Amerika naj~e{}e samo zemlja obe}ane zarade, vi{e nego obe}anazemlja. Za koju }e se godinu vratiti u rodni kraj, isplatiti dug, sagraditi ku}u ili {ternu,kupiti obli`nju livadu ili njivu. Njihova }e djeca, me|utim, ve} postajati Amerikanci.

132

127 Barbali}, isto. str. 233.–243.

128 Bozani}, isto, str. 34.

129 Bozani}, isto, str. 35.–50.

130 Anton Bozani}, Istarski iseljenici u New Yorku iokolici, Pazin – New York, 1999., str. 56.

131 Ivan îzmi}, Franka Vonovi}, Iseljavanje izModru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije u razdoblju 1880.-1910., u:Bakarski zbornik 1, Bakar, 1995., str. 37.–52.

132 Kao primjer moè se navesti Franeta Lu~i}a i nje-gove sinove iz Mar~elja te neke Kinkele i Grèti}e izRukavca, od kojih se starija generacija uglavnomvra}a, a vi{e sinovi ostaju zauvijek u Americi.

Iz brojnih primorskih sela iseljavanje je vrlo~esto, no uglavnom uvijek s namjerom dabude privremeno. Kr{an krajolik, neplodnazemlja i male parcele ni marljivim Primorcimanisu omogu}avali preìvljavanje. Amerika jeza mnoge bila spas, no mnogi su za rodni krajzauvijek bili izgubljeni.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

Many people emigrated from numerouscoastal villages, but almost always with theintention to come back. The karstic landscape,infertile soil and small plots of land could noteven support a hard-working coastal inhabi-tant. For many, America represented a salva-tion, but many were lost for their homelandforever.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

Pogled na Vrbnik, otok Krk, podsje}a na ljepo-tu, ali i oporost toga kraja. Boduli-Kr~anime|u prvima su u Primorju krenuli uAmeriku.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, MUO 16980-44)

A view of Vrbnik on the island of Krk, show-ing beautiful, but harsh and barren landscape.The inhabitants of Krk – Boduli – were amongthe first from the region of Primorje who wentto America.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, MUO 16980-44)


121

population of the district of Crikvenica dropped from 25,000 to 22,400. Additionalthousands left the municipalities of Bribir, Crikvenica, Drivenik, Griàne, Krmpote,Novi and Selce, with the area of Griàne - Belgrad on top of the list. During that time,emigrants to America accounted for one-third of all emigrants from Vinodol.

127

In the wake of the early emigrants to California came inabitants of the Adriaticislands, mostly seamen, in the 1890s. The new emigrants, mostly from the islands ofKrk, Cres and Lo{inj, followed by Istrians, from the areas of Plomin and Labin, wentto the East Coast, New York and to the north, primarily to Pennsylvania, Ohio andIllinois.

In1883, the renowned tenor Josip Ka{man from Mali Lo{inj opend the season at theMetropolitan Opera in New York.

128

Around 1895 in New York, persons from Omi{alj established St. Nicholas’ Society, andin 1900 others established the Island of Veglia St. Nicholas Austrian Benevolent Society inthe same city. In 1902, Don Niko Gr{kovi}, also from Krk, founded the Hrvatska slo-boda magazine (Croatian Freedom) in Chicago.

129

Seamen from Cres and Lo{inj founded their charity, Anchor Society, in 1895 in NewYork. That was followed by the St. George Benevolent Maritime Society, established byemigrants from Plomin.

130

Some of the most prominent Croats in the Croatian-American community includedZdravko V. Muìna, one of the founders of the National Croatian Society (later knownas Croatian Fraternal Union) and his younger compatriot Josip Marohni}, a printer,publisher and poet from Hreljin.

By 1910, more than 60,000 persons, out of 220,000 (1910), had emigrated from sparse-ly populated Modru{-Rijeka county (not including the town of Rijeka). From thatCounty, extending from the Littoral through Gorski kotar to Lika and Bosnia, mostpeople went overseas.

131From 1899 until 1912, more than 50,000 people went to

America from the County. In this County, emigration had been more intensive thanin any other Croatian region and had the most damaging consequences.

For most early emigrants from the Littoral, America proved to be a land of promisedincome, rather than a promised land. Within a few years after their return, they man-aged to pay off their debts, build a house or a cistern, and buy a meadow or a field.However, their children, fully Americanized, decided to stay in America.

132

127 Barbali}, ibid, pp. 233-243.

128 Bozani}, ibid, p. 34.

129 Bozani}, ibid, pp. 35-50.

130 Anton Bozani}, Emigrants from Istria in the NewYork Region (Istarski iseljenici u New Yorku i okolici),Pazin – New York, 1999, p. 56.

131 Ivan îzmi}, Emigration from the Modru{-RijekaCounty from 1880 to 1910 (Iseljavanje iz modru{ko-rije~ke ùpanije u razdoblju 1880-1910) in: Bakarskizbornik 1, Bakar, 1995, pp. 37-52.

132 Some such examples are Frane Lu~i} and his sons,from Mar~elj, and some Kinkelas and Grèti}s fromRukavac. While the older generations mostlyreturned home, their sons stayed in America for good

Pogled na obzor i otvoreno more poticao jesnove o Americi kao zemlji mogu}e zarade,no drugima je budio ~e`nju za najmilijima ii{~ekivanje njihova povratka.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO16980-81)

Looking at the horizon and the open sea,many dreamed of America as the country ofcertain income possibilities; others longed fortheir loved ones and waited eagerly for theirreturn.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO16980-81)


122

Tr{}anska lukaAustrijsko primorje koje seè od Grada nadomak Venecije do rije~koga predgra|aKantrida i kvarnerskih otoka, postaje krajem 19. stolje}a tranzitno podru~je kojim pro-lazi tisu}e iseljenika na putu do Genove i zapadnoeuropskih luka. Grani~ni jeèljezni~ki prijelaz kod Cormonsa, a s druge strane granice, u Udinama, na talijan-skom tlu, iseljenike vrebaju agenti iseljeni~kih agencija poput Nodarija, i TrasportiGenerali Internazionali Colajanni, koji im se obra}aju na njihovu jeziku – slovenskom,hrvatskom, slova~kom, ~e{kom, poljskom i ruskom – i nude razne pogodnosti puto-vanja u Ameriko preko Genove i Le Havrea.

133

Iako se znatnija migracija u ovim krajevima zapaà ve} po~etkom 1870-ih, tek krajemstolje}a dolazi do masovne migracije iseljenika s udaljenih podru~ja Austrije iUgarske. Emigranti pristiù vlakovima iz raznih krajeva Monarhije i nastavljaju putprema Genovi ili Le Havreu za koji vi{e agencija u Udinama nudi karte i druge usluge.Vi{e od polovice iseljenika odlazi u SAD, tre}ina u Brazil, a ostali u Argentinu, Kanadui druge prekomorske zemlje. Me|u pristiglima, ~etvrtina je iseljenika iz Galicije, a popetina iz Banske Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Kranjske (Slovenija).

Tek puno poslije Trst nije samo va`na luka za prekomorska putovanja, nego i novoèljezni~ko ~vori{te, odakle mnogi kre}u prema velikim iseljeni~kim lukama naAtlantiku i Sjevernome moru – ~ak do Bremena i Hamburga.

134

Iako su ve} 1888. dva brata, bankari Isacco i Giuseppe Morpurgo, unajmila odAustrijskoga Lloyda tri parobroda kojima su prevozila iseljenike u Brazil, njihov supothvat vlasti brzo osujetile pa je sve zavr{ilo tek kao neuspio poku{aj s neznatnimbrojem prevezenih putnika.

135

Pravi po~etak sustavnoga vi{egodi{njeg prijevoza iseljenika u Ameriku, u Trstuzapo~inje s Cunard Lineom 10. studenoga 1903. godine. Cunardov parobrod Auraniaisplovljuje za New York i pristaje jo{ i u Rijeci, Veneciji, Palermu, Napulju, Alìru iGibraltaru.Prve su vo`nje “probne” pa se ukrcava svega nekoliko desetaka putnika, no engleskibrodar ne posustaje; redovito odràva liniju i postupno pove}ava promet putnika.

Za razliku od Rijeke u kojoj, zahvaljuju}i politici ugarske vlade, Cunard Line imamonopol na prijevoz iseljenika u New York, u Trstu se engleski brodar mora natjecatis vrlo mo}nom konkurencijom njema~kih brodara na kontinentu. U bespo{tednojborbi za trì{te, koju njema~ki brodari vode protiv engleskih brodara, Cunard se uTrstu nikad nije uspio posve nametnuti. Austrijsko je primorje podru~je jakoganjema~kog utjecaja i Cunard u ukupnom udjelu u prijevozu iseljenika u Trstu ne dosièni udio od punih 15%, no brodovi mu zato na putu do Amerike pristaju u Rijeci, naugarskom tlu, u kojoj za Engleze vladaju povoljnije prilike.

136

Zbog sve ve}e emigracije s juga Italije po~etkom stolje}a, promet emigranata u znat-noj se mjeri pomi~e sa Sjevernog mora i Atlantika na Sredozemlje. Umjestodotada{njih vode}ih luka Bremena i Hamburga, na prvo mjesto po broju ukrcanihputnika izbija – Napulj.No i u Napulju, kao i u brojnim drugim sredozemnim lukama, u prijevozni~komposlu i dalje vladaju stranci, Norddeutscher Lloyd i Cunard Line. Ubrzo nakon Cunardove inicijative, u Trstu je 1904. osnovana velika doma}a parobro-darska kompanija pod nazivom Unione Austriaca di Navigazione (Austrijsko pomorskodru{tvo), poznata i kao Austro-Americana & Fratelli Cosulich. Ime potvr|uje da je novavelika tvrtka zapravo nastala zdruìvanjem Austro-Americane (osnovane 1894.) i bro-darskog dru{tva Fratelli Cosulich, lo{injske pomorske ku}e koja 1889. prenosi sjedi{teu Trst.Novi brodar, koji je i dalje poznatiji pod starim imenom Austro-Americana, u samonekoliko mjeseci udvostru~uje po~etni kapital – zato {to u vlasni~ku strukturu kom-

133 Prospekti agencija Nodari i drugih u zbirkamaCivici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trst

134 Zagreba~ka agencija Ma{ek i drug reklamira putpreko Trsta do Hamburga.

135 Cecotti, Mattiussi, Un altra terra...136 Izvje{}e lu~ke kapetanije u Trstu Kraljevskimpomorskim vlastima u Trstu, 10. kolovoza 1904.Dràvni arhiv u Trstu, Pomorska uprava, b. 875, f,5186-04.

Iseljenici/emigrantsZemlje/Countries

40,4&Austrija/Austria16,7%Ugarska/Hungary

4%Bosna i Hercegovina/Bosnia-Herzegovina

22,9%Rusija/Russua4,3%Turska/Turkey3,2%Gr~ka/Greece3%Italija/Italy

2,4%Rumunjska/Romania1%Bugarska/Bulgaria1%Njema~ka/Germany

1,1%Ostali/Other

Iseljenici/emigrantsAustrougarske pokrajine i strane drzaveAustro-Hungarian Regions and foreigncountries

2099Putnici 1. i 2. razreda/ Passengers, 1st and 2nd class

1599Austrijsko primorje / Austrian littoral2526Dalmacija / Dalmatia3200Kranjska / Carniola72Koru{ka / Carinthia4Gornja Austrija / Upper Austria43Donja Austrija / Lower Austria32ê{ka / Bohemia14Moravska / Moravia1Slezija / Silesia

1291Galicija / Galicia196Bukovina / Bukovina12Tirol / Tyrol334[tajerska / Styria311Bosna / Bosnia284Hercegovina / Herzegovina754Ugarska / Hungary

19606Ukupno/Total

3200Hrvatska / Croatia3237Rusija / Russia113Crna Gora / Montenegro

12Albanija / Albania15Gr~ka / Greece47Bugarska / Bulgaria7Srbija / Serbia

122Turska / Turkey20Rumunjska / Romania152Italija / Italy 7Njema~ka / Germany1Portugal / Portugal

ZEMLJE IZ KOJIH ISELJENICI DOLAZE UTR[]ANSKU LUKU 1903.-1914. COUNTRIES FROM WHICH THE EMI-GRANTS ARRIVED TO TRIESTE 1903 - 1914

ISELJENICI IZ TRSTA U SJEVERNUAMERIKU NA BRODOVIMA AUSTROAMERICANE, 1913.EMIGRANTS FROM TRIESTE ON AUSTRO-AMERICANA’S SHIPS, 1913

Izvor /Souruce : Auswanderung nach Nordamerika via Triest mitder Dampfer der Austro-Americana f. lli Cosulich, Archivio diStato di Trieste


123

The Port of TriesteBy the end of the 19th century, the Austrian Littoral, extending from Grado nearVenice to the Rijeka suburb of Kantrida and including the Kvarner islands, became atransport hub for thousands of emigrants traveling to Genoa and ports in WesternEurope. Emigrants crossed the Austro-Hungarian – Italian border by train atCormons. On the Italian side, in Udine, travel agency officials, such as those of Nodariand Trasporti Generali Internazionali Colajanni, accosted them and addressed them intheir native languages, Slovenian, Croatian, Slovakian, Check, Polish and Russian,and advertised the different advantages of taking passage to America from Genoa orLe Havre.

133

Although emigration from this region had commenced as early as the 1870s, only atthe turn of the 20th century did people start emigrating en masse from distant regionsof Austria-Hungary. Emigrants came by train from different parts of the Monarchy ontheir way towards Genoa or Le Havre. In Udine, several agents sold tickets and otherservices for those ports. More than half of the emigrants went to the USA, a third toBrazil and others to Argentina, Canada and other transoceanic countries. A quarter ofthe emigrants came from Galicia and a fifth each from Central Croatia, Dalmatia andCarniola (Slovenia).Only much later did Trieste become not only a major port for transoceanic voyages butalso a new railway junction and a point of departure for many emigrants on the wayto Atlantic and North Sea ports, including distant Bremen and Hamburg.

134

As early as 1888, the brothers and bankers Isacco and Giuseppe Morpurgo rentedthree steamships from Austrian Lloyd for the transport of emigrants to Brazil. But theauthorities soon thwarted their enterprise after they had managed to transport only avery small number of passengers.

135

A period of systematic transport of emigrants to America from Trieste started on 10November 1903 when the Cunard Line’s steamship Aurania set sail for New York, withstops in Rijeka, Venice, Palermo, Naples, Algiers and Gibraltar.After several “trial” trips, carrying only a few dozen passengers, the English shipperintroduced a regular service and gradually increased the number of passengers.Unlike in Rijeka, where the Cunard Line had been granted a monopoly for the trans-port of emigrants to New York, in Trieste the Cunard Line faced stiff competition bypowerful German shippers. In such cutthroat competition, waged by the Germanshippers against their English counterparts, Cunard did not manage to hold its groundin Trieste. The Austrian Littoral was under strong German influence and Cunardnever managed to secure more than 15% of the market in the transport of emigrantsin Trieste. However, on the way to America its ships called at Rijeka, a Hungarianport, where the English fared better.

136

After the turn of the century, due to the increased outflow of emigrants from southern

133 Brochures by travel agent Nodari and others, col-lections in Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Trieste

134 Masek i drug, a travel agent in Zagreb, advertisespassage from Trieste to Hamburg

135 Cecotti, Mattiusi, Un altra terra…

136A report by the Trieste Port Authority to the RoyalMaritime Authority in Trieste, 10 August 1904, StateArchives in Trieste, Maritime Directorate, b. 875, f,5186-04.

Prizor iz tr{}anske luke. Me|u mno{tvommalih brodica i jedrenjaka, nazire se i velikiprekooceanski brod. Krajem 1903. Cunardpo~inje odr`avati liniju za New York istimbrodom koji pristaje i u Rijeci. Za razliku odkonurentske luke u kojoj engleska kompanijaima monopol, u Trstu se ubrzo pojavljuje idoma}i brodar Austro-Americana, a poslije itre}i – Canadian Pacific Railway kojega samorat sprje~ava u ve}em proboju.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

View of the Trieste harbour. Among manysmall boats and sailing ships, one can also seea big transatlantic steamship. At the end of1903, Cunard started running the line for NewYork with the same ship that docked in Rijeka.As opposed to the rival harbour, on which theEnglish company had a monopoly, Triestesoon got a domestic shipping company,Austro-Americana, and later also a third one,Canadian Pacific Railway, which was only heldback from expansion by the war. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Prospekt s “turisti~kim” prizorom na palubiparobroda Austro-Americane. Doma}a je kom-panija nastala zdru`ivanjem flote FratelliCosullich, podrijetlom iz Malog Lo{inja, s ka-pitalom austrijskih banaka i velikih njema~kihbrodara. Kompanija je u Trstu prejakakonkuencija Cunardu koji je uspio preuzetisamo manji dio tr{}anskog kola~a. Kao iobi~no, veseli ugo|aj s palube i slikovita raz-glednica mo}nog parobroda, dobra su rekla-ma.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A leaflet with a “tourist” view of the deck ofAustro-Americana’s steamship. This domesticcompany came into exitence when the FratelliCosullich fleet, originating in Mali Lo{inj, unit-ed with the capital of Austrian banks andlarge German shipping companies. In Trieste,the company was too big of a rival to Cunard,which only managed to eat a smaller part ofTrieste’s cake. As is the usually case, thecheerful atmosphere on the deck and the pic-turesque postcard of the powerful steamshipare good publicity.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


124

panije ulaù veliki sjevernonjema~ki brodari i austrijske banke.Velikim ulaganjima Nijemci preuzimaju kontrolu nad kompanijom s namjerom dasuzbiju konkurenciju Cunard Linea, nepoèljnog uljeza na “njihovo” doma}e trì{te. Tek se mnogo poslije u Trstu pojavio novi takmac, Canadian Pacific Railway, no skoroizbijanje rata onemogu}uje mu ve}i udio u poslu. Kanadsko je dru{tvo ostvarilo jedvane{to vi{e od dva posto ukupnoga tr{}anskog iseljeni~kog prometa u SjevernuAmeriku.

U doba osnutka, 1904., Austro-Americana ve} ima flotu od 19 brodova i ukupno 61.440tona bruto-zapremine. Linija za New York pokre}e se u lipnju 1904. godine. ParobrodGerty kre}e iz Trsta i pristaje u Mesini, Napulju i Palermu. Ve} u srpnju na istoj pruziplove parobrodi Giulia i Freda. Svi prekomorski iseljenici moraju prije putovanja datina pregled osobne dokumente i pro}i lije~ni~ki pregled koji se obavlja u isto~nomdijelu hangara br. 17, u podrumskim prostorijama Magazzini Generali. Nakon toga sli-jedi dezinsekcija prtljage koja se obavljala u Lazaretu sv. Bartolomeja.U potrazi za putnicima Austro-Americana nije osobito stroga u ukrcaju. Dobri su joj ioni koje odbija Cunardov brodski lije~nik i za koje postoji velika vjerojatnost da }e ihodbiti i ameri~ke vlasti u New Yorku.Unato~ po~etnim iskustvima s neèljinim povratnicima, Austro-Americana nastavljaprimati – i vra}ati – putnike koji ne prolaze provjeru njujor{kih useljeni~kih vlasti.Tako, primjerice, brod ove kompanije u travnju 1906. vra}a ~ak 197 Grka – zbog o~nebolesti (trahoma) te zbog toga {to su bez novca i nemaju ameri~ke za{titnike, a dijelomi zbog nekih drugih “nepravilnosti” i neispunjenih uvjeta.

Da bi Kompanija postigla odobrenu kvotu od 4% udjela u prijevozu europskih ise-ljenika u Ameriku, brodarski joj kartel (Continental Pool) dopu{ta pristajanje i u drugimlukama – u gr~koj luci Patras i u nekim talijanskim lukama. Udio se odnosi nacjelokupno kontinentalno trì{te i u tu se kvotu ne ra~una promet ostvaren uengleskim lukama, niti promet {to ga ostvaruju engleski brodari u kontinentalnimlukama. Mediteranski brodarski kartel (pool) pod nadzorom je Sjevernoatlantskogaparobrodarskog linijskog saveza (Nordatlantischer Dampfschiff Linien Verband). Kompanije udruène u kartel prihva}aju to~no odre|ena pravila, ponajprije ~vrstoodre|ene kvote koje ne smiju prije}i. No ako ne postiù predvi|enu kvotu, pomaèim se da na svoje brodove ukrcaju vi{e putnika.

Zato je Austro-Americani, unato~ talijanskim zakonima koji na~elno {tite doma}e bro-dare, odobreno da iseljenike ukrcava i u talijanskim lukama u kojima (u Genovi,Napulju i Palermu) posao i tako vode veliki njema~ki i engleski brodari. O tome svje-

Austro-Americana do~ekuje rat s mo}nom flo-tom od ~ak 33 “transatlantika”. Kompanijaima linije i za Sjevernu i za Ju`nu Ameriku, aodràva i sredozemna turisti~ka putovaja. Noskori joj rat bitno pomrsuje ra~une pa iz rataizlazi s bitno smanjenom flotom, s novim-starim imenom Fratelli Cosullich i s bitno ma-njim prometom.(Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, zbirkaSpazzapan, Trst)

At the onset of the war, Austro-Americana hada powerful fleet of 33 ocean steamers. Thecompany had lines to North and SouthAmerica, and also ran services forMediterranean tourist voyages. However, thewar weakened it severly, leaving it with areduced fleet, with the new-old name FratelliCosullich and with significantly less traffic. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, CollectionSpazzapan, Trieste)

Oglas Austro-Amerikane za linije koje odràvas New Yorkom, Kanadom i Ju`nomAmerikom. Dru{tvo se reklamira vrhunskomtehnologijom i dobrom uslugom, novimvelikim brzim parobrodima s dva vijka –Kaiser Franz Joseph I. i Martha Washington.(Zbirka zu Kostwein de Canziani Jak{i},Rijeka)

Advertisement for Austro-Americana’s linesto New York, Canada and South America. Thecompany advertized highly developed tech-nology, good service, and big, fast and newsteamships with two propellers: Kaiser FranzJoseph I. and Martha Washington.(Collection zu Kostwein de Canziani Jak{i},Rijeka)


125

Italy, the traffic of emigrants shifted significantly from the North Sea and the Atlanticto the Mediterranean. As a result, Naples overtook Bremen and Hamburg as the emi-grants’ port of choice.Still, in Naples, as in many other Mediterranean ports, foreign companies, such asNorddeutscher Lloyd and Cunard Line, dominated.In 1904, shortly after Cunard’s initiative, Trieste saw the founding of a major domesticshipping company, Unione Austriaca di Navigazione (Austrian Shipping Association),also known as Austro Americana & Fratelli Cosulich. The name bears witness to themerger of Austro-Americana (founded in 1894) and Fratelli Cosulich, a shipping compa-ny from Lo{inj whose seat had been moved to Trieste in 1889.In only a few months, the new shipper, better known as Austro-Americana, doubled itscapital stock, thanks to investments by large north German shippers and Austrianbanks. Because of their large investments, the Germans assumed control of theCompany, with the intention to squeeze the intruder Cunard Line out of their “domes-tic” market. Only much later did Trieste witness the arrival of another player, Canadian PacificRailway, whose expansion was soon thwarted by World War I. The Canadian compa-ny managed to secure only slightly more than two percent of the total emigration traf-fic from Trieste to North America.At the time of its founding, in 1904, Austro-Americana had a fleet of 19 ships, with atotal capacity of 61,440 DWT. It launched a service for New York in June 1904 usingthe steamship Gerty, which also called at Messina, Naples and Palermo. In July 1904,the Giulia and the Freda joined the Gerty on this route. Prior to boarding, all emigrantshad to pass through document inspection and medical check-ups in the basement ofthe Magazzini Generali, located in the eastern section of Hangar No. 17. That was fol-lowed by disinfection of the luggage at the St. Bartholomew quarantine.Desperate for passengers, Austro-Americana could not afford to be very selective andit accepted even those who had been turned back by the Cunard’s ship physician andwho stood little chance of being allowed entry into the USA by American authoritiesin New York.In spite of a history of rejections, Austro-Americana kept sending passengers to NewYork who were then turned back by local authorities. Thus, in April 1906 as many as197 Greeks were returned due to trachoma (an eye disease) as well as because theylacked money, had no American guarantors and had certain other irregularities.In order to meet its quota of 4% of all European emigration to America, Austro-Americana obtained a permit from the Continental Pool to call at the Greek port ofPatras and at some Italian ports. The quota comprised the entire Continental market,not including the English ports and the business of the English shippers in theContinental ports. The North Atlantic Shippers’ Association (NordatlantischerDampfschiff Linien Verband) controlled the Mediterranean Shipping Pool. Strictly setrules bound the companies in the Pool, primarily through the use of quotas that couldnot be exceeded. Yet, when a company could not meet its quota, it received assistanceto help it increase the number of its passengers.

Veliki parobrod Austro-Americane u gradnji natr{}anskom navozu. Sve vi{e iseljenika predrat iziskuje gradnju novih, ve}ih i br`ih paro-broda, na {to je brodare tjerala i sve ja~akonkurencija i, osobito, gradnja “najve}ihbrodova na svijetu” kojima se po~inju uzajam-no natjecati “velika ~etvorica” engleskih injema~kih brodara.(Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, zbirkaValenti, Trst)

A big steamship of the Austro-Americana beingbuilt in Trieste’s shipyard. The growing num-ber of emigrants in the time before the warmade the construction of new, bigger andfaster steamships necessary. Shipping compa-nies were impelled to do so also by the grow-ing competition and, above all, the rivalbuilding of the “biggest ships in the world”by the “great four” English and German com-panies.(Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, CollectionValenti, Trieste)

Parobrod “Martha Washington” Austro-Americane na putu za New York.(Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, zbirkaValenti, Trst)

Austro-Americana’s steamship “MarthaWashington”, navigating toward New York.(Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, CollectionValenti, Trieste)


126

do~i ~injenica da su od 32 parobroda koji u lipnju 1910. iz Napulja isplovljavaju zaSAD, samo ~etiri broda talijanska!

137

Iako Austro-Americana lako dobiva dozvolu talijanskih vlasti, talijanska kompanijaNavigazione Generale Italiana ne dobiva takvu dozvolu od Austrije – pa i Talijanipovla~e ve} izdanu dozvolu. No Tr{}ani i dalje ilegalno ukrcavaju talijanske dràv-ljane u Napulju. Isto tako, unato~ kaznama koje pla}aju talijanskim vlastima, i uameri~kim lukama ukrcavaju Talijane koji putuju u domovinu.

138

Ukupni promet iseljenika u tr{}anskoj luci od 1903. do 1914.

U samo jedno puno desetlje}e, od kraja 1903. do potkraj 1914., iz tr{}anske se lukeotiskuje u Ameriku 220.312. iseljenika, od kojih tri ~etvrtine u SAD (73,5 %), malomanje od ~etvrtine u Ju`nu Ameriku (22,1%), a 4,4% u Kanadu.Najvi{e ih odvozi Austro-Americana (83%), Cunard mnogo manje (14,7%), a tek nez-natan broj Canadian Pacific Railway (2,3%).

Sveukupni promet iznosi prosje~no godi{nje manje od 20.000 putnika, {to zna~i da jeTrst deveta me|u deset najve}ih europskih “kontinentalnih” iseljeni~kih luka.Po~etkom stolje}a, u doba najve}e migracije iz srednje Europe i Italije, vode}e su lukeNapulj, Bremen, Genova, Hamburg, Le Havre, Antwerpen, Rotterdam, Rijeka i – Trst.U tu klasifikaciju koja obuhva}a kratko razdoblje od 1908. do 1913., nisu uvr{tenevelike engleske iseljeni~ke luke Liverpool i Southampton, {to zna~i da Trst zapravoispada iz liste velike desetorice, dok Rijeka, s neznatnom predno{}u pred Trstom, osta-je na za~elju liste desetorice najve}ih koja se kre}e u rasponu od 1 prema 6 ili od preko150.000 do malo vi{e od 25.000 iseljenika (u Rijeci se godi{nje prosje~no ukrcava 25.616iseljenika, a u Trstu 25.391 iseljenik).

139

Me|u tr{}anskim iseljenicima, 40,4% su iz austrijskoga dijela Monarhije, 16,7% izUgarske (me|u njima je vi{e od polovice Hrvata, a manje Ma|ara), a iz Bosne iHercegovine 4%. Ostali su iz inozemstva – iz Rusije 22,9%, Turske 4,3%, Gr~ke 3,2%,Italije 3% i Rumunjske 2,4%, a iz Bugarske i Njema~ke manje od 1%.Me|u “Austrijancima” najvi{e je onih iz Galicije (39,6%), potom iz Dalmacije (26,5 %),Austrijskog primorja (koje seè do zapadnih predgra|a Rijeke, 12,7%), Kranjske(Slovenija, 11,1%) i iz Bukovine (3,4%), a najmanje je me|u njima doma}ih, austrijskihNijemaca iz [tajerske, Ju`ne Austrije i Tirola (ukupno oko 5%).Zamjetno je da manje od 5% iseljenika koji se na brod ukrcavaju u Trstu potje~e izAustrijskog primorja – {to zna~i iz tr{}anskog zale|a, Istre i kvarnerskih otoka.

140

Zbog nacionalne sloènosti zemalja srednje i isto~ne Europe, podatke treba shvatitivi{e kao zemljopisno nego kao nacionalno odre|enje, osobito kada je rije~ o @idovimakoji su u popisima gotovo nevidljivi. Postoji tako ~vrsto uvjerenje da je me|u brojnimiseljenicima koji dolaze iz Rusije vrlo malo Rusa, a da je me|u njima najvi{e @idova teprili~no Ukrajinaca, pograni~nih Nijemaca i Poljaka.

141

U ovo vrijeme masovnog iseljavanja velik je broj i onih koji samo prolaze kroz Trst ikoji èljeznicom nastavljaju do Le Havrea ili prema Genovi i njema~kim lukama (oko31.000).

142

Istovremeno je zamjetan i znatan broj povratnika koji se iskrcavaju u tr{}anskoj luci,me|u kojima je dio “sezonskih radnika” koje zovu i “ptice selice” (birds of passage), adio je i onih koji se vra}aju potpuno osiroma{eni i padaju na teret tr{}anskih socijalnihslu`bi – koje ih uz minimalnu naknadu smje{taju u posebne stanove u Ulici GaspareaGozzija. Kako ih pred rat dolazi sve vi{e, gradska bolnica i javne slu`be osje}aju nji-hov sve ve}i pritisak. Krivnju dijelom svaljuju i na brodare, posebno na Austro-Americanu koju prije svega zanima profit i koja ne vodi brigu o nevoljnicima.

137 A. Molinari, Porti, trasporti e compagnie, u: Storiadell emigrazione Italiana, sv. 1., Partenze, ur. P.Bevilacqua, A. De Clementi i E. Franzina, Rim,Donzeli Editore, 2001., str. 249.

138 P. Valenti, Le quatro sorelle. Storia delle motonaviSaturnia e Vulcania, Neptunia e Oceania della Cosulich diTrieste, Edizioni Luglio, Trst, 2007., str. 6.

139 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasportimarittimi dal porto di Trieste, u: “Bolettino dell emi-grazione”, br.2, 1919., str. 4.

140 A.Kalc, Prekooceansko izseljavanje skozi Trst1903–1914. g. u: Zgodovinski ~asopis, god. 46., 1992.,br. 4, str. 485.

141 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica..., n.d., str. 11.

142 Kalc, Prekooceansko izseljavanje...n.d., str. 492.

Vreva na palubi jednog od brodova tr{}anskeAustro-Americane. (Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, kolekcijaValenti, Trieste)

A crowd on the deck of one of the ships ofTrieste’s Austro-Americana.(Associazione Marinara Aldebaran, CollectionValenti, Trieste)


127

Hence, in spite of Italian laws which in principle protected domestic shippers, Austro-Americana received permission to take passengers in Italian ports (Genoa, Naples andPalermo) where major German and English shippers in any event dominated. This isborne out by the fact that only four out of 32 steamships that sailed from Naples to theUSA in June 1910 were Italian!

137

Although Austro-Americana easily obtained a permit from Italian authorities, theItalian company Navigazione Generale Italiana did not receive such a permit fromAustrian officials. In retaliation, the Italians rescinded their permit, though the Triestecompany continued to illegally board Italian citizens in Naples. Similarly, in spite offines they paid to Italian authorities, they continued shipping Italian citizens fromAmerican ports to Italy.

138

Total Emigrants’ Traffic at the Port of Triestefrom 1903 to 1914

In only a decade, from late 1903 until late 1914, as many as 220,312 emigrants set outfrom the port of Trieste to the Americas. Out of that number, three-quarters (73.5%)went to the USA, slightly less than a quarter (22.1%) to South America and 4.4 % toCanada. Austro-Americana transported most of them (83%), Cunard transported much fewer(14.7%) while Canadian Pacific Railway transported only a negligible number (2.3%).The total traffic per year was under 20,000 passengers, which put Trieste in the ninthposition among the top ten emigration ports in continental Europe. At the beginningof the 20th century, a peak period for emigration from Central Europe and Italy, mostemigrants went from the ports of Naples, Bremen, Genoa, Hamburg, Le Havre,Antwerp, Rotterdam, Rijeka and Trieste. The ranking, covering the short periodbetween 1908 and 1913, does not include the major English emigration ports ofLiverpool and Southampton. If they had been included, Trieste would not have beenin the top ten and Rijeka, which was marginally busier than Trieste, would have beenat the bottom position. The traffic in the top ten ranged from slightly more than 25,000emigrants (25,616 boarded in Rijeka and 25,391 in Trieste) to more than 150,000.

139

Out of the total number of people who emigrated through Trieste, 40.4% were fromthe Austrian part of the Monarchy, 16.7% from Hungary (more than a half wereCroats, whereas the Hungarians were fewer) and 4.4% from Bosnia and Herzegovina.The rest consisted of foreigners – 22.9% from Russia, 4.3% from Turkey, 3.2% fromGreece, 3% from Italy, 2.4% from Rumania and under 1% from Bulgaria and Germany.The Austrians came from Galicia (39.6%), Dalmatia (26.5%), the Austrian Littoral(reaching to the western suburbs of Rijeka, 12.7%), Carniola (Slovenia, 11.1%), andBukovina (3.4%). The smallest contingent consisted of German speaking Austrians

137 A. Molinari, Ports, Transport and Companies(Porti, trasporti e compagnie), in History of ItalianEmigration (Storia dell Emigrazione Italiana), vol. 1,Departures (Partenze), ed. by P. Bevilacqua, A. deClementi and E. Franzina, Rome, Donzeli Editore, p.249.

138 P. Valenti, The Four Sisters (Le Quarto Sorelle),History of Steamships Saturnia and Vulcania,Neptunia and Oceania Owned by the Cosulich fromTrieste (Storia delle motonavi Saturnia e Vulcania,Neptunia e Oceania della Cosulich di Trieste),Edizioni Luglio, Trieste, 2007, p. 6.

139 G. Russo, Transoceanic Emigration and MaritimeTransport from the Port of Trieste (Emigrazionetransoceanica e trasporti marittimi dal porto delTrieste) in Bulletin of Emigration (Bolettino dell emi-grazione), no. 2, 1919, p. 4.

Razglednica s parobroda George WashingtonAustro-Americane na atlantskoj pu~ini u brzomplovu prema New Yorku. Parobrod je obasjanve~ernjim rumenilom i kao da mu ni{ta nemo`e stati na put.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

A postcard from Austro-Americana’s steamshipGeorge Washington, rapidly sailing towardNew York across the Atlantic ocean. Thesteamship is lightened by the redness of thesunset sky and seems as if nothing can get inits way. (In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


128

U razdoblju od 1904. do 1914. u tr{}anskoj se luci iskrcava 63.290 povratnika, od kojih86,1% iz SAD-a, 12,9% iz Ju`ne Amerike i 1% iz Kanade.Upadljiv je podatak da je me|u povratnicima vi{e od polovice ugarskih podanika(50,9%), {to bi, u odnosu na ukupan broj iseljenih iz Ugarske – Hrvata, Ma|ara,Slovaka i drugih – zna~ilo da ih se preko Trsta vra}a gotovo isto toliko koliko ih prekoove luke odlazi u Ameriku!

Smje{taj iseljenika u Trstu

U brojnim lukama nema jedinstvenog i organiziranog smje{taja iseljenika, postojesamo brojna mala kona~i{ta koja primaju iseljenike.U namjeri da organizira smje{taj iseljenika, Austro-Americana kupuje u Servoli, pred-gra|u Trsta, ali kraj mora, veliku ku}u sa suterenom, dva kata i potkrovljem, koja jedotad sluìla kao ubo`nica i dje~ja bolnica za oboljele na plu}ima. Unato~ stalnimprimjedbama sanitarnih nadzornika (inspektora), iseljenici su ipak dobili smje{taj,makar ih je katkad bilo nagruvanih i tisu}u u prostoru u koji, prema mi{ljenju inspek-tora, nije moglo stati vi{e od sedam stotina osoba, pa se nije ni moglo pristupiti dezin-sekciji.Upravo su se zbog lo{ih uvjeta, nedovoljne opskrbe vodom, neprimjerene kanalizaci-je i lo{e organiziranog odvoza sme}a, u “emigrantskoj ku}i” pojavile zarazne bolesti –velike boginje i tifus.Zbog stalnih prigovora, Austro-Americana je morala u “emigrantskoj ku}i” smanjitipromet i prona}i dodatne prostore.

âk su i novine iz Krakova, Galicija, odakle stiè najvi{e “tr{}anskih” emigranata,nakon izbijanja tifusa èstoko kritizirale Austro-Americanu. Ne samo zato {to slu`beni-ci ne govore poljski, nego i zbog vrlo lo{e usluge i neurednog isplovljenja, brodovi neodlaze u dane predvi|ene voznim redom, ve} ~esto kasne i po dva i vi{e tjedana.Kompanija uspijeva samo dijelom opovrgnuti ove vrlo ozbiljne prigovore.

143

Dijelom potaknuti skandalima, ali jo{ vi{e zbog nove poslovne politike, Austro-Ameri-cana 1913. pristupa velikom pro{irenju i modernizaciji emigrantskog prihvatili{ta kojedobiva i izoliranu zgradu za zaraène bolesnike. No ~ine se pretjeranima navodi omogu}nosti smje{taja 3000 iseljenika. Ako su i to~ni, zgrada je zbog izbijanja rata vrlokratko sluìla iseljenicima.

144

Uo~i rata 1913., Trst biljeì neo~ekivan porast iseljeni~kog prometa. Porast je zabiljeènu svim lukama, ali u mnogo manjem omjeru nego u Trstu. Prosje~no je pove}anjeprometa gotovo za polovicu u odnosu na prethodne godine, a u Trstu je gotovoudvostru~en.Pojavljuje se i novi prijevoznik, Canadian Pacific Railway, dru{tvo prije svega poznatopo gradnji velike kanadske transkontinentalne èljeznice. Pojava ove kompanije izazi-

143 W. Prausnitz, Parere deel Prof. Prausnitz sullecondizioni igieniche di Trieste in nesso all epidemiadi tifo, Graz, 1913.

144 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasportimarittimi dal porto di Trieste, str. 23.

Blagovaonica prvog razreda na brodovimaAlice i Laura, tr{}anskog brodara Austro-Americane. Gotovo zadivljuju}i ugo|aj dvo-rane podsje}a na nepremostivu razliku koja jeuo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata jo{ uvijek vladalaizme|u prve i tre}e klase.(Zbirka zu Kostwein – de Canziani, Jak{i},Rijeka)

First class dining room on Alice and Laura,Austro-Americana’s steamers. The stunningsurroundings of the halls reminds us of thehuge gap between the first and the third classbefore the WWI.(Collection zu Kostwein – de Canziani,Rijeka)


129

from Styria, south Austria and Tyrol (5% in total). Notably, the least represented among the emigrants embarking at Trieste were thosefrom the Austrian Littoral, i.e., the Triestine hinterlands, Istria and the Kvarnerislands.

140

Due to the complex ethnic makeup of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, theabove data should be interpreted more as geographic than ethnic designations, espe-cially concerning the Jews, who are hardly visible in the statistics. Thus, it is widelybelieved that the significant contingent of emigrants from Russia comprised very fewethnic Russians, and that most of them were Jews, with quite a few Ukrainians, trans-border Germans and Poles.

141

During the period of the most intensive emigration, many emigrants used Trieste justa stop on their train journey to Le Havre, Genoa or some German port (around31,000).

142

Concurrently, a large number of returnees, including seasonal labor, also called “birdsof passage,” used Trieste as a port of entry. But some returnees came back pennilessand had to rely on the support of Triestine social services, which accommodated themfor a minimal fee in dedicated flats in Via Gaspare Gozzi. When their numbers start-ed growing on the eve of World War I, they became a significant burden for the cityhospital and public services. That was partly blamed on the shippers, primarily onAustro-Americana, who were blinded by profits and neglected the interests of thesewretches.Between 1904 and 1914, 63,290 returnees disembarked at the port of Trieste, including86.1% from the USA, 12.9% from South America and 1% from Canada.It should be noted here than more than half of the returnees from America consistedof Hungarian subjects (50.9%), which meant that the number of Hungarian returns,whether ethnic Croats, Slovaks, Hungarians or others, almost equaled the number ofHungarian departures at this port.

Accommodation of Emigrants in Trieste

Many ports lacked a centrally run and well coordinated system for accommodatingemigrants and relied on small hostels.Austro-Americana bought a large house in Servola, a coastal suburb of Trieste, with theintention to use it to accommodate emigrants. The house, formerly a charity homeand a children’s pulmonary hospital, consisted of a basement, two floors and an attic.Although sanitary inspectors often complained about the house’s overcrowding,claiming that the facility should accommodate no more than 700 persons, rather thana thousand, which made disinfection impossible, the emigrants at least had a place tostay.

140 A.Kalc, Transoceanic Emigration Through Trieste(Prekooceansko izseljavanje skrozi Trst, 1903-1914) inHistory Magazine (Zgodovinski casopis), year 46, 1992,no. 4, p. 485.

141 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica, op. cit., p. 11.

142 Kalc, Prekooceansko izseljavanje p. 492.

Casa dei emigranti – Iseljeni~ka ku}a u Trstu,koju nazivaju i Pansion (dok u Rijeci ponosnoisti~u da imaju – hotel!). U vlasni{tvu Austro-Americane kojoj zadaje mnogo brige –inspekcije prigovaraju higijenskim uvjetimakoje zbog pretrpanosti nije mogu}e odr`avatina prihvatljivoj razini, pa se stoga pojavljuju ive}e zaraze.(Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trst)

Casa dei emigranti – Emigration Home inTrieste, also called Pension (while Rijekaproudly emphasizes that it has a – hotel!). It isowned by Austro-Americana, to which it caus-es some trouble – inspectors continuouslypoint out the low hygienic standards, whichthe overcrowding makes impossible touphold at an acceptable level, so there is anincreased incidence of infectious diseases.(Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trieste)


130

va zbrku u sjevernoatlantskom i mediteranskom brodarskom kartelu i o{tru borbuprotiv uljeza. Na kraju su znatnim ulaganjima bra}a Cosulich i austrijske banke iz Austro-Americaneistisnuli sjeverne Nijemce i oja~ali polo`aj tr{}anske tvrtke u mediteranskome bro-darskom poolu (kartelu). Od prije dogovorenih 4% europskoga iseljeni~kog prometa,obnovljenoj je tr{}anskoj tvrtki trebalo pripasti 7%, a poslije ~ak 10%.No rat je sve planove okrenuo naopa~ke; umjesto porasta, Austro-Americana je posveuzdrmana. Nije joj samo promijenjeno ime (1919. postaje Cosulich – Società Triestina diNavigazione) nego i prepolovljena flota. A promet emigrantima nakon rata bitno jesmanjen.

145

145 Cosulich, Società Triestina di navigazione,Rapporto per il Congresso Generale Ordinario... 1916,1917, 1918, Tipografia Società dei Tipografi, Trst 1919.

Kuhinja u Iseljeni~koj ku}i u Trstu, na sliciobjavljenoj u reklamnom prospektu. Naoko se~ini urednom i oglednom, no mo`da se i ovdjedijelom kriju uzroci prigovorima sanitarnihinspekcija i zarazama koje se pojavljuju i uvi{e drugih luka jer ih zbog velikog protoka imasovnosti iseljenika nije lako sprije~iti inadzirati.(Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trst)

Kitchen in the Emigration Home in Trieste, apicture published in an advertisement. At firstglance, it seems tidy, but maybe sanitaryinspectors could find the causes of infectiousdiseases here as well. Infections occurred alsoin many other harbours because they werehard to prevent and monitor in view of thehuge turnover of emigrants.(Civici Musei di Storia ed Arte, Fototeca, Trieste)


131

Due to poor water supply and sewage and inadequate garbage collection, the emi-grants’ house soon witnessed outbreaks of infectious diseases – smallpox and typhoid.As the result of frequent complaints, Austro-Americana was forced to limit the numberof lodgers at the emigrants’ house and began to consider expansion.Following an outbreak of typhoid, even a newspaper in Cracow, Galicia, the region oforigin of most Triestine emigrants, published a rabid criticism of Austro-Americana.The paper complained that the staff did not speak Polish and that the Company didnot respect its timetable, with ships running two or more weeks behind schedule. TheCompany managed to effectively counter only some of these very serious objections.

143

Partly under the pressure of trade unions but primarily in line with its new businesspolicies, in 1913 Austro-Americana embarked on a major expansion and upgrade of theemigrants’ hostel and on the construction of quarantine facilities for emigrants withinfectious diseases adjacent to it. The goal of a capacity of 3,000 persons sounds unre-alistic but, in any case, soon after construction the building ceased serving its purposedue to the War.

144

In 1913, on the eve of the War, emigrant traffic through Trieste unexpectedly rose. Alike increase could been seen in all similar ports, but nowhere nearly as much as inTrieste.That year emigrant traffic rose by 50% on the average, while in Trieste it almost dou-bled. Canadian Pacific Railway joined existing shippers, a company which had beenknown primarily for the construction of the long Canadian transcontinental railway.The arrival of that company upset the North Atlantic and Mediterranean shippers’pool and incited them to fierce competition with the intruder.

Eventually, the Cosulich brothers and Austrian banks in the Austro-Americana boughtthe shares of their north German partners and thus boosted the position of the Triestecompany in the Mediterranean pool. After recapitalizing, the Company managed tosecure an increase of its quota of emigrants’ traffic from the contracted 4% to 7% andthen to as much as 10%.

But, the War disrupted plans severely; instead of growing, Austro-Americana wasbadly shaken. After the War, when emigrant traffic collapsed, Austro-Americana losthalf of its fleet and its name was changed into Cosulich – Societa Triestina diNavigazione.

145

143 W. Prausnitz, Opinion of Professor Pausnitz on theSanitary Conditions in Trieste in Connection to theTyphoid Epidemic (Parere dell Prof. Prausnitz sulle con-dizioni igieniche di Trieste in nesso all epidemia di tifo),Graz, 1913.

144 G. Russo, Emigrazione transoceanica e trasportimarittimi dal porto di Trieste, p. 23.

145 Cosulich, Societa Triestina di navigazione,Rapporto per il Congresso Generale Ordinario…,1916, 1917, 1918, Tipografia Societa dei Tipografi,Trieste 1919.

Mno{tvo iseljenika koji ~ekaju pred PansionomAustro-Amerikane doista potvr|uje masovnosttr{}anskog iseljeni~koga pravca. Ovamodolaze brojni putnici iz Galicije, ali i izsredi{nje Hrvatske, Dalmacije i Slovenije, adijelom ~ak i iz Rusije.(Narodna in [tudijska Knji`nica v Trstu - Odsekza zgodovino, Trst)

The crowd of emigrants waiting in front ofAustro-Americana’s Pension is proof enough ofthe massive emigration flux from Trieste. It isthe departure place of many passengers fromGalicia, as well as from Croatia, Dalmatia andSlavonia, and even partly from Russia.(Narodna in [tudijska Knji`nica v Trstu - Odsekza zgodovino, Trieste)


Iseljenici


Emigrants


134

Strepnje, putovanje, ìvotOd prvih priprema za put u daleku prekooceansku zemlju do prihva}anja ameri~kogdràvljanstva ili kona~nog povratka, svaki iseljenik prolazi kroz niz isku{enja kakvaprije dono{enja odluke o odlasku nije mogao ni zamisliti.

Odlazak od ku}e za iseljenika zna~i vjerojatnost da vi{e nikad ne vidi svoju obitelj.Jednako je potresan i bijeg od nova~enja i neizvjesnost povratka u domovinu kojaka`njava nevjeru odbjeglih sinova.U sje}anjima iseljenika posebno je opisano vi{ednevno neudobno putovanje èljezni-com kao i, uglavnom, neugodan smje{taj i osje}aj bespomo}nosti pri policijskom ilije~ni~kom pregledu u polaznoj luci – prvoj prepreci na putu do useljenja.Za ve}inu je iseljenika i strah od beskrajna, razbjesnjela i uskiptjela mora, koje nikaddotad nisu vidjeli, ravan strepnji od najstra{nijih nemani iz pu~kih pri~a. Uzbu|enjeizaziva ve} ukrcaj na golem prekooceanski parobrod koji zadivljuje i pla{i svojomveli~inom. A tek slijede patnje putovanja – lo{ smje{taj u potpalublju i ~esto gotovo nejestivahrana. Tome treba pribrojiti i mnogo gore zlo koje tek dolazi – oluje koje navi{ednevnom putovanju preko oceana obvezno pogode brod i plovidbu u~ine gotovoneizdrìvom.

Dolazak nadomak ameri~ke obale i prvi pogled na Kip slobode i New York, useljenikna~as doìvljava kao najradosnije trenutke u ìvotu, a njujor{ki neboderi izgledaju mupoput kakva bajkovita grada. No odmah potom uhvati ga strah od posljednje velikeprepreke – oto~i}a Ellis. Svaki }e iseljenik zajedno s tisu}ama drugih biti podvrgnutnizu ispita i pregleda – prije odobrenja ulaska i ispra}aja na put do kona~nogodredi{ta.

A kada stigne do svoga znanca, susjeda ili ro|aka koji }e mu pruìti potporu u prvimdanima u Americi, moè se nadati samo nekom od najteìh poslova i zaposlenju ukakvom kamenolomu, rudniku, u {umi za sje~u, na gradili{tu ili u kojoj od “te{kome-talur{kih” tvornica.Slijedi teàk svakodnevni rad, katkad i bez blagdana i odmora, mukotrpna {tednja islanje novca obitelji u rodni kraj.

Sli~ice o ìvotu u Americi uvjerljivo su iznijeli sami iseljenici u {turim pismima obitelji.Rje~itije su opisani u ~lancima objavljenim u iseljeni~kih novinama te u knjigamaposve}enim ameri~kim sje}anjima i uspomenama. U njima se niù brojne pojedinosti,pri~e o osobnim sudbinama, o uspjehu i neuspjehu, o ispunjenim ili neispunjenimo~ekivanjima. Upotpunjavanju slike o iseljeni~koj Americi pridonose i ìvotopisi onih koji su, poputNikole Tesle, jedino u Americi mogli ostvariti svoje snove. Ameriku jednako tako osvjetljavaju i bespomo}ni povici onih koji vape za spasom ièle se i{~upati iz ameri~koga “talioni~kog lonca”.

Pojedina~ne sudbine opiru se ujedna~avanju, podvrgavanju statistici i pristupuistraìva~a globalnih kretanja koji, u nastojanju da uo~e op}e tokove, svjesnopropu{taju brojne pojedinosti koje ih odvla~e u neke pobo~ne rukavce.Ali takva slika uop}e ne doti~e mno{tvo pojedina~nih iskustava i frustracija milijunanepoznatih iseljenika koji jedino ulaze u vidokrug psihologa, demagoga, novinara ispisatelja.Bez izravnih iseljeni~kih svjedo~enja, sa~uvanih u brojnim zapisima, bilo bi te{korazumjeti osobne i emotivne razloge zbog kojih su se uklju~ili u veliki egzodus.

Promenadni koncert limene glazbe na palubibroda gotovo je uobi~ajen. Naro~ito je vaànna odlasku iz europske luke i pri ulasku uameri~ku luku, naj~e{}e New York. Uz klju~netrenutke isplovljavanja i uplovljavanja vezujuse najdublji osje}aji, uspomene, strepnje ii{~ekivanja.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A promenade concert of a brass band on thedeck of a ship is a common view. It is particu-larly important when ships leave Europeanports and enter American ones, mostly theNew York harbour. Moments of departureand arrival produce the deepest feelings,memories, worries and expectations. (Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


135

Fears, Passage, LifeFrom the first preparations for a transoceanic passage, to the moment when he wasgranted the American citizenship or sent back to his homeland, each emigrant faced aseries of challenges that he could not have dreamed of before he made the decision toleave. On leaving home each emigrant was pretty sure that he would not see his familyagain. Equally stressful was fear of draft and of subsequent punishment for draft dog-ging upon return. In their memoirs emigrants wrote in great detail about uncomfort-able train journeys, lasting several days, rough accommodation and feeling of help-lessness during police and medical screenings in a port of departure, the first obstacleto emigration. Most emigrants also feared rough passage over an endless ocean, which they hadnever seen before, and which brought to memory terrible monsters from folk tales.The stress was compounded when they boarded a large transoceanic steamship, bothawesome and frightening. That was followed by the difficulties of passage – badaccommodation in the cargo hold and often inedible food. Yet, that all paled by com-parison to storms that almost inevitably struck the ship during a several day long pas-sage and made it almost unbearable. Once the ship approached the American shores, the emigrant was exhilarated by thesights of the Statue of Liberty and of New York, whose skyscraper skyline evoked theimages of some fabled cities. Yet, soon he started fearing the last major obstacle – thesmall Ellis Island, where thousands of emigrants were subjected to a series of exami-nations and check-ups before they were given entry and seen off at the last leg of theirtrip. Once he reached his acquaintance, neighbor or relative, who would support him dur-ing the first stage of his stay in America, all the emigrant could hope for was to findsome hard job at a quarry, a mine, a construction site, a steel mill or as a lumberjack.What came next was hard work, day in, day out, often without holidays, penny pinch-ing and remittances to the family in the old country. One can glimpse the emigrants’ existence in America in their brief letters to the fami-lies. More detailed accounts can be found in the emigration press and in books depict-ing the emigrants’ American experiences and memories. The books summarize manydetails and individual plights, successes and failures, fulfilled and frustrated expecta-tions. An emigrant’s story was that of Nikola Tesla and the likes of him, who wouldnot have been able to realize their dreams without America. Yet, the helpless wailingof those who were crying for help in an attempt to get out of the “melting pot” was

Brod na otvorenome moru. Za lijepa vremenatijekom vi{ednevna putovanja putnici senaj~e{}e vrzmaju palubom, tra`e zabavu idobro raspolo`enje. Za razliku od salona,kabina i spavaonica, paluba je mjesto gdje sesre}u i bogati i siroma{ni, i prva i tre}a klasa.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A ship on open seas. During longer journeys,when the weather is nice, passengers prefer tostay on the deck and look for some fun andcheerfulness. As opposed to the saloon, cabinsand dormitories, the deck is the place wherethe rich and the poor mix, the first and thethird class.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


136

Amerika – bijeg od bijede

Stjepan Lojen, iseljenik sa sjevera Hrvatske, opisuje gotovo feudalnu potla~enost i bije-du u kojoj se jo{ po~etkom 20. stolje}a nalazilo njegovo selo.

146

Iako ìve nadomak glavnoga grada, Zagreba, seljake ovih sela mu~i te{ka zaostalost igotovo izgladnjelost. U nekim se obli`njim krajevima mo`da ìvjelo malo bolje, alineima{tina je vladala svagdje, a prezaduènost optere}ivala seljake koliko i te{ko}esvakodnevice:

“...moje je selo bilo vrlo siroma{no i kulturno zaostalo. Zemlja je ve}inom neplodna, auz to i primitivno obra|ivana... Moja je porodica ìvjela u zadruzi, koja je brojila dvadeset i pet ~lanova, ve}inomdjece. Imali smo drvenu ku}u, slamom pokrivenu i bez poda; sastojala se u svemu odjedne velike sobe, male kuhinje i neke vrste smo~nice. Spavali smo svi zajedno uvelikoj sobi. Kreveti sa slamnja~ama bili su poredani uza zid. U jednom kutu, kraj pro-zora, stajao je stol na kojem se posluìvala hrana. Za ru~ka ili ve~ere stariji su mu{karcisjedili na klupama oko stola, a njihove su ène stajale do njih i svi zajedno jeli iz jednezdjele. Ve}a djeca jela su na svojim krevetima, a malu su majke dràle na rukama ihranile ih istom `licom kojom su i same jele.Na dan su obi~no bila dva obroka: ujutro `ganci ili tvrdi crni kruh i kiseli kupus, auve~er kiseli kupus s grahom ili krumpirom. Tako je to i{lo iz dana u dan. Samoponekad, i to ljeti, mogli smo tu jednoliku hranu pobolj{ati svjeìm sirom i crvenimlukom. Meso se jelo dvaput u godini: o Boì}u i Uskrsu!

147

Jednoga je dana Stjepan shvatio da neki ljudi ìve druk~ije i da o njegovoj odluci ovisiho}e li mo`da i njemu jednom svanuti:“...Kad sam poodrastao, naro~ito kad sam zavr{io osnovnu {kolu i kad sam doznao dasvi ljudi ne ìve takvim ìvotom, po~eo sam o svemu pomalo razmi{ljati. Takav mi jeìvot postajao sve neugodniji, u meni se javljalo neko nezadovoljstvo. Kad sam kasni-je po~eo s ocem odlaziti u Zagreb na sajam, moje je nezadovoljstvo sve vi{e raslo. Uglavi mi se polako ra|ala misao kako da se izvu~em iz na{e seoske bijede i nevolje...

Jednoga je dana tetka dobila pismo od muà iz Amerike i zamolila me da joj gapro~itam. Bilo je to najobi~nije pismo, pisano onako kako su pisale stotine tisu}a na{ihiseljenika – raspitivali se za svakog ~lana porodice poimenice, za svakog susjeda, pa~ak i za pojedina grla goveda. Pa ipak je to pismo toliko na mene djelovalo da su miod uzbu|enja podrhtavale ruke dok sam ga ~itao.’A sada da ti kaèm da sam ìv i zdrav’, ~itao sam dalje dok je moja tetka od radostibrisala suze, ’i da ìvim dobro. Stalno radim i zara|ujem dolar i po na dan...’

146 Uspomene jednog iseljenika, Znanje, Zagreb 1963.Autor (1894.–1967.) je novinar u emigrantskom tisku,socijalist i iseljeni~ki politi~ar. U Ameriku stiè 1912.,a pod pritiskom ameri~kih vlasti, u domovinu sevra}a nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata.

147 Lojen, isto, str. 7.–8 .

Sirotinjska drvena selja~ka ku}ica, kakvih jebilo podosta u Gorskom kotaru i sredi{njojHrvatskoj. U ovakvim su ku}icama ìvjelebrojne obitelji zajedno s pokojom kravicomkoja je za seljake doista bila “blago”.Povratnici su donosili vijesti o boljem ìvotu,a brojni su mladi}i èljeli vjerovati da ihnegdje ~eka sre}a.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

A poor, wooden farm house, of which therewere many in the mountaineous Gorski Kotarregion and central Croatia. Many familieslived together in such small houses, some-times having a cow, which was trully a “trea-sure” for farmers. Homecomers brought newsof a better life, and many young men wantedto believe that luck was waiting for themsomewhere.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


137

equally typical of the American reality. In spite of all the attempts by statisticians and researchers of global trends, individualplights resist generalizations. Experiences and frustrations of each of the millions ofanonymous emigrants were unique, and found their voices only in the works of psy-chologists, demagogues, journalists and authors. Without the first-hand recollections,collected in many records, it would have been difficult to understand personal andemotional motivation of the members of that large exodus.

America – Haven for the Poor

Stjepan Lojen, an emigrant from northern Croatia, describes an almost feudal povertyand deprivation of his village in the early 20th century.

146

Although close to the capital, Zagreb, the villages in his region were very backwardand the food was very scarce. Although life in some neighboring regions was a littlebit better, they were all poor, and the peasants were equally burdened with debt aswith eking out the every day existence:“…my village was very poor and backward culturally. Land was mostly barren andcultivation primitive…My family lived in a family cooperative consisting of 25 members, mostly children. Wehad a wooden house, with a thatched roof and dirt floor; it consisted of a large room,a kitchen and a kind of pantry. Everybody slept in that room. Along a wall was a lineof beds with straw mattresses. In a corner, by a window, was a dining table. Men atelunch and dinner sitting on benches around the table, while women stood next tothem. Everybody ate from the same bowl. Children ate on their beds and babies werefed by their mothers, with the same spoon that they used. There were two meals perday: in the morning, polenta or hard brown bread and sauerkraut and in the afternoonsauerkraut with beans or potatoes. This diet was only occasionally supplemented withcottage cheese and onions. Meat was eaten twice per year – at Christmas and atEaster!

147

Then one day Sjepan realized that some people lived differently and that it was up tohim to try to change his fortune:“…When I was a bit older, especially after the primary school, I realized that somepeople lived differently and started thinking about everything. Gradually, I foundsuch life more and more unbearable and my frustration grew. Later on, when I start-ed going to the fair in Zagreb with my father, my frustration was further aggravated.Slowly I started planning how to escape the deprivation and troubles of our rurallife…One day my aunt received a letter from her husband in America. She asked me to readit. The letter was very simple, typical of the letters of hundreds of thousands of ouremigrants. It inquired about each and every member of the family, all the neighbors,

147 Memoirs of an Emigrant, (Uspomene jednog iseljeni-ka), Znanje, Zagreb, 1963. Author (1894-1967), was a journalist in the emigrationpress, a socialist and an emigrants’ politician. Heimmigrated to America in 1912. Under the pressurefrom the American authorities, he was repatriatedafter WW II.

147 Lojen, ibid, pp. 7-8.

Slova~ke `ene i djeca, nadni~ari u poljima.Slova~ki te`aci me|u najlo{ije su pla}enimradnicima i zato je slova~ko iseljeni{tvonaro~ito brojno – prema nekim mi{ljenjima,gotovo je tre}ina Slovaka iselila, i to mahom uAmeriku. (Mein Österreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II,Be~, 1914., Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

Slovak women and children, day labourers infields. Slovak labourers were among the worstpaid workers, which accounted for the greatnumber of Slovak emigrants – according tosome reports, almost a third of Slovaks emi-grated to America. (Mein Österreich, Mein Heimatland, Band II,Vienna, 1914, Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


138

Dolar i po na dan! Po~eo sam brzo u mislima sra~unavati koliko bi mi vremena uzeloda uz takvu zaradu kupim koje jutro dobre zemlje i sagradim lijepu ku}u. I od tadasam po~eo ma{tati o Americi. Iz na{e su ku}e dvojica ve} bila u toj “obe}anoj zemlji”,a gotovo svaka susjedna ku}a imala je po nekog svoga u Americi. ’Pa kad su oni moglida odu u Ameriku, za{to da ja ostanem ovdje u ovom blatu?’

Amerika – to je odsad bio moj ìvotni cilj.”148

Regruti i Amerika

Mladi}ima koji se premi{ljaju oko odlaska u Ameriku, odluku ~esto olak{ava poziv uvojsku. Odlazak i o~ekivana zarada puno se privla~niji od trogodi{njeg ili ~etverogo-di{njeg (mornarica) sluènja pod vojnom stegom. U~estalost bijega pred sluènjemvojske pro{irila se iznad svih o~ekivanja vlasti. Osim poku{aja da sprije~e bijeg, vojnesu vlasti ~ak poku{avale dozvati u vojsku i novake koji su ve} odavna iselili, a neki suse ve} sasvim pristojno sna{li i povratak im nije padao na pamet.

Posvuda je lako na}i primjere koji to posvjedo~uju. Zapovjednik vojne utvrde na Visu1860. bespomo}no javlja u Be~ da ne moè organizirati nikakvu lokalnu obranu jer svimladi}i koji jo{ nisu unova~eni plove na brodovima trgova~ke mornarice, a ostali su –njih stotina – u Americi i Australiji!

149

U be~kom se parlamentu 1860-ih, uo~i talijanskog risorgimenta raspravlja o slu~ajevi-ma stotine odbjeglih momaka iz venecijanske okolice. Mladi}i odlaze i skrivaju se natalijanskom tlu, izvan habsbur{kih granica, a obitelji i seoske op}ine za njih bi trebaleplatiti golemu otkupninu – koju nikako ne mogu skupiti.Uprava Austrijskog primorja u Trstu suo~ava se s problemom prekograni~nih talija-skih agencija iz Udina, koje agitiraju na austrijskom podru~ju i poti~u na odlazak uAmeriku mladi}e pred kojima je jo{ sluènje vojske.

150

Mnoge je nesu|ene vojnike uo~i regrutacije “progutala no}”, kako su zaklju~ile vojnevlasti u Kranjskoj. Slovenski politi~ar Fran [uklje iznosi 1905. u be~kom parlamentupodatke o bijegu momaka iz Ko~evja, Novog Mesta i ^rnomelja – odakle je “nestalo”5240 regruta. Citirao je i rije~i pokrajinskoga glavara:“...bilo bi najpametnije da po{aljemo regrutacijsku komisiju za ^rnomelj u Ameriku.Tamo su regruti, kod nas ih nema!”

151

Bjeàlo se osobito uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata. Grof Joèf Anton Barbo tvrdio je upokrajinskom saboru u listopadu 1913. da u Americi ima dovoljno momaka za ~itavkorpus, samo iz Kranjske 11.000 vojnih obveznika.

152

Mo`da je to bio tek izraz o{tre borbe me|u konkurentskim brodarima, u svakomslu~aju austrijska je vlada Canadian Pacific Railwayu nakratko zabranila prijevoz putni-ka iz Trsta jer je kompanijin brod u Antwerpenu zate~en kako ukrcava iseljenike kojibjeè od odsluènja vojnog roka!

153

Mnogi su se odbjegli novaci uspjeli dokopati Amerike, no nakon prosvjeda austrijskihvlasti, Amerikanci su pred Prvi svjetski rat po~eli vra}ati one koji nisu odsluìlivojsku.Oni koji su u Americi dobivali poziv za vojsku, mogli su sasvim bezbri`no nastavitiìvjeti i raditi i uop}e se na to ne obazirati. Katkad su u domovini objavljivana i pismakojima su novaci, unato~ odgoju koji ih je u~io poniznosti, hrabro i posprdno odbijalisvaku pomisao na povratak zbog sluènja vojske. Stanoviti Ferenc Schmal, Ma|ar,1906. pi{e pismo na~elniku @upanije Tolna:“Milostivi gospodine na~elni~e, za{to se uop}e trudite oko mog poziva! Uzalud Vamovo dopisivanje; ja se ne}u vratiti jer se sasvim dobro osje}am u Americi...Zahvaljujem na trudu da od mene u~inite vojnika, ali nemam ni trunke volje daobu~em crno-ùtu odoru.”

154

148 Lojen, isto, str. 8.–9.

149 Kriegsarchiv, Be~, AMA., M c 14 – 11 t/1860.

150 Govor dràvnog ministra Antona Rittera v.Schmerlinga u Ministarskom vije}u 5. lipnja 1862. uDie Protokolle des Östereichischen Ministerrates1848–1867. V/4

151 Izseljevanje, Slovenec XXXIII /236 (14. 10. 1905.).Citat prema neobjavljenom tekstu o slovenskoj emi-graciji Marijana Drnov{eka iz In{tituta za slovenskoizseljenstvo Slovenske akademije znanosti in umet-nosti, Ljubljana.

152 Prema Drnov{eku, isto; Deèlni zbor za Kranjsko,48. zvezek, II del. XVII. (3.i 4.10.1913.), str. 673.

153 Francesco Fait, neobjavljeni tekst, Trst 2008.

154 Ferenc Szilli, neobjavljeni tekst, Budimpe{ta 2007.Pismo objavljeno u novinama Tolnavarmegyje (11. 11.1906.).

Vojnik u odva`noj pozi u koju ga je namjestiofotograf. Ponosni }e ratnik sliku poslati majcii djevojci. No uo~i Prvoga svjetskog rata sve jevi{e onih koji odbacuju sluènje domovini iumjesto austrougarske vojske i sluènja uGaliciji ili Bukovini, naj~e{}e odlaze na rad uneku od tvornica u Pittsburghu iliClevelandu.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

A soldier adjusted into a daring pose by thephotographer. The proud warrior will sendthe picture to his mother and his girlfriend. Itis notable, however, that, at the beginning ofWorld War I, there was an increasing numberof those who gave up on the service to theirhomeland and chose, instead of serving theAustro-Hungarian army in Galicia andBukovina, to go and work in one of thePittsburgh or Cleveland factories.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


139

even about some domestic animals. Yet, I was so touched by the letter that my handstrembled while I was reading.’Now, I want you to know that I am safe and sound’, I was reading, while my auntwas wiping off her tears of joy, “ and live well. I have a full time job and make 1 andhalf dollars per day…” A dollar and a half! I started calculating quickly how much time I would need to saveenough for an acre of good land and a nice house. That is when I started dreaming ofAmerica. Two men from our cooperative had already moved to “the promised land”and almost all the houses in the vicinity had someone there. ’Well, if so many peoplecould go to America, why should I stay here in this mud?’

From then on America was my ultimate objective.”148

The Recruits and America

The young men who were considering emigration to America where often helped indecision making by a military call-up. Prospect of income in America was much moreattractive then the prospect of a three or four (navy) year submission to the militarydiscipline. Draft dodging spread beyond the expectations of the authorities. Otherthan trying to prevent fleeing, the authorities even attempted to summon long termdraft dodgers, some of whom were quite well established in emigration and could notcare less about return. Examples abound: In 1860, commander of a fort on the island of Vis, helplessly wroteto Vienna that he could not organize defense as all the recruits were sailing in mer-chant marine and the others, a hundred of them, had emigrated to America andAustralia!

149

In the 1860’s, on the eve of the Italian Risorgimento, the Parliament in Vienna debatedthe draft dodging by hundreds of young men from the Venice region. The men hadgone into hiding in the Italian territory outside the Austrian jurisdiction, and theirfamilies and rural municipalities could not collect enough money for the huge com-pensatory payment.The Italian travel agencies in Udine, across the border from Austrian Trieste, causedheadache to the HQ of the Austrian Littoral command there, by advertising their serv-ices in the Austrian territory and promoting emigration to America of men of militaryage.

150

Military authorities in Carniola noted the “disappearance into the thin air” of manymilitary age men due for recruitment. In 1905 Slovenian politician Fran [ukljeinformed the Parliament in Vienna about the disappearance of 5,240 recruits from theregions of Ko~evje, Novo Mesto and ^rnomelj. He cited a remark by a local official:“…our best bet would be to send the ^rnomelj recruitment board to America. Ourrecruits are there and not here!”

151

Draft dodging was especially common on the eve of WW I. In October 1903 Graf JoèfAnton Barbo told the provincial parliament that the number of recruits in America,including 11,000 from Carniola alone, sufficed for an entire corps.

152

Possibly as the result of a keen competition between different shippers, for a brief peri-od the Austrian Government suspended the Trieste service of Canadian Pacific Railwayafter it had been caught boarding draft dodgers on its ship in Antwerp!

153

Many draft dodgers managed to reach America. Yet, on the eve of WW I, after com-plaints by the Austrian Government, the American authorities started expelling thedraft dodgers. Yet, those who received call-ups in the USA could go on with their lives and ignorethem. Sometimes newspapers in the old country published their letters, in which thesemen, raised in the spirit of subservience, bravely and ironically declined any possibil-ity of return. In 1906, a Ferenc Schmal, an ethnic Hungarian, wrote a letter to the headof the Tolna County: “Most Honored Sir, why did you even bother to send me a call-up? This correspondence is in vain: I do not intend to return because I feel fine inAmerica…Thank you for you effort to turn me into a soldier, but I am totally indis-posed to wearing the black and yellow uniform.”

154


149 Kriegsarchiv, Vienna, AMA, M c 14 – 11 t/1860.

150 A speech by the state minister Anton Ritter v.Schmerling at the Ministerial Council on 5 June 1862,in Die Protokolle de Oestereichischen Ministerrates1848-1867. V/4

151 Izseljevanje, Slovenec XXXIII /236 (14 October1905). Quoted from an unpublished text on Sloveneemigration by Marijan Drnov{ek, Institut za sloven-sko izseljenstvo, Slovenska akademija znanosti inumetnosti, Ljubljana.

152 Acc. to Drnov{ek, ibid, Deèlni zbor za Kranjsko,vol. 48, Part II, XVII (3 and 4 October 1913), p. 673.

153 Francesco Fait, An unpublished text, Trieste 2008.

154 Ferenc Szilli, Budapest. An unpublished text,Budapest 2007.A letter published in the Tolnavarmegye newspaper (11November 1906).

Kad je bijeg od vojne obveze postajao sve~e{}i i kada su op}inski povjerenici zaduèniza nova~enje po~eli posprdno izjavljivati danjihove momke treba traìti u Americi, vlastisu poo{trile nadzor i od ameri~kihuseljeni~kih slu`bi traìle izru~enje regrutakoji su pobjegli od nova~enja.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)

When the number of those escaping militaryservice increased, and when municipal offi-cers started to joke that their men should belooked for in America, the authorities intro-duced stricter control and requested fromemigration services the extradition of recruitswho got away from the conscription.(Sa{a Dmitrovi}, Rijeka)


140

Strah od mora i plovidbe

“Bojao sam se putovati morem. Kada sam u Havreu ugledao beskrajnu pu~inuAtlantskog oceana, morao sam se sabrati svim snagama da ne po~nem plakati kaomalo dijete! Imao sam osje}aj da se vi{e nikad ne}u vratiti. Moje srce proèli su gorkiosje}aji.”

155

“Mnoge no}i sam proveo na iseljeni~kom brodu pribijen uz topli dimnjak. U tokudana osje}ao sam se snaàn i jak, ali no}u je moje srce uznemireno treperilo kada samusamljen u stra{nom mraku stajao uz dimnjak i nazirao bijele pjenu{ave vrhove valo-va... Samo ~vrsta vjera u Boga i uvjerenje da }e usli{iti molitve moje majke, dala mi jesnage da savladam strah i da se hrabro suo~im sa strahotama razbje{njelog oceana.”

156

Oba su zapisa uspomene dvojice obrazovanih ljudi koji su prije putovanja preko morapodosta nau~ili i vidjeli. Razli~ita je, dodu{e, njihova motivacija. Jedan odlazi nevoljko– jer bjeì od ve}ega zla – a drugi je prepun o~ekivanja jer se nada da }e u Americimo}i ostvariti svoje nade.More, osobito veliko, otvoreno more kojem se ne vidi kraja, izaziva u ljudi s kontinen-ta najve}e strahove. Mnogi jo{ u donedavna vremena zaziru od vode i uop}e ne znajuplivati.Velika ve}ina nikad prije nije vidjela more, samo je o njemu slu{ala pri~e, nalik na le-gende o mra~nim silama i hirovitim, razbjesnjelim nemanima. Starozavjetne pri~e okitu i Joni za mnoge seljake na pragu 20. stolje}a nisu obi~na {ala.O tome govore pisma i pjesme koje su o moru mnogo vi{e ispjevali oni koji ga ne poz-naju i boje ga se, od onih koji uz njega ìve i njime plove.

Zle slutnje imaju i mnogi ma|arski seljaci koji na ukrcaj dolaze u rije~ku luku pa i vi{egodina poslije o tome pjevaju:“Kada je po~eo moj put parobrodom, parobrod je po~eo ljuljati mnome, a ja sam samomolio u sebi: Boè moj, pomogni mi u lutanju!”

157

Drugoga mu~e jednaki strahovi: “Kada sam ja morem putovao, bogu sam ~estouzdisao, bez prestanka sam u sebi molio, spasi me Gospode na ovom velikom putu.Ako umrem, bacite me u more, mrtvo mi tijelo nek pojedu velike ribe, moje kosti nekamore ljulja, a doma nek ma|arska djevojka pla~e.”

158

Za mnoge je najve}a trauma izazvana nepoznavanjem i stoga na predrasudama omoru i plovidbi, koje prethode stvarnim te{ko}ama {to ih ~ekaju na brodu i olujama{to ih progone na putovanju.

155 Hans Kudlich, pismo bratu upu}eno izHobokena, New Jersey, 1869.

156 Mihajlo Pupin, Od pastira do znanstvenika, NewYork, 1924.

157 István Ladányi, Slika rijeke u ma|arskom narodnomsje}anju, u: Rijeka i ma|arska kultura, Me|unarodniznanstveni skup, Zbornik radova, Rijeka 3. i 4.listopada 2003., str. 81.

158 Ladányi, isto. str. 83.

Vreva oko broda uo~i isplovljavanja – opskrbaugljenom koji dovoze male brodice.Prekooceanski brod, koji ukrcava vi{e oddvije tisu}e putnika i vi{e stotina ~lanovaposade, za vi{ednevnu ili vi{etjednu plovidbumora ukrcati podosta ugljena, gomilu hrane ibrojne druge svakodnevne i skupocjenenamirnice i potrep{tine.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)

Bustling activity around the ship beforedeparture – supply of coal by small ships. Atransatlantic ship with more than two thou-sand passengers and several hundred crewmemebers has to load a lot of coal, food andother everyday items for a journey of severaldays or weeks.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)


141

Fear of the Sea and the Passage

“I feared the sea passage. When I saw the endless open-sea of the Atlantic Ocean I hadto master all my strength not to burst out crying like a small child! I had a feeling thatI would never come back again. My heart was overflowing with bitterness”.

155

“I spent many nights on the emigrants’ ship clinging to the warm funnel. During theday I felt strong and sprightly, but at night, my heart was racing as I was standing,frightened and alone, by the funnel in horrible darkness, catching the glimpses offoam on the crests of the waves…I mastered my fear and braved the horrors of the rag-ing ocean only thanks to my unwavering trust in God and the conviction that hewould grant my mother’s prayers.”

156

Both of these depictions were written by educated persons, who had embarked on thepassage well read and traveled. Yet, their motivations were different. One left againsthis will, in order to avoid a greater evil, while the other left full of expectations, hop-ing that he would realize his dreams in America.

The sea, especially the open sea, inspires inlanders with horror. Until recently, manyof them feared water and could not swim. Prior to the passage, many emigrants hadnot even seen the sea and the stories they heard about it evoked legends filled withdark forces and unpredictable raging monsters. In early 20th century many peasantsinterpreted the Old Testament story of Jonas and the whale literally.That is proven by letters and songs about the sea that were more often created by thepeople not familiar with the sea than by those who lived by the sea and on it. Many Hungarian peasants who boarded the ships in the port of Rijeka were alsoapprehensive. Much later they described it poetically:

“When we put out the steamship started swaying. While trying to find my balance Iprayed to God: Dear Lord, please help my in my peregrinations!”

157

His compatriot shared his fears: “When I sailed the sea I often prayed to God, callinghis name in despair. I prayed in silence without end: save me, my Lord, on this longpassage. If I die toss me into the sea, to be devoured by big fish, let my bones be rocked by seaand my plight bemoaned by a Hungarian girl.”

158

Already traumatized by prejudices about the sea and sea faring, many passengersfound it difficult to cope with the poor conditions on board and the storms that madethe passage miserable.

155 Hand Kudlich, a letter to a brother mailed inHoboken, New Jersey, 1869.

156 Mihajlo Pupin, From Immigrant to Inventor, NewYork, 1923.

157 Istvan Ladanyi, Image of Rijeka in HungarianPeople’s Memory (Slika Rijeke u ma|arskom narod-nom sje}anju), in: Rijeka and the Hungarian Culture(Rijeka i ma|ararska kultura), Me|unarodni znanstveniskup, Zbornik radova, Rijeka, 3 and 4 October 2003, p.81.

158 Ladany, ibid, p. 83.

Vreva na palubi broda koji iz Hamburga putu-je u New York. Uz dru{tvenu kroniku, temeprekooceanskih putovanja postale su omiljenei u ilustriranim revijama.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)

The crowded deck of the ship travelling fromHamburg to New York. Besides in socialchronicles, the topics of transatlantic journeysbecame popular also in illustrated reviews.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)


142

Veliko putovanje – prvi put na brodu

Ni putovanje od rodnoga sela do polazne luke nije jednostavno.Putovanje vlakom do daleke luke pretpostavlja presjedanja s vlaka na vlak, skrivanjeod policije zbog neurednih dokumenta i zbog toga vo`nju u svim mogu}im vrstamavagona – u teretnom, sto~nom i kona~no u putni~kom vlaku koji, unato~ tre}oj klasi,izgleda kao prava rasko{!

159

Iseljenici, naj~e{}e seljaci, nikad nisu vidjeli svijeta. Ve}ina se nije udaljila iz najuègazavi~aja – izuzev{i one koji su sluìli vojsku – pa im je svako putovanje ispunjeno zeb-njom. Zato im, uz osnovne upute o putovanju, agent katkad tutne u ruku papiri} sucrtanim èljezni~kim pravcem do luke i ispisanim imenima svih va`nih èljezni~kih~vori{ta u kojima moraju presjedati.

Dolazak u luku ~esto je obiljeèn i agencijskim prijevarama – smje{taj je ~esto neu-doban i prevelika je gu`va, a ~esto se dodatno pla}a kao i drugi tro{kovi.Iako su unaprijed platili putnu kartu, na brod se ~esto ne mogu ni ukrcati jer je u lukustiglo mnogo vi{e iseljenika nego {to na brodu ima mjesta. êkanje, neizvjesnost,nezadovoljstvo... Mnoge odvode u druge luke i na druge brodove, katkad i s drugim– odredi{tem!Brojni putnici nose iste dojmove; mnogima se zauvijek usijecaju u uspomene i pamteih cijeli ìvot. I nelagodu ukrcavanja, i i{~ekivanje plovidbe, i udaljavanje od europskeobale, i pogled na {iroko, nepregledno more, i kona~no uplovljavanje u New York.

Unato~ tome {to brodarske kompanije i iseljeni~ke agencije reklamiraju privla~nepogodnosti – brzu plovidbu, dobru hranu i udobne spavaonice sa svega nekolikoleàjeva, brojna svjedo~anstva “preìvjelih” govore o vrlo te{kim uvjetima plovidbe ukojima, sve do Prvoga svjetskog rata, uvijek ima i umrlih koje pokapaju u morskimdubinama. Do nas ~e{}e dopiru vijesti o povratnicima i njihovim neda}ama. Iz Amerike se ~estovra}aju oni koji se nisu sna{li. Neki od povratnika posebno te{ko podnose plovidbu.Naj~e{}e je rije~ o mladim djevojkama, ali i starijim ènama i mu{karcima. Uz ~esteslu~ajeve umiranja na brodu, redovito ima i onih koje vra}aju ku}i jer su u Americipoludjeli. Neki pak, u trenutku rastrojstva, jednostavno sko~e u more nasred oceana!

160

Sli~ice o putnicima, isplovljenju i plovidbi parobroda La Touraine koji isplovljuje iz LeHavrea na samu Staru godinu 1906., u svojoj je knjizi opisao hrvatski pisac, politi~ar idiplomat Ante Tresi} Pavi~i}.

161

Putnici gledaju more, promatraju galebove i vesele se zaigranim dupinima, a oninajoprezniji pripremaju se da se nekako obrane od morske bolesti. Gospo|e umotaneu krzno zauzimaju mjesto na palubi i nastoje se ~im udobnije smjestiti, no s prvim va-ljanjem broda po~inju i prve nevolje: “Sve su zlovoljne, bliede, o~ajna lica...”Zvonce zove na objed najprije putnike tre}ega, pa drugoga i prvoga razreda. Me|u putnicima tre}ega razreda “neki vode sobom ènu i djecu. Njihovo je stanjeuàsno! ...mali{i koji prohodaju, brzo se oporave i jedu slasno; nu ène ne moè{pogledati od àlosti. Pod palubom ne mogu stati od smrada izba~enih jela, a na palu-bi ih biju morski valovi, vjetar, zima, ki{a. Pod je blatan i mokar, a one leè, previjajuse u blatu...”

Zimsko je doba, no ve}ina je siroma{nih iseljenika lagano odjevena. “Kad im to okvasemorski valovi nemaju {to obu}i, pa leè. U njihov odio te{ko je za}i, jer je zrakzadu{ljiv...” Dodu{e, na brodu je hrana dobra i onima u tre}em razredu, ~ak bolja iobilnija nego na drugim brodovima.

162

Ali na mnogim je brodovima hrana ~esto – vrlo lo{a. Udruènje brodara nekim kom-panijama i brodovima zbog lo{e usluge i starih brodova, unato~ interesima drugih~lanova, dopu{ta niè cijene od onih utvr|enih dogovorom. Takva je kompanijaHolland-America Line.

159 Lojen, isto. str. 15

160 Slu~ajevi smrti na {irokome Atlantiku, Novi list (6.12. 1907.)Dolazak “Pannonije”, Novi list (17. 4. 1908.): “...te~ajempovratnog putovanja sa samoubila~kom odlukombacio (se) u more neki Ivan Herles, rodom izUgarske... Jedan pokojnikov brat nalazi se u ludnici uClevelandu.Sa “Pannonijom” se dovezo samo jedan ludjak.”

161 Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, @ivot Hrvata u SjevernojAmerici, Dioni~ka tiskara u Zagrebu, 1907. Autor je hrvatski pisac (1867.–1949.), politi~ar i diplo-mat Kraljevine Jugoslavije u Washingtonu. Naopisanom putu u Ameriku, dakako, koristi udobnosti pogodnosti prve klase, no suosje}a s onima u tre}ojklasi.

162 A. Tresi}-Pavi~i}, isto, str. 16

Gu`va pri ukrcavanju – dame u krznima igospoda s cilindrima. I putnika prve klaseima podosta; unato~ vedrom raspoloènju iop}em uzbu|enju, i njih mu~i putna groznicai strah od {irokoga mora i nemirne plovidbe.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)

A swarm of people during boarding – ladiesin fur and gentlemen with top hats. Therewere also many first class passengers; in spiteof their good mood and excitement, they werestill anxious about the journey, the open, andpossibly turbulent, sea.(Moderne Kunst, Berlin, 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)


143

Long Passage – First Time on Board

Even the trip from one’s native village to a port was difficult. Traveling on land to a distant port involved changing trains and hiding from thepolice in freight and stock carriages, so that the final leg in a third class, albeit rough,seemed like a real bliss!

159

The emigrants, mostly peasants, had never traveled before. Save for those who haddone military service, the majority had never ventured outside of their native region.Hence, for them, the prospect of any travel was filled with apprehension. For that rea-son, travel agents gave them basic travel instructions and a map of the trip, with theroute and the railway hubs where they had to change trains. Once at a port, emigrants often found they had been cheated by travel agents – accom-modation was rough and crowded, and came with an extra charge. Although theypurchased their boat fares in advance, many emigrants were left on shore due to over-booking. Waiting, uncertainty, frustrations…Many were then taken to different ports,to board different ships, often for different destinations!The passenger’s impressions,which they would not forget for the rest of their lives,were similar - unpleasant boarding, expectation of a departure, European coastlinereceding in the distance, wide open sea and, finally, docking in New York.Although shipping companies and travel agents enticingly advertised fast passage,good food and comfortable berths, with only a few beds in each, many passengersexperienced very rough conditions. Thus, until WW I some passengers did not sur-vive the passage and were buried at sea. There are many records of returnees and their troubles. Many of the returnees werepeople who could not get used to the American way of life. The passage back wasespecially difficult for young girls, but also for the elderly. Some died on board, whileothers were coming home after having gone insane in America. Some of the latter, ina fit of madness, jumped overboard in the middle of the ocean!

160

In one of his books, the Croat author, politician and diplomat Ante Tresi} Pavi~i}, pro-vided some vignettes on the passengers, the departure and the passage of La Tourainefrom Le Havre on 31 December 1906.

161

Passengers are watching the sea, observing the sea gulls and rejoicing in the frolics ofthe dolphins, while the most cautious are trying to somehow stave off sea-sickness.Ladies in fur coats are taking their chairs on the deck, trying to assume the most com-fortable position. Yet, as soon as the ship starts swaying troubles start: “Their faces areturning pale, gloomy and desperate…”

Bell tingle calls to the table passengers in the first, the second and the third class. Somein the third class are traveling with their wives and children. They are in an awfulstate! …after the first shock, small children recuperate quickly and eat heartily; yet onecannot bear the look of the women! Driven to the deck by the stench of the vomit inthe steerage, they are lashed on the deck by the sea foam, wind, and cold rain. Thefloor is mucky and wet and they lay there, writhing in the muck…” It is winter time, but most poor emigrants are scarcely clad. “Their clothes have beendrenched with sea foam so that they are constrained to beds as they do not haveanother change. In their department air is so stale that one can hardly breathe there…” By the way, the food on board is good even in the third class. Meals are better andmore abundant than on other ships.

162

Yet, on many ships food was very bad. Due to poor service and old ships, the poolsallowed some shippers to sell their fares under the set tarrifs. One such company wasHolland-America Line. A young man who boarded the Rydam, an old steamship ofHolland-America Line, in Rotterdam, wrote: “Food was horrible. Fish for breakfast, fishfor lunch, fish for dinner. I had never eaten fish before…I could smell fish all over theship.”

163

Some records describe even worse conditions, i.e. worms crawling on rotten food thatwould have been considered uneatable had the trip not lasted 10-15 days! In 1908 Vicko Jurjevic from Split boarded the Pretoria in Hamburg, along with anoth-

159 Lojen, ibid, p. 15

160 Death Incidents on the Atlantic (Slu~ajevi smrti na{irokome Atlantiku), Novi List (6 December 1907).

161 Over the Atlantic to the Pacific, The Life of Croats inNorth America (Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, @ivot Hrvatau Sjevernoj Americi), Dioni~ka tiskara u Zagrebu, 1907.

162 A. Tresi} Pavi~i}, ibid, p. 16

163 Stjepan Lojen, Uspomene jednog iseljenika, Znanje,Zagreb, 1963, p. 16.

Morska bolest osobito mu~i ène koje se nabrodu koji se valja i propinje u oluji nastoje~im toplije umotati i ~im udobnije smjestiti napalubi... “Njihovo je stanje uàsno!... Podpalubom ne mogu stati od smrada izba~enihjela, a na palubi ih biju morski valovi, vjetar,zima, ki{a. Pod je blatan i mokar, a one leè,previjaju se u blatu.” (Ante Tresi}-Pavi~i},Preko Atlantika do Pacifika, Zagreb 1907.) (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891., Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)

Seasickness affected above all women andthey tried to find the cosiest and warmest pos-sible position on the deck when the ship wasrolling on storm waves… “Their condition ishorrible!... They cannot stand being under thedeck, where everything stinks of thrown upmeals, and on the deck they are beaten bywaves, wind, rain and the cold air. The floor isfilthy and wet, and they are lying andwrithing in dirt.” (Ante Tresi}-Pavi~i}, PrekoAtlantika do Pacifika, Zagreb 1907) (Moderne Kunst, Berlin 1891, Sa{a Dmitrovi},Rijeka)


144

Mlad momak koji se ukrcava u Rotterdamu na Rydam, stari parobrod Holland-AmericaLinea, kaè:“Hrana je bila o~ajna. Riba za doru~ak, riba za ru~ak, riba za ve~eru. Nikada prijenisam jeo ribe... cijeli mi je brod zaudarao po ribi.”

163

Neki govore o jo{ stra{nijim okolnostima, o crvima koji plaze po pokvarenoj hranikoju bi bilo nemogu}e jesti – kada putovanje ne bi trajalo desetak ili petnaestak dana!Vicko Jurjevi} iz Splita ukrcava se 1908. u Hamburgu na brod Pretoria, zajedno s jo{2000 mu{karaca i 1200 èna. “Zbili nas kao brave. Agenat ljuto nas je prevario... Ujutrosmo imali kavu gorku kao pelin. U podne su nam davali zupu, sve crvi po njoj i koma-di}i konjskog mesa, a za {al{u kumpira neo~i{}enih. Kruha i vina ni{ta. Nama se jegadilo, pa smo bacili onu smrdljivu hranu u more. Za ve~eru su nam davali ribe {to sezove renga.

164

Neki su opisi smje{taja i prehrane iseljenika jo{ drasti~niji:“Potpalublje se sastoji od niskih, lo{e prozra~enih skupnih spavaonica, iz kojih napalubu vode samo jedna mimokretna vrata, koja se za olujna vremena nemilosrdnozatvaraju, tako da putnici ispod njih leè kao u jami. Hrana je servirana na velikimdrvenim stolovima i klupama: margarin, kruh i sme|a voda za doru~ak, slana riba ikrumpir za ru~ak. K tomu nagurani ljudi, koji su doslovno bili naviknuti jesti skupasa svinjama. Preko svega toga {irio se slatki miris sredstva za dezinfekciju, s kojim suprostorije bile ~i{}ene, budu}i da se djeca, stare ène i mu{karci nisu ustru~avalipovra}ati kad im je bilo zlo.”

165

Kada se nevi~ni i prestra{eni putnici kona~no priviknu na more, popravlja se i raspo-loènje, osobito ako se na brodu jede pristojna hrana : “...ve}ina }e ih nakon dva tridana puta preboliti morsku bolest, pa }e slasno jesti i podati se veselju. Ima tu vese-ljaka koji zapodjevaju svakake {ale i lakrdije, te zabavljaju druìnu. Neki zvoni u har-moniku, neki pjeva, neki ple{e. Pa~e i neke ènskinje }e se do malo odvaìti te statiplesati.”

166

Brojni iseljenici àle se na uvjete koji su ih, unato~ najavama agenata i nagovara~a,zatekle na brodu. “@ivot na brodu bio je upravo bijedan. Kad smo isplovili na otvoreni ocean, na{a sekrntija po~ela toliko ljuljati te sam se bojao da }e se raspasti. Od toga silnog ljuljanjauhvatila me morska bolest, koja me neprestano pratila. Sve {to bih pojeo odmah bi izmene izletjelo...”

167

A primicanjem sredini oceana more se sve vi{e pjeni i sve je stra{nije, uzburkanije. “Nema vi{e galebova, ni dupina, ni{ta osim beskrajne pu~ine! Boje su na njemu uvi-jek iste, uvijek dosadni obraz olovnih rastrganih obla~ina... Uviek je isto! Riedak jeslu~aj, da se vidi u daljini koja lagja. Da ih je i na tisu}e izgubi}e se u ogromnom pros-toru...”

168

Kada se kona~no po~inje nazirati Amerika, obale Newfoundlanda, svi ìvnu. A trenu-tak ulaska u njujor{ku luku i pogled na nebodere Manhattana uvijek izaziva pravoodu{evljenje.

163 Stjepan Lojen, Uspomene jednog iseljenika, Znanje,Zagreb, 1963., str. 16.

164 Ljubomir Anti}, Hrvati i Amerika, II. dopunjenoizdanje, Hrvatska sveu~ili{na naklada, Hrvatska mat-ica iseljenika, Zagreb, 2002., str. 105.

165 Ann Tizia Leitich, Drei in Amerika, Roman, Be~,1946., str. 8.Austrijska spisateljica (ro|ena i umrla u Be~u,1891.–1896.), povjesni~arka umjetnosti i kulture.

166 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, isto, str. 16

167 Stjepan Lojen, isto, str. 16.

168 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, isto. str. 17


145

er 2,000 men and 1,200 women. “We were packed there like sheep. The agent hadcheated us badly…In the morning we were given coffee that was bitter as gall. Atnoon we got a soup, crawling with worms and with a few bits of horse meat in it. Sidedish was unpeeled potatoes. No bread or wine. Disgusted, we threw the food over-board. At dinner time we were served fish called herring.

164

Some descriptions of accommodation and victuals were even more dramatic: “The cargo hold consists of poorly ventilated dormitories with low ceilings. The holdis connected to the deck only through an inward opening door, which is mercilesslysealed during storms so that the passengers underneath lie as if in a pitch. Food isserved on large wooden tables and benches: margarine, bread and murky water forbreakfast, pickled fish and potatoes for lunch. Add to that a crowd of tightly packedpeople, used to eating with the pigs. Over all that there is a sweet whiff of a disinfec-tant, used to clean the floors, where children and the elderly vomit freely in bouts ofsea-sickness.”

165

Once the frightened passengers got used to the new experience of sea travel, moodimproved, especially if the food was good: “…after two to three days most passengersrecuperated from sea sickness, started eating heartily and let their hair loose. Amongstthe passengers there was always some jolly fellow who would crack jokes and enter-tain fellow passengers. Some would play the accordion, others would sing or dance.Even some women soon overcame shyness and joined the dance.”

166

Many passengers complained about poor conditions on board, which proved falsepromises that had been made by the agents and mediators. “Conditions on boardwere really bad. Once we got to the open sea, our hulk started rocking so much that Ifeared it would capsize. From all that rocking I became sea-sick and could not recu-perate throughout the passage. Whatever I ate I threw up right away…”

167

Once a ship got to the middle of the ocean, the sea became rougher, more turbulentand frothier. “One could no longer see the sea-gulls or the dolphins, nothing but theendless open sea! The color never changed, always the same leaden reflection of part-ed clouds…Always the same! Only rarely did one see some ship far away. If therewere thousand of them they would have been lost in that huge space…”

168

The spirits arose on sight of the American shores, the coast of Newfoundland. Thisturned into euphoria when the passengers saw the New York harbor and the silhou-ettes of the skyscrapers on Manhattan.

Big, Big Ship that Will Take Us to AmericaQuickly!

Some passengers never made it to America; they ended up in the ocean depths.The first major shipwreck happened in 1854, when the Town of Glasgow disappearedmysteriously with 540 passengers on board, never to be heard of again. This was justthe first in a long line of shipwrecks. Although Cunard could boast that in 70 years of service on many of its lines it had notlost a single passenger on board, passages were not risk free.

169

Accidents occurred even before that of the Titanic, whose owners had described it asunsinkable prior to its maiden voyage.Sharp at noon on 10 April 1912, White Star’s steamship the Titanic, whose twins werethe Brittanic and the Olympic, put out from the port of Southampton on the EnglishChannel. While it was still in the port it barely avoided a collision with the New Yorksteamship. At the same time, the boiler-room caught fire and the departure wasdelayed by an hour.

170

Yet, the put out was completed safely and later that evening the ship boarded passen-gers in the French port of Cherbourg, slightly behind the schedule. Next morning

164 Ljubomir Anti}, The Croats and America (Hrvati iAmerika), 2nd amended edition, Hrvatska sveu~ili{nanaklada, Hrvatska matica iseljenika, Zagreb, 2002, p.105.

165 Ann Tizia Leitrich, Drei in Amerika, a novel,Vienna, 1946, p. 8.

166 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, ibid, p. 16.

167 Stjepan Lojen, ibid, p. 16.

168 Tresi}-Pavi~i}, ibid, p. 17.

169 Cunard, Hungarian-American line, Rieka –(Fiume) – New York. Instructions and Explanationsfor North American Emigrants, published by Adria,Royal Hungarian Steamship Joint-Stock Company,Budapest (around 1910).

170 Slobodan Novkovi}, The Titanic, the Croats in theDisaster of the Century, (Titanic, Hrvati u katastrofi stol-jeca), Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb, 2005, p. 351.


146

Veli, veli brod s ken }emo brzo prit va Meriku!

Za razliku od sretno pristiglih, neki nesretnici nikad nisu stigli u Ameriku; zavr{ili suu dubinama oceana. Prva velika parobrodarska nesre}a koja je 1854. tajanstveno progutala Town of Glasgowi njegovih 540 putnika, o kojima se nikad ni{ta nije saznalo, bila je tek najava brojnihnesre}a.Iako se Cunard i nakon sedamdeset godina odràvanja brojnih parobrodarskih linijahvalio da nijedan putnik nikad nije izgubio ìvot na njegovim brodovima, sigurnostplovidbe ipak nije bila zajam~ena.

169

Brodova je ipak stradalo podosta i prije Titanica – kojega su vlasnici uo~i prve plovidbenazivali – nepotopivim!

Golemi White Starov parobrod Titanic, blizanac Britannica i Olyimpica, to~no u podne10. travnja 1912. kre}e na put iz Southamptona u Engleskom kanalu i ve} u polaznojluci gotovo doìvljava brodolom. Jedva je izbjegao sudar s parobrodom New York. Ukotlovnici je istovremeno izbio poàr, zbog ~ega je brod u polasku kasnio jedan sat.

170

Ipak, isplovljenje zavr{ava sretno i brod s malim zaka{njenjem predve~er ukrcava iputnike u francuskoj luci Cherbourg, a ujutro i putnike u ju`noirskoj luci Quinstownu.S blizu dvije tisu}e ukrcanih, od kojih su otprilike polovica bili putnici, a polovicaposada, kona~no se otputio na {iroko more. Poznata je sudbina brojnih iseljenika, kaoi spasila~ke zasluge konkurentske Cunardove Carpathije koja u to doba iz Rijeke i Trstaodràva liniju s New Yorkom.

Me|u brojnim nesretnicima koji nisu imali sre}e, bio je i mladi Mirko Dika,sedamnaestogodi{njak iz Podgori kod Crikvenice. Na brodu su jo{ trojica iz njegovakraja, iz Kri~ine, tako|er u blizini Crikvenice.I Dika je jedan od dvadeset i sedam Hrvata koji su, kao i on, karte za ovo putovanjekupili kod Oberstega & Cie. u Baselu ili kod Josipa Buechela u Buchsu. Mirko je kartuplatio 510 {vicarskih franaka i namjeravao oti}i u Vancouver. Njegovoj je majci Jeleni posljednji trag o sinu bilo njegovo pismo iz Southamptona:“Gremo na jedan veli, veli brod s ken }emo brzo prit va Meriku!” Nije stigao nikad, a ni tijelo mu nije prona|eno.

171

Mnogo je sretnije pro{ao iseljenik iz Vrginmosta, dana{njeg Gvozda na Kordunu,izme|u Karlovca i Siska. On opisuje nesre}u omanjeg parobroda Volturno kojim jeplovio iz Rotterdama u Ameriku.

172

Njegove nevolje zapo~inju jo{ prije ukrcaja na brod na koji on i oni s kojima dijeli sud-binu ~ekaju vi{e dana. Za neèljeno ~ekanje napla}uju im i tro{kove smje{taja i hrane– iako im je jasno re~eno da su ura~unati u cijenu karte. U grupi “Austrijanaca” kojiputuju u Ameriku, ima oko 170 ljudi, od toga 130 iz Hrvatske.Ukrcavaju se 3. listopada 1913. i ubrzo saznaju da brod ne putuje najavljenih {est negonajmanje {esnaest ili osamnaest, a pri lo{em vremenu i dvadeset dana! K tome, unato~najavi – uop}e i ne putuje u SAD i New York – nego u Kanadu!

173

Putnici su ve} na polasku ogor~eni i neraspoloèni: “...onda je brod zatulio tri putatu`no, da nam se je svima u prsima srdce stislo od njekakove tjeskobne slutnje.Muzika je svirala na brodu i na{ se je brod okretao lagano i iz luke gladko, kao po ledusmucao, a mi svi tu`ni za domovinom...”U nekakvoj “ogromnoj {upi” sjedaju za stolove sklepane od dasaka. Kada se nakonrane ve~ere uspnu na palubu, more je sve nemirnije i oni povrate ono {to su upravopojeli: su{ene haringe i kruh smije{an s crnom kavom.“Kasno smo prvu no} polijegali, prem nas je ve} za rana potjeralo dolje u medju-palublje, u na{e spavaonice. Tu smo se na{li u velikom, {taglju sli~nom prostoru, a po

169 Cunard, Ugarsko-amerikanska pruga, Hungarian– American Line, Rieka – (Fiume) – New York. Uputai razja{njenje sjeverno-amerikanskim izseljenicima,izdanje Adria kr. ug. parobrodarsko dion. dru`tvo,Budimpe{ta (oko 1910.).

170 Slobodan Novkovi}, Titanic, Hrvati u katastrofistolje}a, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb 2005., str. 351.

171 Novkovi}, isto, str. 72.www.encyclopedia-titanica.org/titanic-biography/mirko-dika.htm

172 Stjepko Brozovi}, Sabrane pripovijesti, Iz ameri~koghrvatskog ìvota, New York (bez godine izdanja).Ovaj novinar i pisac (Jastrebarsko, 1874. – New York,1924.), urednik hrvatskoga Narodnog lista u NewYorku, u SAD stiè 1899.

173 Brozovi}, isto, str. 15.

Cunardova Caronia na vezu u rije~koj luci,jedan je od “transatlantika” koji izazivajupo{tovanje, osobito u lukama u koje tekpo~inju uplovljavati. “Parobrod je velik, krasan, providjen sa svimmogu}im udobnostima”, izvje{}uje rije~kiNovi list krajem 1903. i u vi{e se osvrta o pris-tizanju i isplovljenju plove}ih gorostasa divinjihovoj vrhunskog opremljenosti i najnovi-jim napravama poput beì~nog brzojava. (Rije~ka luka, povijest, izgradnja, promet, Rijeka2001., Muzej grada Rijeke)

Cunard’s Caronia, docked in Rijeka’s harbour,is one of the transatlantic steamships thatenjoy a great deal of respect, especially inports in which they only started arriving.“The steamship is large, beautiful, equippedwith all possible comforts”, reported Rijeka’sdaily Novi list at the end of 1903, which fre-quently praised the superb equipment andmodern technology, like the wireless tele-graph, of the floating giants.(The Rijeka Harbour, History, Construction,Traffic, Rijeka 2001, Muzej grada Rijeke)


147

more passengers were boarded in Queenstown, a port in the south of Ireland. Withalmost 2,000 persons on board, half passengers and half crew, the ship finally reachedthe open sea. The plight of many emigrants and the rescue efforts by the Carpathia,owned by the rival Cunard Line, sailing on the Trieste-Rijeka-New York service, havebecome famous.

One of the ill starred passengers was Mirko Dika, 17 years of age, from Podgori, nearCrikvenica. He boarded the ship with three men from Kri~ina, another village nearCrikvenica. Dika was one of 27 Croats who purchased their fares from Obersteg & cie.in Basel, or from Josip Buechel in Buchs. He paid 510 Swiss Francs for the fare and hisfinal destination would have been Vancouver.The last word from him that his mother Jelena got was his letter from Southampton:“We shall board a huge, huge ship that will take us to Merica in no time!”He never made it there and his body was never recovered.

171

Much better fared an emigrant from Vrginmost, presently Gvozd, region of Kordun, atown between Karlovac and Sisak. He was shipwrecked on the Volturno, on passagefrom Rotterdam to America.

172His troubles started before boarding. He and other pas-

sengers had to wait for several days for departure. During this unwanted delay theyhad to pay for food and board, although that was supposed to be included in the fare.This group of Austrian citizens comprised 170 persons, including 130 from Croatia.

They boarded on 3 October 1913 and soon found out that rather than the scheduledsix days the passage would take 16 to 18 days, and if the weather was bad possibly aslong as 20 days! Furthermore, rather than for New York, USA, as announced, the shipwas bound for Canada!

173

Already at the put out the passengers were bitter and disappointed:”… then the sirenwailed three times plaintively, sending chills down our spines. A band played on theship, which was gliding slowly from the port, as if on ice, while we were all longingfor our homeland…”In a “huge shed” they sat down at makeshift tables made of boards. When theyclimbed to a deck, after an early dinner, the sea became rough and they threw up whatthey had just eaten: dry herrings and bread soaked in black coffee. “The first night we went to bed late, even though we had been driven to our dormi-tories in the steerage quite early. The steerage looked like a barn, with four bunk bedson top of each other, from floor to the ceiling and from one end of the room to theother. There were up to 200 beds there.”

174

When they finally sailed away from the European coast and got to the open sea astorm hit the ship. Soon it calmed down but another one came and the ship caughtfire! Some passengers were saved – they were picked by ships operating that route. Thesurvivors thanked God and their rescuers and watched from a safe distance for hoursas the ship was burning down in a cloud of smoke on high seas. Humble castaways were welcomed at the rescuing boat as guests of honor– at a 1st

class salon, where a band played and a mass was served for the rescue of the survivorsand for the souls of the casualties. The passengers collected a nice donation for thecastaways and gave it to them.

On the sight of New York the castaways were even more jubilant than emigrants usu-ally were. To them the skyscrapers looked like “a miracle, like en enchanted city, aview like no other.”

175

Considering that the news about the shipwreck had already spread around, at the portthey were welcomed by hundreds of photo-journalists, representatives of charities,thousands of onlookers and, of course, by relatives and friends.

171 Novkovi}, ibid, p. 72.www. e n c y c l o p ed i a - t i t a n i c a . o r g / t i t a n i c -biography/mirko-dika.htm

172 Stjepko Brozovi}, Collected Stories From the Life ofAmerican Croats (Sabrane pripovijesti iz ameri~koghrvatskog `ivota), New York (no year of publication).This journalist and author (Jastrebarsko, 1874 – NewYork, 1924), edited Croat Narodni list in New York.He arrived to the USA in 1899.

173 Brozovi}, ibid, p. 15.




148

~etiri kreveta jedan nad drugim, od poda do stropa zapunili su cijeli prostor. Bilo je tudo 200 kreveta.”

174

Kada su se kona~no udaljili od europske obale i zaputili preko oceana, ubrzo ih jezatekla oluja koja se uskoro smirila, ali je nastupila nova oluja i, na nesre}u, brodompo~ne harati vatra!Dio se sretnika ipak uspijeva spasiti – pokupili su ih brodovi koji su plovili istomrutom. Preìvjeli mogu zahvaljivati Bogu i spasiteljima i, sa sigurne udaljenosti, jo{satima gledati brod koji u oblaku dima dogorijeva na pu~ini.Skromni su prido{lice na spasila~kom brodu prihva}eni kao najdraì gosti – do~ekujeih glazba u dvorani prvoga razreda gdje se odràva i misa u znak zahvalnosti za spas


Smrtnost je na dugim putovanjima brodomjo{ i u 19. stolje}u bila ~esta. Brodovi bi rijetkoprelazili ocean bez ponekog umrlog ili pogi-nulog. No puno su ve}a stradanja prouzro~ilibrodolomi. Od tajanstvenog nestanka paro-broda Town of Glasgow koji je stradao 1854., doTitanica 1912. oceanske su oluje i nesre}eprogutale tisu}e ljudi. Zato zvu~i gotovo nev-jerojatnom Cunardova tvrdnja da u sedamde-set godina poslovanja kompanije na njezinimbrodovima nije stradao nijedan putnik. (L’illustrazione Italiana, 2. 1. 1876., Muzej gradaRijeke)

In the 19th century, the death rate on longjourneys was still high. Ships rarely crossedthe ocean without casualties. However, ship-wrecks caused a far greater number of deaths.From the misterious disappearance of thesteamship Town of Glasgow in 1854 untilTitanic in 1912, ocean currents and accidentsclaimed the lives of thousands of people. Thatis why Cunard’s claim that not even one pas-senger was killed on board one of its ships inseventy years of the company’s existencesounds rather incredible.(L’illustrazione Italiana, 2 January 1876, Muzejgrada Rijeke)


149

The Last Obstacle – Ellis Island

From the moment of departure, an emigrant had many opportunities to regret hisdecision or, at least, to start doubting its rationale. Already prior to boarding, his per-sonal and emigration documents were checked and he was examined by physicians.In a port of departure, if not already at some railway hub, such as Basel, he was exam-ined and checked by doctors, local authorities and by officials of a US consulate. ‘In Basel we were given train tickets to Rotterdam and a boat fare for New York. Therewe were examined by a physician, so that we could board the ship without delay.

176

Yet, he had to be examined again before immigration.



150

preìvjelih i pokoj onih koji se nisu uspjeli spasili. Putnici za brodolomce skupljaju ilijepu svoticu koja im je uskoro podijeljena.

Nadomak New Yorka zadovoljstvo je brodolomaca jo{ ve}e od uobi~ajenoga, anebodere gledaju “kao kakovo ~udo, kao kakav za~arani grad. Pogled kakvog nemanigdje na svietu.”

175

Budu}i da se ve} pro~ulo o brodolomu, u luci ih do~ekuje stotine novinara s fotoa-paratima, predstavnici dobrotvornih dru{tava, tisu}e znatièljnika i – dakako – rodbi-na i prijatelji.

Posljednja prepreka – oto~i} Ellis

Od trenutka kada krene na put, svaki iseljenik ima mno{tvo prigoda da poàli zbogsvoje odluke ili bar da se pokoleba i posumnja u ispravnost svojih nakana. Jo{ uEuropi, prije ukrcaja na brod, iseljeni~ke su mu osobne i putne isprave provjerene iobavljen je lije~ni~ki pregled. U polaznoj su ga luci ili mo`da ve} u nekomèljezni~kom ~vori{tu poput Basela, pregledali i lije~nici i doma}e vlasti i slu`beniciameri~kog konzulata.

“U Baselu smo dobili èljezni~ku kartu do Rotterdama i brodsku kartu do New Yorka.Ondje nas je i lije~nik pregledao, tako te smo bili spremni da se odmah ukrcamo nabrod.

176

No sada slijedi kona~an, odlu~ni pregled prije useljenja.

Unato~ brojnim lukama i mogu}nostima ulaska u SAD, posljednja je stanica za ve}inuEllis Island koji izaziva posebnu strepnju. Dovezeni pretrpanim brodi}em iz njujor{keluke i zatvoreni na oto~i}u okruènom morem, nadomak Kipu slobode i stvarnoj slo-bodi, useljenici moraju pro}i opse`ne preglede, strahuju}i od preuranjena neuspjeha ineèljena povratka u domovinu.Unato~ desetlje}ima i dvama svjetskim ratovima, minulim od dolaska u Ameriku dopovratka u domovinu, Stjepan Lojen iz Kraljeveca u Hrvatskom zagorju, slikovitoopisuje svoj dolazak u New York i strepnju koju proìvljava na Ellis Islandu:

“Parobrod je kona~no pristao u luku. Na pristani{tu su ljudi vrvjeli kao u mravinjaku.Obi~ni putnici iskrcavali se odmah na obalu, gdje su ih susretali i veselo pozdravljaliro|aci i znanci. S nama, iseljenicima, bilo je druk~ije. Nas su prekrcavali u malenbrodi}, koji nas je odvezao na oto~i} Ellis Island, gdje smo imali pro}i pregledpograni~nih i carinskih organa.

U{li smo u jednu veliku salu... jo{ kod ku}e pri~ali su mi da su... mnogi na{i ljudivra}eni natrag. Pozajmili su novac za putne tro{kove, dovezli se do ameri~kog kopna,pogledali Boìcu slobode, odsjedili dan-dva... i onda se morali vratiti ku}i!

Dok sam stajao u drugom redu {to je vodio do pograni~nih organa, po glavi mi seneprestano vrzla misao: ho}e li mene pustiti? Kolika bi nesre}a bila kad bih se sadamorao vratiti u svoj Kraljevec! Otac je pozajmio novac za moj put, i ja sam mu sve~anoobe}ao da }u mu ga za {est mjeseci vratiti. Pa odakle bi ga otac ina~e mogao vratiti? Osim toga, kad bih se sada, poslije pet-{est tjedana, morao vratiti u selo, kolika bi tobila bruka za me!Susjedi bi mi se rugali i predbacivali: “Gle na{eg Amerikanca! Potro{io dvjesta forintida vidi kopno Amerike!” Vratio bih se upravo onamo gdje sam i bio – u onu istu bijedu iz koje sam se poku{aoizvu}i. Samo {to bih sada imao jo{ jedan teret vi{e – dug od dvjesta forinti!

Kona~no do|e red na mene i na mog suputnika Lazu. Bio sam prvi. Pokazao saminspektoru papir {to mi ga je dao agent. On me odmjerio od glave do pete i preko pre-


176 Lojen, isto, str.15.–16.

Procedura i niz pregleda na Ellis Islandu, nakoji istovremeno dovoze tisu}e useljenika,posljednja su prepreka i stoga u mnogih izazi-vaju poseban strah – nadomak Amerike i ost-varenja sna sve dosada{nje muke postaju uza-ludne ako ih vrate u Europu.(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

The procedure involving a number of exami-nations on Ellis Island, which simultaneouslyreceives thousands of immigrants, representsthe last hurdle and, therefore, a special fear formany – only one step away from entering theUS and realizing one’s dreams, there is thepossibility of being returned to Europe and alltroubles having been in vain.(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)


151

In spite of many ports of entry and immigration stations in the USA, most immigrantscame through Ellis Island, which inspired them with special apprehension. Uponarrival from the New York harbor on an overcrowded boat the immigrants were iso-lated on this small island close to the Statue of Liberty and to freedom, in expectationof a series of examinations that for some meant premature repatriation. In spite of decades and two world wars between his immigration to America and hisrepatriation, in his late recollections Stjepan Lojen from Kraljevec in the Hrvatskozagorje region painted a vivid picture of his arrival to New York and his experience ofEllis Island.

“The steamship finally docked in the port. The pier was teeming with people. Whileother passengers disembarked straight onto the pier, to meet their exhilarated rela-tives and acquaintances, we, the emigrants, were boarded on a small boat that took usto Ellis Island, to be examined by immigration authorities and by customs officers.

We entered into a big hall… before my departure some people had told me that someof our compatriots had been sent home from here. After having made the passage onborrowed money and seen the Goddess of Freedom, only a day or two after theirarrival they were sent back home!

While I was standing in a long line, waiting to be examined by immigration officers, Ikept wondering: Will they let me through? It they send me back to my Kraljevec nowthat will be a disaster! My father had to borrow money for my travel expenses, and Ipromised solemnly that I would pay it back to him in six months. After all, how elsecould he return the loan? Furthermore, if now, after 5-6 weeks, I return to my village, that will be a big disgracefor me! Neighbors would make fun of me and tease me: “Look at our American! He spent 200Forint so that he could see the American shores!” Upon return I would be stuck again in the same poverty that I tried to escape, this timeburdened with a debt of 200 Forint!

Finally, the turn came for me and my fellow passenger Lazo. I was first. I showed aninspector a paper that I had received from a travel agent. He sized me up and askedme through a translator: Where are you going?To Youngstwon to join my father in law.How much money do you have on you? Twenty dollars.

I was lucky! So was my friend Lazo. I was relieved. We did not pay much attention to the customs officers as our luggageconsisted of a few dirty shirts. When I looked around I saw my friend Lazo, who had

Useljenici iz srednje i isto~ne Europe ~ekajuna slo`enu provjeru osobnih isprava te pre-glede tjelesnog i mentalnog zdravlja, kao iprovjeru politi~ke i socijalne podobnosti – neprimaju se anarhisti i poligamni.Plovidbom iznurene obitelji i majke s djecomsatima su podvrgavani pregledima i testovi-ma. Jedan od uvjeta za useljenje jest i jamstvoda useljenik ne}e pasti na teret javnih slu`bi,za {to mora imati odre|enu svotu novaca(neko je vrijeme to iznosilo 20 ili 25 dolara) tenavesti ime i to~nu adresu jamca-prijatelja,susjeda ili ro|aka koji `ivi u SAD-u.(Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

Immigrants from Central and Eastern Europestanding in line for the complex verification oftheir documents, physical and psychologicalexaminations, and checking of their politicaland social eligibility – anarchists and polyga-mists are not admitted.Families and mothers with children, exhaust-ed from the long voyage, had to undergo forhours examinations and tests. One of the pre-conditions for immigration was the guaranteethat immigrants will not become a burden forpublic services, so they had to show a certainamount of money (for some time it was 20 or25 dollars) and give the name and correctaddress of a guarantor – a friend, neighbouror relative who already lived in the US. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)


152

vodioca upitao:- Kamo ide{?- U Youngstown svome svaku – rekoh uzbu|eno. - Koliko ima{ novaca?- Dvadeset dolara.Sretno sam pro{ao! Pro{ao je dobro i moj prijatelj Lazo.Sad mi je laknulo. Na carinske se organe nismo ni obazirali, jer se cijela na{a prtljagasastojala od par prljavih ko{ulja. Pogledao sam okolo i vidio mog prijatelja Lazu, kojije ve} bio pro{ao pregled, kako veselo razgovara sa svojim ro|acima, koji su gado~ekali. Kad je podigao kov~eg da krene, osvrnu se i, spaziv{i me, mahnu mi rukomu pozdrav...

Kad smo pro{li kroz cijeli pregled, predani smo jednom vodi~u, koji nas je odveo naèljezni~ku stanicu. Prije negoli smo krenuli na stanicu dobili smo svaki papirnu kuti-ju suhe hrane: sendvi~a, salame, sira i ne{to vo}a. Za tu smo hranu platili svaki pojedan dolar. Uve~er oko 9 sati vodi~ nam je dao vozne karte i ukrcao nas na putni~ki vlak, kojimsmo krenuli u Youngstown – na put dug 600 milja.”

177

Kamo doseljavaju na{i emigranti?

Poljaci, na primjer, najbrojniji austrijski iseljenici, odlaze najvi{e u Chicago, New York,Pittsburgh, Buffalo (dràva New York, isto~na obala jezera Erie), Milwaukee, Detroit iCleveland.

178

Naj~e{}i su odlasci srednjoeuropskih iseljenika u industrijske i rudarske krajeve igradove poput Pittsburgha (Pensilvanija), Cleveland (Ohio), Chicaga (Illinois), i NewYorka.Gotovo tri ~etvrtina Hrvata odlazi u ove dràve i gradove, dok u Kaliforniju, prim-jerice, po~etkom 20. stolje}a odlazi samo 1% hrvatskih iseljenika.

179

I drugi iseljenici iz Austro-Ugarske uglavnom odlaze na ista odredi{ta.Iseljenike dopadaju poslovi koje vi{e ne èle raditi ni mnogi od najsiroma{nijihAmerikanaca, pa ni potomci afri~kih robova. Prido{lice ne poznaju jezik, mahom susa sela, neobrazovani i uglavnom bez ikakva zanata. Krajnje im nesnalaènje i neznan-je omogu}uje jedino najteè poslove – isprva ~e{}e teà~ki rad na velikim gradili{tima,u kamenolomima, rudnicima i {umama, nego na tvorni~koj traci velikih industrijskihpogona.

177 Lojen, isto, str. 17.

178 Roger Daniels, Coming to America, A History ofImmigration and Ethnicity in American life, SecondEdition, Perrenia – Harper Collins Publishers, NewYork, 2002., str. 220.Prema tablici sedam vode}ih poljskih sredi{ta uAmerici. Podaci za 1905. i 1920.

179 M. Makale, Zadnji popis pu~anstva u Dalmaciji, Be~,1912., objavljeno i u: Ivan îzmi}, Hrvati u ìvotuSjedinjenih Ameri~kih Dràva, Globus, Zagreb, 1983.,str. 135.

Pregled o~iju me|u va`nijim je pojedinostimazbog trahoma, prili~no ra{irene o~ne bolestizbog koje se nije dobivala dozvola ulaska uSAD.(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)

The optometry was among the more impor-tant examinations due to the wide-spread tra-choma eye disease. Those having it were notpermitted to enter the US.(LaGuardia & Wagner Archives, New York)


153

cleared the customs before me, chatting happily with his relatives. When he picked uphis suitcase, ready to leave, he looked back. When he spotted me he waved a good-bye… After the examinations, we were trusted with a guide, who took us to a train station.Prior to the trip to the station each immigrant was given a paper bag with lunch: sand-wiches, salami, cheese and some fruit. That cost us a dollar each. At about 21 hrs theguide gave us train fairs and oversaw our boarding on a passenger train, which tookus to Youngstown, a trip of 600 miles.”

177

Where Did Our Emigrants Settle?

The Poles, for example, the largest emigrant contingent from Austrian soil, went most-ly to Chicago, New York, Pittsburgh, Buffalo (state of New York, on the east coast ofLake Erie), Milwaukee, Detroit and Cleveland.

178

Central European immigrants went mostly to industrial and mining regions andtowns, such as Pennsylvania (Pittsburgh), Illinois (Chicago), Ohio (Cleveland) andNew York. In the early 20th century, almost three quarters of the Croat immigrants went theretoo, and only 1% to California, for example.

179

These destinations were also most popular with other immigrants from Austria-Hungary. The immigrants were destined for work that even the poorest Americans, includingdescendants of African slaves, did not want to do. Most immigrants were peasants,did not speak English, and lacked education and skills. Thus, in order to survive mosthad to look for work as hired hands on construction sites, quarries, mines and forests,and only few at the assembly lines of large manufacturing plants.

In California, the Dalmatians, people form Hrvatsko primorje, and other “Austrians”worked as fishermen, sailors on merchant ships and in vineyards. Yet others ended upin the mines in Californian hinterlands, or as lumberjacks in sequoia forests, wherethey logged huge trees they could not have imagined prior to arriving to America.

180

Unable to stop emigration, authorities and sympathetic intellectuals back home triedto analyze and monitor emigration in order to be able to instruct and protect wouldbe emigrants from the worse inconveniences that might befall them in America. Considering that most emigrants were peasants, whose prospective jobs would be ashired hands in manufacturing, mines and forests, studies were made in order toinstruct them how to acquire land. La Bilanca from Rijeka, pointed out that the federal authorities in the United States

177 Lojen, ibid, p. 17.

178 Roger Daniels, Coming to America, A History ofImmiration and Ethnicity in American Life, SecondEdition, Perrenia – Harper Collins Publishers, NewYork, 2002, p. 220.

179 M. Makale, The Last Population Census in Dalmatia(Zadnji popis pucanstva u Dalmaciji), Vienna, 1912, alsocited in: Ivan Cizmic, Croats in the USA Life (Hrvati uzivotu Sjedinjenih americkih drzava), Globus, Zagreb,1983, p. 135.

180 Such was the case of several hundred immigrantsfrom the village of Rukavac, who worked in theforests close to the Humboldt Bay in California.

Useljeni~ka obitelj – majka s djevoj~icama –tek pristigli iz Ma|arske, jo{ su uvijek uslikovitoj “panonskoj” odje}i.(Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

An immigrant family – mother with her girls– that only just arrived from Hungary. Theyare still dressed in their ornate “Pannonian”costumes.(Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

Politi~ka karta SAD-a objavljena 1918. upriru~niku namijenjenom onima koji prolazeproces “naturalizacije” za prijam u puno-pravne gra|ane SAD-a.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

The political map of the USA, published in1918 in the handbook for those undergoingthe process of “naturalization” for becomingfull citizens of the US.(Muzej grada Rijeke)


154

Dalmatinci, Primorci i drugi “Austrijanci” koji stiù u Kaliforniju, najvi{e love ribu iliplove na trgova~kim brodovima i obra|uju vinograde, drugi zavr{avaju u rudnicimapodalje od obale ili u obli`njim {umama sijeku goleme sekvoje, debla kakva prijeAmerike nisu mogli ni zamisliti.

180

Kada ve} ne mogu zaustaviti iseljavanje, predstavnici vlasti i pokroviteljskiraspoloèni intelektualni krugovi u domovini poku{avaju istraìvati i pratitiiseljeni~ki pokret i na neki na~in savjetovati i {tititi iseljenike od najve}ih neugodnos-ti u koje mogu zapasti u Americi.Jedna od studija izra|enih o iseljeni{tvu opisuje krajeve koji se predlaù povjerenici-ma za emigraciju kao pogodni za iseljenike koji odlaze u Sjevernu Ameriku.Budu}i da ve}ina iseljenika potje~e sa sela, a u Americi uglavnom postaju najamniindustrijski radnici, rudari ili drvosje~e, izra|uju se studije u kojima ih se upu}ujekako u Americi mogu do}i do vlastite zemlje.

U Sjedinjenim Dràvama ima, upozoravaju rije~ke novine La Bilancia, vi{e od 300 mi-lijuna jutara javnoga zemlji{ta koje pripada Saveznoj vladi, a bit }e dodijeljeno besplat-no ili po neznatnoj cijeni ameri~kim gra|anima ili strancima koji izjave da su se voljni“naturalizirati”.

180 Primjer vi{e stotina iseljenika iz sela Rukavac krajRijeke, koji rade u {umama nadomak Humboltovazaljeva u Kaliforniji.

Josip Kruì}-Jelka{ iz Zlobina u zale|u Rijeke,za strojem u tvornici osigura~a u Chicagu.Fotografija je snimljena 1920-ih, prije velikekrize koja je progutala tvornicu.(Ruìca Marohni}, Zlobin)

Josip Kruì}-Jelka{ from Zlobin near Rijeka,working in the fuse factory in Chicago. Thisphotograph was taken in the 1920s, before thebig crisis that destroyed the factory. (Ruìca Marohni}, Zlobin)


155

owned more than 300 million acres of land, which they intended to give free of chargeor cheaply to US citizens and foreign nationals willing to naturalize. Public land insouthern states, such as Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Oklahoma, isvery fertile, especially to grow cotton, sugar cane and corn, and to breed pigs.Yet, due to high humidity, the climate is not healthy. In the north there is public land in the states of Michigan, Minnesota, Dakota,Nebraska, Kansas and Missouri, suitable to grow wheat and sugar-beet, and for cattlefarms. The climate is healthy and temperate.In the south of the Atlantic coast, in Florida, the land is god to grow oranges, but theregion is marshy, hot and infested with mosquitoes. Most public land is located in the West, the states of Arizona, Oregon, Washington,Idaho, Montana, Utah, Colorado, Nevada and Wyoming, but those regions are arid. Federal authorities have embarked on large irrigation projects that will turn severalmillions of acres into very fertile land.Once the irrigation projects are completed, the authorities will sell that land at favor-able prices. Yet, our emigrants should be especially alerted about large areas of fertile land in thehinterlands of the Atlantic states, Virginia, and North and South Carolina. That regionis well connected by train with the big towns in the north – Baltimore, Philadelphia,

Grupa hrvatskih useljenika, gra|evinskihradnika s otoka Krka, na jednom od najvi{ihranih nebodera u Chicagu, u kojem je ve}1880-ih zapo~ela izgradnja vrlo visokih zgra-da. Tek su se poslije po~eli graditi prvineboderi na Manhattanu.(Ivica Nemec, Frlani-Kastav)

A group of Croatian immigrants, constructionworkers from the island of Krk, on one of thehighest early skyscrapers in Chicago, wherevery high buildings started to emerge alreadyin the 1880s. Only later, first skyscrapers start-ed to be built on Manhattan.(Ivica Nemec, Frlani-Kastav)

Radnici iz Hrvatskog primorja rade na pri-jevozu `eljezne ruda~e iz rudnika OliverMining Company, Iron River u Michiganu. Uovom je gradi}u bila ove}a kolonijaPrimoraca.(Radovan Tadej, Zlobin)

Workers from Hrvatsko Primorje work in thetransport of iron ore from the Oliver MiningCompany mine in Iron River, Michigan. Therewas a large colony of people from that regionin this small town.(Radovan Tadej, Zlobin)


Javnoga zemlji{ta ima u dràvama juga, u Alabami, Mississippiju, Luisiani,Arkanzasu i Oklahomi, koje su posebno pogodne za uzgoj pamuka, {e}erne trske ikukuruza te za uzgoj svinja, a i vrlo su plodne.Ali zbog velike vla`nosti klima tamo nije zdrava.

Javno zemlji{te na sjeveru nalazi se u dràvama Michigan, Minnesota, Dakota,Nebraska, Kanzas i Missouri, a posebno je pogodno za uzgoj p{enice, {e}erne repe teza uzgoj goveda. Klima je zdrava i umjerena.Na jugu Atlantika javno zemlji{te na Floridi pogodno je za uzgoj narana~a, no taj jekraj mo~varan, a klima àrka i ima mnogo komaraca.

Zapadnim se krajevima najvi{e {ire javna zemlji{ta, u dràvama Arizona, Oregon,Washington, Idaho, Montana, Utah, Kolorado, Nevada i Vyoming, no u tim krajevimanajve}ma vlada su{a.Vlada poduzima velike radove za navodnjavanje zahvaljuju}i kojima }e se mo}iobra|ivati nekoliko milijuna tisu}a jutara zemlji{ta.Vlada }e zemlji{te koje }e nakon isu{ivanja biti iznimno plodno, prodavati po povolj-nim cijenama.

No na{im emigrantima treba posebno svrnuti pa`nju na velike povr{ine plodne zem-lje u unutra{njosti dràva uz Atlantski ocean – Virginiju te Sjevernu i Ju`nu Karolinu.To je podru~je mnogim èljezni~kim linijama povezano s velikim gradovima sjevera –Baltimoreom, Philadelphijom, New Yorkom i Bostonom.U svakom slu~aju iseljeni~ki bi povjerenici trebali preporu~iti ovaj kraj, zaklju~ujeupu}eni istraìva~ i pisac studije.

181

Useljeni~ka Amerika - raj ili pakao?

“U Americi mi sve dobro polazi od ruke, zadovoljan sam u svakom pogledu. Ovdjenije kao u Kranjskoj, tu svi dijelimo iste poglede i jedno srce, halje ne ~ine nikakvu raz-liku u domovini zlatne slobode. Stale` se sa staleòm ne prepire, a i ljudi razli~itihvjera ìve zajedno u razumijevanju.”

182

Tri mjeseca poslije ovaj slovenski sve}enik pi{e da }e zaboraviti na svu gor~inu koju jedoìvio u domovini i da u Americi lako di{e jer je to zemlja zlatne slobode.Odu{evljen je posjetom slapovima Niagare, a namjerava posjetiti i svjetsku izlo`bu uChicagu (1893.). Postaje i biskupov pomo}nik te ima dobru pla}u i razloga za zado-voljstvo o kojem opet pi{e prijatelju u domovinu:“Iz svega toga moè{ vidjeti da ne trebam àliti za Europom, i mogu zaboraviti cvije}ekoje mi je zadnju godinu tamo cvjetalo.”Iako mu je s krizom koja nastupa 1893./94. splasnulo odu{evljenje pa sestru koja muse ho}e pridruìti jednostavno i neuvijeno odbija, to ipak ne umanjuje odu{evljenje156

181 Dove possono andare i nostri emigranti, La Bilancia(1. 8. 1910.), str. 1.–2 .

182 Alojz Ignac Kastigar (Dobrni~, Dolenjska, 1863. –?), sve}enik, u pismu Matiji Hitiju iz Domàla, 4.oùjka, prema neobjavljenom tekstu MarijanaDrnov{eka.

Sto~na tr`nica u Chicagu – motiv koji sepojavljuje ~ak i na razglednici koju hrvatskiuseljenik {alje svojima u domovinu. Iako umanjem mjerilu, ovaj je prizor s ovcama ikravama blizak ro|acima u rodnom kraju, zarazliku od uobi~ajenih razglednica s nebode-rima i tvornicama.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO18133-3)

Livestock market in Chicago – a motif thatwas even used on a postcard sent home to hisfamily by a Croatian immigrant. Even thoughto a lesser extent, this view of sheep and cowsis still very familiar for the relatives at home,as opposed to the common postcards withskyscrapers and factories.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO18133-3)

Sredi{te Chicaga i dojmljiv pogled na mo}nuklasicisti~ku zgradu Illinois Trust & SavingBank. Chicago je upravo na prijelazu stolje}a unajve}em rastu pa ovdje nalaze posla i brojniuseljenici. Cvjetaju i banke koje ~uvaju use-ljeni~ke u{tede i dozna~uju ih u domovinu.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO18133-4)

Downtown Chicago and an impressive viewof the large classicistic building of the IllinoisTrust & Saving Bank. At the turn of the centry,Chicago found itself amidst the highestgrowth, so that even the numerous immi-grants found a job there. It was also the hey-day for banks, which were looking after theimmigrants’ savings and transferring them totheir homecountries. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO18133-4)

DesnoTvorni~ki radnici iz Dalmacije i KraljevineHrvatske te Slovaci i Rusini snimljeni uDicksonovoj ljevaonici u Pittsburghu,velikom sredi{tu metalne industrije.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

On the rightFactory workers from Dalmatia and theKingdom of Croatia, as well as Slovaks andRussians, captured in Dickson’s iron works inPittsburgh, an important center of metalindustry.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)


157

New York and Boston. In any case, emigration commissioners should recommend that region, concluded thewell informed researcher and author of the study.

181

The Immigrants’ America - Heaven or Hell?

“I am doing fine in America, and I am happy in every aspect. This is not like Carniola.Here, we have common views and aspirations; in this haven of golden freedom onedoes not judge a man by his clothes. People from all walks of life get along well; mem-bers of different religious persuasions live together in harmony.”

182

Three months later this Slovenian priest wrote that he would soon forget the bitternesswith which he had left his homeland and that in America people breathed freely asthat was the country of golden freedom.He had been exuberated by a visit to the Niagara Falls and was planning to visit theWorld’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago (1893). His happiness grew even morewhen he was appointed the bishop’s assistant, on a good salary. He wrote to a friendin the old country:“From all that you can see that I have no reason to be nostalgic about Europe, and canforget the rose garden where I lived there during the last year.” Although his euphoria abated with the 1893-1894 recession, so that he openly and bla-tantly refused to welcome his sister who wanted to join him, he still saw America as abeacon of freedom, a view shared by many young people.

183

Humble people, on the on the hand, also nurtured great expectations, albeit of lessideological nature. Thus, a Slovakian peasant, prior to his arrival to America, gaveassurances to his father:“...Dad, you will not have to work for other people at all. As soon as we get toAmerica, we will start sending you money. You will buy land and work on it…”

184

The other side of the medal was poverty, illness, maiming, frequent alcoholism andmadness. Newspaper headlines, with the typical sensationalist flavor, focused on deliriums anddelicts: “Suicide on the Pannonia”, or “Lunatics Return from America”, the latter refer-ring to a return of “6 lunatics – two men and four women” from New York.

185

People’s deputy and a former emigrant Ivan Frano Lupis stressed that half of alldeaths were in work related incidents, 20 % from tuberculosis, caused by poverty andunhealthy living conditions, and only 20 % from natural causes. On top of that manypersons were debilitated for life by work related incidents. All in all, the casualtiesamongst American Croats were estimated at about 500 per year. The alcoholism and the crime rate rose sharply after WW I:“Most of our people work in deep mine pits, filled with noxious gases; thus theirhealth deteriorates quickly; they live in small, smelly and crammed accommoda-tions…Uneducated and spiritually neglected, they take to alcoholism, debaucheryand adultery…”

181 Were Can our Emigrants Go (Dove possonoandare i nostri emigranti), La Bilancia, (1 August1910), pp. 1-2.

182 Alojz Ignac Kastigar (Dobrni~, Dolenjska, 1863 -?), a priest, in a letter to Matija Hiti from Dom`ale, 4March, from an unpublished text by MarijanDrnovsek.

183 Marijan Drnov{ek, Slovenian Emigration (Slovenskaemigracija), an unpublished work, 2007.

184 Martin Besedi~, Slovakian Emigration, EconomicAspects, an unpublished work, 2007.

185 Novi list: Two Crazy Emigrants (Dvije lude izsel-jenice), 8 December 1907, Suicide On the Pannonia(Samoubojstvo na “Panoniji”), 14 July 1907. LunaticsReturn from America (Povatak u Americi poludjelih),17 April 1909), the Arrival of the Pannonia (Dolazak“Panonije”), 9 September 1909.

LijevoRusini iz \ur|eva (Ba~ka, Vojvodina) i Hrvatiu tvornici cijevi u Barbitonu, dr`ava Ohio,oko 1911. godine. (Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

On the leftRusyns from \ur|evo (Ba~ka, Vojvodina) andCroats in a pipe factory, in Barbiton, Ohio,around 1911.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Trgova~ka ~etvrt u sredi{tu Milwaukeeja narazglednici koju zadovoljno {alje svojimahrvatski sve}enik s porukom: “Ovde me lepoprijel g. nadbiskup – Bog mu daj zdravlje!(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 4798)

Trade district in the center of Milwaukee on apostcard sent to his family by a contentCroatian priest with the message - “I was wel-comed here very pleasantly by the archbishop– God bless him!”(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 4798)


Amerikom kao simbolom slobode, koje su s ovim sve}enikom dijelili mnogi mladiljudi.

183

I obi~ni su ljudi imali svoja, mnogo manje ideolo{ki obiljeèna o~ekivanja. Jedanslova~ki seljak koji jo{ nije ni stigao u Ameriku, uvjerava oca:“...Tata, vi uop}e ne}ete raditi, ~im mi do|emo u Ameriku slat }emo vam novce, Vi}ete kupiti zemlju i na njoj raditi...”

184

S druge su strane brojne pri~e o propalima, bolesnima, poludjelima, osaka}enima, kaoi o poja~anoj pojavi alkoholizma, kriminala i – ludila.Novinski naslovi, dakako uvijek s natruhama senzacionalizma, najradije se bave deli-rijima i deliktima: “Dvije lude iseljenice!”, “Samoubojstvo na ’Pannoniji’, ili “Povrataku Americi poludjelih... uz obja{njenje da se iz New Yorka vratilo “6 ludjaka – dva~ovjeka i ~etiri ène”.

185

Narodni zastupnik i biv{i iseljenik Ivan Frano Lupis isti~e da je polovica umrlih pre-minula u nesre}ama na radu, petina od su{ice izazvane siroma{tvom i nezdravimìvotom, a tek petina prirodnom smr}u. Tu su jo{ i brojni invalidi koji su naj~e{}estradali na radu. Sve u svemu, procjenjuje da godi{nje u Americi pogine oko 500Hrvata.U izrazitu su porastu prije Prvoga svjetskog rata bile pojave pijan~evanja i zlo~ina:“Ve}ina na{ih ljudi radi u dubokim i pogubnim plinima zagu{enim rudokopima; pri~emu brzo fizi~ki propadaju; ìvu u tijesnim, smradnim i prenatrpanim stanovima...U neznanju i du{evnoj zapu{tenosti, podaju se pijanstvu, bludu, obiteljskomvjerolomstvu...” Doga|a se i sve vi{e umorstava, a prazni~ka pijan~evanja i izgredi stvaraju lo{u slikuu ameri~koj javnosti. “Godine 1903. imao se vje{ati prvi Hrvat u Americi, i cijeli na{ narod tada zauze se, dase ta ’sramota’ ne dogodi, danas je toliko vje{anja na{ih ljudi, da ih se tek samobiljeì.”

186

U to vrijeme dr. Ante Biankini u Chicagu istraùje “Zlo~in i pijanstvo Hrvata i Srba uSjedinjenim Dràvama” (1911.) i navodi pojedine primjere. Dvojica su pri kartama upijanstvu ubila tre}ega i obojica su osu|ena na po dvadeset godina te{ke tamnice.Tako su pro{la i druga dvojica ubojica iz pijanstva. Neki su drugi u pijanstvu ubilisvoje ène jer su im prigovarale. Pijanstva se i zlo~ini poprili~no niù.Uglavnom su svi ubojice i zlo~inci mnogo pili, a malo radili.

187

Ovo su, dakako, krajnosti. Najve}i je dio iseljenika ipak u Americi marljivo radio i{tedio, s vremenom nalazio i bolji posao i zara|ivao ve}u pla}u te se polako uspinjaona dru{tvenoj ljestvici.Ipak prili~no se pristojnih ljudi nije uspijevalo sna}i pa su o te{ko}ama ìvota uAmerici upozoravali i svoje sunarodnjake u domovini. “Ima ih ovdje koji hodaju po smeti{tu, pa traè, je li tko tamo hljeba bacio, da ne skapaod gladi... ima ih tisu}e koji bi natrag u domovinu, a nemaju s ~ime.”

188

Ante Sumi} iz Pittsburgha pi{e ujaku 23. velja~e 1906.: “Dragi ujko! Javljam ti, da sam zdravo stigao u Ameriku... Kamo sre}e da sam tebeposlu{ao i da sam kod ku}e ostao! Tu treba radit svaki dan, i u svetac i u petak. Uhvamse u Boga, da }u dobiti pla}u kroz ~etiri – pet mjeseci, pa eto me natrag, jer predvid-jam, da bih prije godine dana ostavio kosti... Zaklinji ìvim Bogom, da ne idu ovamotko se zaputi ovamo.”

189

Gjuro Koroljevi} iz Dalja koji je tek oti{ao u Ameriku, “poru~uje bra}i da tamo ne idu158

183 Marijan Drnov{ek, Slovenska emigracija, neobjavl-jeni rad, 2007.

184 Martin Besedi~, Slova~ka emigracija, gospodarskiaspekti, neobjavljeni rad, 2007.

185 Novi list: Dvije lude izseljenice (8. 12. 1907.);Samoubojstvo na “Pannoniji” (14. 7. 1907.)Povratak u Americi poludjelih ( 17. 4. 1909.); Dolazak“Pannonije” (9. 9. 1909.).

186 Anti~evi} (ur.), isto, Lupis, str. 22.

187 Josip [ilovi}, Uzroci zlo~ina, Matica Hrvatska,Zagreb, 1913., str. 15.–21.

188 Kako je na{ima u Americi, Narodna obrana, Osijek(9. 12. 1905.).

189 Za one koji nepromi{ljeno odlaze u Ameriku, Narodnaobrana, Osijek (30. 3. 1906.), br. 74., str. 3.

Drvosje~e iz Hrvatskog primorja u {umidivovskih sekvoja u Kaliforniji, nedaleko odHumboldtova zaljeva. Ovakve se fotografijesa zadivljuju}im prizorima iz egzoti~nih {umarado {alju u domovinu.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Lumberjacks from the Croatian Littoral in thewoods of the giant sequoia in California, nearHumboldt Bay. Photographs like this, withimpressive views of exotic forests, are oftensent home by immigrants.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Tek pristigli useljenici iz srednje i isto~neEurope na èljezni~koj stanici u Gladstoneu,dràva Michigan, gradi}u osnovanom tek udrugoj polovici 19. stolje}a u jednoj odsjeveroisto~nih dràva u koje austrougarskiiseljenici naj~e{}e dolaze.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

Immigrants from Central and Eastern Europewho only just arrived in the new country, cap-tured at the railway station in Gladstone,Michigan, a small town founded only in thesecond half of the 19th century in one of thenorth-eastern states preferred by Austro-Hungarian emigrants.(Donauschwäbisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)


159

Homicides rose too and wild drinking on public holidays and different incidents start-ed ruining the Croats’ reputation in America.“In 1903, when the first Croat was sentenced to gallows in America, the entire com-munity pleaded against that “disgrace”. Now, so many of our people are hanged, thatwe only report the hangings.”

186

At that time in Chicago Dr. Ante Biankini wrote a study titled “Crimes and AlcoholismAmongst the Croats and the Serbs in the United States” (1911), where he referred toseveral incidents. Thus, two drunken men killed another while they were playingcards. Both were sentenced to 20 years in tight security prison. Another two drunkenmurderers received similar sentences. While drunk, some men killed their wives overcomplaints. Reports of drunken incidents and crimes became more and more fre-quent. Most of the murders and criminals drank hard a worked a little.

187

Of course, these were, after all, only incidents. Most immigrants in America workedhard and saved, gradually found easier and better paying jobs and thus climbed upthe social ladder.

Yet, there were many who could not cope with the difficulties of life in America. Theywarned about them their compatriots at home. “There are people here who search for discarded bread at the dumpsites, in order toavoid death of starvation…Thousands would like to return home but can not affordit.”

188

Ante Sumi} wrote to his maternal uncle from Pittsburgh on 23 February 1906: “Dear uncle! This is to let you know that I arrived to America safe and sound…Poorme, if only I had listened to your when you told me not to go! Here one has to workday in day out, holidays and weekend included! God willing, I shall get my salary infour to five months. Then I will come back home, because, I do not think that I couldsurvive for more than a year…Whoever wants to come here, plead with him on theAlmighty God to stay at home!”

189

Gjuro Koroljevi} from Dalj, shortly after his arrival to America, “sent a word to hisbrothers not to come here as fences here are not strewn with sausages and roast chick-ens are not falling from the sky…”

190

Yet, those who deemed themselves successful and their lives interesting wrote autobi-ographies and memories of their times as immigrants. In their memoirs, inventors,such as Nikola Tesla and Mihajlo Pupin, advocates of human and labor rights, such asthe Slovenian author Louis Adami~, labor representatives, such as the Croat comunistStjepan Lojen and bankers, such as the Slovak entrepreneur Peter Rovnianek, wholater on went bankrupt, depicted America either in very bright or in very dark colors,depending on their outlooks.While the first stressed their personal examples as a proof of the myth of PromisedLand, the second pointed out to merciless exploitation of the immigrants and the thirdunderlined their own plights as evidence of the deceitful charm of the American

186 Anti~evi} (ed.), ibid, Lupis, p. 22.

187 Josip [ilovi}, Causes of Crimes (Uzroci zlo~ina),Matica Hrvatska, Zagreb, 1913, pp. 15-21.

188How are our people Faring in America (Kako je na{imau Americi), Osijek (9 October 1905).

189 For Those Who Come to America Injudiciously(Za one koji nepromi{ljeno dolaze u Ameriku),Narodna obrana, Osijek (30 March 1906), no. 74, p. 3.

190 Croats in America (Hrvati u Americi), Narodnaobrana, Osijek (27 May 1906), no. 129, p. 4.

Koliko treba vremena da dvojica iskusnih rad-nika sjekirama i ru~nim pilama sru{e stablosekvoje? Josip Grèti} iz Rukavca, kao i nje-govi brojni susjedi, vi{e godina radi u{umama sekvoja u Kaliforniji. Jo{ po~etkom1900-ih tek pokoji Hrvat odlazi u Kaliforniju;mnogo se ~e{}e naseljavaju u krajevimabliìm isto~noj obali.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

How long does it take for two experiencedworkers with axes and handsaws to fell asequoia tree? Josip Grèti} from Rukavac, aswell as his numerous neighbours, worked forseveral years in California’s sequoia woods.At the beginning of the 1900s only a fewCroats went to California; they rather pre-ferred to settle in regions closer to the EastCoast.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)


i ne misle da su plotovi ovdje opleteni kobasicami i da pe~eni pili}i padaju...”190

Oni pak koji smatraju da su uspjeli i da im je ìvot bio zanimljiv, pi{u autobiografije iuspomene na iseljeni~ki ìvot. Izumitelji poput Nikole Tesle i Mihajla Pupina, borci zaljudska i socijalna prava poput slovenskog pisca Louisa Adami~a, radni~kifunkcionari poput hrvatskog komunista Stjepana Lojena ili bankari poput propalogaslova~kog poduzetnika Petera Rovnianeka, u svojim memoarima prikazuju Ameriku,u skladu sa svojim namjerama, ili kao naro~ito svijetlu ili krajnje mra~nu.Svaki sa svojom tezom – jedni da vlastitim primjerom podrè mit o obe}anoj zemlji,drugi da upozore na prekomjerno socijalno ugnjetavanje useljenika, a tre}i da svojomsudbinom posvjedo~e o varljivoj omami ameri~kog sna i lako}i kojom se tamo sr}e unepovratan pad.Amerika je prije Prvoga svjetskog rata jo{ uvijek zemlja liberalnoga kapitalizma iotvorenoga trì{ta, koja spretnima i poduzetnima nudi mnoge mogu}nosti, ali nikomene daje nikakva jamstva! U poduzetni~kom su svijetu jo{ uvijek uobi~ajeni veliki rizicii ~esti poslovni slomovi.

No sudbine iznimnih ljudi ogledne su i primjerne, ali nisu tipi~ne. Zato su izravna iskromna iseljeni~ka pisma obiteljima {krt, ali ipak najpouzdaniji izvor za razumije-vanje ìvota naj{irega sloja emigranata.To potvr|uje i nekoliko pisama iseljenika iz kastavskih sela, iz rije~ke okolice koja,iako odabrana i donekle redigirana, ipak vrlo ìvo svjedo~e o okolnostima u kojima jeìvjela i radila ve}ina emigranata.

191

Zvane Mar~elja Ivinkin iz Mar~elji, jedan od onih koji je morao preko oceana da bi“posujilnici” (banci) isplatio dug u koji je zapala njegova obitelj kupiv{i “Filetovgrunat”, pi{e 1905. svojoj Mariji prve, vrlo ugodne dojmove. I on se zaposlio ukamenolomu, no umjesto o tome radije govori o dobrodo{lici kakvu su mu prirediliprvi put u ìvotu:“Kad smo pri{li h [abeti}u bilo j toliko vina i biri, da ki tuliko popije na Vr{ke Mar~ejibi poplavili. Pari}ali su nan na stol koko{e pe~ene i ~a ti ja znan ~a, a{ ja nisan takovehstvari nikad ni videl.”

Zvane Matija{ev (New Mexico, 13. oùjka 1906.) pi{e majci i obitelji o nesre}i, o“velikoj dezgracije” koja se dogodila u rudniku jer se boji da bi to mogli doznati odkoga drugoga i da bi mogli strahovati za njegovu sudbinu. Kada je oko deset satijedan “moro” donio vijest da se u oknu razbuktala vatra, u rudniku su uz njega jo{ bilibrojni Kastavci... Iako su na{i ljudi svi bili “{kapulani”, u jami je ostalo tridesetak nes-retnika!

Mala Androkova opisuje 1905. susjedi i prijateljici Cili kako se mu` i ona mu~e da biuz troje djece zaradili koji “fijurin” i da bi se jednoga dana mogli vratiti i negdje ublizini Rijeke, mo`da na Kantridi, sagradili ku}u i otvorili trgovinu i gostionicu.Iako s jedne strane navodi te{ko}e ameri~koga ìvota, s druge poti~e na dolazak i pri-jateljicu, kojoj je tamo ve} i sestra:“Boje da si uvde svoja gospodarica, lego doma tuja devica... Kako se doma mu~i{ uvdese ne}e{ mu~it. Za teà dela zame{ ~rnu pak ti sluì za mali soldi.”

Mate Jurkotov iz Mar~elji pi{e 1906. svojoj èni Cili da se preselio iz Pensilvanije uMichigan jer mu je dosadilo raditi u – “rupi” (rudniku):“Rezi~no je, sako malo nekega ubije. Nikad ne vidi{ sunca... {kuro je kad gre{ na delo,va {kuren dela{, po {kuren gre{ doma.” Misli{, kaè Mate, da na svijetu i nema sunca!Usput se jo{ ispri~ava da joj zbog seobe koja ga je skupo stajala zasad ne moè poslati– ni{ta!Najzadovoljniji je od svih sumje{tana Zvane Kati} koji 1913. prijatelju Adolfu (DolfoO{tarov), opisuje ìvot u Americi:“Bil san ve} po sakakoveh deleh... sad san Kalifornije. Neko vreme san bil na jenojfarme kade rastu naran~i i lemuncini... Uvdeka j jako lepo. Ni zima ma ni ni preteplo.Ja sada navigan z jenen brodon, zove se san Paul. S ten brodon gremo va Sejatlu,

160

190 Hrvati u Americi, Narodna obrana, Osijek (27. 5.1906.), br. 129, str. 4.

191 Ivan Jardas, Isto.

Pittsburgh, sredi{te gusto naseljenog podru~jau Pensilvaniji, ve} oko 1900. pruà izgledvelikoga grada, s predjelima uz rijeku Ohio itvorni~kim dimnjacima obavijenim dimom.Hrvati su se najvi{e naselili u okruguAllegheny koji se poslije stopio s gradom. (Muzej za umjetost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 47976)

Pittsburgh, the centre of a densely populatedarea in Pennsylvania. Already around 1900the town seemed big, with houses along theOhio river and factory chimneys entwined bysmoke. Croats mostly settled in the AlleghenyCounty, which later merged with the city.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47976)


LijevoPro~elje drvenog saloona Nicka Verzuha izGorskog kotara, nadomak planinskih predjelaMontane, dràve koja grani~i s Kanadom ibliè je pacifi~koj nego atlantskoj obali.Slikovita zgrada podsje}a na prizore iz vester-na. Ovo i jest kraj sto~ara, ran~era i kauboja,redovitih gostiju ovakvih uto~i{ta. (Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

On the leftThe front of the wooden “saloon” of NickVerzuh from Gorski Kotar, situated near themountainous region of Montana, a state thatborders with Canada and is nearer to thePacific than to the Atlantic coast. The pictur-esque building is reminiscent of Westernmovies. In fact, this is a region where livestockfarmers, ranchers and cowboys are frequentguests. (Photo archive Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

161

dream and the thin line between success and total failure. Prior to WW I, the USA wasstill a country of liberal capitalism and free market, where the clever and the enterpris-ing could prosper but nobody could count on a safety net. Doing business then wasvery risky and bankruptcies were frequent.Although exemplary and interesting, the plights of exceptional people were not typi-cal. That is why frank and simple letters by the immigrants to their families, althoughsketchy, represent a more reliable source for anyone interested in the life of the emi-grants’ community as a whole. Thus, a batch of letters by some emigrants from Kastav, a region near Rijeka, althoughquite small and somewhat edited, testify very vividly about the conditions of life andwork of most emigrants.

191

In 1905, Zvane Mer~elja Ivinkin from Mar~elji, one of many who had to emigrate inorder to pay bank loans they at he had taken to by land (“File’s plot”) summarized hisfirst, very favorable, impressions in a letter to his Marija. He had also found work ina quarry, but rather than on work he focused on a welcome of a life time that heenjoyed at a party: “When we got to [abeti}’s house, there was so much beer and wine there that youcould flood with it Vr{ke Mar~eji. They brought roast chicken on the table and otherdelicacies that I had never seen before.” In 1905 Mala Androkova, mother of three, wrote to her neighbor and friend Cila thatshe and her husband were toiling in order to save enough money to build a housesomewhere near Rijeka, possibly in Kantrida, and open there a shop and a restaurant. Although she did not fail to mention difficulties of life in America, she neverthelessencouraged her friend, whose sister was already in America, to emigrate too. “Better here your own master, then someone’s servant at home…You will not be toil-ing here as you are toiling at home. For hard chores you can always hire a blackwoman for a few pennies”.In 1906 Mate Jurkov from Mar~elji wrote to his wife Cila that he had moved fromPennsylvania to Michigan because he was sick and tired of working in a “pit” (amine):“It is dangerous. Every now and then someone gets killed. You never see the light ofthe day…You get to work in darkness, you work in darkness, you go home in dark-ness.” After a while you forget that you have ever seen the sun. As an aside, he apol-ogizes for not sending any money, due to the high cost of removal.The most satisfied off all the emigrants from the village was Zvane Kati}. In a letter tohis friend Adolf (Adolfo Ostarov), sent in 1913, he described life in America: “I have been working at all sorts of jobs… now I am in California. For a while I workedat a farm where they grew oranges and lemons…It is very nice here. Neither too coldnor too warm. Presently I am sailing on a ship called St. Paul. We sail to Seattle,Tacoma and all the way up to Alaska”. Zvane did not consider retuning home at all:“…what would I be doing at home now? I am married to a Mexican woman. We have

191 Ivan Jardas, ibid.

Point Bridge, jedan od brojnih mostova uPittsburghu, gradu na rijeci Ohio u koju se usredi{tu grada ulijevaju pritoke Allegheny iMonongahela. U prvom su planu brodice zaprevoènje ugljena.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47967)

Point Bridge, one of the many Pittsburghbridges. The town is situated on the Ohioriver, which has Allegheny and Monongahelaas tributaries downtown. Small ships fortransporting coal are the main motif here.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47967)


Takomu i vaje do Ala{ki.”Zvane uop}e i ne pomi{lja na povratak u rodni kraj:“...~a bin sada doma? Oènjen san za jenu Meksikanku. Imamo dvoju decu... Oni }ebit pravi Merikani. Tako ti je to.”“Zvane je kuntenat svojega ìvjenja”, naro~ito kada se sjeti koliko se kod ku}e mu~io.Sad ima lijepu ku}u kraj mora blizu San Francisca, na predjelu koji uspore|uje sKantridom (predgra|e Rijeke) te vrt pun narana~a. Zove i prijatelja Dolfa kojemu nudipla}enu putnu kartu i obe}ava mu na}i dobar posao.

Kriza 1907. – ne u Ameriku!

Novinski su napisi, unato~ pozivanju na neposredno iseljeni~ko iskustvo, uvijek ten-denciozni, s nesakrivenom namjerom da upozore na opasnosti i rizike iseljavanja te dabudu}e emigrante poku{aju nagovoriti da ostanu na svojim imanjima u domovini.Slovenski bankar Frank Sakser kojega je osobno te{ko pogodila gospodarska kriza1907., u alarmantnom ~lanku Ne u Ameriku! upozorava puk u domovini da trenuta~noi ne pomi{lja na iseljavanje:“Financijska kriza se kod nas u Sjedinjenim Dràvama sna`no osje}a. Gotov novac senigdje ne moè dobiti...Usljed pomanjkanja gotovine, velike su tvrtke prisiljene zatvoriti svoje tvornice, kaoWestinghouse kod Pittsburgha, Pa.; u Montani je navodno bez posla preko 10 000 ljudi, jednako lo{e je na zapadu, a sve to zbog nedostatka gotovog novca.Tvorni~ari ne mogu pla}ati radnicima u gotovini, a ~ekovi im ne pomaù jer ih goto-vo nitko ne mijenja. @eljeznice su ba{ iz tog razloga otpustile tisu}e radnika i svi paro-brodi koji plove za Europu su prenatrpani; ljudi bjeè ku}i.Kako mi je na{ dobri narod uvijek pri srcu, apeliram na slovensku inteligenciju, nekasavjetuje protiv iseljavanja u Sjedinjene Dràve dok se situacija ne popravi.”

192

Upozorenja {to ih donose novine u domovini, osobito u vrijeme gospodarske krize1907.–1908., zorno i upe~atljivo iznose vapaje nesretnika kojima je tek u Americi posvesmrklo, koji proklinju dan svojega odlaska i opisuju oblike najporaznije bijede zakakvu vjeruju da ih ne bi sna{la u domovini. Ni{ta ne moè tako izravno do~aratiraspoloènje nesretnika od izvornih napisa. Nakon ve} minule krize i ponovnoga uspona ameri~koga gospodarstva, jedan slavon-ski iseljenik opisuje da je stanje u Americi jadno – stotine se promrzlih, nezaposlenihradnika vu~e ulicama i nigdje ne nalazi posao; mnogi su na{i iseljenici postali alko-holi~ari pa svima savjetuje da kod ku}e zara|uju svoj te{ko stjecan novac i da se hranekruhom svoje zemlje, da poku{aju sve drugo samo da ne odu u tu|inu jer }e se mo`daza nekoliko godina vratiti kao sakati, bijedni ili bolesni ljudi.

193

162

192 Frank Sakser, Ne v Ameriko!, Slovenski narod, 20.11. 1907., str. 269.

193 Die Slavonische Presse, Osijek (5. 03. 1911.)

Manhattan je ve} krajem 19. stolje}a pretijesanza sve koji stiù u New York i oku{avajuposlovnu sre}u u gradu koji }e uskoro postatinajve}i na svijetu. Sredi{te velikih burzovnihtransakcija i nov~arstva ve} po~etkom 20. sto-lje}a preuzima vodstvo od Londona i drugihvelikih europskih poslovnih sredi{ta.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Manhattan became too small for all thosecoming to New York and searching for profitsalready at the end of the 19th century. Soon itwould become the biggest city in the world.Already at the beginning of the 20th century ittook over the leadership from London andother big European business centers, with itshigh turnover of stock exchange and moneytransactions.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

U kamenolomu kraj Colorado Springsa, nasrednjem zapadu, me|u radnicima iz okoliceRijeke dva su brata iz kastavske obitelji Lu~i}.Po~etkom 1900-ih jo{ su uvijek rijetki snimciiz tvornica, rudnika ili gradili{ta – gdje use-ljenici rade na najteìm poslovima.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

In a quarry near Colorado Springs, in theMiddle West, there were workers from andaround Rijeka, and among them two brothersfrom the Lu~i} family from Kastav. At thebeginning of the 1900s, photos of factories,mines and construction sites – where immi-grants performed the hardest work – werestill rare.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)


163

two children…They will be real Americans. That is how it goes.”Zvane was happy with his life, especially when he compared it to the hard life he hadhad at home. Now he had a nice house near the coast, close to San Francisco, in an areathat reminded him of Kantrida (suburb of Rijeka), with a garden full of orange trees.He invited his friend Dolfo to join him and promised that he would pay for his fareand find him a job.

The Recession of 1907 – Not to America!

The newspapers, although they often referred to the emigrants’ personal experiences,were tendentious without exception when they warned potential emigrants about thedangers and risks of emigration and implored them to stay at home.After having been very badly hit by the recession of 1907, the Slovenian banker FrankSakser, wrote an alarmist article “Not to America!”, warning his compatriots at home toforget about emigration for the time being:“The United States has been badly hit by recession. It is impossible to get a cash loan…Due to the lack of cash, large companies are closing down plants, such asWestinghouse near Pittsburgh, Pa.; 10,000 persons are allegedly out of work inMontana. It is equally bad in the West, all due to the lack of cash money. Factory own-ers cannot pay employees in cash and checks are no good as almost nobody wants tocash them. Due to that the railways have fired thousands of workers and thesteamships going to Europe are packed with people who are fleeing back home.

Considering that I still hold our good people close to my heart, I appeal to theSlovenian intellectuals to plead against emigration to the United States pending theimprovement of this situation.”

192

The articles warned against emigration, especially during the recession of 1907-1908.They carried lurid and touching appeals by unfortunate people whose fortunes wentsour after emigration and who described the scenes of utter deprivation that theywould not have expected even in the old country. The feelings of those poor peoplecan be best glimpsed from their personal records.

Even after the recession, when the American economy was in the black again, an emi-grant from the region of Slavonia described the situation there as pitiful – hundreds offrost bitten unemployed workers roaming the streets in search for work; many Croatimmigrants turning to alcohol. Hence, he advised his compatriots to stay at home, tolive off their own soil, and to try any venues other then emigration, from where onecan return in only a few years as a cripple, a pauper or a sick person.

193

192 Frank Sakser, Not to America! (Ne v Ameriko!),Slovenski narod, 20 November 1907, p. 269.

193 Die Slavonische Presse, Osijek (5 March 1911).

New York, kao i Chicago, vrlo rano po~injerasti uvis – gospodarski napredak pokazujeubrzana gradnja velikih nebodera.New York je i sjedi{te brojnih malih “etni~kih”agenata i bankara, poput Franka Saksera iFranka Zottija, kojima su najdostupniji klijen-ti njihovi sunarodnjaci, Slovenci i Hrvati.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 13)

Just like Chicago, New York also startedgrowing upward very early – the fast con-struction of large skyscrapers is a proof of eco-nomic growth.New York was also the seat for many small“ethnic” agents and bankers, like FrankSakser and Frank Zotti, whose most accessibleclients are their nationals, Slovenes andCroats.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO 13)


164

Sudbine


Destinies


166

Lajos Kossuth i odbjegli sinovi revolucije

Prije masovnoga ekonomskog iseljavanja, iz Austro-Ugarske u Ameriku bjeè grupicerevolucionara, sudionici ma|arske i be~ke, “martovske” revolucije 1848. godine.

194

Slom revolucije natjerao je u izgnanstvo mnoge mladena~ki uzavrele borce protivdru{tvene i nacionalne potla~enosti.

Neki ne bjeè daleko: talijanski domoljub, [iben~anin Niccolo Tomasseo, sudionikpropaloga protuaustrijskog prevrata u Veneciji, kao i mnogi drugi, ne odlazi dalekopreko granica Austro-Ugarske. Neki ipak, trajno ili privremeno, bjeè u Ameriku uglavnom ne mire}i se sa stanjem udomovini. Iako su nakon dvadesetak godina izgnanici amnestirani (1866.), mnogi sevi{e ne vra}aju ku}i. No nekima se nakon povratka sudbina kona~no nasmije{ila –tako Gyula Andrássy od izgnanika preko no}i postaje ugarski premijer.

Me|u ameri~kim izbjeglicama je i János Xántus, tako|er jedan od revolucionara. Bjeìu SAD i ìvi tamo dvanaest godina. Po~inje kao nadni~ar, a poslije radi kao crta~ i kaofarmer.Putuje i po srednjoj Americi, bavi se etnologijom i predaje na Sveu~ili{tu u NewOrleansu. O svojim putovanjima po Srednjoj Americi i Ju`noj Kaliforniji te po zapad-nom Meksiku pi{e reportaè koje {alje novinama u Ma|arskoj.

Iako Slovak, i Franti{ek Samuel Figuli sudjelovao je u ma|arskoj revoluciji i bjeào uAmeriku. Revolucija mu je strast pa, osim u ma|arskom prevratu, sudjeluje i uameri~kome gra|anskom ratu. Dràvljanstvo kona~no dobiva 1868. i nastavlja ìvjetiu New Orleansu.

Preko oceana bjeì i “otac Ma|ara”, vo|a ma|arske revolucije Lajos Kossuth(1802.–1894.), slova~ko-njema~koga luteranskog podrijetla, ali jakoga ma|arskoguvjerenja. Bori se protiv Austrije i zalaè za ma|arsko kraljevstvo kao konfederacijusvih ugarskih naroda, zasnovanu na demokratskim na~elima i parlamentarizmu. NoKossuth je ujedno i zagovornik nacionalisti~kih stavova o ma|arskoj nadmo}inaspram Hrvata i drugih naroda.

Nakon propasti revolucije, dvije je godine interniran u Anatoliji u Turskoj, iz koje gaizvla~i neo~ekivan poziv ameri~kog Kongresa koji po njega {alje svoj brod, fregatuMississippi. A u Americi je do~ekan topovskim salvama!

Prvi je slu`beno pozvan strani dràvnik nakon markiza de Lafayettea. Kossuth drìgovore o demokraciji na te~nom, iako arhai~nom engleskom koji je nau~io u Turskoj~itanjem Shakespearea i engleskog prijevoda Biblije. Nastupa i u Kongresu. Svagdjega do~ekuju sa zanosom o kojem svjedo~i i izjava poznatoga govornika, pjesnika, filo-zofa i esejista Ralpha Walda Emersona: “@eljni smo vidjeti ~ovjeka ~iju izvanrednugovorni~ku vje{tinu slijedi sjaj i postojanost njegovih djela.”U New Yorku Kossuth drì vatrene govore upravo u Castle Gardenu (1851.), vi{edesetlje}a prvoj emigrantskoj stanici na ulazu u Ameriku.Ipak, iako ~ak polovicu svoga dugog ìvota ostaje izgnanik, u Americi se ne zadràvadugo.Vra}a se u Europu i preostalu polovicu ìvota provodi u izgnanstvu.

Hans Kudlich – ~e`nja za domovinom(Lobenstein, [lezija, 1823. – Hoboken, New Jersey, 1917.)

Hans Kudlich me|u najpoznatijim je austrougarskim revolucionarima – preko-morskim bjeguncima.

195Kmetski sin ro|en u Lobensteinu ([lezija), u jedanaestoj godi-

ni odlazi na {kolovanje u gimnaziju u Troppau. S posebnim dopu{tenjem svoga feu-dalnoga gospodara studira pravo na sveu~ili{tu u Be~u.194 Ferenc Szilli, neobjavljeni tekst, Budimpe{ta 2007.

195 Stefan Malfer, neobjavljeni tekst, Be~ 2007.

Lajoss Kossuth, dugovje~ni ma|arski revolu-cionar i dràvnik polovicu je ìvota proìvio uizgnanstvu, no samo je kratko boravio uSAD-u, u kojem je zbog svojih demokratskihnazora primljen s najvi{im po~astima. Za raz-liku od Kossutha, ve}inu revolucionara kojibjeè nakon propasti revolucije 1848., dopadanajniè mjesto na dru{tvenoj ljestvici. No uAmerici se tada mnogo lak{e uspinjati nego uEuropi. (Ungarn, Budimpe{ta 1909., Zbirka zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)

Lajoss Kossuth, a long-standing Hungarianrevolutionary and statesman, spent half of hislife in exile, but he stayed in the US only for ashort time, even though he was most welcomethere due to his democratic ideas. As opposedto Kossuth, most revolutionaries, who fledtheir countries after the failed revolution in1848, found themselves at the bottom of thesocial ladder. However, it was much easier toclimb that ladder in America than in Europe.(Ungarn, Budapest 1909, Collection zuKostwein - de Canziani, Rijeka)


167

Lajos Kossuth andRunaway Sons of Revolution

Before mass emigration for economic reasons, groups of revolutionaries involved inthe Hungarian and Viennese “March Revolution” of 1848 fled Austria-Hungary.194 Thefailure of the Revolution forced many hot-headed young fighters against social andnational injustice into exile.

Some did not run far: the Italian patriot from [ibenik, Niccolo Tomasseo, who hadbeen involved in an unsuccessful attempt against the Austrians in Venice, did notmuch further beyond the Austrian border. On the other hand, some fled to America,temporarily or permanently, revolted with the situation in their homeland. Althoughthe exiles received an amnesty in 1866, many of them never returned home. Thosewho did, however, sometimes proved to be very fortunate – Gyula Andrássy, forexample, became the Hungarian Prime Minister.

Janos Xantus, one of the exiled revolutionaries, emigrated to the United States andlived there for twelve years. He started as a day labourer, and later became a farmerand a draughtsman. He travelled around Central America, took an interest in ethnol-ogy and taught at a college in New Orleans. He wrote reports about his journeysthrough Central America, Southern California and Western Mexico, and sent them toHungarian newspapers.

Franti{ek Samuel Figuli took part in the Hungarian revolution, although he was aSlovak, and ran away to America. As a passionate revolutionary, he fought in theAmerican Civil War. He became an American citizen in 1868 and lived in NewOrleans.

The leader of the Hungarian revolution, “the Father of the Nation,” Lajos Kossuth(1802-1894) fled across the ocean as well. Although his ancestors had been Slovak-German Lutherans, he had been a Hungarian patriot who fought against Austria andpromoted the idea of a Hungarian Kingdom as a confederation of all Hungarian peo-ples, based on democratic principles and parliamentarianism. But Kossuth also advo-cated nationalist views about Hungarian superiority over Croats and other nations.

After the collapse of the Revolution, he had been imprisoned for two years in Antalyain Turkey. An invitation of the American Congress led to his sudden release, andCongress sent the frigate Mississippi to fetch him. The Americans welcomed him withgun salutes. He became the first officially invited foreign politician to visit the United States afterMarquis de Lafayette. Kossuth delivered his speeches in fluent, although archaicEnglish he learned in Turkey reading Shakespeare and the Bible. He also spoke in theCongress. He was welcomed everywhere with enthusiasm, as the famous poet,philosopher and essayist Ralph Waldo Emerson witnessed: “We wish to see the manwhose extraordinary oratorial skill is backed by the shining strength of his deeds.”Kossuth spoke in New York in 1851, at the Castle Garden, which had been immi-grant’s point of entry for several decades. Although he remained an exile for half ofhis long life, he did not stay in America for long. He returned to Europe and stayedthere in exile until his death.

Hans Kudlich – Homesickness(Lobenstein, Schleswig, 1823 – Hoboken, New Jersey, 1917)

Hans Kudlich was one of the most famous Austro-Hungarian revolutionaries whoemigrated.

195A serf’s son from Lobenstein, he attended grammar school in Troppau

when he was eleven. With special permission of his feudal lord, he studied law at theUniversity of Vienna. There he often visited the library, where he acquired moderate 194 Ferenc Szilli, unpublished text, Budapest 2007

195 Stefan Malfer, unpublished text, Vienna 2007

Hans Kudlich, kmetski sin i pravnik, vrlomlad postaje ~lan be~koga revolucionarnogparlamenta 1848. i proslavlja se proglasom oukidanju kmetstva koje ni poslije sloma re-volucije vi{e nije obnovljeno.Prije bijega u Ameriku postaje lije~nik iostatak `ivota dr`i vlastitu ordinaciju uHobokenu (New Jersey). Vi{e puta posje}ujezavi~aj i pomi{lja na kona~an povratak, norazo~aran pojavom nacionalizama u domovi-ni zauvijek ostaje u Americi.

Hans Kudlich, a serf’s son and lawyer, joinedthe Viennese revolutionary parliament at ayoung age and became well-known when hedeclared the abolition of serfdom, which was,surprisingly, not reinstalled after the revolu-tion failed.Before fleeing to America, he became a doctorand, for the rest of his life, he maintained aprivate practice in Hoboken, New Jersey. Hevisited his homeland several times andthought of going back for good, but he wasdisappointed with the emergence of national-ism there, and decided to stay in America.


168

Za vrijeme studija odlazi u Be~ku ~itaonicu i pribliàva se umjerenim liberalnimburòaskim nazorima, no ve} na po~etku “martovske revolucije” (1848.) shva}a damu nije mjesto me|u reformistima nego me|u revolucionarima.Na priklanjanje prevratnicima koji ga biraju i za zastupnika u revolucionarnom parla-mentu, osobito ga je potaknulo protestantsko podrijetlo i kmetski poloàj njegoveobitelji.Kudlich postaje poznat kao ~ovjek koji je 13. oùjka 1848. u parlamentu (Reichtagu)zatraìo i kona~no zauvijek izborio ukidanje kmetstva u Monarhiji.Ni nakon sloma revolucije (7. oùjka 1849.) kmetstvo se ne obnavlja, ali zato morajubjeàti revolucionari. Kudlich najprije odlazi u Franfurt na Majni i opet se pridruùjevo|ama revolucionarnih previranja. Nakon novog poraza bjeì u [vicarsku i naSveu~ili{tu u Bernu studira i zavr{ava medicinu (1853.). U Bernu se i èni, no zbog pri-tisaka austrijskih vlasti opet bjeì, o ~emu mnogo psolije slikovito govori: “...kao pro-gonjenu divlja~ lova~ki su nas psi despotizma tjerali sve dalje i dalje od granice vo-ljene domovine” (pismo bratu 1869.).

Odlazi u Ameriku i pokre}e vlastitu ordinaciju, najprije u Greenpointu, a zatim uHobokenu (New Yersey) u kojoj radi do smrti 1917. godine.Vrlo je aktivan u dru{tvu tamo{njih [vicaraca te u kulturnom i politi~kom ìvotu.Pomaè i pri osnivanju njema~ke {kole i kluba, a djeluje i u Hoboken Academy.Suprotstavlja se svakoj vrsti tla~enja, pa tako i crna~koj pod~injenosti u zemljamaameri~koga juga.Kada Ameriku po~inje smatrati svojom domovinom, pridruùje se Republikanskojstranci i tijekom izbora na mnogim mitinzima zdu{no zagovara Abrahama Lincolna.

Nakon amnestije “~etrdesetosma{a” u Austriji (1866.) i Austrijsko-francuskog rata(1870.–1871.), obuzima ga opet “austrijsko” domoljublje pa putuje u Austriju(1871.–1872.) i pomi{lja na kona~an povratak. No u Austro-Ugarskoj se ve} razvijajujaki nacionalni pokreti me|u kojima njegovo nadnacionalno liberalno djelovanjepo~inje bivati suvi{no, kao i nastojanja oko njema~ko-~e{kih odnosa. Dubokorazo~aran vra}a se u Ameriku i prestaje pomi{ljati na kona~an povratak.No i za kasnijih boravaka u Europi, u svojim se govorima i ~lancima bavi austrijskimpoliti~kim temama, posebno problemima nacionalnosti i nacionalizma.

Mihajlo Pupin - od iseljenika do izumitelja(Idvor, Banat, 1854. – New York, 1935.)

Mihajlo Idvorski Pupin (Michael I. Pupin), veliki fizi~ar, ro|en je u banatskome seluIdvoru u Vojvodini kao jedno od desetero djece u obitelji siroma{nog seljaka.

196

Nakon najranijega {kolovanja u Idvoru i Pan~evu, 1872., odlazi u Prag koji ne ispu-njava njegova o~ekivanja pa 1874. kre}e u SAD.Tijekom duga znanstvenog rada, od 1889. do 1929., patentira 24 izuma, od kojih jenajpoznatiji Pupinov kalem koji sluì “pupinizaciji” telegrafskih kablova, odnosnosmanjenju slabljenja elektri~nog signala du` kabela.

U autobiografiji Od iseljenika do izumitelja (From Immigrant to Inventor, 1923. u srp-skom prijevodu “Od pa{njaka do nau~enjaka”), za koju dobiva Pulitzerovu nagradu(1924.), opisuje ìvotni put od seoskog pastira do znanstvenika. Posebno su zanimljiviopisi emigrantskih pojedinosti:

“Jednog sam dana na posljednjoj strani nekog ilustriranog lista na{ao oglas parobro-darskog dru{tva Hamburg – Amerika, koje je nudilo jeftin, neudoban prijevoz odHamburga do New Yorka za dvadeset i osam forinti... Prodao sam knjige, sat, odje}u,koùh i crnu {ubaru da bih sakupio potrebnu svotu novca. Na put sam po{ao s jedin-im odijelom na sebi, nekoliko ko{ulja i turskim crvenim fesom koji nitko nije htiokupiti. I za{to da ~ovjek lupa glavu oko tople odje}e kada ide u New York? Zar nijeNew York mnogo ju`nije od Pan~eva i zar se moè pomisliti da Amerika nije toplazemlja kada se ~ovjek sjeti onih brojnih slika golih Indijanaca. To su bile misli koje su196 Ljubica Oti}, neobjavljeni tekst, Novi Sad 2008.

Mihajlo Pupin, fizi~ar rodom iz Vojvodine,odlazi u Ameriku prepun o~ekivanja i plano-va koje uspijeva ostvariti i posti}i ugled iuvaàvanje.Za autobiografiju Od iseljenika do izumitelja(1923.) dobiva Pulitzerovu nagradu zauvjerljiv opis vlastita ìvotnoga puta koji ga jeod seoskog pastira doveo do znanstvenikakojemu pripada zasluga za dvadeset i ~etiripatentirana izuma, me|u kojima je najpoz-natiji Pupinov kalem i “pupinizacija”.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)

Mihajlo Pupin, a physicist born in Vojvodina,emigrated to America full of expectations andplans, which he, indeed, fulfilled, while gain-ing a good reputation and respect.He received the Pulitzer Prize for his autobi-ography From Immigrant to Inventor (1923), aconvincing narrative about his life whichbrought him from a herdsman to a scientistresponsible for twenty four patented inven-tions, including his most famous, Pupin’scoils and “pupinization”.(Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad)


169

liberal, bourgeois views. But at the beginning of the “March Revolution” he realizedthat he did not belong among the reformists, but among the revolutionaries. He hadbeen drawn to them, especially because of his Protestant faith and peasant ancestry,and they elected him as their representative in Parliament. Kudlich became famouswhen, on 13 March 1848 in the Reichstag he demanded – and achieved – the abolitionof serfdom in the Monarchy.

After the failure of the revolution, on 7 March 1849, serfdom was not restored, but therevolutionaries had to flee. Kudlich first went to Frankfurt am Main and joined therevolutionaries again. After a new defeat, he fled to Switzerland, studied medicine atthe University of Bern and graduated in 1853. He got married in Bern, but because ofthe pressure of the Austrian government, he fled again. He later described: “thehounds of despotism hunted us like prey and drove us ever further away from theborders of our beloved homeland”. (A letter to his brother in 1869.)

He went to America and opened his own practice, at first in Greenpoint, New Yorkand then in Hoboken, New Jersey, where he worked until his death in 1917. He wasactive at the local Swiss club and participated in political and cultural life. He helpedestablish a German school and club, and worked at the Hoboken Academy. He opposedevery attempt of oppression, including the abuse of the African-Americans in theAmerican South. When he accepted America as his country, he joined the Republicansand fervently supported Abraham Lincoln at their election meetings.

After the amnesty of the 1848 revolutionaries in 1866 and the war between Austria andFrance (1870 – 71), his patriotism for his old country flared again, so he travelled toAustria in 1871 and 1872 and considered returning. But strong national movementsalready developed in Austria-Hungary, and his above-national liberal campaignbecame redundant, as did his attempts to improve German-Czech relations. Deeplydisappointed, he went to America and abandoned the thoughts of return. However,when he travelled to Europe after that, he still dealt with Austrian politics, especiallyproblems with nationality and nationalism, in his speeches and articles.

Mihajlo Pupin – from Immigrant to Inventor(Idvor, Banat, 1854 – New York, 1935)

Mihajlo Idvorski Pupin (Michael I. Pupin), the great physicist, was born in Idvor, a vil-lage in Banat in Vojvodina, as one of the ten children of a poor peasant.

196He first went

to Serbian school in Idvor and then German schools in Perlez and Pan~evo. In 1872 hewent to Prague, which did not fulfil his expectations, and so he left for America in1874. During his long scientific career (1889 – 1929) he patented 24 inventions, themost famous of which is the “Pupin coil,” which extended the range of long-distancetelephone communication by placing loading coils (of wire) at predetermined inter-vals along the transmitting wire (known as pupinization).

In his autobiography From Immigrant to Inventor (1923), for which he received thePulitzer Prize in 1924, he described his progress from a village shepherd to scientist.His descriptions of the details of the emigrant’s journey are particularly interesting:

One day I saw on the last page of an illustrated paper an advertisement of theHamburg-America Line, offering steerage transportation from Hamburg to New Yorkfor twenty eight florins.… My books, my watch, my clothes, including the yellowsheepskin coat and the black sheepskin cap, were sold to make up the sum necessaryfor travelling expenses. I started out with just one suit of clothes on my back and afew changes of linen and a red Turkish fez which nobody would buy. And whyshould anybody going to New York bother about warm clothes? Was not New Yorkmuch farther south than Panchevo, and does not America suggest a hot climate whenone thinks of the pictures of naked Indians so often seen? These thoughts consoledme when I parted with my sheepskin coat. At length I came to Hamburg, ready to 196 Ljubica Oti}, unpublished text, , Novi Sad 2008


170

me tje{ile te sam se tako umiren rastao od svoga koùha.Kona~no sam stigao u Hamburg spreman da se ukrcam, ali bez novca kojim bih kupiostrunja~u i pokriva~ za leàj na brodu. Nekoliko dana poslije, 12. oùjka 1874., mojbrod Westfalia krenuo je na put.”...Napokon stiè u Ameriku:“Iseljeni~ki brod Westfalia pristao je u Hobokenu, a onda nas je manji brod prevezaodo Casle Gardena. Bili smo pa`ljivo pregledani i ispitani. Kada je do{ao red na mene,~inovnici koji su nas ispitivali vrtjeli su sumnji~avo glavom. Priznao sam da imamsamo pet centi u dèpu, da nemam nikoga poznatog u Americi i da nikog u ovoj zemljine poznajem izuzev{i Franklina, Lincolna i Harriet Beecher Stowe ~iju sam pri~u î~aTomina koliba ~itao u prijevodu.”

To {to se ameri~kim ~inovnicima u~inio manje poèljnim od drugih useljenika, neobeshrabruje ga.Stupiv{i na tlo Amerike, bez zanata i bez poznanika, s pet centi u dèpu, radi kaoko~ija{ i ~uvar mazgi na farmi u Delaveru gdje je nau~io i prve engleske rije~i, a uMarylandu obra|uje polja duhana. Potom se vra}a u New York i po~inje redovitoposje}ivati knji`nicu.Lak{i, ~inovni~ki posao u tvornici biskvita omogu}uje mu i vi{e vremena za u~enje papoha|a ve~ernje te~ajeve i priprema se za prijamni ispit na Sveu~ili{tu, u ~emu mupomaè jedan njema~ki iseljenik, vrstan poznavalac gr~kog i latinskog, anti~ke povi-jesti i knjièvnosti.

Ujesen 1879. upisuje se na Sveu~ili{te Columbia. Izvrsno znanje osloba|a ga pla}anja{kolarine. Po~inju mu se ostvarivati ambicije:“...Uklju~i se u igru! Kakva izvanredna izreka!... Ni jedan stranac ne moè razumjetiovu zemlju ako ne zna pravo zna~enje ove izreke koju sam prvi put ~uo od mladi}ana Columbiji. Nitko je ne moè prevesti tako da istovremeno zadrì i konciznost izna~enje... Ali koliko je useljenika uspjelo shvatiti i razumjeti ovu poruku.”

Za vrijeme ~etverogodi{njeg {kolovanja Pupin je uspje{an i u u~enju i u sportskim nat-jecanjima. Unato~ sklonosti prema klasi~nim jezicima, odlu~uje se za studij fizike.Diplomirao je 1883., dobio Tindalovu stipendiju i oti{ao na daljnje {kolovanje uCambridge i u Berlin.Odlaze}i u Europu u njujor{koj je luci rekao samome sebi: “Mihajlo Pupine, najve}e blago koje si donio sa sobom prije devet godina u njujor{kuluku bilo je tvoje duboko po{tovanje i divljenje za najbolje tradicije tvoga naroda, adrugo najve}e blago koje sada nosi{ sobom iz te luke jest tvoje znanje, dubokopo{tovanje i divljenje za velike tradicije tvoje druge domovine.”

Nikola Tesla i zemlja zlatnih obe}anja(Smiljan, Lika, 1856. – New York, 1943.)

Odlu~io sam oku{ati sre}u u zemlji zlatnih obe}anja.197

Nikola Tesla ro|en je u Smiljanu u Lici u obitelji Milutina i \uke ro|ene Mandi}.198

Otac je pravoslavni sve}enik, vrlo obrazovan i govori vi{e jezika. Majka je tako|ernadarena, recitira i crta, veze i {iva, izra|uje i razna oru|a. Nikola je ~etvrti od ukup-no petero djece.Osnovnu {kolu polazi u Smiljanu, niù “realnu gimnaziju” u Gospi}u, a vi{u uKarlovcu (u Rakovcu). Studira na Visokoj tehni~koj {koli u Grazu, poslije i u Pragu.Potom nakratko radi u Budimpe{ti te odlazi u Francusku.

Na nagovor prijatelja, Tesla odlu~i oti}i u New York i obratiti se ve} slavnomeThomasu Alvi Edisonu. Kada se iz Pariza upu}uje na vlak, ustanovljava da nema ninovca ni karata, no ipak uspijeva sti}i do Callaisa i odatle brodom Saturnia uEnglesku.

197 Nikola Tesla, My Inventions, 1919.

198 ]iril Pete{i}, Genij s na{eg kamenjara, ìvot i djeloNikole Tesle, [kolske novine, Zagreb, 1976. Nikola Tesla, Moji pronalasci/My Inventions, [kolskaknjiga, Zagreb, 1981.Margaret Cheney, Tesla, ~ovjek izvan vremena, Biovega,Zagreb, 2003.Nikola Tesla, I bi svjetlo, Naklada Zoro, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 2006. Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd

Nikola Tesla, slavni fizi~ar, Ameriku vidi kaosvoju veliku priliku. Odluku o odlasku donosiu Parizu gdje ga prijatelj nagovara da se obratiEdisonu. Na brod se ukrcava u Liverpoolu uposljednji ~as, bez novca i putne karte. IzEurope odlazi samo s nekoliko svojih pje-sama, neuspjelim rje{enjima jednoganerje{ivog integrala i sa skicama vlastitalete}eg stroja.(Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd)

Nikola Tesla, famous physicist, saw Americaas his great chance. He made the decision togo there when he was in Paris, where a friendtried to persuade him to contact Edison. Heboarded the ship in Liverpool, at the lastmoment, without money or a ticket. He leftEurope with only a few of his poems, unsuc-cessful calculations of an insoluble integraland sketches of an own flying machine in hispocket.(Muzej Nikole Tesle, Belgrade)


171

embark, but with no money to buy a mattress and a blanket for my bunk in the steer-age. Several days later, my ship, the Westphapia, sailed – on the twelfth day of March1874.

When he finally arrived to America:The immigrant ship Westphalia arrived at Hoboken and a tug took us to Castle Garden.We were carefully examined and cross-examined, and when my turn came the exam-ining officials shook their heads and seemed to find me wanting. I confessed that Ihad only had five cents in my pocket and had no relatives here, and that I knew ofnobody in this country except Franklin, Lincoln and Harriet Beecher Stowe, whoseUncle Tom’s Cabin I had read in a translation.

The fact that, to the officers, he seemed less acceptable than other immigrants did notdiscourage him. Arriving in America without a trade or acquaintances, with five centsin his pocket, he worked as a cabman and stable boy for mules on a Delaware farm,where he learned a few words of English. He then went to Maryland, where heworked in tobacco fields. After that, he returned to New York and started going to thelibrary regularly. The more comfortable job of a clerk in a biscuit factory allowed himmore time to study. He enrolled in evening school and started preparing for entryexams at the university. He had help from one German immigrant, an expert in Greek,Latin, ancient history and literature.In the autumn of 1879 he enrolled in Columbia University. His excellent knowledgefreed him from paying tuition. He started to fulfil his ambitions:Play the game, what a wonderful phrase!... No foreigner can understand this countrywho does not know the full meaning of this phrase, which I first heard from aColumbia College youngster. No foreign language can so translate the phrase as toreproduce its brevity and at the same time convey its full meaning.… But how manyimmigrants to this land can be made to understand this?During his four-years of study at Columbia, Pupin proved successful in both study-ing and sports. Despite his inclination towards classical languages, he decided tostudy physics. He graduated in 1883, won the Tindal scholarship and continued hiseducation in Cambridge and Berlin. Leaving for Europe, he said to himself in the NewYork harbour:Michael Pupin, the most valuable asset which you carried into New York harbour nineyears ago was your knowledge of, and profound respect and admiration for, the besttraditions of your race . . . and the most valuable assets which you are now taking withyou from New York is your knowledge of, and profound respect and admiration for,the best traditions of your adopted country.

Nikola Tesla and the Land of Golden Promises(Smiljan, Lika, 1856 – New York, 1943)

I determined to try my fortunes in the Land of Golden Promise197

Nikola Tesla was born in Smiljan, Lika, in the family of Milutin and \uka néeMandi}.

198His father, an Orthodox priest, had been well-educated and a polyglot. His

mother also showed many talents, reciting poetry, sewing and embroidering, and pro-ducing various tools. The fourth of five children, Nikola finished primary school inSmiljan, and grammar schools in Gospi} and Karlovac (Rakovac). He studied at theTechnical College in Graz, and then in Prague. He worked in Budapest for a shorttime, before going to France.

A friend talked him into going to New York and meeting the already famous ThomasAlva Edison. When he boarded the train in Paris, he realized that he had neithermoney nor a ticket, but he managed to reach Calais and sail to England with theSaturnia. He boarded the ship for America at the last moment. They let him board

197 Nikola Tesla, My Inventions, 1919

198 ]iril Pete{i}, Genij s na{eg kamenjara, `ivot i djeloNikole Tesle, [kolske novine, Zagreb, 1976. Nikola Tesla, Moji pronalasci/My Inventions, [kolskaknjiga, Zagreb, 1981.Margaret Cheney, Tesla, ~ovjek izvan vremena, Biovega,Zagreb, 2003.I bi svjetlo, Nikola Tesla, Naklada Zoro, Zagreb-Sarajevo, 2006. Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd


172

Na brod za Ameriku ukrcava se u posljednji ~as. Pu{taju ga na brod tek kada se nitkodrugi ne pojavljuje s kartom pod imenom Nikola Tesla. Iz Liverpoola kre}e paro-brodom City of Richmond (Inman Line) – s nekoliko svojih pjesama, snopom prora~unao rje{avanju jednog nerje{ivog integrala i sa skicama vlastitoga lete}eg stroja.Najve}i dio putovanja Tesla je presjedio na krmi, ne do~ekav{i èljenu priliku da, kakokaè, nekoga spasi iz “vodene grobnice”.

Brod pristaje u New York 6. lipnja 1884. godine. Ukrcan kao obi~an iseljenik, morapro}i redovit postupak i sve preglede predvi|ene za “tre}u klasu”, koji se tada jo{uvijek obavljaju u useljeni~kom prihvatili{tu Castle Gardenu (Battery Park) na juguManhattana.

Za razliku od mnogih koji kre}u na daljnja odredi{ta, Tesla ostaje u New Yorku iodmah se upu}uje Edisonu. Sukob sa spretnim izumiteljem i vlastita ambicija uskoroga odvode drugim partnerima (Westinghouse) i tjeraju na poku{aj samostalnogpoduzetni{tva (Tesla Electric Company).Doprinosom {irokim podru~jima fizike, osobito na podru~ju izmjeni~ne struje, neoboga}uje se, ali stje~e priznanje.Elektri~na centrala na slapovima Nijagare te istraìvanja na podru~ju beì~nogtelegrafa i radija donose mu glas jednog od najve}ih znanstvenika novoga doba.Ne èni se i nema obitelj – godinama ìvi osamljen i umire gotovo zaboravljen u nju-jor{kom Hotelu New Yorker.

Tesla o Americi. Volio bih kad bih rije~ima mogao opisati svoje prve dojmoveo ovoj zemlji. U arapskim pri~ama ~itao sam kako su duhovi prevozili ljude u zemljusnova, a usput i kroz prekrasne pustolovine. Moj je slu~aj bio upravo suprotan.Duhovi su me prenijeli iz svijeta snova u svijet stvarnosti.Ono {to sam ostavio bilo je lijepo, produhovljeno i u svakom pogledu ~udesno; ono{to sam ovdje vidio bilo je mehanizirano, grubo i neprivla~no. Glomazni policajacvrtio je u ruci palicu koja mi je izgledala velika poput panja. Pribliìo sam mu se pris-tojno da ga upitam za adresu. “[est blokova niè, a onda lijevo”, rekao je ubojito megledaju}i.“Je li ovo Amerika?” pitao sam se bolno iznena|en. “U civilizaciji zaostaje zaEvropom stotinu godina.” A kad sam 1889. god. prvi put oti{ao iz Amerike – pet godina nakon svog dolaska –bio sam uvjeren da je Amerika vi{e od stotinu godina ispred Evrope, i do danas se nijedogodilo ni{ta zbog ~ega bih promijenio svoje mi{ljenje.

199

Tesle u Americi. Jo{ su brojni Tesle dolazili u SAD krajem devetnaestoga iprvih desetlje}a dvadesetoga stolje}a.

200

Me|u njima su i barem jo{ dvojica Nikole, od kojih prvi dolazi 1892., a drugi 1923.godine. Prvi Teslin imenjak stiè u New York 7. travnja 1892. To je 25-godi{njak, radnik,neoènjen, iz Austrije, a dolazi iz Antwerpena Red Star Lineovim parobrodomNordland.

Idu}ih su desetlje}a u Ameriku dolazili brojni Tesle iz raznih zemalja. Na popisu onihkoji dolaze u New York ima ih gotovo stotinjak iz raznih krajeva i zemalja – iz Italije(Alfonso, Angelo, Antonio, Giovanni, Giuseppe Tesla), iz Francuske (Georges Tesla),iz Galicije (Helena Tesla) iz Ma|arske (Istvan Tesla), iz Ukrajine (Du{an Tesla izOdese), ali ipak najvi{e – iz Like.

199 Nikola Tesla, Moji pronalasci /My Inventions(1919.), [kolska knjiga, Zagreb, 1981., str. 51.

200 Ellis Island Immigration Museum

Uspjela fotografija jednog od Teslinih pokusas elektri~nom strujom. Nakon dolaska u NewYork, 6. lipnja 1884., odmah se upu}ujeEdisonu, s kojim se uskoro i sukobljava.Kada se, nakon pet godina, prvi put vra}a uEuropu, bio je uvjeren da je Amerika stotinugodina ispred Europe i u tom ga uvjerenjunikad ni{ta nije razuvjerilo.(Muzej Nikole Tesle, Beograd)

A successful photograph of one of Tesla’sexperiments with electricity. After his arrivalin New York, on 6 June 1884, he immediatelywent to find Edison, with whom he sooncame into conflict.When he returned to Europe for the first timeafter five years, he was convinced thatAmerica was a hundred years ahead ofEurope and nothing ever made him think oth-erwise.(Muzej Nikole Tesle, Belgrade)


173

only when nobody else showed up with a ticket in the name of Nikola Tesla. He sailedon the City of Richmond (Inman Line) leaving from Liverpool. He had a few of hispoems with him, a pile of calculations for solving an insolvable integral and sketchesof his own flying machine. He spent most of the journey in the stern, wishing in vainfor an opportunity to save someone from, as he said, “the watery grave.”

The ship arrived in New York on 6 June 1884. Since he boarded as a steerage passen-ger, he had to go through the regular examinations and interrogations held at theimmigrant station in Castle Garden (Battery Park) at the southern end of Manhattan.Unlike many who immediately continued their journey, Tesla stayed in New York andwent directly to Edison. But he soon quarrelled with the great inventor and his ownambition took him to other partners, like Westinghouse, and made him try to estab-lish his own business – the Tesla Electric Company.

He widely contributed to physics, especially in the area of alternating current. He didnot become rich, but he received no recognition. The Niagara power plant and hisresearch in the area of telegraph and radio turned him into one of the greatest scien-tists of modern age. He did not get married and had no family. He died almost for-gotten in the New Yorker Hotel in New York.

Tesla On America. I wish I could put in words my first impressions of thiscountry. In the Arabian Tales I read how genii transported people into a land ofdreams to live thru delightful adventures. My case was just the reverse. The genii hadcarried me from a world of dreams into a world of realities.

What I had left was beautiful, artistic and fascinating in every way; what I saw herewas machined, rough and unattractive. A burly policeman was twirling his stickwhich looked to me as big as a log. I approached him politely with the request todirect me. “Six blocks down, then to the left,” he said with murder in his eyes. “Is thisAmerica?” I asked myself in painful surprise. “It is a century behind Europe in civi-lization.”

When I went abroad in 1889 - five years having elapsed since my arrival here - Ibecame convinced that it was more than one hundred years AHEAD of Europe, and noth-ing has happened to this day to change my opinion.

199

Teslas In America. Many other Teslas arrived to America at the end of thenineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries.

200There were at least two

more Nikolas, first in 1892 and the second in 1923. The first one was a 25-year oldworker from Austria, single, arriving from Antwerp on Red Star Line’s Nordland on 7April 1892.

In the following decades, many Teslas from various countries came to America. Of theover one hundred listed as having arrived in New York, some came from Italy(Alfonso, Angelo, Antonio, Giovanni, Giuseppe Tesla), France (Georges Tesla), Galicia(Helena Tesla), Hungary (Istvan Tesla), Ukraine (Du{an Tesla from Odessa), but nev-ertheless, most of them came from Lika.

199 Nikola Tesla, My Inventions: The Autobiography ofNikola Tesla (edited by Ben Johnson), New York,Barnes & Noble, 1995, p. 71.

200 Ellis Island Emigration Museum


174

Fran Sakser - slovenski novinar, dobrotvor i bankar(Ljubljana, 1859. – Ljubljana, 1937.)

Bio je novinar, urednik, tiskar, izdava~, poduzetnik i bankar.201

Otac mu je rodom bio [vicarac, a majka Slovenka. U Ameriku je otputovao 1892.godine. Isprva je radio kao novinar, bio je suosniva~ slovenskog tjednika Glas naroda(1893.) i izdavao je Slovensko-ameri~ki kalendar (1894.). U New Yorku je osnovao je islovensko tiskarsko dru{tvo.Osnovao je i agenciju, zastupao vi{e brodarskih tvrtki i prodavao putne karte zaAmeriku.Za brojne je Slovence prije Prvoga svjetskog rata, u doba masovnog iseljavanja, biova`na osoba. Kupovali su kod njega karte, preko njega su slali novac u domovinu,pomagao im je i posredovao me|u njima u raznim prigodama, a u nizu izravnih kon-takata, brojnim je iseljenicima i povratnicima na razne na~ine olak{avao te{ko}e.I tijekom krize 1907. pozivao je slovenske intelektualce da obavijeste ljude o tomekako ne bi odlazili u Ameriku dok se kriza ne smiri. Vi{e puta objavljenim apelom –Ne u Ameriku! (1907.) poku{ao je ~im uvjerljivije iznijeti ozbiljno stanje gospodarstvai masovnu nezaposlenost.Iako u po~etku vrlo aktivan u dru{tvenom i politi~kom ìvotu ameri~kih Slovenaca,sve je manje po volji utjecajnim crkvenim krugovima pa se postupno posve odmi~e odpoliti~kog djelovanja.

Godine 1920. osnovao je i Sakser State Bank u New Yorku.Svu je imovinu i sve vrijeme posvetio banci i postao poznat kao dobar bankar, nouni{tila ga je velika gospodarska kriza 1929. u kojoj je izgubio sav novac, ukupno oko400.000 dolara.O Sakserovoj dobronamjernosti govori i podatak da se nakon ameri~kog kraha vra}au Ljubljanu gdje ga u domovini uzdràvaju osmorica njegovih biv{ih slu`benika.

Austrijski pivar Fritz, otac Freda Astairea (Linz, 1868. – Omaha, 1924.)

Skromni austrijski pivar zvu~noga imena – Frederich Emanuel Austerlitz, poznatijiipak kao Fritz – ro|en 1868. u Linzu, ukrcava se u Antwerpenu na Red Starov parobrodWesternland i 26. listopada 1892. stiè u New York. Obiteljska legenda kaè da jeAustriju napustio s ga|enjem zbog posljedica neprimjerena pona{anja – propustio jepropisno vojni~ki pozdraviti ~asnika – svoga brata Ernsta!

Nakon iskrcavanja u New Yorku, Fritz kre}e u Nebrasku, Omaha. Tamo uskoro sre}emnogo mla|u gospo|icu Johannu (Ann) Geilus, k}er njema~kih luterana, Prusa iAlza{anke – te se 1894. vjen~aju u prvoj evangelisti~koj crkvi u Omahi. Prvo im serodila k}i Adele (1896.), a potom sin Fred (1899.), budu}i slavni plesa~ i pjeva~.

Kada su mu se izjalovili veliki poslovni planovi s kojima se namjerava pridruìti dvo-jici prijatelja iz Austrije, Fritz po~inje raditi u kompaniji za proizvodnji piva. Njegovsin poslije rado ponavlja izmi{ljenu pri~u da je Fritz nasljednik duge obiteljskepivarske tradicije. Godine 1905. Fritz i Ann odlu~ili su da svojoj nadarenoj djeci poku{aju omogu}iti ka-rijeru u vodvilju u New Yorku pa on ostaje zara|ivati u Omahi, a ona odlazi upisatidjecu u plesnu {kolu. Izabiru im i novo prezime – umjesto pravoga koje previ{e pod-sje}a na napoleonsku bitku, priklanjaju se prezimenu maj~inih ro|aka Alza{ana.Devetogodi{nja Adele i sedmogodi{nji Fred zapo~inju ve} tada svoj put pod reflek-torima. Zajedno s majkom, prije “holivudske ere” odlaze u Los Angeles i zajedno nas-tupaju u predstavama. Adele ostaje na pozornici samo do udaje, a Fred Astaire dokraja – i u brodvejskim vodviljima i mjuziklima i u holivudskim glazbenim i plesnimfilmovima.201 Marjan Drnov{ek, neobljavljeni tekst, Ljubljana

2008.

Fran Sakser, slovenski domoljub {vicarskogpodrijetla, novinar, iseljeni~ki agent, bankarkoji ìvi i djeluje u New Yorku, doìvljavasudbinu brojnih ljudi – od vrtoglava usponado nesmiljena pada – no o njegovoj dobro-namjernosti svjedo~i to {to ga posljednjegodine ìvota pomaù osmorica njegovihdobrostoje}ih biv{ih namje{tenika.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Fran Sakser, a Slovenian patriot with Swissorigins, a journalist, emigration agent andbanker, who lived and worked in New York,had a similar fate like many others whoseAmerican dream faded and turned into acomplete downfall, after having rapidlybecome very rich. However, the fact that eightof his well-off former employees helped himduring his last years, shows that he was agood man.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


175

Fran Sakser - Slovenian Journalist,Benefactor and Banker(Ljubljana 1859 – Ljubljana, 1937)

Sakser, a journalist, editor, printer, publisher, businessman and banker, had a Swissand a Slovenian mother.

201He emigrated to America in 1892. At first, he worked as a

journalist. He co-founded the Slovenian magazine Glas Naroda (1893) and he pub-lished a Slovene-American almanac (1894). He also established a Slovenian printingsociety in New York.

Sakser acted as an agent for a few steamship companies, selling tickets for America.He became an important figure for many Slovenians in the period of mass emigration,before the First War. They bought tickets from him and sent money to their homecountry through him; he helped them on various occasions, and in direct contacts hesolved their problems. During the 1907 crisis he called for Slovene intellectuals to tellthe people not to go to America until it ends. He published his appeal, “Do not go toAmerica!” (1907), several times, trying to explain the serious state of the economy andmass unemployment.

Although at first very active in the social and political life of the American Slovenes,he soon fell out of favour with influential Church circles, so he gradually retreatedfrom political work.In 1920 he founded the Sakser State Bank in New York. He dedicated all his time andmeans to the Bank and became known as a good banker, but the Great Depression of1929 destroyed him. He lost all his money, around 400,000 dollars. The fact that eightof his former employees supported him when Sakser returned to Ljubljana after theAmerican crash tells us much about Sakser’s reputation.

The Austrian Brewer Fritz,the Father of Fred Astaire(Linz, 1868 – Omaha, 1924)

The modest Austrian brewer with a sonorous name – Friedrich Emanuel Austerlitz,known as Fritz, was born in Linz in 1862. He boarded the Red Star’s Westernland inAntwerp and came to New York on 26 October 1892. Family legend says that he leftAustria with disgust – he did not salute an officer properly. This officer was his broth-er Ernst.After disembarking in New York, Fritz went to Omaha, Nebraska. There he soon metthe much younger Johanna (Ann) Geilus, a daughter of German Lutherans, fromPrussia and Alsace. They married in 1894 in the First Evangelical Church in Omaha.They had a daughter, Adele, born in 1896, and a son, the future singer and dancerFred, born in 1899.When his great business plans of joining with his two Austrian friends collapsed, Fritzstarted to work in a brewery. His son later liked to tell the false story that Fritz was adescendant of a long line of brewers.In 1905 Fritz and Anna decided to help their talented children to make a career invaudeville in New York, so Fritz remained in Omaha to earn the money, while Anntook the children to dance school. They chose a new surname too – instead of theirreal one, which sounded too much like the Napoleonic battle, they took their mother’sAlsatian surname.Nine-year-old Adele and seven-year-old Fred started their rise on the stage. Togetherwith their mother, before the “Hollywood era,” they went to Los Angeles andappeared together in shows. Adele remained on stage only until she married, butFred Astaire remained until the end – in Broadway musicals and in Hollywoodmovies. 201 Marjan Drnov{ek, unpublished text, Ljubljana

2008

Frank Sakser reklamira svoje usluge ipoku{ava omiljeti i Slovencima i Hrvatima.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Frank Sakser advertised his services, trying toattract Croats and Slovenians.(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)


176

Josip Marohni} - prvi Hrvat kod Predsjednika(Hreljin, 1866. – Pittsburgh, 1921.)

Josip Marohni} do danas uìva glas jednog od najuglednijih Hrvata u SAD-u.202

Josipov je otac Mate Marohni} iz Zlobina, a majka Marija Poli} iz Hreljina pokrajRijeke. Od tri sina obitelji Marohni}, dva odlaze u Ameriku – Josip i Matej (1875. –Pittsburgh, 1949.). Josip izu~ava zanat tiskara (slagara) i knjigoveè. êtiri godine sluì austrougarskuratnu mornaricu. Potom se èni Andrijanom (1869. – Pittsburgh, 1945.), djevojkom izsvoga sela, Hreljina, i s njom ima vi{e djece.

U Ameriku odlazi ve} 1893., kada jo{ nije odlazilo mnogo Hrvata. Poslije dolaze nje-gova èna i k}i. Ostala su mu djeca, dva sina i k}i, ro|ena u Americi.Prvo se nastanjuje u Chicagu i radi u tiskari, no uskoro otvara vlastitu tiskaru iobjavljuje knjige i novine.Ve} 1897. seli u Pittsburgh gdje i dalje uspje{no razvija poslove i djelatno se uklju~ujeu hrvatsku zajednicu.

Iako bez velike naobrazbe, Josip je nadaren i sposoban, zato i brzo zapaèn udru{tvenom ìvotu Hrvata u Pittsburghu, a uskoro i jedan od najuglednijih Hrvata uSAD-u. Novinski ga izvjestitelj naziva jednim “od najumnijih hrvatskih mladi}a uAmerici” i dodaje: “On je vrstan i na peru. Njegovi ~lanci i pripoviedke nasladom se~itaju, a njegove pjesme odaju pravu pjesni~ku ìcu” (Ivan Lupis Vuki}, dopisnikNarodnog lista iz Zadra, 1897.).

Marohni} je me|u utemeljiteljima Hrvatske narodne zajednice (poslije Hrvatska brats-ka zajednica) i glavni blagajnik od 1897. do 1909. te njezin predsjednik od 1912. dosmrti 1921. godine.Osniva~ je i Prve hrvatske knjiàre u Alleghenyju (danas predgra|e Pittsburgha) uPensilvaniji, u kraju koji su idu}ih godina naseljavali brojni Hrvati. Izdavao je i brojnepriru~nike, gramatike, rje~nike, kalendare, romane, antologije, zbirke pjesama te vjer-ske knjige.Prvi je pjesnik me|u ameri~kim Hrvatima i autor dviju zbirki – Jesenke (1897.) iAmerikanke (1900.) te prvi Hrvat kojega slu`beno poziva u audijenciju ameri~ki pred-sjednik – W. H. Taft (1911.).

Peter V. Rovnianek - Zapisi ìvog pokopanog(Dolny Hri~ov, Slova~ka, 1867. – Hornitos, Kalifornija, 1933.)

Rovnianek isprva studira teologiju u Budimpe{ti i Grazu, ali na nagovor sve}enika[tefana Furdeka, jednog od pokreta~a dru{tvenog, kulturnog i religioznog ìvotame|u iseljenim Slovacima, 1888. odlazi u Ameriku i dovr{ava studij u Clevelandu.

203

Ipak se ne zare|uje i ne posve}uje Crkvi nego postaje novinar, a potom urednik isuvlasnik Ameri~ko-slova~kih novina koje su uskoro stekle bitan utjecaj u slova~kojzajednici. Po~etkom stolje}a njegove su novine, koje su se zalagale za okupljanje svihSlovaka bez obzira na vjeroispovijest, ve} imale nakladu od 14.000 primjeraka, a posli-je su s 30.000 bile najva`nije slova~ke novine u Americi.Furdekovo rivalsko i katoli~ki isklju~ivo Jedinstvo (Jednota) tiskalo je 15.000 primjera-ka. Obje su novine svakako najutjecajnije me|u tada ~ak 230 slova~kih novina i~asopisa u SAD-u.

Rovnianek ve} 1890. osniva Slova~ko nacionalno udruènje (Narodny slovensky spolok),dobrotvorno dru{tvo osnovano poput brojnih drugih iseljeni~kih dru{tava da bi oku-pljalo sunarodnjake i pruàlo pomo} onima u nevolji. I u okupljanju sunarodnjakasukobljava se s isklju~ivim, ali vrlo utjecajnim Furdekom, osniva~em Prvogaslova~kog katoli~kog udruènja (tako|er 1890.). Unato~ sukobu, Rovnianekovo je

202 Ivan îzmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice,Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994., str. 1.Radovan Tadej, In Search of The Lost People of Zlobin,Rijeka, 2006., str. 52.–53.

203 Martin Besedi~, Slova~ka emigracija, rukopis

Josip Marohni} iz Hrvatskog primorja skrom-no je obrazovan tiskar (slagar), no u Americipostaje novinar, knjiàr i – prvi hrvatski pjes-nik (Jesenke, 1897. i Amerikanke, 1900.).Prvi je Hrvat kojega u audijenciju primaameri~ki predsjednik i dugogodi{nji blagajniki predsjednik Hrvatske bratske zajednice uPittsburghu. (Ivan î`mi}, Povijest hrvtskebratske zajednice, Zagreb 1994.)

Josip Marohni} from Hrvatsko primorje was amodestly educated printer, but in America hebecame a journalist, bookseller and – the firstpoet among Croatian emigrants (Jesenke, 1897,and Amerikanke, 1900). He was the first Croatto be officially invited by an AmericanPresident, as well as the long-standing Treasurerand the President of the Croatian FraternalUnion in Pittsburgh of the time. (Ivan î`mi},Povijest hrvtske bratske zajednice, Zagreb 1994.)

Peter V. Rovnianek, sve}enik po obrazovanju,ne zare|uje se nego postaje novinar uslova~kom iseljeni~kome tisku, urednik isuvlasnik Ameri~ko-slova~kih novina te osni-va~ dobrotvornog Slova~koga nacionalnogudruènja. Poslije i on postaje uspje{an bankar,ali krahira (1911.) i odlazi u Kaliforniju kopatizlato – s namjerom da vrati dugove. Ne uspije-va, ve}, pokunjen, pi{e autobiografiju Zapisiìvog pokopanog! (Slovenské národné múzeum,Bratislava).

Peter V. Rovnianek, an educated priest, did notchoose to become ordained priest, but instead,a journalist in the Slovak emigrant publishinghouse, editor and co-owner of the American-Slovak newspaper, and founder of the charita-ble Slovak National Association. Later, hebecame a successful banker, but his businesscrashed (1911) and he went to California to digfor gold – with the intention to pay back hisdebts. Successless, he decided spiritlessly, towrite his autobiography Zapisky za zivapochovaneho (Notes of One Buried Alive)!(Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava).


177

Josip Marohni} - First Croat Who Met the President(Hreljin, 1866 – Pittsburgh, 1921)

Josip Marohni} remains to this day one of the most revered Croats in the UnitedStates.

202Josip’s father hd been Maro Marohni} from Zlobin and his mother Marija

Poli} from Hreljin near Rijeka. They had three sons, two of whom went to America –Josip and Matej (1875 – Pittsburgh, 1949). Josip trained to be a printer and bookbinder.He served four years in the Austro-Hungarian navy. Then he married Andrijana (1869– Pittsburgh, 1945), a girl from his village, Hreljin, and had children with her.

He went to America in 1893, when relatively few Croats emigrated. His wife anddaughter followed him later. His other children, two sons and a daughter, were bornin America. He first settled in Chicago and worked in a printshop, but soon heopened his own business and printed books and newspapers. In 1897 he moved toPittsburgh, developed his business successfully and became an active member of theCroatian community.

Although not well-educated, Josip had talent and capability, and so received thenotice of Croatian social circles in Pittsburgh. He later became one of the most promi-nent Croats in the United States. A journalist once called him one of the “smartestCroatian young men in America,” and added, “he also writes well, his articles and sto-ries are a pleasure to read and his poems show real talent.” (Ivan Lupis Vuki}, reporterof Narodni list from Zadar, 1897)

One of the founders of the National Croatian Society (later the Croatian FraternalUnion), Marohni} served as its main treasurer from 1897 to 1909 and as its presidentfrom 1912 until his death in 1921. He also opened the first Croatian bookshop inAllenghy (today a suburb of Pittsburgh), in a region where many Croats came to live.He published numerous handbooks, grammar books, dictionaries, calendars, novels,anthologies, collections of poems and religious books. He became the first poetamong American Croats, and authored two collections: Jesenke (1897) and Amerikanke(1900). Marohni} became the first Croat who received an invitation to a formal audi-ence with a President of the United States – W. H. Taft, in 1911.

Peter V. Rovnianek - Notes from One Buried Alive(Dolny Hri~ov, Slovakia, 1867 – Hornitos, California, 1933)

Rovnianek studied theology in Budapest and Graz, but [tefan Furdek, a priest whoencouraged social, cultural and religious life among the Slovak immigrants, encour-aged him to go to America. He left in 1888 and finished his studies in Cleveland.

203

However, he did not become a priest, but a journalist, and then editor and co-ownerof the American-Slovak Gazette which soon became very influential in the Slovak com-munity. At the beginning of the century, his newspaper, which promoted the unitingof all Slovaks, regardless of their faith, had a circulation of 14,000 copies, and after-wards reached 30,000 and became the most important Slovak newspaper in America.The rival newspaper, Furdek’s Catholic Jedinstvo reached 15,000. Both became themost influential among the 230 Slovak newspapers and magazines published at thetime.

In 1890, Rovnianek founded the National Slovak Society (Narodny slovensky spolok), abenevolent society established, like many other immigrants’ societies, in order to unitehis countrymen and help those in trouble. In his mission of uniting his countrymenhe also clashed with the exclusionist, but very influential Furdek, who founded theFirst Slovak Catholic Association (also in 1890). Despite the conflict, Rovnianek’sSociety had more than 200 branches and 6000 members in just a few years. But soon,

202 Ivan ^izmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice,Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994., str. 1.Radovan Tadej, In Search of The Lost People of Zlobin,Rijeka, 2006., str. 52.–53.

203 Martin Besedi~, unpublished text, Bratislava 2007

Tipi~an primorski ugo|aj (Hreljin), kr{evitkraj, mali posjedi i {krti urodi koji ~estostradaju od tu~e ili su{e. Jo{ u prvoj polovici19. stolje}a stanovnici su obli`njih krajeva ne-rijetko patili od – gladi. Prije kraja stolje}aodavde se po~inje masovno odlaziti uAmeriku.(Muzej grada Rijeke)

Typical coastal atmosphere, a carstic regionwith small plots of land and sparse yields thatoften fall victim to hail and droughts. In thefirst half of the 19th century the region oftensuffered from hunger. Before the end of thecentury, its inhabitants started emigrating toAmerica in great numbers. (Muzej grada Rijeke)


178

udruènje za samo nekoliko godina imalo oko 200 ogranaka i vi{e od 6000 ~lanova.No uskoro je ipak osnovana i “pomirbena” Matica slova~ka (1893.).U to je vrijeme Rovnianek po~eo skupljati i novac za potporu zato~enim i proganja-nim Slovacima u Ugarskoj.

Uz vaàn novinarski i dobrotvorni rad, Rovnianek je poznat i kao nov~arski posred-nik i iseljeni~ki agent ~ija sudbina usponom i padom nalikuje sudbini brojnihameri~kih iseljeni~kih bankara s po~etka 20. stolje}a.Ve} po~etkom 1890-ih Rovnianek se po~inje baviti slanjem nov~anih doznaka i proda-jom brodskih karata. Razvija poslove u Pittsburgu i New Yorku, a u Slova~koj najvi{eposluje s Tatra bankom. Uspjeh u pridobivanju povjerenja svojih zemljaka i velik pri-ljev sredstava poticali su ga, kao i mnoge druge bankare, na sve riskantnije poteze,izazivale ~este blokade njegove tvrtke te produènje rokova isplate ~ekova. Rovnianek, kojemu se nikako ne moè pripisati nacionalna zatvorenost i uskogrud-nost, uspijeva ~ak pridobiti i povjerenje Austrijanaca, Poljaka i Rusa, koji rado poslu-ju s njegovom tvrtkom.

No 1911. dolazi do kraha njegove tvrtke P. V. Rovianek & Co. i time do propastiu{te|evina desetaka tisu}a slova~kih iseljenika. Velike gubitke pretrpjela je i Tatrabanka u Slova~koj kojoj Rovnianek nikad nije mogao isplatiti vi{emilijunski dug.Osebujni novinar, domoljub, dobrotvor, agent i bankar potkraj ìvota pokazuje neuo-bi~ajen napor da vrati svoje dugove. Nakon poslovnog kraha odlazi u Kaliforniju uneuspje{nu potragu za zlatom!A svoj ìvot, uspjeh i pad opisuje u autobiografiji sumorna naslova Zapisky za ìvapochovaneho – Zapisi ìvog pokopanog!

Jozef Murga{ - slova~ki sve}enik i radiotelegrafist (Tajov, Slova~ka, 1864. – Wilkes Barre, 1929.)

Jozef (Joseph) Murga{ studira teologiju u Bratislavi, Ostrihomu i Banskoj Bystrici, a zasve}enika je zare|en 1888. godine.

204Od 1890. do 1893. studira u Munchenu, na tada

najuglednijoj akademiji likovnih umjetnosti u srednjoj Europi.

Nemiran, radoznao, nacionalno osvije{ten i zato proganjan, odlu~io je oti}i uAmeriku. Ukrcava se u Rotterdamu na parobrod Edam (Holland-America Line), a u New Yorkstiè 2. travnja 1896. Ve} 1901. postaje “naturalizirani Amerikanac”.Iako poslije nakratko odlazi u Europu, svoje mjesto vidi u Americi pa se vra}a u svojuameri~ku ùpu (putuje iz Le Havrea, 1920.).

Uz Matu{a Jankolu, [tefana Furdeka, Jozefa Martin~eka, Jana Stassa i evangeli~kogsve}enika Ludovika Novomeskyja, Murga{ pripada redu najistaknutijih slova~kihsve}enika. I njihove su ùpe, kao i Murga{ova, u Willkes Barru. Tu ùpu vodi oddolaska u Ameriku do smrti, od 1896. do 1929., stvoriv{i od nje va`no mjesto okup-ljanja, ohrabrenja, odgoja i obrazovanja. Jozef Murga{ osobito se trudi oko gospodarskog obrazovanja Slovaka u svojoj ùpi te,osim crkve, gradi i {kolu, knji`nicu i igrali{ta, a ure|uje i nekoliko slova~kih novina.

Neobi~na mu je i {irina interesa; uza zanimanje za religiozni ìvot Slovaka, za razvojnacionalne svijesti i stvaranje vlastite dràve, zanima ga i slikarstvo. No posebno seposve}uje radiotelegrafiji, kojoj znatno pridonosi svojim eksperimentima i patentima.

204 Martin Besedi~, neobjavljeni tekst, Bratislava2007.

Jozef Murga{, slova~ki sve}enik, studira islikarstvo na uglednoj akademiji uMünchenu. Samo pet godina nakon dolaskapostaje naturalizirani Amerikanac (1901.).Zanimanja su mu neobi~no {iroka –prosvje}uje Slovake, slika, bavi seradiotelegrafijom, izvodi eksperimente i dobi-va patente.(Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)

Jozef Murga{, a Slovak priest who also stud-ied painting at the prestigious Academy inMunich. As soon as five years after his arrival,he became a naturalized American (1901). Therange of his activity was unusually wide – heperformed religious services for Slovaks,painted, worked with radio-telegraphs, per-formed experiments and received patents.(Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)


179

the “pacifying” Matica slova~ka was established in 1893. In that period, Rovnianekstarted to collect money to help imprisoned and persecuted Slovaks in Hungary.

Besides his important journalistic and charitable works, Rovnianek also served as abanker and an agent, whose destiny, with its rise and fall, resembles many other sto-ries of immigrant bankers at the beginning of the 20th century. In the early 1890s hestarted transferring money orders and selling ship tickets. He developed his businessin Pittsburgh and New York, and in Slovakia he mostly worked with Tatra Bank. Hesuccessfully gained the trust of his countrymen and the money rolled in, whichencouraged him, like many other bankers, to make more risky deals. Rovnianek, whocannot be accused of nationalism and selfishness, managed to win the trust ofAustrians, Poles and Russians, who worked with his firm.

But in 1911 his company, P. V. Rovnianek & Co. crashed, and tens of thousands ofSlovak immigrants lost their savings. The crash also badly affected the Tatra Bank inSlovakia since Rovnianek could never return a few millions he owed. This peculiarjournalist, nationalist, benefactor, agent and banker showed towards the end of his lifea great effort to repay his debts. After his business failed, he went to California,searching for gold in vain. He described his life, his rise and fall in the autobiographywith a gloomy title: Zapisky za `iva pochovaneho – Notes from One Buried Alive.

Jozef Murga{ - Slovak Priest andTelegraphist(Tajov, Slovakia, 1864 – Willkes Barr, 1929)

Jozef (Joseph) Murga{ studied theology in Bratislava, Ostrihom and Banska Bystrica,and he became a priest in 1888.

204From 1890 to 1893 he studied in Munich, at the most

distinguished academy of arts in Central Europe. Restless, curious and abusedbecause of his strong national beliefs, he decided to go to America. In Rotterdam, heboarded the Edam (Holland-America Line) and arrived to New York on 2 April 1896.In 1901 he already became a “naturalised American.”

Although he went to Europe again for a short journey, he felt that his place remainedin America and he returned to his parish (he sailed from Le Havre in 1920).

Along with Matu{ Jankola, [tefan Furdek, Jozef Martin~ek, Jan Stass and the evangel-ical priest Ludovit Novomesky, Murga{ was one of the most prominent Slovak priestsin America. Their parishes, just like Murga{’, were located Wilkes Barre. He servedin the same parish from his arrival to America until his death (1896 – 1929), turning itinto an important meeting place for encouragement, care and education. He especial-ly focused on economic education of Slovaks in his parish, and he built, besides achurch, a school, a library and a few playgrounds, and he also edited Slovak newspa-pers.

He had a wide range of interests: religious life of Slovaks, development of nationalbeliefs, independence of their country, as well as painting. But he particularly likedtelegraphy, to which he contributed significantly with his experiments and patents.

204 Martin Besedi~, unpublished text, Bratislava 2007

Jozef Murga{ zajedno sa suradnicima u svomradiotelegrafskom laboratoriju u kojem jeiskazao svoje sposobnosti i postigao zapa`eneuspjehe.(Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)

Jozef Murga{ together with his co-workers inhis radio-telegraph laboratory, where heshowed his unusual capabilities and achievednoteworthy successes.(Slovenské národné múzeum, Bratislava)


180

Franjo Grèti} ne èli doma

Josip-Pepo Grèti} “Ivulov” (Joseph Grezetich, 1896.–1957.) iz Rukavca stiè u NewYork 20. travnja 1913. preko Southamptona, zajedno s pove}om grupom mje{tana idrugih Kastavaca.

205

Iako samo jedan od stotinu Hrvata i vrlo malo drugih iseljenika iz zemalja srednjeEurope, ide na obale Tihog oceana, onamo kamo idu gotovo svi rukava~ki iseljenici!I Pepo ide u Kaliforniju, kamo ga zove susjed Andre Tancabel – u Chisholm, krajCrescent Cityja, grada razvijena uz polukru`ni zaljev na zapadnoj obali Amerike.Zapo{ljava se i radi u jednom od rudnika po kojima je taj kraj bio poznat. No uskoro se rudnici po~inju gasiti, a biv{i se rudari sve vi{e bave ribarstvom i pre-radom ribe. Bez obzira na zalaz rudarstva, Pepo je marljivim radom stekao zgodnu ku}icu naobli`njem jezeru, koju je s ponosom fotografirao, a sliku poslao obitelji u Rukavac.Odlaskom u Ameriku spasio se od neima{tine pa je, zadovoljan svojom sudbinom,zauvijek ostao na obalama Pacifika.

U Kaliforniju dolaze i njegova sestra, “mrs. Kukich” (zapravo Francika Ku~i}), i bratFranjo. Franjo odlazi u ju`nije predjele, u Arcatu, gdje nalazi mno{tvo svojih mje{tana.Kada je sredinom 19. stolje}a u tim krajevima otkriveno zlato, brojni su europski use-ljenici pomutili mir doma}im Wyjotima, Indijancima koji su ìvjeli uza zaljev i obli`njajezera i rijeke, pokraj gustih starih {uma.Arcata i Eureka dva su grada u koja jedan za drugim dolaze brojni Rukav~ani.Oba su u Humboldtovu zaljevu kojemu je gornji dio (Arcata Bay) zatvoren poput je-zera. Gradovi smje{teni jedan nasuprot drugome – na sjeveru Arcata, a na juguEureka, sjedi{te pokrajine Humboldt County – ~vrsto su povezana “popre~nim”,morskim putom preko zaljeva oko kojega je poslije izgra|ena cesta.

Rukav~ani ovamo ne dolaze u potragu za zlatom.U doba njihova dolaska, na prijelomu stolje}a, “zlatna groznica” ve} je odavno zabo-ravljena, no zato je u punom jeku sje~a {uma divovskih sekvoja, koje nazivaju i “kali-fornijsko crveno drvo” ili “primorsko crveno drvo”, a doìve i vi{e od dvije tisu}egodina!

Franjo je radi{an kao i Pepo. Poput drugih sunarodnjaka, i on radi u {umama sekvo-ja. Kada je stekao ne{to u{te|evine oti{ao je ku}i, no poslije se ponovno vra}a.Zara|enim ameri~kim novcem kupuje i ku}u u Mihoti}ima u kojoj nakratko ìvi sobitelji, ènom Anom (ro|ena Kinkela) i dvjema k}erima, Verom i Milojkom.Kada posljednji put odlazi, Franjo i ne zna da mu je Ana opet zatrudnjela pa se 29.svibnja ukrcava u Trstu na Cosulichevu Vulcaniju, ne do~ekav{i ro|enje nasljednika –maloga Franje, ro|enog u velja~i 1930. godine. Nakon vi{e godina te{ka rada u {umi kona~no odlu~i raditi ne{to lak{e. Postaje brija~te po~inje bolje ìvjeti. Zove i obitelj da mu se pridruì, ali Ana ne èli oti}i iz svogaRukavca.A Franjo se vi{e ne èli – vratiti doma!

Godinama ga niti vi|aju niti do njih dopiru vijesti, a djeca rastu bez oca kojega i nepoznaju! Franjo se pred smrt ipak poèli vratiti. Kao ameri~ki dràvljanin treba vizu i zato 1961.obilazi jugoslavenski konzulat. Ali sre}a mu vi{e nije sklona; umire usred konzulata,ne do~ekav{i povratak u zavi~aj.

205 Podaci, fotografije i dokumenti: Nada Grèti}

Franjo Grèti} iz rije~ke okolice, iz Rukavca,za svojim bratom Pepom odlazi u Kaliforniju.Franjo radi u {umama sekvoje, no poslijeprelazi na lak{e poslove – postaje brija~.Posljednje mu se dijete, sin, rodilo nakon nje-gova odlaska i nikad ga nije vidio. Kada se,pod starost, kona~no htio vratiti, ~ekaju}i vizuumire u jugoslavenskom konzulatu.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Franjo Grèti} from Rukavac near Rijeka,went to California together with his brotherPepo. Franjo worked in the sequoia woods,but turned to easier work later – he became abarber. His last child, a son, was born after heleft home and he never saw him. When hefinally decided to return, an old man already,he died in the Yugoslav consulate while wait-ing for the visa.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)


205 Information, photographs and documents: NadaGrèti}181

Franjo Grèti} - Does Not Want to Return Home

Josip-Pepo Grèti} “Ivulov” (Joseph Grezetich, 1896 – 1957) came from Rukavac toNew York on 20 April 1913 through Southampton with a large group of his villagersand other people from Kastav. Although very few people from Croatia and the rest ofEastern Europe went to the West Coast, almost all immigrants from Rukavac wentthere.

Pepo went to California, too, where his neighbour Andre Tancabel invited him. Hewent to Chisholm, near Crescent City, a town in a crescent-shaped bay on the WestCoast. Pepo found work in one of the many mines in that area. But soon the minesstarted to close, and former miners turned to fishing. In spite of the decline of min-ing, Pepo managed to earn enough to buy a nice house on the nearby lake, which heproudly photographed and sent the picture to his family in Rukavac. When he left forAmerica, he saved himself from poverty; he became so happy with his destiny that heremained for good on the Pacific Coast.

His sister, “Mrs. Kukich” (Francika Ku~i}), and his brother, Franjo (1888 – 1961), alsocame to California. Franjo went south, to Arcata, where he found many of his vil-lagers. When gold had been discovered there in 1850, many European immigrantsrushed there and destroyed peace of the Wyots, the Native Americans who livedbeside the bay and near the lakes and rivers in the forest.

Arcata and Eureka were two towns that attracted many people from Rukavac. Theyare both situated in Humboldt Bay, the upper part of which, Arcata Bay, is closed likea lake. The towns stand opposite to one another – Arcata in the North and Eureka –the centre of Humboldt County – in the south. The sea connects them, with shipscrossing the bay. A road around the bay was built later.

People from Rukavac did not come there searching for gold. When they came at theturn of the 20th century, the Gold Rush had been long forgotten. But the hewing downof huge sequoias, giant redwoods two thousand years old, had begun in full swing.

A good worker, like Pepo, Franjo, along with other of his countrymen, worked in thesequoia forests. When he saved some money, Franjo came back home, but he soonreturned to America. With the money he earned, he bought a house in Mihoti}i inwhich he lived for a short time with his family: his wife Ana, née Kinkela, and twodaughters, Vera and Milojka. When he left for America, Franjo did not know that Anahad become pregnant again, so he boarded the Vulcania (Cosulich) in Trieste on 29May, not waiting for the birth of his son Franjo, born in February 1930.

After a few years of hard work in the forest, Franjo decided to do something easier.He became a barber, and started to live better. He invited his family to come and joinhim, but Ana did not want to leave Rukavac. And Franjo, on the other hand, did notwant to return home.

For years his family had not seen him nor received news, and the children grew upwithout their father whom they never had the chance to meet. However, before hisdeath, Franjo expressed his wish to come back. As an American citizen, he needed avisa and so he went to the Yugoslav consulate. But his luck deserted him: he diedthere, at the consulate, without seeing his home again.

205

Prizor iz {uma sekvoje u Kaliforniji gdje radiFranjo Grèti}. U zasjekotinu zadivljuju}ega,tek na~etog debla, smjestila se cijela grupadrvosje~a koji izgledaju kao patuljci me|ugorostasima. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

A scene from the sequoia woods in California,where Franjo Grèti} worked. A whole groupof lumberjacks took seat in the notch of themagnificent tree that they had only just begunto cut. They look like dwarfs among giants.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)


182

Kuharica Liza u New Yorku(Elizabeta Liza [kofic, Ljubno, [tajerska 1871. – New York 1919.)

Kuharica Liza ~etvrto je po redu dijete siroma{ne {tajerske obitelji, a za njom jo{ sli-jede dva brata i sestra.

206Otac joj umire kada joj je samo sedamnaest godina.

Jo{ prije o~eve smrti, oko 1896., starija sestra Tereza odlazi kod sestri~ne u New York.Stiè i Liza i sve tri djevojke rade kao slu{kinje i kuharice u “boljim obiteljima”.Tri se bliske ro|akinje nisu najbolje slagale – Liza nije voljela sestri~nu, a sestri je o{troprigovarala zbog lakoumnosti i rastro{nosti. Stroga je i prema sebi i prema svimaostalima. Previ{e radi, mu~no {tedi i {alje novac majci.Nakon vi{e godina rada sestre se kona~no 1910. vra}aju ku}i. Za Terezu je povratakkona~an. U Americi joj se, o~ito, nije dogodilo ni{ta zbog ~ega bi se vrijedilo vratiti.No Liza, unato~ teìni i jednoli~nosti ìvota slu{kinje i kuharice, ponovno odlazi uNew York: èli jo{ malo zaraditi.Iz pisama majci kojoj se obra}a s brigom i nje`no{}u, naslu}uje se da Liza ne uìva niu kakvim ìvotnim radostima. Zaokuplja je samo svakodnevica, uobi~ajeni poslovi udomu ìdovske obitelji s kojom se dobro slaè jer govori njema~ki.Ali nema prijatelja, ~ak ni prijateljice. Ostale je slu{kinje i kuharice u ku}i ne vole jer jei prema njima stroga i prigovara im rastro{nost.Liza je nepovjerljiva, sumnji~ava, zatvorena i neodlu~na. Iako se ~ini ravnodu{nom,katkad se, uz kriti~nost i suzdrànost prema ljudima iz okoline i uz iskrenu brigu zasvoju majku, u njezinim pismima javljaju i gotovo za~u|uju}i izljevi raspoloènja:“Sretnija sam od tisu}a udanih i stotina uzdràvanih èna. Moj po{teno zara|eni kruhje dobar. Nemam dovoljno rije~i za pohvalu.”Zadovoljna je vlastitom sobom u koju se moè povu}i u osamu, mjese~nom pla}om od45 dolara i u{te|evinom od 100 dolara koju uspijeva ste}i do po~etka 1916. godine.

Pomi{lja i na udaju – kupuje ~ak i vjen~anu haljinu, ali se ipak ne moè odlu~iti zaudovca kojemu zamjera preveliku sklonost pi}u.@ivotni put odjednom joj se stubokom mijenja. Tijekom rata postaje nemirna, nedosta-je joj dom i brine je maj~ina sudbina. Mu~e je bolesti, ìvci su joj sve slabiji, ìvotneneda}e sve ve}e, gubi i mijenja slu`be. Kona~no zavr{ava u bolnici i uskoro umire.Za sobom ostavlja srebrni sat, pone{to nakita i odje}e, lan~i} s krièm i krunicu.Ostavlja i dvije {tedne knjiìce, no lije~ni~ki nalaz pokazuje da je jadna Liza umrla od– pothranjenosti.

Frank Zotti - kralj Hrvata (Kotor, 1872. – Los Angeles, 1947.)

Franjo - Frank Zotti iz Boke kotorske dolazi u New York ve} kao sedamnaestogo-di{njak – 1889. godine.

207Budu}i da je poha|ao Pomorsku akademiju u Trstu i tamo

u~io engleski, brzo se uklju~io u ameri~ki na~in ìvota i uskoro postao najimu}nijipoduzetnik u hrvatskoj zajednici.Ve} 1890. pokre}e putni~ku agenciju koja ima ured na adresi Brodway 9, u bliziniBattery Parka, na jednom od najboljih poloàja za vo|enje takva posla. U vrijemevelikog useljeni~koga vala prodaja èljezni~kih i brodskih karata bila je unosan posao,uz koji je svojim tek pristiglim i jo{ zbunjenim sunarodnjacima spretno nudio i raznedruge usluga. Tako je i stekao njihovo povjerenje pa mu se agencija sve vi{e {iri i sveuspje{nije posluje te je 1893. po~eo hrvatskoj useljeni~koj zajednici pruàti i bankarskei pravne usluge.Imao je i poslovnice u Pittsburgu, Chicagu i drugim ve}im centrima hrvatske emi-gracije.Zna~ajan je prihod stekao od prodaje karata useljenicima iz Hrvatske i susjednihzemalja. Od 1900. do 1910. prodavao je otprilike 20.000 karata godi{nje. U vrijemenajve}ega uspona zvali su ga – kralj Hrvata!Njegova je banka postala veoma uspje{na i dobrim je dijelom, kao i sve druge bankekoje su se oslanjale na useljeni~ke zajednice svojih sunarodnjaka, bila va`na u

206 Marjan Drnov{ek, Kuharica Liza v New Yorku, uIzseljenec: ìvljenske zgodbe Slovencev po svetu. Muzejnovej{e zgodovine Slovenije, Ljubljana 2001., str.43.–46.

207 Ivan îzmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice,1894–1994., Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994.(poglavlje: Narodna hrvatska zajednica i Franjo Zotti– razdoblje velike krize, str. 49.–93.Maria D. Zic, Journal of Croatian Studies, sv. 36–37.

Kuharica Liza iz [tajerske u Sloveniji, odlazizajedno sa sestrom u New York gdje ihdo~ekuje sestri~na. Stroga je i prema sebi iprema drugima, zato i nije omiljena.Nepovjerljiva je i zato zauvijek osamljena iasketski suzdràna da ~im vi{e u{tedi. Nakraju i umire – od pothranjenosti!(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Liza, a cook from the Slovenian Lower Styria,emigrated to New York together with her sis-ter, where they were met by their cousin. Lizawas hard on herself and others, and not muchliked. She was mistrustful and, therefore,always alone and she was ascetic trying tosave as much as possible. In the end she died– of undernourishment!(In{titut za slovensko izseljenstvo ZRC SAZU,Ljubljana)

Frank Zotti, skroman do{ljak, brzo se snalaziu New Yorku i postaje vlasnik hrvatskih no-vina, agencije i banke. Najbogatiji Hrvat uAmerici ima i politi~ke ambicije i postajepredsjednik Hrvatske narodne zajednice(poslije Hrvatska bratska zajednica). No nakraju propada zajedno s u{te|evinama bro-jnih sunarodnjaka.(Maria D. Zic, New York)

Frank Zotti, a humble newcomer quickly sawhis way in New York and became the ownerof Croatian newspapers, an agency and bank.The richest Croat in the United States also hadpolitical ambitions and became president ofthe Croatian National Society (later CroatianFraternal Union). But in the end he wentbankrupt along with the savings of his manyfellow countrymen.(Maria D. Zic, New York)


183

Liza the Cook in New York(Elizabeta Liza [kofic, Ljubno, Lower Styria 1871 – New York 1919)

Liza had been the fourth child of a poor Lower Styrian family, followed by two broth-ers and a sister.206 Her father died when she was seventeen. Even before her father’sdeath, around 1896, her elder sister Tereza left to join her cousin in New York. Lizaarrived soon after her and the three girls worked as maids and cooks in “upper class”households. The cousins did not get along too well – Liza did not like her cousin, andshe scolded her sister for being rash and wasteful. She treated herself and everyoneelse harshly. She worked too hard, saved every penny and sent money to her mother.

After a few years of work, the sisters went home in 1910. Tereza stayed there for good.For her, nothing in America was worth going back to. But Liza, despite the hardshipsand dullness of a maid’s life, went back to New York to earn a bit more. From the let-ters to her mother, full of care and gentleness, one can see that Liza did not enjoy herlife at all. She became preoccupied only with everyday things, the day-to-day workin the home of a Jewish family she agreed with quite well because she spoke German.But she had no friends, not even female ones. The other maids and cooks at the housedid not like her because she of her harshness and her complaints of their wastefulness.Liza became wary, suspicious, reserved and indecisive. Although seemingly impas-sive, sometimes we find in her letters, along with her disapproval of and aloofnesstowards the people who surrounded her and her true care for her mother, some almostincredible spurts of emotions:

“I am more fortunate than thousands of married and hundreds of kept women. Myhonestly earned bread is good. I cannot praise it enough.”

She rested content with her own room in which she could retreat, her 45 Dollars amonth salary and the 100 Dollars she had saved by the beginning of 1916. She evenconsidered marriage – she bought a wedding gown, but still she could not accept awidower who provde to be too fond of drinking.

Her life changed dramatically at one point. During the war she became restless, shemissed home, and worried about her mother’s health. She became tortured by illness-es, her nerves became weaker, her troubles grew. She lost and changed jobs. Finally,she ended up in a hospital, where she soon died. She left a silver watch, some jew-ellery and clothes, a necklace with a cross pendant and a rosary. She also left two sav-ings books. However, the autopsy results showed that poor Liza died of malnutrition.

Frank Zotti - The King of the Croatians(Kotor, 1872 – Los Angeles, 1947)

Franjo – Frank Zotti came from Boka kotorska to New York at the age of seventeen, in1889.207 Since he attended the Naval Academy in Trieste and learned English there, hesoon accepted the American way of life and became the richest businessman in theCroatian community.In 1890 he established a ticket agency at 9 Broadway in Manhattan, near Battery Park,one of the best locations for that kind of business. During the great emigration wave,selling ship and railway tickets became a lucrative business. He offered many otherservices to his confused and newly arrived countrymen. He gained their trust and hisagency grew and became more successful. In 1893 he also started offering bankingand legal services to the Croatian community. He had branches in Pittsburgh, Chicagoand other bigger centres of Croatian emigration. He made a lot of money selling tick-ets to Croats and people from neighbouring countries. From 1900 to 1910 he soldapproximately 20,000 tickets a year. At the time of his biggest success, others calledhim the King of Croatians.His bank became very successful and, like other banks based on national immigrant

206 Marjan Drnov{ek, Kuharica Liza v New Yorku, inIzseljenec: `ivljenske zgodbe Slovencev po svetu. Muzejnovej{e zgodovine Slovenije, Ljubljana 2001., str.43.–46.207 Ivan ^izmi}, Povijest Hrvatske bratske zajednice,1894–1994., Golden marketing, Zagreb, 1994.(poglavlje: Narodna hrvatska zajednica i Franjo Zotti– razdoblje velike krize, str. 49.–93.Maria D. Zic, Journal of Croatian Studies, vol. 36–37.


184

dozna~ivanju useljeni~kog novca u domovinu. O velikome Zottijevu uspjehu i pov-jerenju {to ga je pridobio kod useljenika govori i procjena da je njegova banka prosli-jedila vi{e od polovice cjelokupne svote dozna~ene obiteljima u Hrvatskoj.Otvorio je i europsku filijalu u Baselu, [vicarska, glavnome kontinentalnomèljezni~kom ~vori{tu na putu prema francuskim, engleskim, belgijskim i nizozem-skim lukama, te je iseljenicima nudio karte za put preko Le Havrea, Cherbourga,Liverpoola, Southamptona i drugih atlantskih luka.

Da bi imao jo{ vi{e utjecaja te da moè jo{ bolje reklamirati svoje ve} razgranateusluge, preuzeo je 1898. Narodni list (osnovan 1895.) koji je u njegovo doba postao prvihrvatski dnevnik u Americi i dosegnuo nakladu od 24.000 primjeraka. Njegovkonkurent don Niko Gr{kovi}, “raspop” s Krka i prista{a Jugoslavenskog odbora uLondonu, istovremeno je, tako|er u New Yorku, izdavao Hrvatski svijet koji je dosti-zao jedva polovicu naklade Zottijevih novina – koje su gorljivo pristajale uzHabsburgovce.Na vrhuncu uspjeha poèlio je jo{ pro{iriti svoju mo} te je 1906. postao predsjednikutjecajnoga Hrvatskog nacionalnog dru{tva (Croatian National Society, osnovano1894.). Sljede}e je godine tome pridodao i velik financijski uspjeh – njegove su banke(Frank Zotti and Company) i agencije na svojim ra~unima imale oko 800.000 dolara usel-jeni~kog novca, a njegove su nekretnine i obveznice vrijedile skoro milijun dolara.

No za dvije je godine zbog velike financijske krize izazvane gospodarskim neda}ama,koja je 1907. zahvatila SAD, i on zapada u te{ko}e izazvane padom vrijednosti nje-govih dionica i obveznica te naglim porastom zahtjeva za isplatom uloga i {tednje –koji nisu mogli biti ispla}eni u kratkom roku. Okru`ni je sud u New Yorku 15. srpnja 1908. proglasio ste~aj banaka Frana Zotti & Co.u New Yorku, Pittsburghu i Chicagu. Banka je stavljena pod prisilnu likvidacijskuupravu koja je ustanovila da ima 8245 vjerovnika i da je na popisu dugovanja i429.447,44 dolara iseljeni~kog novca namijenjena slanju rodbini u Europu. Njegov je bankrot progutao u{te|evine tisu}a hrvatskih sunarodnjaka.

Nakon propasti Zotti je smijenjen s du`nosti glavnog predsjednika Hrvatske narodnezajednice i izba~en iz organizacije. Jo{ je godinama izdavao Narodni list, ali se nikadnije financijski oporavio. No poslije su njegovi sunarodnjaci uvidjeli da je on, iakoneko} najmo}niji, ipak samo jedan od brojnih hrvatskih i drugih bankara koji sunastradali u velikoj krizi. Nakon vi{e od pedeset godina u New Yorku, posljednjih je {est godina ìvota proìviou Kaliforniji.

“Franjo Zotti jedna je od najzanimljivijih, ali i najdubioznijih osoba na{eg iseljeni{tvauop}e. Od siromaha, pometa~a newyor{kih ulica, postao je bankar, {ifkarta{,brodovlasnik, najbogatiji hrvatski iseljenik uop}e, da bi na kraju umro kao siromah uAmerici”.

Ante Biankini - lije~nik, politi~ar i “kriminalni sociolog”(Stari Grad na Hvaru, 1860. – Chicago, 1934.)

Hrvatski lije~nik i politi~ar iz ugledne obitelji iz Staroga Grada na otoku Hvaru.208Od

~etiri brata, najstariji je Juraj, sve}enik, publicist i urednik Narodnog lista u Zadru,Petar Luka je agronom, Dinko pomorski kapetan, a najmla|i Ante je lije~nik i politi~ar.Nakon osnovne {kole u Starom Gradu, Ante zavr{ava talijansku gimnaziju u Zadru imedicinu u Be~u (1886.) gdje najprije radi kao lije~nik, potom nekoliko godina uStarom Gradu. @eni se 1893. pijanisticom Zlatom Albrecht, k}eri poznatogazagreba~kog tiskara.Zajedno sa Zlatom iseljava 1898. i odlazi u Chicago gdje radi kao suradnik znamenitakirurga J. B. Murphyja u Mercy Hospitalu (1898.–1916.). Primarijus je i kirurg u

208 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, 1, A – Bi,Jugoslavenski leksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1983., str.746.–747.EIIM, Josip [ilovi}, Uzroci zlo~ina, Zagreb, 1913.

Ante Biankini, lije~nik s otoka Hvara, odlazi uChicago i prou~ava pojavu i posljedice kri-minala i alkoholizma me|u hrvatskim rad-nicima. Postaje ugledan primarijus u bolnicite profesor na sveu~ili{tu, a vrlo je aktivan i uJugoslavenskom odboru u Londonu. Izdaje ivlastite novine za propagiranje ju`noslaven-skih ambicija, s ~ime upoznaje i predsjednikaWilsona.

Ante Biankini, a physician from the island ofHvar, left for Chicago, where he examined theemergence and consequences of crime andalcoholism among Croatian workers. Hebecame an eminent medical superintendantin the hospital, and a university professor,and he was very active in the YugoslavCommittee in London. He also published hisown newspaper to promote South Slavicambitions, which he even presented toPresident Wilson.


185

communities, it became important for sending money back home. A confirmation ofZotti’s success and the trust he gained is the estimate that his bank forwarded morethan half of the total sum sent to families in Croatia.

He opened his European office in Basel, Switzerland, which served as the main rail-way junction towards the French, English, Belgian and Dutch ports. He offered emi-grants tickets for journeys through Le Havre, Cherbourg, Liverpool, Southamptonand other Atlantic ports.

In order to have even more influence and to advertise his services in 1898 he took overthe Narodni list (established in 1895) which became in his time the first Croatian dailynewspaper in America and reached a circulation of 24,000 copies. His rival, Don NikoGr{kovi}, an ex-priest from Krk and future supporter of the Yugoslav Committee inLondon, published his Hrvatski svijet at the same time in New York, but it only reachedhalf of Zotti’s circulation, although Zotti’s newspapers supported the Habsburgs.

At the peak of his career he wanted to widen his power, so in 1906 he became the pres-ident of the influential National Croatian Society (established in 1894). The followingyear, he achieved a tremendous financial success – his banks, Frank Zotti & Co. andagencies had more than $800,000 of immigrants’ money in their accounts, and hiscompanies held assets and bonds were worth almost a million dollars.

But two years later, because of the financial crises caused by economic problemswhich hit the United States in 1907, Zotti faced trouble. His shares and bonds losttheir value, while requests for the withdrawal of savings grew, though they could notbe paid in a short period of time.The County Court in New York declared Frank Zotti & Co. in New York, Pittsburghand Chicago bankrupt on 15 July 1908. The liquidators announced that it had 8245creditors and owed $429,447.44 of immigrants’ money that had been earmarked to besent to Europe. His bankruptcy swallowed the savings of thousands of Croatian emi-grants.After his fall, Zotti lost his seat as National Croatian Society and thrown out of it. Hepublished the Narodni list for many more years, but he never prospered again.Afterwards his countrymen realized that, although he was the most powerful, he wasjust one of the bankers destroyed by the great crisis. After more than fifty years inNew York, he spent the last six years of his life in California.

“Franjo Zotti had been one of the most interesting, but also most dubious Croatianimmigrants ever. From a poor man, the sweeper of the streets of New York, he becamea banker, agent, ship-owner and the richest Croatian immigrant, only to die as a poorman in America.”

Ante Biankini – Physician, Politician and“Criminal Sociologist”(Stari Grad on Hvar, 1860 – Chicago, 1934)

Biankini was a Croatian physician and politician from an eminent family from StariGrad on the island of Hvar.208 He had been the youngest of four brothers. The eldest,Juraj, became a priest, publisher and editor of Narodni list in Zadar, while Petar Lukabecame an agronomist, and Dinko a ship captain.

After primary school in Stari Grad, he finished Italian grammar school in Zadar, andstudied medicine in Vienna. He graduated in 1886 and worked as a physician first inVienna and then in Stari Grad. In 1893 he married Zlata Albrecht, a pianist and adaughter of a renowned printer from Zagreb.He and Zlata emigrated to America in 1898. They went to Chicago, where he workedas an associate of a famous surgeon, J. B. Murphy at the Mercy Hospital from 1898 to

208 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, 1, A – Bi, Jugoslavenskileksikografski zavod, Zagreb, 1983., str. 746.–747.EIIM, Josip [ilovi}, Uzroci zlo~ina, Zagreb, 1913.


186

Columbus Hospitalu (1904.–1906.) te docent kirurgije na Northwestern University(1900.–1915.). Kao hrvatski iseljeni~ki politi~ar zalaè se za oslobo|enje i ujedinjenje ju`noslaven-skih naroda te postaje i predsjednik Jugoslavenskoga narodnog odbora u SAD-u(1915.), predsjednik Jugoslavenskoga narodnog vije}a u Washingtonu (1916.). i ~lanJugoslavenskog odbora u Londonu (1916.). Sam financira i izdaje listove Hrvatska zas-tava (1914.–1916.) i Jugoslavenska zastava (1917.–1918.), oba u Chicagu. I predsjednikaW. Wilsona upoznaje s ju`noslavenskim ambicijama i dobiva njegovu podr{ku.

Bavi se i istraìvanjem eutanazije kao “opravdanog usmr}ivanja”, problemima alko-holizma i kriminala uzrokovanog socijalnim okolnostima (objavljuje Kriminalnu soci-ologiju, Zagreb 1909.), uglavnom na primjerima iseljenih Hrvata, te upoznavanjemHrvatske s Amerikom (Amerikanski na~in uzgoja i {kolstva, Zadar 1910., Amerika zaJugoslaviju, Split 1926.). Zanima se i za neke najop}enitije eti~ke i spoznajne teme(Upoznavanje samoga sebe, Zagreb 1913.).Ante Biankini vi{e puta dolazi u Europu i u Stari Grad (1910., 1914. i 1920.). I medicin-ska praksa i istraìva~ki rad ~vrsto su mu ukotvljeni u Americi, a politi~ka djelatnostvezana uz staru domovinu.

Frane Lu~i} Borinov i njegova obitelj(Mar~elji, 1859. – Mar~elji, 1940.)

Frane je odrastao u velikoj obitelji u ùpaniji Mar~elji, u blizini Rijeke, u ku}iBorinovih, kraj Ronjgi, u tada posve uobi~ajenoj i tipi~noj kastavskoj selja~koj ku}i,duga~koj prizemnici koju se nazivalo “pozemujka” – u jednom je dijelu stanovalaobitelj, u drugom – krava.

209

Stambeni je dio ku}e imao dvije sobe i veliku kuhinju s ognji{tem, ogra|enim izatvorenim posebnom drvenom pregradom da ga se za{titi od propuha i izdvoji odostatka kuhinje. Osim u sobama, spavalo se i na tavanu u koji se iz kuhinje dolazilo ljestvama; naj~e{}esu se tamo uvla~ila djeca.U kuhinji se pak, nakon svakodnevnoga te{koga rada, nave~er ìvot odvijao okovelikoga niskog stola s klupama, za koji su sjedali svi uku}ani i jeli iz velike zemljanezdjele nasred stola. Naj~e{}i je obrok u ta vremena bila obi~na kukuruzna ka{a.

Kada se Frane oènio Katom (Katarina, ro|ena Jugo iz obli`njih Baru{i}i-Lu~i}i,1857.–1938.), morao je oti}i iz rodne ku}e u podstanare (govorilo se tada – “na fit”).Potkraj stolje}a obitelj se pove}ala pa se morao brinuti o prehranjivanju tada ve}desetero~lane obitelji.

Prvi je put otputovao preko Atlantika 1899. godine. Otputio se na jug u City of Pueblo,Colorado, i radio u kamenolomu. Bio je obi~an teàk, bez ikakva zanata, pa se i nijemogao nadati ne~emu boljemu.S malom se u{te|evinom vratio 1903. u rodni kraj. Uspio je dobiti op}insko zemlji{teu Mari}evoj Dragi i uskoro je podignuo vlastitu ku}u. Potro{iv{i novac, ponovno odlazi u Ameriku – da zaradi za dogradnju i pro{irenjeku}e.Ukrcava se 20. svibnja 1905. u Le Havreu na parobrod Montreal u vlasni{tvu kompani-je French Line (Compagnie Générale Transatlantique) i stiè u New York 3. lipnja.Na popisu putnika naveden je kao Franz Lucic, u dèpu ima 22 dolara i ovaj put, napoziv prijatelja Antona Mladeni}a, ide na sjever, u Gladstone, dràva Michigan.Odlazi i tre}i put, i ukrcava se u Le Havreu na parobrod La Savoie, a u New York stiè7. svibnja 1910. Bio je to ujedno zadnji put. Od u{te|evine je izgradio {ternu i urediovrtove oko ku}e.Njegove se unuke i danas prisje}aju obiteljskih pri~a i djedove ku}e te kako su se okoku}e na kr{evitoj uzvisini gradili kameni suhozidi (“prezidi”) i kako su djeca sudjelo-vala u ure|enju vrta, te u ko{arama nosili zemlju iz obli`njeg dolca.

209 Podaci i slike: nasljednici obitelji Lu~i} – ZdenkaNovosel i Nevenka Pizzul, RijekaEllis Island Museumof Immigration

Frane Lu~i} Borinov, iz Mar~elji kod Kastva,prvi put putuje u Ameriku 1899. i to uColorado, u City of Pueblo, na rad ukamenolomu. Vra}a se, no jo{ dvaput odlazi uAmeriku kako bi mogao izgraditi ku}u i cis-ternu te urediti vrtove oko ku}e.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Frane Lu~i} Borinov, from Mar~elji nearKastav, travelled to America for the first timein 1899. He went to Colorado, to the City ofPueblo, to work in a quarry. He returnedhome, but the expenses of building a houseand a water tank and decorating his gardenmade him leave for America two more times.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)


187

1916. He was the head doctor and surgeon in Columbus Hospital and assistant pro-fessor of surgery at Northwestern University (1900 – 1915).As a Croatian immigrant politician he spoke in favour of the liberation and unificationof the Southern Slavs. He became the president of the Yugoslav National Committeein the United States (1915), president of the Yugoslav National Board in Washington(1916) and a member of Yugoslav board in London (1916). He financed and the pub-lished magazines Hrvatska zastava (1914 – 1916) and Jugoslavenska zastava (1917 – 1918),both in Chicago. He informed President Woodrow Wilson about the ambitions ofSouthern Slavs and got his support.He researched euthanasia as a “justified means of putting someone to death,” alco-holism and criminal behaviour caused by social circumstances (he published CriminalSociology, Zagreb 1909), usually taking Croatian immigrants as examples. He alsoworked on introducing Croatia to America (American way of upbringing and education,Zadar 1910, America for Yugoslavia, Split 1926). He also expressed interest in some gen-eral ethical and cognitive subjects (Knowing yourself, Zagreb 1913). Biankini visitedEurope and Stari Grad a few times, in 1910, 1914, and 1920. His medical practice andhis research became firmly anchored in America, and his political activity remainedconnected with his old country.

Frane Lu~i} Borinov and His Family(Mar~elji, 1859 – Mar~elji, 1940)

Frane grew up in a big family in Mar~elji near Rijeka, in the Borinov house in Ronjgi.The house represented a typical village house in the Kastav area, a long single-floorbuilding called “pozemujka.” The family lived at one end, and a cow at the other. 209

The living area had two rooms and a big kitchen with a fireplace surrounded with aspecial wooden screen to protect it from drafts and separate it from the rest of thekitchen. People slept in the rooms and in the attic which could be reached by the stairsfrom the kitchen – usually the children climbed up there. Social life centred on thekitchen. After a day of hard work, the family would gather around a low table withbenches. They all ate from a large earthenware bowl in the middle of the table, usual-ly eating plain cornmeal.

When Frane married Kata (Katarina née Jugo from the nearby Baru{i}i-Lu~i}i, 1857 –1938), he had to leave his family house and rent a place to live (it was called “na fit”).By the end of the century, the family had grown and he had ten mouths to feed.He first sailed over the Atlantic in 1899. He went south to Pueblo, Colorado andworked at a quarry. A peasant with no skills, he could not hope for something better.He came back in 1903 with some savings. He managed to get some communal landin Mari}eva Draga and soon he built his own house. After he spent his money, hereturned to America again – to earn enough to enlarge his house. He boarded theMontreal (French Line – Compagnie Generale Transatlantique) on 20 May 1905 in LeHavre and arrived in New York on 3 June. The passenger manifesto lists him as FranzLucic. He had 22 Ddollars and this time, and, at the invitation of his friend AntonMladeni}, he went north, to Gladstone, Michigan. He went to America for a third andlast time with the La Savoie from Le Havre, arriving in New York on 7 May 1910. Heused his savings to build a well and gardens around the house.

His granddaughters still remember family stories: grandfather’s house, stone walls(“prezidi”) on limestone hill, children working in the garden and carrying earth inbaskets from a nearby sinkhole.Unlike his sons, Frane returned to Mari}eva Draga for good after his third journey. Helived peacefully with Kata, worked in his garden and sometimes, even when he wasold, he earned his wages working on the roads in Kastav.

209 Information and photographs: descendants of theLu~i} family – Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul,Rijeka

Kata Lu~i}, Franetova `ena, s k}erima udvori{tu ispred nove ku}e izgra|ene“ameri~kim” novcem. Od osmero djece, ~etirisu joj sina iselila u Ameriku i nikad ih vi{e nijevidjela. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul,Rijeka)

Kata Lu~i}, wife of Frane, with her daughtersin the yard in front of her new house builtwith “American money”. Out of her eightchildren, four sons emigrated to America andshe never saw them again. (Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)


188

Za razliku od sinova, otac Frane nakon tre}ega boravka u Americi zauvijek se vra}aku}i, u Mari}evu Dragu, ìvi mirno s Katom, radi u svome “gruntu”, a katkad, ~ak i uvisokoj dobi, zara|uje nadnicu rade}i na cestama Kastav{tine.

Sinovi obitelji Lu~i}. Izme|u 1885. do 1900. u domu Frane i KateLu~i} u ùpaniji Mar~elji (Halubje, nadomak Rijeci) ro|eno je osmero djece koju nijebilo lako prehraniti – Dolfo (Rudolf), Frane (Franjo), Tone (Anton), Vicenco, Benjamin,Marija, Pepa (Josipa) i Albina.

210

Najmla|i od njih, mali Benjamin, ro|en je kada je glava obitelji Frane, u potrazi zazaradom, ve} oti{ao u Ameriku kamo su prije njega odlazili i drugi iseljenici iz teùpanije.

Frani i Kati odlaze u Ameriku i ~etiri sina i – nikad se vi{e ne}e vratiti.Najstariji sin Dolfo (Rudolf Lusic, 1885.–1951.), odlazi u Hamburg i 4. oùjka 1905.ukrcava se na parobrod Roland, u vlasni{tvu sjevernonjema~kog Lloyda. U New Yorkstiè 25. oùjka i potom odlazi u Colorado – na brodskoj listi putnika navedeno je daide kod strica Frane Sar{ona.

Tone (Anthon, ro|en 1890. - umro oko 1980.) ukrcava se u Le Havreu na brod Floridei stiè u New York 31. sije~nja 1910. Sin Frane (Frank T. Lusic, 1893.–1962.) dolazi za svega nekoliko mjeseci. Zajedno socem ukrcava se u Le Havreu (parobrod La Savoie) i stiè u New York 7. svibnja 1910.îni se da je Vicenco, najmla|i od obiteljskih iseljenika, stigao poslije.Tako se gotovo cijela mu{ka polovica obitelji na{la u Pueblu i potom u ColoradoSpringsu u Coloradu, gdje su i sinovi radili u kamenolomu. Dolfo i Franjo ovdje suìvjeli do smrti, a Tone je poslije preselio u Cleveland u Ohiju.

Sinovi su, me|utim, postali Amerikanci. Nakon kamenoloma, radili su u ~eli~anama iu tvornici bicikla. Jedan je od njih otvorio vlastiti restoran. Oènili su se djevojkama izdomovine, dvojica Kastavkama, tre}i Slovenkom, i odgajali djecu. Najmla|i i najnesretniji, Vicenco, nije se ni oènio ni poìvio. Upao je u lo{e dru{tvo ipoginuo u bijegu, iska~u}i iz jure}ega vlaka.

Otkad su kao jo{ nedozreli mladi}i oti{li u Ameriku, njihova majka Kata vi{e nikadanije vidjela svoje sinove i nikada nije upoznala svoje ameri~ke unuke.

Imu}ni gostioni~ar Nick i sirota Ana Verzuh

Tko je Nick Verzuh i kada je stigao u Ameriku?

Njegovo ime znamo jedino zato {to je ispisano velikim slovima na fotografijamapro~elja njegova saloona koji je, zajedno sa slikom unutra{njosti svoje udobno oprem-ljene gostionice, poslao svojima u Gorski kotar.

211Slike su sa~uvali daleki nasljednici

do kojih o Nicku nisu doprle nikakve vijesti. Moèmo tek naga|ati koji je me|u onimakoji stoje pred ulazom, kao i na drugoj slici me|u onima kraj {anka, ponosni gos-tioni~ar.Stoji li na radnomu mjestu ili se radije pokazuje kao gospodin s uvjerljivim br~inamai {e{irom? No sigurno je da je zadovoljan svojim ameri~kim uspjehom!

Verzuh je rijetko prezime. Svega je sedam puta zabiljeèno na listama iseljenika koji suu razdoblju od 1892. do 1924. stizali na Ellis Island.No na tom popisu nema Nikole-Nicka. Zna~i da stiè ranije ili se iskrcava u nekoj dru-goj luci, mo`da u Philadelphiji, Baltimoreu ili Bostonu.

Verzuhi u Ameriku dolaze iz Gorskog kotara – najprije majka s djecom, nekolikomjeseci potom Anton iz Severina putuje u Colorado, a nakon vi{e godina stiè jo{samo jedan momak.Pa`nju ipak privla~i sirota Ana u dobi od 36 godina.

210 Podaci i slike: nasljednici obitelji Lu~i} – ZdenkaNovosel i Nevenka Pizzul, RijekaEllis Island Museum of Immigration

211 Podaci i slike: Egon Hreljanovi}, Rijeka

Dolfo Lu~i}-Borinov odlazi 1905. u Hamburg,ukrcava se na parobrod Sjeveronjema~kogLloyda i odlazi u Ameriku, u Pueblo i potom uColorado Springs, gdje mu je ve} bio otac. USAD-u postaje Rudolf Lusic i radi ukamenolomu kao i otac. Dolfo se èni djevo-jkom iz svoga kraja. Kao dokaz da se uAmerici snalazi podosta dobro ponosno {aljeu zavi~aj sliku svoje obitelji pred vlastitimFordom.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Dolfo Lu~i}-Borinov went to Hamburg in1905, got on board of a North German Lloydsteamship and emigrated to America, toPueblo, and then to Colorado Springs, wherehis father was already living. In the US hebecame Rudolf Lusic and worked, just as hisfather, in a quarry. Dolfo married a girl fromhis region. As a proof that he was doing verywell in America, he proudly sent home a pic-ture of his family in front of his Ford.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

Gostionica, saloon Nicka Verzuha iz Gorskogkotara, podignuta u malom mjestu EastHeleni, Montana. Je su li se kod njega okupilii ostali ~lanovi obitelji, mo`da sirota Ana s~etvero djece? U svakom slu~aju, u Gorskomkotaru danas vi{e nema obitelji Verzuh.(Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

The “Saloon” of Nick Verzuh from GorskiKotar, built in the small town of East Helenain Montana. Did also the other members of hisfamily, maybe poor Ana with four children,come to live with him? In any case, there areno Verzuhs left in Gorski Kotar today.(Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)


189

The Sons of the Lu~i} Family. Between 1885 and 1900 Franeand Kata Lu~i} in the Mar~elji (Halubje, near Rijeka) had eight children: Dolfo(Rudolf), Frane (Franjo), Tone (Anton), Vicenco, Benjamin, Marija, Pepa (Josipa) andAlbina – they found it difficult to feed them all.210 The youngest one, little Benjaminhad been born when the head of the family, Frane, had already gone to America seek-ing his fortune, just like other emigrants from that village.

Four of Frane and Kata’s sons went to America never to return. The oldest one, Dolfo(Rudolf Lusic, 1885 – 1951) went to Hamburg and on 4 March 1905 boarded the Roland(Lloyd). He arrived in New York on 25 March and went to Colorado – in the passen-ger list it is recorded that he went to join his uncle Frane Sar{on. Tone (Anthon, 1890– 1980) boarded the Florida in Le Havre and arrived in New York on 31 January 1910.

Frane (Frank T. Lusic, 1893 – 1962) came only a few months later. Together with hisfather, he boarded the La Savoie in Le Havre and arrived in New York on 7 May 1910.It seems that Vicenco, the youngest of the family’s emigrants, came later. Thereforealmost the whole male half of the family came to Pueblo and then Colorado Springsin Colorado, where the sons worked at the quarry too. Dolfo and Franjo stayed therefor good, and Toni moved to Cleveland, Ohio.

The sons became Americans. After the quarry, they worked in steel mills and a bicy-cle factory. One opened a restaurant. They married girls from their homeland; twofound girls from Kastav, one a girl from Slovenia, and raised their children. Theyoungest and the least fortunate, Vicenco, neither married nor lived long. He fell intobad company and got killed as a fugitive, jumping off a train.

They all left as young men and their mother, Kata, never saw them again nor met herAmerican grandchildren.

The Rich Innkeeper Nick and the Poor Ana Verzuh

Who was Nick Verzuh and when did he come to America?

We know his name only because we see it in the photographs of his saloon, written inbig letters above the door. He sent those photographs, along with ones showing thecomfortable interior of his saloon, to his family in Gorski kotar.211 His descendantssaved the photographs but know nothing about Nick. We can only guess which of themen standing on the porch or leaning on the bar in the saloon could be the proudowner. Is he shown as a worker, or as a gentleman with big moustache and hat? Wecan only be sure that he was satisfied with his American success.

Verzuh is a rare surname. Only eight Verzuhs can be found in the passenger lists inEllis Island between 1892 and 1924, none of whom are Nick. That means that that heeither arrived earlier, or that he had disembarked in some other port: Philadelphia,Baltimore or Boston. Verzuhs came to America from Gorski kotar. The first arrivalsconsisted of a mother with her children. A few moths later, Anton Verzuh fromSeverin arrived, on his way to Colorado, and thereafter just one young man.

Our attention is drawn to poor Ana, who arrived at the age of 36. The passenger listsmisspell her place of origin as “Roudal”. Ana boarded the La Bretagne in Le Havre on29 December 1900 and arrived in New York on 7 January 1901. The passenger listreveals that she had been housewife and that she had 36 Dollars – an amount equal toher age. Her neighbour, Marija Grguri} (23), accompanied her, but oddly no mentionis made of her husband or her children who travelled with her – Joso (15), Ana (13),Tereza (5) and little Danica then only two and a half years old. Mother and children

210 Information and photographs: descendants of theLu~i} family – Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul,Rijeka

211 Information and photographs: Egon Hreljanovi},Rijeka,

Obitelj Lu~i} – otac Frane, majka Kata iosmero djece. Gotovo polovica obitelji odlaziu Ameriku. Osim oca, svi ostaju u SAD-u,jedino pod starost dolaze u posjet rodnomkraju.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

The Lu~i} family – father Frane, mother Kataand eight children. Almost half of the familyemigrated to America. Besides the father,everybody stayed in the US and visited theirhomeland only in old age.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)


190

Mjesto prebivanja iz kojega dolazi navedeno je pogre{no kao Roudal! Ana se 29. pro-sinca 1900. ukrcava u Le Havreu na parobrod La Bretagne i stiè u New York 7. sije~nja1901. godine.Na listi putnika upisana je kao ku}anica, s 36 dolara u dèpu. Koliko godina ìvota –toliko dolara!S njom je u dru{tvu i susjeda Marija Grguri} (23), no upadljivo je da Ana ne spominjemuà, a ima brojnu djecu – Josu (15), Anu (13), Terezu (5) i Danicu koja ima samodvije i pol godine. Majka i djeca odlaze kod {urjaka i strica u jedno od naj~e{}ih odre-di{ta hrvatskih iseljenika – u Pittsburg, Pensilvanija.

Od kakve nevolje Ana bjeì?[to joj se dogodilo s muèm, ocem brojne djece? Nastradao u nesre}i? Propio se,zapostavlja i zlostavlja obitelj?I tko je {urjak kojemu povjerava spas svoje djece? Je li to imu}an, ali mo`da osamljeniNick? Moèmo jedino naga|ati.Ako su ona i djeca doista do{li Nicku, zna~i da su se u me|uvremenu vjerojatno iznaseljenih i visokoindustrijaliziranih krajeva sjeveroistoka SAD-a preselili naran~erski sjeverozapad, me|u krave i “kravare”.

Planinski predjeli Montane posljednje su indijansko uto~i{te. Nakon kona~nozavr{enih ratnih sukoba i brojnih ~arki, krajem stolje}a iz tog podru~ja odlazi vojska,a u biv{im utvrdama osnivaju se {kole za industrijsku obuku mladih Indijanaca(1892.) koje vlasti èle uklopiti u moderni ìvot.Iako rodom iz Gorskog kotara, Nicka vjerojatno ne privla~e toliko gorski predjelikoliko pogodnost da tu izgradi svoj saloon. Montana je tada zemlja velikih ran~eva ibrojnih kauboja, omiljenih gostiju takvih okupljali{ta, no i kraj do kojega dopire razvojindustrije.

Trinaest godina poslije sirote Ane, u Ameriku dolazi sedamnaestogodi{nji RudolfVerzuh, tako|er iz ne~itko ispisanog mjesta u “Austriji” (Pinowae?).U New York stiè 21. velja~e 1913. brodom iz Le Havrea i odlazi u East Helenu,Montana – stricu Nicku Verzucku! Tko bi to mogao biti ako ne onaj ponosni vlasniksaloona!

Je su li se ~lanovi goranske obitelji Verzuh okupili i skrasili u East Heleni u Montani?

“Tarzanova” obitelj Weissmüller(Szabadfalu/Freidorf, Rumunjska, 1904. – Acapulco, Meksiko, 1984.)

Glasoviti Tarzan – Janos ili Johann, najpoznatiji kao Johnny Weissmüller, ro|en je1904. u banatskom gradi}u Szabadfalu u kojem je i kr{ten

212. U tom su jugozapadnom

predgra|u Temi{vara nekad ìvjeli Nijemci pa je nakon odlaska Ma|ara i prozvannjema~kim imenom Freidorf, kako se i danas zove.

Njegovi roditelji, Peter Weissmüller i Elisabeth Kersch, upoznali su se 1902.; on je sat-nik u austrougarskoj domobranskoj vojsci, a ona radi u tvornici duhana. Vjen~ali su se1903. u katoli~koj crkvi i uskoro dobili sina. Obitelj je njema~ka pa se, iako je kr{tenkao Janos, zapravo zove Peter Johann. Nezadovoljni uvjetima ìvota, roditelji odlu~uju iseliti u Ameriku pa svi zajednoodlaze u Rotterdam i 14. sije~nja 1905. ukrcavaju se na istoimeni parobrod (tre}i poredu od ~etiri broda istoga imena u floti Holland America Linea) i stiù u New York 26.sije~nja.

Peter ho}e u Chicago, no najprije odlaze u Windber u Pensilvaniji gdje ve} ìvi njegov{urjak Johann Ott. Bio je to tada industrijski gradi} s rudnikom ugljena, stotinjak kilo-metara udaljen od Pittsburgha.U nadi da }e jednoga dana otvoriti pivnicu, Peter se prihva}a te{kih poslova, me|uostalim i prekovremenoga rada u rudniku. Iste se godine Peteru i Elisabethi ra|a i

Johnny Weissmüller, vi{estruki olimpijskipobjednik u plivanju, bio je najpopularnijiTarzan na filmskom platnu. Njema~kog jepodrijetla, no ro|en je u Temi{varu (u ~etvrtinjema~kog imena Freidorf). Kada njegoviodlu~uju iseliti, malom je Johannu sveganekoliko mjeseci.(Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

Johnny Weissmuller, repeated Olypic champi-on in swimming, was the most popularTarzan on the big screen. He was of Germanorigin, but born in Timisoara (in a districtwith the German name Freidorf). When hisfamily decided to emigrate, little Johann wasonly a couple of months old.(Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

212 Jovana Iveti}, neobjavljeni tekst, Novi Sad 2008.;Johnny Weissmüller Jr., William Reed, W. Crais Reed,Tarzan my father, Toronto, 2002.; Johnny WeissmülerAusstellung zum 100 Geburstag, DonaushwabischesZentralmuseum Ulm, 2004.


191

went to her brother-in-law, to one of the most common destinations of Croatian immi-grants – Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.

What was Ana running from? What happened to her husband, the father of their chil-dren? Was he killed in an accident? Did he start drinking and neglecting and molest-ing his family? Who was the brother-in-law, in whose hands she put the welfare ofher children? Was it perhaps rich but lonely Nick? We can only guess.

Thirteen years after poor Ana, seventeen-year-old Rudolf Verzuh arrived in America,also from an illegible place in “Austria” (“Pinowae”?). He arrived to New York on 21February from Le Havre and went to East Helena, Montana – to his uncle NickVerzuh! Who else could it be but the proud owner of the saloon?

The mountains of Montana had become the last refuge of Native Americans. After thewars and skirmishes ended, the army left that area at the end of the 19th century, theforts became schools for the technical education of young Indians (1892), whom thegovernment wanted to fit into the modern world.

Although he came from the mountainous Gorski kotar, Nick probably did not find themountains as attractive as the opportunity to build his own saloon. Montana was acountry of big ranches and many cowboys, the favourite clients of such places, but italso had growing industry.

Were the members of the Verzuh family united in Montana in the end and did theyremain there?

Tarzan’s Family – the Weissmullers(Szabadfalu/Freidorf, Romania, 1904 – Acapulco, Mexico, 1984)

The famous Tarzan – Janos or Johan Weissmuller, known as Johnny Weissmuller, wasborn in 1904 in the small town of Szabadfalu in Banat, where he was baptized.212

Szabadfalu is a suburb of Timisoara, with a large German population (it is known asFreidorf in German).

His parents, Peter Weissmuller and Elisabeth Kersch met in 1902. Peter had been acaptain in the Austro-Hungarian army, while she worked in a tobacco factory. Theymarried in 1903 in the Catholic Church, and soon she gave birth to a son. Althoughbaptized as Janos, his real, German name was Peter Johann. Unsatisfied with their liv-ing conditions, his parents decided to emigrate to America. The whole family went toRotterdam and on 14 January 1905 they boarded the Rotterdam (the third of the fourships with the same name in the Holland America Line fleet). They arrived in NewYork on 26 January.

Peter wanted to go to Chicago, but they first went to Windber in Pennsylvania, wherehis brother-in-law, Johann Ott lived. It was a small industrial town with a coal mine,a hundred kilometres from Pittsburgh. Dreaming of opening a pub, Peter workedhard, doing overtime in the coal mine. That same year he and Elisabeth had anotherson, Peter (1905). The Weissmullers soon moved to Chicago, where Peter, in coopera-tion with Keely’s Brewery, opened a pub, and Elisabeth started working as a cook at theTurn-Verein society.

But the family’s fortune soon soured. Peter spent too much money and he fell intodebt, and the situation at home culminated in his departure in 1916. Elisabeth becameso distressed that she could not admit that her husband had left her. She claimed thathe had tuberculosis, and two years after she said that he had died, although he actu-ally died a few years later, in 1925. 212 Jovana Iveti}, unpublished text, Novi Sad 2008.;

Johnny Weissmuller Jr., William Reed, W. Crais Reed,Tarzan my father, Toronto, 2002.; Johnny WeissmülerAusstellung zum 100 Geburstag, DonaushwabischesZentralmuseum Ulm, 2004.

Brod Rotterdam kojim je iz luke Rotterdamiselila obitelj Weissmüler, na ulazu u lukuNew York.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)

The Rotterdam on which the Weissmuller fam-ily emigrated from the Rotterdam harbour,shown here when entering the New York har-bour.(Donaushwabisches Zentralmuseum Ulm)


192

drugi sin, nazvan Peter (1905.). Weissmülleri uskoro sele u Chicago gdje otac, u surad-nji s kompanijom Keely’s Brewery, doista otvara pivnicu, a majka se zapo{ljava kaokuharica u udruènju Turn-Verein.

No obiteljska sre}a brzo biva pomu}ena – zbog Peterova rasipni~kog ìvota pivnicazapada u dugove, a u ku}i vladaju razmirice koje }e 1916. prouzro~iti o~ev odlazak.Elisabeth je toliko pogo|ena da ne priznaje da ju je suprug napustio, ve} tvrdi da jebolestan od tuberkuloze, a nakon dvije godine izjavljuje da je umro, iako zapravoumire tek nekoliko godina poslije (ro|en oko 1878., umro1925). Napu{tena Elisabeth na}i }e se u oskudici pa djeca moraju raditi.

Uz redovito poha|anje {kole, Johann ve} u dvanaestoj godini radi u hotelu kao liftboy. U to mu je doba lije~nik savjetovao da zbog lo{ega zdravlja po~ne – plivati. Vrlo brzo,s jedva ~etrnaest godina, postaje najmla|i prvotimac u klubu YMBCA – iako je pred-vi|ena dob {esnaest godina. Njegov je pliva~ki uspon nezaustavljiv. Uskoro pobje|ujei na ameri~kome nacionalnom prvenstvu u Hanalulu na Havajima (1923.). Budu}i dajo{ nema ameri~ko dràvljanstvo, zamjenjuje dokumente s bratom koji je ro|en uSAD-u – {to mu omogu}uje sudjelovanje na olimpijadi u Parizu 1924., na kojoj osvajatri zlatne medalje, a jo{ dvije na olimpijadi u Amsterdamu (1928.).

Nakon {to je prestao plivati, zapo~inje glumiti i stje~e slavu u popularnim filmovimao Tarzanu (od 1932.).Uz filmska uzbu|enja u dùngli, privatni mu je ìvot jednako dramati~an. @eni se petputa i ima troje djece – sina Johnnyja te k}eri Annu Vendy i Heidi Ellis.Umro je 1984.u Acapulcu u Meksiku.

Naprasiti Klement Sisari} ne voli Ameriku(Podgora, 1886. – Rijeka, 1953.)

Klement Sisari} - Kleme iz Podgore (pored Makarske, Dalmacija), sin je Jure Sisari}a,imu}na trgovca koji se oènio Mandinom, obrazovanom i lijepom djevojkom s Visa.213

Mandina je za pomo} u ku}i dovela mladu mje{tanku Matiju Vela i, kako nisu mogliimati djece, nagovorila je Juru da im Matija rodi “dite”. Usprkos o~ekivanom protiv-ljenju Crkve, progonu vlasti i moralnoj osudi mje{tana, Matija je Juri rodila – sedmeronezakonite djece! Nakon o~eve smrti i nemogu}nosti da naslijedi o~evu imovinu, Kleme odlu~i oti}i uAmeriku. Zaputio se u Hamburg, ukrcao u parobrod Blucher i 28. listopada 1906. sti-gao u New York i zaposlio se kao lu~ki radnik.I danas se u obitelji prepri~ava zgoda koja potvr|uje njegovu naprasitu narav. Jednogaje dana, umoran od mukotrpna rada, sjeo da se odmori i zapali cigaretu. Opazio ga je{ef i strogo prekorio. Kleme je ustao, odbacio cigaretu i – oti{ao! Odlu~io je napustitiAmeriku i vratiti se.

“Ne}u ìvjeti u zemlji u kojoj, kada mi se prohtije, ne mogu ni ’{panjulet’ zapalit.”

Iskrcao se u Trstu i vratio u rodnu Podgoru. U me|uvremenu, njegova pomajka Mandina, koja je i nakon Jurine smrti zadràla uku}i svoju pomo}nicu Matiju, zatraì da se Jurina djeca priznaju kao zakonita. Carskim su ukazom djeca doista priznata zakonitim nasljednicima Jure Sisari}a.I Kleme je naslijedio dio pove}ega o~eva imetka i oènio se Darinkom Andrija{evi} izGradca – s kojom je imao {est k}eri.I on je, poput oca, spretan i okretan – ima brod i ribari, uzgaja masline i bavi sevinarstvom. Sagradio je i veliku ku}u, no kako poslovi lijepo napreduju, odlu~io jepokrenuti trgovinu vinom u podosta udaljenoj Slavoniji – i preselio se u Osijek.Pod starost Klement zajedno s Darinkom seli iz Osijeka k}eri u Rijeku, bliè rodnomekraju. Najvi{e zato da opet moè gledati more i brodove.

213 Jolanda Todorovi}, neobjavljeni tekst, Rijeka 2008.

Klement Sisari} (na slici desno) iz Podgore uDalmaciji odlazi u New York i zapo{ljava sekao lu~ki radnik, no ubrzo se sukobljava sa{efom i vra}a ku}i. Naslijediv{i dio o~evinepo~inje se baviti ribarenjem i trgovinomvinom. I bez Amerike stje~e lijep imetak igradi ku}u.(Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)

Klement Sisari} (on the right) from Podgora,Dalmatia, went to New York and gotemployed as a dock worker, but soon a con-flict with his boss left him unemployed. Heinherited part of his patrimony and took upfishing and selling wine and, even withoutAmerica, he managed to make a small for-tune and build a house. (Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)


193

Abandoned by her husband, Elisabeth found herself in a difficult financial situation,and so her children had to work. Twelve-year-old Johann was still going to schoolwhen he started working in a hotel as a liftboy. Because of his poor health, a doctoradvised him to start swimming. Very soon, when he was barely fourteen, he enteredthe YMBCA team, although the usual age was 16. His rise proved to be unstoppable.He soon won the American National Championship in Honolulu, Hawaii in 1923. Ashe still did not have American citizenship, he switched his documents with hisAmerican-born brother, which enabled him to compete in the 1924 Olympics in Paris.He won three gold medals there, and two more in Amsterdam in 1928.

When he ended his swimming career, he started acting and became famous for hisTarzanmovies, the first of which appeared in 1932. His private life was just as adven-turous as his movie life in the jungle. He married five times and had three children –Johnny, Anna Wendy and Heidi Ellis. He died in Acapulco, Mexico, in 1984.

The Quick-Tempered Klement Sisari}Dislikes America(Podgora, 1886 – Rijeka, 1953)

Klement Sisari} – Kleme from Podgora (near Makarska, Dalmatia) was a son of JureSisari}, a wealthy merchant. Jure married Mandina, a pretty and educated girl fromVis213, who employed a young village girl Matija Vela as a housemaid. As Jure andMandina could not have children, she persuaded Jure that Matija should bear them achild. Despite the predictable opposition of the Church, government’s harassment anddisapproval of the villagers, Matija bore seven illegitimate children to Jure.

After his father’s death, since he could not inherit his possessions, Kleme decided togo to America. He went to Hamburg and boarded the steamship Blutcher. He arrivedto America on 28 October 1906 and found work as a dock worker.

The anecdote that shows his quick temper is still remembered in the family: one day,tired of hard work, Kleme sat down to rest and smoke a cigarette. A foreman saw himand rebuked him. Kleme stood up, threw the cigarette and – walked away! He decid-ed to leave America and go back home. “I won’t live in a country where I can’t smokea ‘{panjulet’ when I feel like it.”

He sailed to Trieste and returned to his native Podgora. In the meantime, his step-mother Mandina, who kept her housemaid Matija in the house after Jure’s death,demanded that Jure’s children should be recognized as legitimate, and she obtainedan imperial decree stating that the children were the legitimate heirs of Jure Sisari}.

Kleme inherited a part of his father’s large estate and married Darinka Andrija{evi}from Gradac, who bore him six daughters. He was just as capable as his father – heowned a fishing boat, grew olives and produced wine. He built a large house, but ashis business grew, he decided to sell wine in the far-away Slavonija and moved toOsijek.

In his old age Klement moved together with Darinka from Osijek to Rijeka, where oneof their daughters lived and where he was nearer to his home. He wanted to look atthe sea and ships again.

213 Jolanda Todorovi}, unpublished text, Rijeka 2008.

Prizor iz malog sela Podgore u Dalmaciji, oko1910. Razglednica s obalnom {etnicom iagavama ve} potvr|uje po~etke turizma, auskoro i – boljega `ivota.(Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)

A view of a little village of Podgora inDalmatia, around 1910. The postcard with theseaside promenade and agava trees alreadyconfirmed the beginnings of tourism, andsoon – of a better life.(Jolanda Todorovi}, Rijeka)


194

Erich von Stroheim - la`ni aristokrat i upe~atljiv glumac (Erich Oswald Stroheim, Be~ 1885. – Maurepas, Francuska 1957.)

Erich Stroheim bio je sin Benna i Johanne Bondy. Otac, be~ki {e{irdìja, kao i njegovamajka, bili su aktivni ~lanovi ìdovske zajednice.Mladi se, ali ve} zreli, Erich zaputio u Bemerhaven i u studenome 1909. ukrcao naparobrod Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm u vlasni{tvu Norddeutscher Lloyda, koji je pristao uNew Yorku 25. studenoga 1909.Na brodu je uz brojne njema~ke iseljenike, od kojih su neki iz Ma|arske i Austrije, biloi nekoliko Be~ana. Me|u njima i dva para – Anton i Hedwige White te Adolf i KatheTandler.

Iako ìdovskoga podrijetla i pripadnik srednjega gra|anskog sloja, dolaskom uAmeriku Erich je poèlio uljep{ati svoju pro{lost i pridati sebi plemenitije podrijetlo tese osobnom odlukom proizveo u grofa i nazvao dugim imenom koje prili~i jednomaristokratu – Erich Oswald Hans Carl Maria von Stroheim und Nordenwall!No nezgodni holivudski znanci – obojica Austrijanci, slavni redatelj Billy Wilder iStroheimov agent Paul Kochner, odlu~no su tvrdili da Erich govori poput austrijskeniè klase.

U Hollywoodu radi od 1914. i nastupa u manjim ulogama i kao savjetnik za njema~kukulturu i modu. Glumi u vi{e zapaènih filmova, me|u kojima su najpoznatijiIzgubljene iluzije Jeana Renoira (La Grande Illusion, 1938.) Bulevar sumraka (Sunset Blvd.,1950.) Billyja Wildera. Iako nije bio “pravi” plemi}, barem je ostao zapam}en po film-skoj ulozi njema~kog aristokrata!Von Stroheim je i reìrao vi{e zapaènih filmova, me|u kojima je najuspje{niji Veselaudovica (The Merry Widow, 1925.)

Njegova se izmi{ljanja, kaù neki, vi{e imaju pripisati njegovoj bujnoj ma{ti nego èljida prevari. Budu}i da je postao slavan, ljude je zanimao i njegov ìvotni put, a on je idalje izmi{ljao vjerojatne i nevjerojatne pojedinosti.Iako je u kasnijim godinama opet ìvio u Europi, radije je govorio engleski i tvrdio daje zaboravio – materinski jezik.

Marljivi dobrotvori Anton i Ana Justini}(Anton, 1893.–1981, Ana, 1899.–1981.)

Anton Justini} ro|en je 1893. u selu Rasopasno (kod Dobrinja) na otoku Krku.214

Njegovi roditelji, Jele ro|ena Kirin~i} i Ive Justini}, imali su, uz najstarijega Antona, jo{sedmero djece – Josipa, [imu, Ivu, Vinka, Mariju, Anu i Bojicu. Anton je ve} u vrlo ranoj dobi neko vrijeme boravio u samostanu i, uz ostalo, u~io i –{ah. Iako su sa~uvane i pjesmice {to ih je u {koli marljivo zapisivao, velika mu naukaipak nije bila su|ena.Iako se predstavlja i u putni~ku je listu upisan kao devetnaestogodi{njak, u Amerikuzapravo odlazi s jedva {esnaest godina!Po~etkom travnja 1910. ukrcava se u Rijeci na brod Ultonia i stiè u New York 22.velja~e. Dolazi bratu Ivi koji ìvi u Chicagu.Poslije se ipak vra}a u New York i ìvi u obitelji tete Marije i Louisa Simonettija uBronxu (New York). Ubrzo po~inje raditi kao metalski radnik i u proizvodnji kotlova,isprva u okolici New Yorka, a potom u Hartfordu, Connecticutu i Bostonu.U New Yorku upoznaje Anu Puri} (ro|. 1899.) iz Rasopasnog kraj Dobrinja (po majcitako|er iz bodulske obitelji Grèti}). Njezin otac Ive (Ivan) Puri} oti{ao je u New Yorkve} 1903. preko Southamptona. U New Yorku su ve} bili njegov prijatelj, Istranin MateGrèti}, i njegov {urjak Nikola Ili} (Iliji}), tako|er oto~anin iz Omi{lja, odakle je od1900. u Ameriku iselilo vi{e Nikola Ili}a (Iliji}a). Zajedno s majkom Marijom i petogodi{njim bratom Viktorom Ana dolazi u Trst, ukr-

214 Podaci i slike: Elisabeth Yustinick, New Jersey iVanja Pavlovec, RijekaEllis Island Museum of Immigration

Erich Oswald Stroheim, be~ki @idov, u NewYork stiè 1909. godine. U Americi se pred-stavlja kao aristokrat i dodaje imenu plemi}kivon, vi{e plod bujne ma{te i sklonostiizmi{ljanju nego prevarantske naravi. Holi-vudski Austrijanci tvrdili su da je njema~kigovorio poput pripadnika austrijske nièklase. No bio je dobar glumac – zapam}en poIzgubljenim iluzijama (1938.) i Bulevaru sumraka(1950.).(Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

Erich Oswald Stroheim, a Jew from Vienna,came to New York in 1909. In America he pre-sented himself as an aristocrat and added anoble von in front of his surname, whichwas more a product of imaginative fictionthan of a lying nature. Hollywood Austriansclaimed that he spoke German as if he were amember of the Austrian lower class. But, nev-ertheless, he was a fine actor, remembered byLa Grande Illusion (1938) and Sunset Boulevard(1950).(Arcadia Publishing, Portsmouth)

Anton i Ana Justini} (Antony i AnnaYustinick), oboje iz istoga mjesta na otokuKrku, upoznali su se i vjen~ali u New Yorku1920. godine. Vrlo su dru{tveni, aktivni ukr~kim dobrotvornim dru{tvima. NakonDrugoga svjetskog rata kona~no posje}ujurodni kraj, a povratkom u New York {aljuobilnu pomo} u lijekovima, hrani i odje}i. (Elisabeth Yustinick, New York)

Antony and Anna Yustinick were both fromthe same place on the island of Krk, but theymet and got married in New York in 1920.They were very social and active in the Krkcharity organisations. After the Second WorldWar, they visited their home town, and afterreturning to New York they sent generoushelp packages of medicines, food and cloth-ing.(Elisabeth Yustinick, New York)


195

Erich von Stroheim – Fake Aristocrat and a Remarkable Actor(Erich Oswald Stroheim, Vienna 1885- Maurepas, France 1957)

Erich Stroheim was the son of Ben and Johanna Bondy. His father and mother hadbeen hatters in Vienna and both had been prominent members of the Jewish commu-nity. The young but mature Eric went to Bremen and in November 1909 he boardedthe Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm (Norddeutscher Lloyd) and arrived in New York on 25November 1909. Besides numerous German emigrants, some of whom came fromAustria and Hungary, a few people from Vienna were on board. Among them werethe two couples – Anton and Hedwige White and Adolf and Kathe Tandler.

Although he a middle-class Jew, Erich tried to embellish his origins when he came toAmerica and presented himself as a noble. He decided to call himself a count andlengthened his name to make it aristocratic: Erich Oswald Hans Carl Maria vonStroheim und Nordenwall. Unfortunately for him, his Hollywood acquaintances, thefamous director Billy Wilder and his agent Paul Kochner, both of whom came fromAustrian, claimed that Erich spoke the language of the Austrian lower class.

He started his career in Hollywood in 1914, appearing in smaller roles and working asa consultant for German culture and fashion. He acted in a few acclaimed movies, themost famous of which are Jean Renoir’s La Grande Illusion (1938) and Billy Wilder’sSunset Boulevard (1950). Although not a “real” aristocrat, he is remembered for hisroles of German aristocrats. Von Stroheim also directed some celebrated movies,including The Merry Widow (1925).

Some say that he made up the story of his life not because he had been a liar, butbecause he had a lively imagination. When he became famous, people wanted toknow more about his life, and he continued inventing both plausible and absurddetails. Although in his late years he moved back to Europe, he preferred to speakEnglish and he claimed that he had forgotten his mother tongue.

Diligent Benefactors Anton and Ana Justini}(Anton 1893 – 1981, Ana 1899 – 1981)

Anton Justini} was born in 1893 in the village of Rasopasno near Dobrinj on the islandof Krk.214 His parents, Jele née Kirin~i} and Ive Justini} had, besides the eldest sonAnton, seven more children: Josip, [ime, Ive, Vinko, Marija, Ana and Bojica. Antonspent some time in a monastery at an early age and learnt, among the rest, to playchess. Some of the poems he wrote in school are saved, but scholarship was not hisdestiny.

Although he claimed in the passenger list that he was nineteen, he went to Americawhen he was barely sixteen. In April 1910 he boarded the Ultonia in Rijeka andarrived in New York on 22 February. He went to his brother Ivo, who lived inChicago. Afterwards, he returned to New York and lived with his aunt and uncle,Mary and Louis Simonetti, in the Bronx. He soon started working as a metalworkerin the boiler industry, first near New York, and then in Hartford, Connecticut and inBoston.

In New York he met Ana Puri} (1899) from Rasopasno near Dobrinj (her mother wasfrom the Gr`eti} family, from Krk). Her father Ive (Ivan) Puri} had left for New Yorkin 1903 through Southampton. His friend Mate Gr`eti} from Istria was already there,as well as his brother-in-law Nikola Iliji} from Omi{alj (several men called Nikola Iliji}emigrated from Omi{alj to America in 1900).With her mother Marija and her five-year-old brother Viktor, Ana went to Trieste,where they boarded the steamship Erny (Austro-Americana Line from Trieste) and on


196

cava se na parobrod Erny tr{}anske Austro-Americane i 22. studenoga 1906. stiè ocu uNew York. Kada su se Anton i Ana upoznali, ona je, iako je tek pre{la dvadesetu, ve} bila udovi-ca s malim djetetom, sinom Josipom (Joseph). Vjen~ali su se 1920. godine. Antonu, koji je u me|uvremenu postao Anthony Yustinick i Ani (Anna) ubrzo se rodi-la jedina k}i Elisabeth (Betty, 1921.).

Anton i Ana vrlo su dru{tveni; on je i ~lan uprave i blagajnik Dobrotvornog dru{tvaSv. Nikole od Krka i blagajnik zavi~ajnog Kluba Dobrinj. U vrijeme velike krize, od1929. do 1931., zajedno s prijateljima osnivaju Demokratski dru{tveni klub(Democratic Social Club) namijenjen okupljanju, odràvanju kulturnih priredaba ipomaganju najugroènijima.

Nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata Anton poziva u Ameriku i svoju mla|u bra}u pa najpri-je dolazi [ime, 1920-ih, a krajem 1930-ih i Vinko.Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata Ana i Anton {alju rodbini i siroma{nim susjedima uRasopasnom i okolici obilnu pomo} u odje}i, hrani i lijekovima.Nakon pola stolje}a izbivanja, 1955. kona~no stiù na rodni otok i provode tri mjese-ca u Rasopasnom. Dolaze jo{ jednom, 1964., a njihova k}i Elisabeth jo{ pamti topaodo~ek u selu.Anton odlazi u mirovinu 1963. u sedamdesetoj godini ìvota. Oboje umiru iste, 1981.godine.

Louis Adamic - ìvot i smrt poznatog iseljenika (Prapo~e/Blato kod Grosuplja, 1898. – Milford, New Jersey, 1951.)

Alojz Adami~ – Louis Adamic ro|en je u dvorcu Prapo~e u selu Blato pokraj Grosupljakao najstariji sin u selja~koj obitelji.

215Nakon osnovne {kole upisao se 1909. na gimna-

ziju u Ljubljani. Ve} u tre}em razredu pridruùje se pokretu za ujedinjenje jugoslaven-skih naroda i u sudjeluje u uli~nim demonstracijama. Nakratko pritvoren te izba~en iz{kole, ostaje i bez prava za nastavak {kolovanja na dràvnim {kolama.Odlu~uje iseliti: ukrcava se u parobrod Niagara u Le Havreu i stiè u New Yorku udobi od petnaest godina – iako je na listi putnika navedeno da je dvije godine stariji,da ima {esnaest godina i osam mjeseci!

216

Iz New Yorka odlazi na krajnji zapad – u Kaliforniju, u naselje hrvatskih ribara u SanPedru. Ne preostaje mu drugo nego da se prihvati radni~kih poslova, no ubrzo po~injepisati za slovenski dnevni list Glas naroda koji izlazi u New Yorku. Ve} 1916. prijavlju-je se u ameri~ku vojsku i sluì u Panami, Louisiani i na Havajima. Godine 1918. posta-je naturalizirani gra|anin SAD-a.

Kada 1920. izlazi iz vojske, opet radi razli~ite poslove i putuje po SAD-u. Ponovno seprijavljuje u vojsku i uglavnom boravi u San Pedru u Kaliforniji.Godine 1923. zauvijek se la}a pera te pi{e za ameri~ke novine i prevodi slovenskepisce.Potkraj desetlje}a, 1929., seli u New York, zaru~uje se sa Stellom Sanders, sve vi{e pi{ei u idu}ih petnaestak godina objavljuje otprilike po jednu knjigu godi{nje.Od 1931. pi{e, gotovo isklju~ivo na engleskom, brojne knjige sa socijalnim,useljeni~kim i domovinskim temama. Pi{e o uspomenama iz mladosti, prije iseljenja iprvim godinama u SAD-u te o ìvotu slovenskih iseljenika u Pensilvaniji i Ohiju.Neke su mu od knjiga: Povijest klasnog ugnjetavanja u Americi (Dynamite: The Story ofClass Violence in America, New York 1931.), Smijeh u dùngli: Autobiografija ameri~koguseljenika (Laughing in the Jungle: The Autobiography of an Immigrant in America,New York & London, 1932.) Knjiga je nagra|ena Guggenheimovom nagradom(stipendijom). Nakon jednogodi{njega boravka u Europi, pi{e svoju najuspje{niju knjigu Povratak u

215 U nekim je izvorima kao godina Adami~evaro|enja navedena 1899. Janja @itnik, Louis Adami~ u: Slovenska izseljenskaknjièvnost, 2, Severna Amerika. Ljubljana 1999., str.387.–389.

216 Putni~ka lista broda Niagara od 28. prosinca 1912.navodi me|u putnicima iz Le Havrea u New YorkLouisa Adamica iz Blata. Biografi se povode za Adami~evom autobiografijom(Laughing in the Jungle) i navode da je oti{ao nakondemonstracija u Ljubljani u studenome 1913. Adami~ kaè: “Late in the afternoon of the last day of1913. I was examined for entry into the United States,with about the hundred other immigrants who hadcome on the Niagara” (Laughing in the Jungle, Arnopress and the New York Times, 1969., str. 43.).

Louis Adamic (Alojz Adami~), mladi bun-tovnik jugoslavenskih nazora, nije samoizba~en iz ljubljanske gimnazije, nego mu je ioduzeto pravo {kolovanja na austrijskimdràvnim {kolama. Zato odlu~uje iseliti i ve}kao petnaestogodi{njak dolazi u New York (uprosincu 1912.). Njegov uzbudljiv ìvot, kari-jera pisca, borba za iseljeni~ka i radni~kaprava te stalna veza s domovinom(Jugoslavijom vi{e nego Slovenijom) ipodràvanje Titove oslobodila~ke borbe,u~inili su ga veoma poznatim. (Mestni muzej, Ljubljana)

Louis Adamic (Alojz Adami}), a young rebelwith pro-Yugoslav convictions, was not onlyexpelled from Ljubljana’s high school, butalso deprived of his right to be educated inAustrian state schools. Therefore, he decidedto emigrate and he arrived in New Yorkin December 1912, as a fifteen year old boy.His exciting life and career as a writer, hisfight for emigration and working rights andhis constant liaison with the mother country(Yugoslavia more than Slovenia) and supportof Tito’s liberation struggle made him afamous man.(Mestni muzej, Ljubljana)


197

22 November 1906 they joined their father in New York. When Anton and Ana met,Ana already had been widowed, though barely over twenty, and had a small child,Joseph. They married in 1920. Anton soon changed his name to Anthony Yustinickand Ana became Anna. Their first and only daughter Elisabeth (Betty) was born in1921.

Anton and Anna were very sociable: he was a member of the board and treasurer ofthe Benevolent Society of St. Nicholas of Krk and treasurer of the Dobrinj Club.During the Great Depression, from 1929 to 1931, he and his friends founded theDemocratic Social Club to socialize, have cultural events and help those who neededit most.

After World War I, Anton invited his younger brothers to America. [ime arrived in the1920s, and Vinko followed in the late 1930s. After the Second World War, Ana andAnton sent considerable help in food, medications and clothes to their relatives andpoor neighbours in Rasopasno. After half a century in America, they visited theirnative island in 1955 and spent three months in Rasopasno. They returned one moretime, in 1964, and their daughter Elisabeth still remembers the warm welcome in thevillage. Anton retired in 1963, at the age of seventy. Anton and Ana both died in 1981.

Louis Adamic - Life and Death of theFamous Immigrant(Prapo~e/Blato near Grosuplje, 1898 – Milford, New Jersey, 1951)

Alojz Adami~ – Louis Adamic was born in Prapo~e castle in the village of Blato nearGrosuplje as the eldest son of a peasant family.215 After primary school, in 1909 hewent to a grammar school in Ljubljana. In his third year, he already joined the move-ment for the unity all Southern Slavs and participated in a street riot. He spent a shorttime in custody and was thrown out of school, also losing the right to attend any stateschool. He therefore decided to emigrate: he boarded the Niagara in Le Havre andarrived in New York at the age of fifteen – although in the passengers’ list records thathe was almost two years older – sixteen years and eight months.216

He left New York to go west, to California, to a Croatian fishermen-populated town ofSan Pedro. He had no other choice but to start working as a labourer, but he soonstarted writing for the Slovenian daily newspaper, Glas naroda, which was publishedin New York. In 1916 he joined the army, and served in Panama, Louisiana andHawaii. In 1918 he became an American citizen.

When he left the army in 1920, he did various jobs and travelled around the country.He returned to the army and spent most of his time in San Pedro, California. In 1923he took up a writing career and started writing for American newspapers and trans-lating Slovenian writers. In 1929 he moved to New York and got engaged to StellaSanders. He wrote prolifically, and in the next fifteen years he published approxi-mately one book a year.From 1931 he wrote almost exclusively in English and his books focused on social,immigrant and homeland themes. He wrote about his childhood and youth memories,before the departure to America, and about his first years there, describing the life ofSlovenian immigrants in Pennsylvania and Ohio. His books include Dynamite: TheStory of Class Violence in America (New York 1931), and Laughing in the Jungle: TheAutobiography of an Immigrant in America (New York & London, 1932), which won theGuggenheim scholarship. After spending a year in Europe, he wrote his most success-ful book: The Native’s Return: an American Immigrant Visits Yugoslavia and Discovers HisOld Country (New York & London 1934). That same year, he travelled and gave lec-tures all over America. In his book My America: 1928–1938 (New York & London,1938), he combined an intimate tone with his social thoughts and dreams of a unitedAmerican nation.

215Some sources claim that Adami~ was born in 1899;Janja @itnik, Louis Adami~ u: Slovenska izseljenskaknji`evnost, 2, Severna Amerika. Ljubljana 1999, pp.387–389

216 The passengers’ list from the Niagara from 28December 1912 has a Louis Adamic from Blato amongthe passengers from Le Havre to New York.Biographers cite his autobiography, Laughing in theJungle, saying that he left after the riot in Ljubljana inNovember 1913. Adami~ wrote: “Late in the after-noon of the last day of 1913. I was examined for entryinto the United States, with about the hundred otherimmigrants who had come on the Niagara”


198

rodni kraj: Ameri~ki useljenik posje}uje Jugoslaviju i otkriva svoju staru domovinu (TheNative s Return: An American Immigrant Visits Yugoslavia and Discovers His OldCountry, New York & London 1934.). Iste godine putuje i drì predavanja po SAD-u.U knjizi Moja Amerika: 1928.–1938. (My America, New York & London, 1938.)zdruùje intimni ton, socijalna promi{ljanja i snove o jedinstvenoj ameri~koj naciji.Po~etkom 1937. kupuje farmu Mountain View kod Milforda u dràvi New Jersey, aRockefellerova zaklada dodjeljuje mu stipendiju kako bi se mogao intenzivno posveti-ti prikupljanju podataka o ameri~kim useljenicima iz svih krajeva svijeta.

Njegova naprasna i neo~ekivana smrt nikad nije razja{njena: 4. rujna 1951. nalaze gaustrijeljena na farmi u Milfordu (New Jersey), a u ku}i mu je podmetnut poàr. Jednitvrde da je po~inio samoubojstvo, drugi da je `rtva “balkanskoga” (jugoslavenskog)politi~kog obra~una.

Julija i Ondreij Varchola - roditelji Andyja Warhola

Ondrej Varchola, Rusin ro|en u Medzilaborce u dana{njoj Slova~koj, prvi put dolaziu SAD 1907. No ubrzo se vra}a ku}i, susre}e Rusinku Juliju Zavacky iz Mikova te se1909. vjen~aju i nastave ìvjeti u Mikovi koja je 17 kilometara udaljena od njegovarodnoga grada. Kada Ondreiju 1912. stiè poziv za vojsku, ocijeni da }e mu ipak bitibolje u Americi pa kriomice bjeì. Nakon zavr{etka rata i nakon smrti roditelja Julija se odlu~i pridruìti muù te 1921.odlazi za njim u Ameriku. Ondreij radi na gradili{tu i u rudniku ugljena u malomgradu Forest City kod Scrantona iz kojega obitelj seli u Pittsburgh. Varchole (koji se poslije pi{u – Warhola) imaju tri sina, Paula, Johna i Andrewa –Andyja Warholu (1928.–1987.), slavnoga pop-artisti~kog slikara koji je darovitostnaslijedio od majke. Budu}i da u doba velike krize po~etkom 1930-ih obitelj ìvi narubu siroma{tva i ~esto seli po zagu{ljivim industrijskim predgra|ima Pittsburgha,dok otac ~esto izbiva jer radi na gradili{tima, djeca se vezuju uz majku. Najvi{e naj-mla|i Andy kojemu je u doba o~eve smrti tek trinaest godina (1942.).Julia Zavacky-Warhola, ro|ena u Mikovi 1892., neobrazovana je, ali vi{estrukonadarena, voli pjevati rusinske narodne pjesme i plesati rusinske plesove, voliizra|ivati umjetno cvije}e od “krep-papira”, izra|ivati vezove, oslikavati uskrsnja jaja(Pisanky) te crtati ma~ke i an|ele. Svoje sklonosti prenosi na djecu.

Andy Warhol je najdarovitiji me|u bra}om, kako u slikarstvu tako i u medijskoj pro-mociji. Poseè za najobi~nijim, svakodnevnim predlo{cima poput fotografije MarilynMonroe i konzerve Cambellove juhe, i stvara slavna i op}epoznata umjetni~ka djela.No uspje{an je slikar i njegov ne}ak.Iako je ve} o~eva èlja bila da se Andy upi{e na koled`, majka ga godinama zdu{nopodràva i prati te mu se 1952. pridruùje i podràva ga u umjetni~kom usponu uNew Yorku. Tek se pred smrt (l972.) Julia vra}a u Pittsburgh i na rusinskome grkoka-toli~kom groblju opet susre}e i zauvijek zdruùje s Ondreiem.

Jura Stare{in~i} ima tu|e dijete(Podbre`je kraj Ozlja, oko 1892. – ?)

Dvadesetogodi{nji Jura Stare{in~i} iz Podbre`ja kraj Ozlja, bio je jedno od osmerodjece Stjepana Jura~a i Bare ro|. Mihali}. Mlad, ali ve} oènjen, ostavlja ènu Jelu ro|.Zoreti} i odlazi u Ameriku.

217Zajedno je s njim vr{njak i susjed, Mato Mihali}, tako|er

iz Podbre`ja. De~ki iz rodnoga kraja najprije putuju do Southamptona i potom plovepreko oceana ve} zastarjelim brodom Philadelphia (kompanija American Line) koji jeod 1889. do 1892. slovio kao najbrì brod na svijetu.

U New York Jura i Mato stiù 22. rujna 1912. i odlaze na svoja odredi{ta – Mato kod217 Podaci i slike: Branka Stergar, Ozalj, Zavi~ajnimuzej Ozalj

Mladi Jura Stare{in~i}, iz Podbre`ja kod Ozlja,u sredi{njoj Hrvatskoj, ostavlja svoju ènicu iu rujnu 1912. odlazi u Sullivan, Kalifornija. IPrvi svjetski rat i kraj rata proìvljava uAmerici i u me|uvremenu saznaje da muèna ima tu|e dijete!(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

A young Jura Stare{in~i}, from Podbre`je nearOzalj, central Croatia, left his young wifebehind and took off for Sullivan, California, inSeptember 1912. He experienced the FirstWorld War and the end of it in America, andlearned in the meantime that his wife had ababy with another man.(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)


199

In 1937 he bought the Mountain View farm near Milford, New Jersey, and theRockefeller Trust awarded him a scholarship so that he could dedicate himself to col-lecting information on American immigrants from all over the world.

His sudden death has never been explained. On 4 September 1951 he was found shotdead on his farm in Milford, and his house was burned down. Some claim that he committed suicide, while others say that he had been a victim of a’Balkanic’ (Yugoslav) political clash.

Julija and Ondreij VarcholaAndy Warhol’s Parents

Ondreij Varchola, a Rusyn born in Medzilaborce in today’s Slovakia, first came to theUnited States in 1907. But he soon returned home, met the Rusyn Julija Zavacky fromMikov and married her in 1909.

They continued to live in Mikova, located 17 kilometres from his birthplace. When drafted in 1912, Ondreij decided that he would be better off in America and ranaway. After the end of World War Iand the death of her parents, Julija decided to joinhim and she left for America in 1921. Ondreij worked at a construction site and in a coal mine in Forest City near Scranton,from which they later moved to Pittsburgh.

The Varcholas (they later renamed themselves the Warholas) had three sons: Paul,John and Andrew – Andy Warhol (1928 – 1987). Andy was a famous pop-art painter,and he inherited his talent from his mother. At time of the Great Depression, at thebeginning of the 1930s, the family lived on the brink of poverty and they often movedfrom one sultry industrial suburb of Pittsburgh to another. Since the father worked atbuilding sites away from home, the boys became very close with their mother, most ofall little Andy, who was only 13 when his father died in 1942.

Julia Zavacky-Warhola, born in Mikova in 1892, was uneducated, but multi-talented.She liked to sing Rusyn folk songs, dance folk dances. She made crepe flowers,embroidered, painted Easter eggs (Pisanky) and drew cats and angels. She nurturedher interests in her children.

Andy Warhol became the most talented of the three brothers, both for painting andmedia promotion. He took ordinary, everyday items, like a Marilyn Monroe photo-graph or a Campbell Soup can, and turned them into famous, widely known works ofart. His nephew also became a successful artist.

Although his father’s wish had been that Andy attend college, his mother supportedhim heartily and she joined him in New York in 1952, backing him up in his artisticrise. Only before her death in 1972 did she return to Pittsburgh. She is buried withOndreij in the Rusyn Orthodox cemetery.

Jure Stare{in~i} Has Another’s Child(Podbre`je near Ozalj, around 1892 - ?)

Jure of the Stare{in~i} clan from Podbre`je near Ozalj was one of the eight children ofStjepan Jura~ and Bara née Mihali}. He was twenty when he left for America, leavinghis wife Jela née Zoreti}.217 His cousin from Podbre`je, Mato Mihali}, who was alsotwenty, went with him. The young men first travelled to Southampton and then acrossthe ocean on the Philadelphia (American Line), which used to be the fastest in the worldfrom 1889 to 1892, but at that time was already old. 217Information and photographs: Branka Stergar,

Ozalj, Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj


200

prijatelja, a Jura kod brata Janka u Sullivan u Kaliforniji. Jura je u Americi do~ekao i Prvi svjetski rat i kraj rata, primaju}i od ku}e opreznosro~ene i probrane vijesti – jer ga nastoje po{tedjeti nekih nezgodnih doga|aja. O~evo pismo i Jurin odgovor, u sije~nju i velja~i 1920., svjedo~e o ozbiljnoj razmiricioko “grunta” i novca koje sin ocu ne {alje ba{ izda{no pa zato mora traìti pozajmice.Sin prigovara – a otac odgovara:.“Evo ti odgovor od mene, dragi sinko, dam ti znati da sam dobil tvoj list i se samdobro razumil kaj si mi pisal, al me nije ba{ razveselil...” i zato, kaè Stjepan svome“sinku”: “Pak neka budu tebi tvoji tolari, meni moj grunt!”

Dvije }e tisu}e dinara, kaè povrije|eni otac, vratiti sinu makar i po cijenu da prodasvoga junca koji bi mu, po njegovu ra~unu, trebao donijeti taman koliko je potrebno.Ni{ta manje povrije|eni sin obe}ani novac objeru~ke prihva}a – kada ga ve} otacvra}a!

No vi{e od grunta, Juru mu~i druga nevolja. Razjaren je zato {to je, unato~roditeljskom prikrivanju, saznao da mu èna ima “ènsko dete” – koje nikako ne moèbiti njegova k}i. Bijesnom je Juri dosta i oca i ène i grunta i junca! Pi{e ocu i kako bi ve} odavna domado{ao da nije bilo ènine prijevare. A ovako vi{e uop}e ne}e do}i, nego mu {alje svojusliku pa neka ga gleda do mile volje: “Evo vam prikaèm sliku ot sebe pa gledajte...”

No odmah, kao da ni{ta nije bilo, brzo dome}e – “do}i }u ja ku}i, ne bojte se..!”

Anton Kinkela ônjina i njegovi sinovi

Rukavac, gornji i donji, i Ku}eli, obli`nja siroma{na sela nekoliko kilometara iznadOpatije, novoga turisti~kog sredi{ta Austrijskoga primorja, ne napreduju osobito kadase 1880-ih po~inju graditi brojni hoteli i sanatoriji. Poneki se teàk zapo{ljava nagradili{tu, a pokoja je Rukav~anka sobarica.

Iz nevelikog je podru~ja, koje na prijelomu stolje}a ima oko 1500 stanovnika, u neko-liko desetlje}a iselilo u Ameriku u potrazi za kruhom vi{e od tri stotine mje{tana.Poimeni~ni popis s adresama svakog iseljenika, {to su ga sastavili ameri~ki potomci,zapo~inje iznena|uju}e rano – ve} 1864.! Do kraja desetlje}a iselilo je vi{e od tridesetRukav~ana, a do 1883. gotovo 140 mje{tana. Nedostaju podaci do kraja stolje}a, nodaljnji popisi obuhva}aju jo{ vi{e desetaka iseljenika, od kojih gotovo trideset onihkoji su oti{li u Kaliforniju – u Eureku. Sa sigurno{}u se moè ustvrditi da je iz Rukavcai obli`njih zaselaka u SAD do 1914. iselilo najmanje tristotinjak iseljenika, dakle peti-na ili mo`da ~ak ~etvrtina sela!

Odlaze deseci mladi}a i muèva iz obitelji Kinkela, Ku}el, Stani}, [epi}, ^rni},Dubrovi}, Pu`... Iseljeni~ki agenti, koji im obe}avaju bolji ìvot, naj~e{}e ih odvode ugrupama. Katkad se i po dvadesetak mladi}a iz Rukavca i okolice ukrcava u vlak zaLjubljanu i potom za Buchs, Basel do Le Havrea u Francuskoj ili do Southamptona najugu Engleske, odakle putuju u New York i naj~e{}e kre}u na put do Pittsburga iClevelanda ili u Kaliforniju. Poneki se od njih upu}uje i u Trst i odatle kre}e u NewYork.Anton - Tone Kinkela ônjina (oko 1860. – 1945.) jednoga je dana bez ikakve najave ivelikih rije~i naprosto rekao svojim sinovima: “Po} je va Meriki!” Na njihov upit: “A kade je to?” odgovorio je samo: “Lih dugo,dugo!”Neima{tina i siroma{tvo jedini su razlozi odlaska Antona ônjina i njegovih sinova,Franeta (Franjo, 1895.–1989.) i Antona, mla|ega (1890.–1978.). Najmla|i je sin Milanjo{ dijete i zato ostaje kod ku}e.

218

Izme|u gotovo dvjesta Kinkela, mahom iz opatijskog zale|a, koji po~etkom dvadese-218 Podaci i slike: Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac; Frane[epi}-Bertin, Rukavac. Ellis Island Museum of Immigration

Omotnica pisma koje Stjepan Stare{in~i}“{ilja” iz sela Podbre`je kbr 15, po{ta Ozalj”sinu Juri u gradi} Sullivan, Kalifornija. Jurupismo uop}e nije razveselilo.(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

The envelope of the letter that StjepanStare{in~i} sent from the village of Podbre`je,number 15, PO Ozalj, to his son Jure, wholived in the small town of Sullivan, California.Jure wasn’t too happy with the content of theletter(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Iz nekoliko rukava~kih zaselaka, u zale|uOpatije, koji 1900. imaju pribli`no 1500stanovnika, od 1860-ih do Prvoga svjetskograta odlazi vi{e od trista ljudi, mahom uKaliforniju, u Humboltov zaljev – u gradoveArcatu i Eureku, gdje u obli`njim {umamasijeku sekvoje. Me|u njima i otac i sinoviKinkela, poznati u selu kao ônjinovi. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

From the year 1860 until the First World War,more than three hundred people emigratedfrom several hamlets of Rukavac, in the hin-terland of Opatija, which had about 1500inhabitants in 1900, mainly to California, tothe Humboldt Bay – to the towns of Arcataand Eureka, where they cut sequoia trees inthe nearby woods. Among them were fatherand son Kinkela, known as the ônjinovi intheir village(Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)


201

Jura and Mato arrived in New York on 22 September 1912 and continued their jour-ney – Mato went to join his friend and Jura his eldest brother Janko in Sullivan,California. Jure spent the whole of World War I in America, receiving carefully filterednews from home, which tried to spare him from some disturbing events. Letters ofJure and his father in January and February 1920 show a serious argument about landand money, which the son sent sparingly, so the father had to borrow. Son complained,and the father answered:

“Here’s an answer from me, dear boy, I want you to know that I got your letter andthat I understood well what you were writing about, but it did not make me happy...”And so Stjepan said to his “boy”: “You keep your dollars, and I’ll keep my land!”The father was hurt and he said he would return 2,000 dinars to his son, even if he hadto sell his steer, which would, according to his calculations, cost that much. His son,equally hurt, accepted the money – since his father wanted to return it.But more than land, Jure was troubled with something else. He was angry because hefound out, despite his parents’ silence, that his wife had a “female child”, little Barica,born in 1919 – who could not be his daughter. The angry Jura became fed up with hiswife, land and steer. He wrote to his father that he would have come home longbefore if it had not for his wife’s infidelity. But because of that, he would never comeback, sending instead his photograph for him to look as much as he wanted: “Here Ishow you my picture so you can look at it as much as you please…” But then, as ifnothing happened, he added – “I’ll come home, don’t worry!”

Anton Kinkela ônjina and His Sons

Rukavac (Upper and Lower) and Ku}eli are poor villages a few kilometres aboveOpatija, the new tourist centre of the Austrian Riviera. They did not prosper muchduring the construction of numerous hotels and sanatoriums. A few peasants workedat the construction sites, and a few women became chambermaids.

From that small area, which at the beginning of the 20th century had about 1,500inhabitants, more than three hundred people emigrated to America in just a fewdecades, searching for a better life. A list of names and addresses of every emigrantfrom the villages begins surprisingly early – in 1864. By the end of the century morethan thirty people from Rukavac emigrated, and by the year 1883 there were almost140 of them. No further records exist until the end of the century, but later lists men-tion a few dozen people, almost thirty of them in Eureka, California. It can be saidwith certainty that at least three hundred people emigrated from Rukavac to Americaby 1914, which means one-fifth or perhaps even one-quarter of Rukavac’s inhabitants.

Many young men from the Kinkela, Ku}el, Stani}, [epi}, ^rni}, Dubrovi} and Pu`families left. The agents, who promised them a better life, usually took them away ingroups. Sometimes twenty men at a time from Rukavac and surrounding villagesboarded the train to Ljubljana, and then continued to Buchs, Basel and Le Havre inFrance or Southampton in England, from where they went to New York and furtherto Pittsburgh, Cleveland or California. Some of them went to Trieste and from theredirectly to New York.

Anton Kinkela ônjina (around 1860 – 1945) one day simply said, without any warn-ing or emotion, to his sons: “It’s time to go to America!” When they asked: “Andwhere is that?” he only said: “Far, far away!” Poverty and poor living conditions hadbeen the only reasons for the departure of Anton ônjina and his sons, Franjo (1895 –1989) and Anton Jr. (1890 – 1978). The youngest son, Milan, still a child, remained athome.218

Around thirty Antons can be counted among the almost two hundred Kinkelas, all ofthem from the Opatija region, who went to America at the beginning of the 20th cen-tury, so it is difficult to find Anton ônjina and determine when exactly he came toNew York.

Jura Stare{in~i} iz Sullivana, Kalifornija,odgovara ocu Juri u Podbre`je, Hrvatska,povi{enim tonom, donekle zbog “grunta”, noprije svega zbog ènine nevjere i k}er~ice –koju mu je otac pre{utio. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

Jura Stare{in~i} wrote back home to his fatherJure in Podbre`je, Croatia, from Sullivan,California, using a somewhat disconcertedtone, partly because of their land but mainlyfor his wife’s infidelity and a baby girl, whichhis father ’forgot to mention’’.(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

218Information and photographs: Rado{ Kinkela,Rukavac; Frane [epi}-Bertin, Rukavac.

Sestre iz obitelji Kinkela – ônjinovi izRukavca udaju se i ostaju ìvjeti u Eureki,Kalifornija. Obitelj biv{ih drvosje~a po~injebolje ìvjeti – o~it je znak omiljeni Ford T, kojisi ve} 1920-ih moè priu{titi sve vi{e osrednjeimu}nih Amerikanaca.(Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

Sisters from the Kinkela - ônjin family fromRukavac got married and remained living inEureka, California. The family of former lum-berjacks started living better – an obvious signwas their favourite Ford T, affordable to moreand more middle class Americans around theyear 1920.(Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)


202

tog stolje}a odlaze u Ameriku, tridesetak je Antona pa je te{ko prona}i Antona ônji-na i ustanoviti kada je to~no stigao u New York.Tone ipak nije odmah poveo oba sina. Osamnaestogodi{nji Frane ostao je kod ku}e,vjerojatno zbog o~eva opreza, a i da pomogne majci i najmla|em bratu.Frane putuje 1913. preko Le Havrea i odlazi u Kaliforniju, u Eureku, nadomakSakramenta, gdje mu je ve} bio otac i vjerojatno stariji brat. Putuje zajedno s jo{ jednim, malo mla|im, Franetom, susjedom, imenjakom i prezi-menjakom, Kinkelom Kova~i}evim, kojemu je brat tako|er u Eureki, u Kaliforniji. UEureki se tih godina skupilo gotovo tridesetak Rukav~ana. Tone i njegovi sinovi obi~nisu teàci i, unato~ blizini mora, koje i kod ku}e u Rukavcu vide s prozora, bolje sesnalaze u {umi. Zato se i zapo{ljavaju kao drvosje~e.

Stekav{i prili~nu u{te|evinu, otac i sin Franjo odlu~e se vratiti. Drugi sin, Anton, osta-je u Americi i nastavlja ìvjeti u Los Angelesu. Njega nije zanimalo ni stjecanje niobitelj, samo lagodan ìvot i druèljubive ène.Iako je velika kriza mo`da ubrzala Antonov povratak 1931., o~ito ga nije osobitopogodila jer se nakon dolaska pona{a neuobi~ajeno “rastro{no”. Mje{tane ~asti useoskoj “o{tariji”, a djeci dijeli bombone kojih se dugo sje}aju!Anton ubrzo kupuje dvije pogodne ku}e u Rukavcu. Jedna je pokraj druge i obje supod hipotekom. Kupuje i ku}u u Opatiji, na “Novoj cesti” – svaku po jednome od svo-jih sinova.Antonovoj je èni, koja ga je godinama strpljivo ~ekala, nakon muèva povratka“{ilica” (kroja~ica) {ivala haljine i vezla za nju punu godinu dana.Nakon dvadesetak godina izbivanja, biv{i drvosje~a Anton ônjina otvara gostionicuu Rukavcu i zajedno s obitelji nastavlja uìvati plodove te{ka rada u ameri~kim{umama.


203

Anton did not bring both of his sons immediately. Eighteen-year-old Franjo stayed athome, probably because of his father’s caution, and to help his mother and youngestbrother. He left in 1913 through Le Havre and went to Eureka, near Sacramento,California, where his father and his older brother lived. He travelled with another,slightly younger Franjo Kinkela (Kova~i}ev), his neighbour who also had an olderbrother in Eureka. At that time, almost thirty people from Rukavac lived in Eureka.Tone and his sons were ordinary peasants, and although they could see the sea fromtheir home in Rukavac, they felt much more comfortable in the forest. As a result, theylooked for and found work as lumberjacks.

When they saved a considerable sum of money, the father and his son Franjo decidedto return. The other son, Anton, stayed in America and lived in Los Angeles; heshowed no interest in either saving money nor in his family, enjoying the easy life andwomen. Although the Great Depression might have motivated Anton to return in1931, it did not affect him much, because he behaved extravagantly “generous” whenhe returned. He bought drinks for the villagers in the local pub and gave sweets tothe children who remembered the gifts for a long time.

Tone soon bought two decent houses in Rukavac, one next to the other, both mort-gaged. He bought a house in Opatija, too, on Nova cesta – one for each of his sons.Anton’s wife, who waited for him patiently for years, had a seamstress sewing dress-es and embroidering for her for a full year after her husband’s return. After twentyyears absence, the former lumberjack Anton ^onjina opened a tavern in Rukavac andcontinued to enjoy with his family the fruits of his hard work in American forests.


Kraj velikog vala


The End of The Great WaveThe End of The Great Wave


206

Od nativizma do ograni~avanjauseljavanjaIako su, osim ono malo preostalih Indijanaca, gotovo svi stanovnici Sjeverne Amerikedo{ljaci, u odnosu na najnovije prido{lice oni stariji osje}aju se starosjediocima.Uskoro nakon osamostaljenja, Georg Washington, prvi predsjednik SjedinjenihAmeri~kih Dràva, proglasio je 1783. “politiku otvorenih vrata” koja svima jam~ipravo useljavanja, no do kraja 19. stolje}a domoroda~ko i crna~ko stanovni{tvo nesudjeluje u politi~kom ìvotu.

219

Ve} je 1790. ameri~ki Kongres usvojio prvi zakon o naturalizaciji prema kojem sedràvljanstvo stje~e nakon samo dvije godine boravka u SAD-u. Ni{ta bitno ne mije-nja to {to je norma uskoro pove}ana – 1795. uvjet je za stjecanje dràvljanstva pet god-ina boravka.

220

S po~ecima masovne emigracije u prvoj polovici 19. stolje}a, kada pristiè sve vi{ekatolika, Nijemaca i Iraca, zapo~inju i prvi nasilni~ki ispadi Anglosaksonaca,uglavnom protestanata, protiv prido{lica katolika. Takvo je bilo i nasilje 1844. uPhiladelphiji, upereno protiv Iraca.

221

Taj je pokret, koji zastupa interese ro|enih Amerikanaca, starosjedilaca nasuprotprido{licama, nazvan “nativizmom”, a prista{e takvih nazora organizirali su se uAmeri~ku nativisti~ku stranku.

222

Nativizam je ve} polovicom 19. stolje}a imao o~itoga uspjeha. Posljedica jezastra{ivanja i nasilja bitno smanjen broj useljenih u SAD 1855., kada je broj useljeni-ka prepolovljen u odnosu na prethodnu, 1854. godinu. Nativisti~ki kandidat na pred-sjedni~kim izborima 1856. osvojio je ~ak ~etvrtinu glasova. Nativisti su zagovaraliodupiranje invaziji stranaca, “poplavi koja unosi moralnu i politi~ku izopa~enost”.

223

Uskoro se razvija i bitka izme|u dviju suprotstavljenih strana samih starosjedilaca –jedni su za ograni~avanje useljavanja, drugi i dalje za slobodno useljavanje. Zapadnei ju`ne dràve, kao i New York, trebaju novu radnu snagu i ne protive se useljavanju,a Kalifornija te sjeverne i isto~ne dràve odlu~no traè ograni~enja.

Ograni~avaju}i su, donekle, i zakoni koji poput onoga iz 1882., uz ostalo, zabranjujeuseljavanje “idiota i svih onih za koje postoji rizik da mogu postati dru{tveno prob-lemati~ni”.

224

Mo}ni ameri~ki sindikati (Vitezovi rada – Knights of Labor) 1885. postiù zabranudolaska nekvalificiranih radnika koji u to doba najvi{e stiù iz srednje, isto~ne i ju`neEurope. Takvi radnici spu{taju cijenu rada i uglavnom su nespremni za prilago|iva-nje i stapanje u ameri~ko dru{tvo.U zakonima se pojavljuju i odre|ena proturje~ja – s jedne se strane zabranjuje sklapa-nje radnih ugovora prije dolaska u Ameriku kako bi se izbjegla ropska podre|enostradnika, a s druge se strane traì jamstvo da novi useljenici ne}e postati izvor socijal-nih problema.

Unato~ ograni~enjima, i dalje postoje brojne mogu}nosti za useljavanje. Smiju se, prijesvega, doseljavati kvalificirani radnici te rodbina i prijatelji onih koji su ve} uselili. Uzto, previ{e o{tre mjere protiv useljenika ne odgovaraju mnogima koji zara|uju na pri-jevozu useljenika, pa i zato ne mogu dokraja zaìvjeti. âk su i useljeni~ke stanice,poput one najva`nije u New Yorku, koje su glavne prepreke na ulazu u Ameriku, ~estopopu{tale brodarskim kompanijama koje su podràvale useljavanje svojih putnikaponajvi{e zato da ih, u skladu sa zakonskom obvezom, ne moraju o svom tro{kuvra}ati u Europu.

Kada je ameri~ka gospodarska komora raspisala natje~aj na temu “lo{e posljediceneograni~ene imigracije”, pobijedio je rad koji je prvi put predlagao provjeravanje pis-

219 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta WilliamaKlingera, Gradisca d’ Isonzo 2008.

220 Nije bitno ni to {to je u vrijeme rata s Francuskom(1798.) doneseno niz ograni~avaju}ih mjera koje suvrlo brzo ukinute (1800.).

221 Raymond L. Cohn, Nativism and the End of theMass Migration of the 1840s and 1850s, The Journal ofEconomic History, Vol. 60, No. 2, (srpanj 2000.), str.361. – 383.

222 Native American Party.

223 Klinger, Isto.224 Passinger Act, usvojen 17. kolovoza 1882., uveo jenove standarde o uvjetima putovanja brodom teodvajanje mu{karaca od èna (zbog ~estih slu~ajevasilovanja).

Protuuseljeni~ko raspoloènje u SAD-udesetlje}ima tinja, a povremeno i bukne, oso-bito pred Prvi svjetski rat kada se useljavanjepo~inje ograni~avati i oteàvati. I ovakarikatura odraàva neprijateljstvo premauseljenicima. Batom koji predstavlja ameri~ko “javnomi{ljenje”, Ujak Sam zabija tablu: “Ovo nijesmetli{te”. S druge strane oceana stoji seljan-ka s ko{em i predstavlja “neke europskebirokrate” koji u Ameriku {alju “nepoèljne”. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

The anti-immigration mood in the USA waspresent, even though not openly noticeable,but sometimes it burst out, especially beforeWorld War One, when the US started limitingand complicating immigration. This carica-ture reflects the hostility towards immigrants. With a small hammer that represented theAmerican public opinion, Uncle Sam is bolt-ing down a board saying “This is not agarbage dump”. On the other side of theocean a peasant woman stands with a garbagebin and represents “some European bureau-crats” who are sending the “unwanted” toAmerica. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, NewYork)


207

From nativism to ImmigrationQuotasWhile almost all inhabitants of North America (other than the remaining NativeAmericans) are immigrants, old immigrants considered recent ones as newcomers. In1783, shortly after American Independence, George Washington, the first President ofthe United States, proclaimed “an open door policy,” allowing for unlimited immigra-tion. Until the late 19th century, Native Americans and African Americans did not par-ticipate in political life.

219

As early as 1790, the US Congress passed its first law on naturalization, granting citi-zenship rights based on only two years of residence in the United States. In 1795,Congress extended the term to five years.

220

The early 19th century saw the first acts of violence by Anglo-Saxons, mostlyProtestants, against new arrivals, German and Irish Catholics, who had started com-ing in growing numbers. In 1844 the Irish in Philadelphia came underattack.

221Nativists, i.e., US-born Americans, formed the Native American Party in

order to protect their interests against the newcomers.222

During the first half of the 19th century, the Party attracted a large following. As aresult of intimidation and violence, between 1854 and 1855 the number of immigrantsentering the United States dropped by half. In 1856, the Nativist candidate at thePresidential elections won one-quarter of the vote. The Nativists called for resistanceto the invasion of foreigners, “a deluge that brings with it moral and political corrup-tion.”

223

Soon, the Nativists became divided too – one group call for limited immigration,while another insisted on free immigration. The southern and the western states andNew York needed more labor and opposed immigration restrictions, while Californiaand the northern and the eastern states adamantly called for restraints.

Some laws, such as that passed in 1882, were somewhat restrictive. That law bannedthe immigration of “idiots and all the people that might become a problem to socie-ty.”

224

In 1885, powerful American trade unions (the Knights of Labor) won a ban on immi-gration of unqualified labor, especially from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe.Such labor dampened wages and such immigrants were regarded as mostly beingunprepared for adaptation and integration into American society.

The laws proved somewhat inconsistent – on the one hand, they banned the signingof employment contracts prior to arrival in the United States, in order to protect therights of labor, and on the other they called for guarantees that immigrants would notseek support from social services.

In spite of restrictions, immigration did not stop. Restrictions did not apply to quali-fied labor and to the relatives and friends of prior immigrants. Furthermore, the mostrestrictive measures against immigration were not implemented, as they ran againstthe interests of the immigration industry. Even immigration stations, such as the mainone in New York, which had been intended as obstacles to unlimited immigration,often caved in under the pressure from shippers who did not wish to be forced to shiprejected immigrants back to Europe at their own cost.

When the US Chamber of Commerce announced a prize competition for the best essayon “Bad Consequences of Unrestricted Immigration,” the winning essay called for lit-eracy test, which would have favored immigration from developed, mostly Anglo-

219 Based on an unpublished text by William Klinger,Gradisca d’ Isonzo 2008.

220 An minor event related to immigration lawsincluded the passage of a series of restrictive meas-ures in 1798, during an undeclared war with France,which soon expired or were rescinded (1800-1802).

221 Raymond L. Cohn, Nativism and the End of theMass Immigration of the 1840s and the 1850’s, TheJournal of Economic History, Vol. 69, No. 2 (July 2000),pp. 361 – 383.

222 Native American Party.

223 Klinger, ibid.

224 The Passenger Act, passed on 17 August 1882, setnew standards for conditions on board ships, includ-ing the separation of men from women (due to fre-quent rapes).

Karikatura objavljena u City Journalu uKansasu kritizira “ameri~ku politikuotvorenih ruku”:“Pridrì malo i ove, Sam, dok skoknem u kup-nju”, kaè europska Majka domovina,izru~uju}i zbunjenom Amerikancu svojuneèljenu, prekobrojnu djecu. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, New York)

A caricature published in the City Journal inKansas criticizes “the American open armspolicy”: “Hold these here for me too Sam,while I go shopping”, says the Europeanmotherland, handing over its unwanted chil-dren to the puzzled American. (Ellis Island Immigration Museum, NewYork)


208

menosti useljenika, {to je umanjivalo useljavanje iz srednje, isto~ne i ju`ne Europe, apogodovalo po`eljnijim useljenicima iz razvijenijih, naro~ito iz anglosaksonskihzemalja.Ugledni ameri~ki statisti~ar tvrdio je da imigracija vi{e nije potrebna i dokazivao da jekod imigranata ve}a stopa nepismenosti i – kriminaliteta – {to stavlja na velike ku{njei ameri~ko dru{tvo i demokratske institucije. Ustvrdio je i da je sni`avanje cijene putnekarte omogu}ilo i najsiroma{nijima da do|u u Ameriku, ~ime se mijenja kategorijauseljenika.

225

Bilo je i onih, poput Saveza za ograni~avanje useljavanja (Immigration RestrictionLeague), koji su se usmjerili na dokazivanje fizi~ke i mentalne inferiornosti ju`nih iisto~nih Europljana. I oni su se, ve} sredinom 1890-ih, zalagali za uvo|enje provjerepismenosti.Nakon osnivanja ove o{tre protuemigrantske lige, brodarski lobi osniva svojProimigrantski savez (Pro Immigration League) koji je trebao zastupati brodarskeinterese i braniti ih od nativista – dakle otklanjati zapreke i omogu}avati {to slobodni-je useljavanje.

U velja~i 1891. ameri~ki Kongres donosi zakon kojim se ne poku{ava u prvom redusmanjiti priljev, nego prije svega pobolj{ati izbor imigranata. Sjevernjaci – Englezi,

225 Richmond Mayo Smith, Control of Immigration, I.Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 3. br. 1. (svibanj1888.), str. 48.–49.

Saloon Nicka Verzuha iz Gorskog kotara uHrvatskoj, koji vodi gostionicu u East Heleni,Montana, na sjeveru SAD-a. U ovim suplaninskim krajevima tek krajem 19. stolje}azavr{ile ~arke s ro|enim Amerikancima(Native Americans). No Indijanci su ve} tada“pravim” Amerikancima, podrijetlomAnglosaksoncima i Ircima, predstavljalimnogo manju opasnost od najnovijihprido{lica iz srednje, isto~ne i ju`ne Europe.(Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)

Nick Verzuh from Gorski kotar, Croatia, isrunning his Saloon in East Helena, Montana,in the north of the USA. It was not until theend of the 19th century that the tensions withNative Americans ended in these mountains.But for the new self-pronounced “realAmericans”, originally Anglo-Saxon andIrish, the Indians represented a much smallerrisk than the latest newcomers from central,eastern and southern Europe.(Fotoarhiva Hreljanovi}, Rijeka)


209

Saxon European regions over those from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe. Theauthor, a reputable American statistician, argued against the need for further immi-gration and claimed that immigrants had a higher illiteracy and crime rates and thusposed a serious threat to American society and democratic institutions. He alsoclaimed that the slashing of passenger fares had led to the arrival of the poorest toAmerica, thus changing the profile of the immigrant contingents.

225

Some voices, such as that of the Immigration Restriction League, focused on provingthe physical and mental inferiority of Southern and Eastern Europeans. Around 1885,the League called for the introduction of the literacy test.

As a reaction to the founding of that vehemently anti-immigration association, theshippers’ lobby sponsored the Pro-Immigration League, in order to protect the ship-pers’ interests by removing obstacles to unrestricted immigration.

In February 1891, the US Congress passed a law which sought to improve the qualityof immigrants rather than to limit their numbers. The law favored NorthernEuropeans – the English, the Germans, the Scandinavians, over Southern and EasternEuropeans – the Italians, the Russians and others.

226

225 Richmond Mayo Smith, Control of Immigration,I. Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 3. No. 1 (May 1888),pp. 48 – 49.

226 Based on an unpublished text by William Klinge,Gradisca d’ Isonzo 2008.


210

Nijemci, Skandinavci poèljniji su od ju`njaka i onih s istoka – Talijana, Rusa idrugih.

226

Potreba za nadzorom nad useljavanjem ponovno je nagla{ena u vrijeme nov~ane krize1907., kada je donesen novi zakon i utemeljena Komisija za “prou~avanje” problemaimigracije, kojoj je na ~elo postavljen senator William P. Dillingham. Komisijazapo~inje s radom ljeti 1907., a sam Dillingham, zajedno sa suradnicima, kre}e na putu Europu s namjerom da istraì uzroke iseljavanja – gospodarske uvjete i stanjedru{tvenih slojeva iz kojih se naj~e{}e unova~uju iseljenici.

227

Komisija kre}e iz Bostona i upu}uje se na jug Italije, u najve}e iseljeni~ko àri{te –najprije u Napulj pa u Messinu i Palermo, a obilazi i unutra{njost Sicilije. Potom nas-tavlja temeljito prou~avati razne europske luke, glavne gradove i najva`nije iseljeni~kekrajeve. Povjerenici najvi{e vremena provode u ameri~kim konzulatima.^lanovi Komisije raspore|eni su tako da obi|u sva va`na mjesta. Sam Dillingham injegov osobni suradnik Wheeler posvetili su se Austriji, Ma|arskoj i Rusiji, pa suupravo oni posjetili Rijeku i Trst.Rezultat komisije golema je gra|a (izvje{}a) sabrana u 41 knjigu, prepunu upotre-bljivih podataka o useljavanju u SAD u razdoblju prije Prvoga svjetskog rata.

Prema slu`benim ameri~kim statistikama o useljenicima, koje se vode od 1. srpnja1819. do dovr{etka izvje{}a Dillinghamove komisije, 30. lipnja 1910., ukupno su uSAD uselila 27.918.992 useljenika. Od toga 25.421.929 (92,3%) iz Europe. “Stara imigracija”, useljenici iz zapadne i sjeverne Europe, ~ini vi{e od 95% svih use-ljenika koji stiù do 1880. godine.

228

“Nova imigracija”, useljenici iz srednje, ju`ne i isto~ne Europe, ~ine 77% useljenikapristiglih u SAD izme|u 1901. do 1910. godine.

229

Osnovni je zaklju~ak Komisije da je iseljavanje vi{e podlo`no gospodarskim negopoliti~kim zakonitostima jer iseljenik uglavnom samo poku{ava bolje ìvjeti, a to zna~iprije svega bolje prodati svoj rad. Komisija je zapazila i da su u Europi ve}e {anse danetko dobije stalno zaposlenje, ali i da je kvalificiran rad pla}en manje nego u SAD-u.

Jedno je od zapaànja Komisije da iseljenici s juga Europe odlazak u Ameriku doìv-ljavaju vi{e kao privremeni boravak nego kao trajno useljavanje. U odnosu naanglosaksonske useljenike, ~ija je kultura bliska ameri~koj, pa se zato lakoprilago|uju, oni koji dolaze iz sredi{nje i drugih krajeva Europe ne poznaju jezik islabo se prilago|uju pa ~e{}e razmi{ljaju o povratku.No ni ti iseljenici nisu u svojim krajevima najgori ljudi jer se u odnosu na ostaleiskazuju hrabro{}u, poduzetno{}u i izdr`ljivo{}u.

230

Neki su zaklju~ci Komisije izrazito neskloni neanglosaksoncima i izrazito rasno obi-ljeèni, poput onih o inferiornosti ju`nih i isto~nih Europljana u odnosu naAnglosaksonce. Dillinghamova komisija ponavlja i nu`nost utvr|ivanja pismenosti,{to je kona~no postalo obveznim tek 1917. godine. No u to je doba pismenost ve} bilapro{irena i u isto~noj Europi pa to vi{e nije najbolji kriterij. Okosnica nove selekcijenakon rata postalo je utvr|ivanje kvota po nacionalnosti – ili diskriminacija nekihetni~kih grupa u odnosu na povla{tene grupe.

Nakon izbijanja rata gotovo je prekinuto useljavanje, a istovremeno se velik broj use-ljenika po~inje vra}ati u Europu, dijelom zbog brige za obitelj i domovinu, a dijelom izbog pritiska ameri~kih vlasti.A nakon rata useljavanje bitno opada. Ipak se od 1921. do 1927. donosi niz zakona oograni~avanju useljavanja.Uspostavljen je sustav odre|ivanja “kvota”, dopu{tenog broja useljenika, koje su zasvaki pojedini narod bile druk~ije – ovisno o tome koliko je koji narod bio poèljan.Osnova za izra~unavanje broja useljenika bio je odre|eni postotak od broja useljenikaiz pojedinog naroda, u odnosu na ukupan broj useljenika 1910. godine. Kao polazi{teza izra~un odre|ena je 1890. godina jer je tada dolazio ve}i broj poèljnih, anglosak-sonskih i drugih, useljenika iz sjeverozapadne Europe.

226 Na osnovi neobjavljenog teksta WilliamaKlingera.

227 United States Immigration Commission (1907-1910). Emigration conditions in Europe, Serial Set Vol.5870. Washington, D. C., USA: Government PrintingOffice, 1911., str. 5.

228 To su Engleska, Irska, [kotska, Wales, Belgija,Danska, Francuska, Njema~ka, Nizozemska, Norve{-ka, [vedska i [vicarska.

229 To su useljenici iz Austro-Ugarske, Bugarske,Gr~ke, Italije, Crne Gore, Poljske, Portugala, Rumunj-ske, Rusije, Srbije, [panjolske i Turske.

230 United States Immigration Commission (1907-1910), isto, str. 21.

Idili~na prekooceanska zdravica pod geslom“Ruke preko mora”, objavljena na slikovitojrazglednici iskazuje sasvim druk~ije raspo-loènje od “nativisti~kog” neprijateljstva iosje}aja ugroènosti od stranih radnika.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47974)

This idyllic transatlantic toast under the slo-gan “hands across the sea”, published in thepicturesque postcard, presents quite a differ-ent mood from the feeling of hostility and ofbeing threatened by foreign workers.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47974)


211

The need for control over immigration emerged with a new emergency during thefinancial crisis of 1907, as evidenced by passage of another immigration law and bythe founding of a commission for immigration issues, headed by William P.Dillingham. The commission became operational in the summer of 1907, whenDillingham and his associates traveled to Europe to study the causes of emigration,i.e., the economic reasons and the conditions of the social strata from which mostimmigrants came.

227

The Commission set out from Boston for southern Italy, the most dynamic source ofemigration – first to Naples and then to Messina and Palermo. It also visited theSicilian hinterlands. They subsequently conducted a detailed study of differentEuropean ports, the capitals and emigration regions. On their trips, the members ofcommission spent most of their time at US consulates.

The staff divided in several groups, in order to be able to visit all important locations.Dillingham and his personal assistant, Wheeler focused on Austria, Hungary andRussia. As a result, they visited Rijeka and Trieste. The Commission produced reportspublished in 41 volumes, packed with useful information on immigration into theUnited States on the eve of World War I.

According to official US immigration statistics, covering the period from 1 July 1819until the final report of the Dillingham commission (30 June 1910), immigrants to theUnited States totaled 27,918,992 during that period, including 25,421,929 (92.3%) fromEurope.

Old immigrants, i.e., those from Western and Northern Europe, comprised more than95% of all immigrants prior to 1880.

228New immigrants, i.e., those from Central,

Southern and Eastern Europe, amounted to 77% of all immigrants into the UnitedStates between 1901 and 1910.

229

The Commission concluded that emigration had been prompted primarily by eco-nomic rather than by political reasons, i.e., that the main motive for emigration hadbeen a search for a better life and for higher wages. The Commission noted thatEurope offered more steady jobs, while the US employers paid higher wages to qual-ified labor.

The Commission found, among other things, that emigrants from Southern Europewent to the US with the intention to stay there temporarily rather than to settle.Unlike Anglo-Saxon emigrants, who came from a cultural background similar to thatof the US, and thus adapted easily, emigrants from Central and other regions ofEurope did not speak English, found integration more difficult and became more like-ly to return home. Yet, compared to their peers at home, even those emigrants hadbeen braver, more enterprising and more resilient.

230

Some of the Commission’s conclusions showed a clear racist-bent and a bias in favorof Anglo–Saxons and against Southern and Eastern Europeans, who the Committeedescribed as being inferior. Dillingham’s commission reiterated the demand for a lit-eracy test, which only became mandatory in 1917. But, by then the literacy rate inEastern Europe had become relatively high, creating the need for new barriers. Hence,after World War I, the main criterion for selection became ethnic background, whichled to discrimination against some ethnic groups in favor of others.

The outbreak of World War I brought immigration to a halt. At the same time, quitea few immigrants returned to Europe, either because they feared for their families andcompatriots, or under the pressure from American authorities.

After the War, immigration dropped sharply compared to the pre-War levels. From1921 until 1927, the US passed a number of additional laws restricting immigration.The laws established a system of ethnic quotas which reflected the desirability of only

227 United States Immigration Commission (1907 –1910). Emigration conditions in Europe, Serial Set Vol.5870. Washington, D.C., USA: Government PrintingOffice, 1911, p. 5.

228 This included England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales,Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Holland,Norway, Sweden and Switzerland.

229 This comprised immigrantsfrom: Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Greece, Italy,

Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Spainand Turkey. 230 United States Immigration Commission (1907 –1910), ibid, p. 21.

Velika se ve}ina stranaca i njihove djece brzopo~inje osje}ati Amerikancima i prihva}a“naturalizaciju”. Samo se ~etvrtina ili ne{tovi{e useljenika koji u SAD dolaze po~etkom1900- ih, zauvijek vra}a ku}ama.Prilagodbu potvr|uje i ova iseljeni~ka raz-glednica poslana iz Novoga u Stari svijet –nova majka domovina vijori ameri~ku zas-tavu i upire pogled ka zgradi Kongresa.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47975)

A great majority of foreigners and their chil-dren quickly began to feel as Americans, andaccepted “naturalization”. Only a quarter ormore of immigrants who came to the US inearly 1900s, decided to return home forever.Their adjustment is confirmed by this immi-gration postcard sent from the New World tothe Old one - a new motherland is waving theAmerican flag and looking towards Capitolhill.(Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47975)


212

Najnià je kvota za najnepoèljnije narode iznosila 3% , a najvi{a 20% u odnosu na pre-dratni broj useljenika.

Tako je emigracija iz srednje i isto~ne Europe u SAD gotovo onemogu}ena. Iz tih suzemalja mogli useljavati uglavnom samo imu}ni i obrazovani te ro|aci ameri~kihdràvljana, na koje se nisu odnosili propisi o kvotama.Mjere su urodile plodom jer se u odnosu na gotovo milijun useljenika godi{nje, kolikoih je stizalo predratnih godina, u me|uratnom razdoblju taj broj smanjuje na tre}inu.Time je kona~no potpuno zaustavljen veliki val srednjoeuropske emigracije.

ê`nja za domom i povratak u domovinu

Pogodnost brze i jeftine povratne vo`nje parobrodom pospje{ila je putovanje prekooceana u oba smjera. Zato je odlazak od ku}e i rastanak s obitelji za nove nara{taje biomanje bolan nego za njihove prethodnike. Naprotiv, starije su se generacije emigrana-ta morale pomiriti s kona~no{}u svoga iseljavanja.

Mnogi su noviji iseljenici iz razdoblja razvijenoga prometa doista ra~unali spovratkom.Mnogi iseljenici drugoga vala namjeravaju se vratiti u domovinu ~im u{tede toliko damogu izgraditi ku}u, kupiti zemlji{te ili – otplatiti obiteljski dug.

Kao {to zbrku katkad stvaraju razli~iti i proturje~ni podaci o iseljenicima iz europskihzemalja, tako su jo{ manje pouzdani podaci o povratnicima. Vjeruje se da se ~etvrtinasvih iseljenika koji su tijekom stotinjak godina dolazili u Ameriku, ipak vratila uEuropu. Naro~ito je to bilo omogu}eno u kasnije doba migracije. Za razne su narode razli~ite i procjene broja povratnika. Skandinavaca se vra}a tekpetina, a Engleza i Vel{ana gotovo 40%.

231

Pred sam Prvi svjetski rat vra}ala se gotovo polovica Talijana, a Hrvata, Srba, Poljakai Ma|ara, prema nekim vijestima, otprilike tre}ina. U svakom slu~aju, ju`nih se i sred-njoeuropskih iseljenika obi~no vra}alo vi{e od onih sjevernih i zapadnih – dijelom izato {to su odlazili kasnije, u vrijeme kada je premo{}ivanje velikih udaljenosti bilomnogo lak{e i jeftinije.

Oni koji se u domovini osje}aju ugroèno, poput @idova, Rusina, podunavskihNijemaca i drugih manjina, uglavnom se ne vra}aju, no Ma|ari, Hrvati i Slovaci, naprimjer, osje}aju sna`nu vezu s domovinom i obitelji koju ostavljaju kod ku}e pa seèle vratiti ~im u{tede za bolji ìvot. Ali unato~ po~etnim ~vrstim namjerama, ni njihse ne vra}a previ{e.

232

Mnogi od onih ~vrsto uvjerenih da }e se jednom vratiti, nikada vi{e nisu vidjeli rodnikraj – neki zato {to s vremenom shva}aju da im u domovini vi{e nije mjesto i da supo~eli pripadati novome svijetu u kojem je ìvot bitno druk~iji i gdje imaju boljeuvjete, drugi zbog razli~itih razloga, pa i zbog nemogu}nosti povratka radi lo{egimovnog stanja.

Ima i slu~ajeva neobi~ne pokretljivosti novih iseljenika, poput pojave “sezonskih” rad-nika koji povremeno odlaze u Europu, ali se uvijek iznova vra}aju ameri~koj zaradi.Me|u najneobi~nijima je primjer slova~koga “drotara” koji u Americi plete ì~aneko{are i razne druge predmete ba{ kao da je u Slova~koj, a ku}i se vra}a ~ak 26 puta!

233

Oni pak koji i ne pomi{ljaju na povratak, okupljaju se u krugu vlastitih “etni~kihzajednica”, u potpornim i kulturnim dru{tvima i klubovima. Iseljenici obi~no jedan zadrugim odlaze u isti kraj i tako nastaju svojevrsni etni~ki otoci naseljeni ljudima iz istezemlje, iz istoga kraja i iste narodnosti. To im omogu}uje i redovita okupljanja. Upo~etku vi{e iz nu`de nego iz bilo kojih drugih potreba osnivaju brojna potporna, kul-turna dru{tva i klubove.

231 Dudley Baines, Emigration From Europe 1815–1930,Macmillan Education Ltd, London, 1991., str. 39.

232 Podaci se u raznim izvorima prili~no razlikuju.Za Hrvate se tako kre}u od ~ak 44% povratnika(Frances Kraljic, Croatian Migration to and from theUnited States, 1900–1914, Ragusan Press, Palo Alto1978.), do mnogo manjega omjera od samo 20% (Ivanîzmi}, O iseljavanju iz Hrvatske u razdoblju od1880–1914, Historijski zbornik, Zagreb, god. 27.–28.,1974.–1975., str. 44.).

233 Martin Besedi~, neobjavljeni tekst, Bratislava2007.

“Draga mama! Na putu u Colorado Springs,pozdravljam Te! @ivila! Milan.” Razglednicus prizorom trgova~ke vreve na South WaterStreetu u Chicagu, gdje ve} ìvi podostaHrvata i drugih Slavena ovaj je, mo`da tekpristigli useljenik, poslao u Hrvatsku 18. rujna1901. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47977)

“Dear mom! Greetings from my trip toColorado Springs! Love! Milan.” This post-card with the view of a busy crowd on SouthWater Street in Chicago, which became a newhome for many Croatians and other Slavicnations, was sent to Croatia by this, probablynewly arrived,immigrant on 18 September 1901. (Muzej za umjetnost i obrt, Zagreb, MUO47977)


213

allowing immigrants into the country from certain individual ethnic groups.The quotas were based on the percentage of each ethnic group in the immigration con-tingent of 1890, plotted against the number of immigrants in 1910. The year 1890 hadbeen chosen because the number of “desirable” immigrants, from Anglo-Saxonregions and northwest Europe, had been deemed acceptable. The quota ranged from3% for the least desirable ethnic groups to 20%.Over all, the quota system practically ended immigration from Central and EasternEurope. Only the rich, the well educated or the relatives of former immigrants, towhom the quotas did not apply continued to be welcomed from these regions.The measures bore fruit, considering that compared to the annual contingent of almosta million immigrants before the War, the numbers between World War I and WorldWar II did not exceed 300,000. That finally brought to an end the large immigrationwave from central Europe.

Homesickness and Return

Thanks to fast and cheap steamship travel, transoceanic traffic became quite intensive.As a result, for new generations of emigrants leaving home and parting with one’sfamily became a much less traumatic experience than for their predecessors, whocould not harbor any hope of return.

Many new immigrants left with the intention to come back again. During the secondwave of emigration, they went to the US to save enough money to build a house, topurchase a plot of land or to pay back a family debt in the old country.

The data on the number of returnees is even more confusing than the data on the num-ber of emigrants from different European countries. According to one estimate, a quar-ter of all emigrants who had gone to America over the 100-odd year period when emi-gration had been at its highest eventually returned to Europe. This became especiallycommon during more recent periods of emigration.

Estimates of the number of returnees from different ethnic groups and regions vary,from 20% for the Scandinavians to 40% for the English and the Welsh.

231

On the eve of World War I, almost half of all Italians, Croats, Serbs and Poles returnedhome as did approximately a third of all Hungarians. Immigrants from Southern andCentral Europe proved more likely to return than those from the north and the westof the Continent, partly because they arrived later, when long distance travel hadbecome easier and faster.

Those least likely to return consisted of people who remained under threat in theirhomelands, such as Jews, Ruthenians, Danubian Germans and other minorities. Onthe other hand, Hungarians, Croats and Slovaks, all who had very strong ties withtheir homelands and families, went with the intention to return as soon as they savedenough money for a better life. However, in spite of their firm intentions, the actualnumber of returnees did not remain particularly high.

232

Many of those who had left with the intention to return home never saw their nativeland again, some because they became integrated into the different and more comfort-able life style of the New World and some for other reasons, including insufficientmeans.

Some new immigrants showed themselves to be exceptionally mobile, including thosewho went to America and back as required by the seasonal nature of their work. Oneof the most striking examples involved a Slovak tinker, who traveled 26 times betweenSlovakia and the US, where he made wire baskets and similar items!

233

Immigrants who intended to stay set up, at first out of necessity, different charities,arts centers and clubs within their ethnic communities. Thanks to the concentration of

231 Dudley Baines, Emigration from Europe 1815 - 1930,Macmillan Education Ltd, London, 1991, p. 39.

232 The numbers differ significantly from one sourceto another. For the Croats they vary from as much as44% (Frances Kraljic, Croatian Migration to and fromthe United States, 1900 – 1914, Ragusan Press, PaloAlto, 1978) to as little as 20% (Ivan ^izmi}, OnEmigration from Croatia in the Period 1880 – 1914, (Oiseljavanju iz Hrvatske u razdoblju od 1880-1914),Historijski zbornik, Zagreb, years 27-28, 1974-1975, p.44).

233 Martin Besedi~, an unpublished text, Bratislava2007


214

ê`nja za domovinom ne jam~i uvijek povratak, no dijelom se moè utaìti i dalekood rodnoga kraja druènjem sa sunarodnjacima i prisje}anjem starih obi~aja, pjeva-njem starinskih pjesama, ali i novih, ameri~kih pjesama o ~e`nji za zavi~ajem.

234

“Amerikanaca” povratnika bilo je ipak podosta. Vra}aju se najvi{e o~evi obitelji, kojisu oti{li u ve} zreloj dobi i kod ku}e ostavili ènu i djecu. No ostaju zauvijek njihovisinovi koji su oti{li vrlo mladi i koji su se brzo prilagodili ameri~kom na~inu ìvota.Povratnici, koji su ve} iz Amerike redovito slali nov~ane doznake, vra}aju se jer suispunili svoj plan – ili su ih otjerale gospodarske krize: prva ve} 1893., a naro~ito onekasnije, 1907. i 1929. godine. Osim novcem, povratnici i dolaskom ku}i pridonose bo-ljem ìvotu svojih obitelji, razvoju svojega kraja i gospodarstvu svojih zemalja.

Oni koji se vra}aju iz SAD-a u vrijeme velike krize 1907.–1908., gotovo su brojniji odonih koji istodobno iseljavaju u Ameriku. No mnogi se vra}aju ku}i tek mnogo kasni-je, nakon zavr{ena rata i nakon nove te{ke krize. Prema podacima prikupljenim na glavnim grani~nim prijelazima Oderberg,Auschwitz, Bodenbach i Tetchen i u lukama Trst i Rijeka, a odnose se na dvogodi{njerazdoblje, od sredine 1908. do sredine 1910., u to se doba vra}a velik broj“Amerikanaca”.

235

Gospodarska kriza, nezaposlenost i pritisci na njih, uzrokovali su povratak brojnihiseljenika. Povratnika je u samo dvije godine bilo ukupno blizu stotinu tisu}a(popisano ih je to~no 96.703).Od toga je broja petina Ma|ara i gotovo isto toliko Poljaka, ne{to malo manje Slovakai pribli`no toliko Hrvata i Slovenaca (koji su prikazani zajedno, ukupno ih je 15.436).Austrougarskih Nijemaca ima otprilike desetina od ukupnog broja povratnika. Svihostalih zajedno – Rusina, @idova, Srba, Rumunja i drugih – ima manje od 15%.

236

Mali broj povratnika Rusina i @idova o~ito potvr|uje da ve}ina ne vidi svoju sre}u ustaroj domovini, nego se okre}u ìvotu u Novom svijetu.I broj povratnika koji se vra}a preko luke Trst tijekom deset godina najintenzivnijegaiseljavanja bitan je jer obuhva}a dulje razdoblje i pouzdaniji je – preko te je luke oti{lootprilike 225.000 iseljenika, a vratilo ih se 63.000.

237

Donekle je ~udno da ih se u Rijeku vra}a mnogo manje iako ih odlazi znatno vi{e negoiz Trsta. Prema podacima za posljednje predratne godine, od 1909. do 1913. vra}a seprosje~no blizu 4500 iseljenika godi{nje.

238

Kad bi navedeni prosjek vrijedio za cijelo rije~ko razdoblje, to bi zna~ilo ukupno teksedminu od preko 317.000 iseljenika, koliko ih je u desetak godina rije~ke linije oti{lou Ameriku.

Pouzdani podaci o povratnicima ipak nisu mogu}i ni zato {to su mnogi od iseljenikau novije doba bili “sezonski radnici” pa su se svakih nekoliko godina vra}ali ku}i iponovno odlazili. No zato su va`nije i pouzdanije statistike o nov~anim doprinosimakojima emigranti potpomaù i svoje obitelji u domovini i nacionalno gospodarstvo.Ilustrativan je i primjer slova~kih iseljenika, iznesen 1912. u ~asopisu Slova~ki nov~arkoji tvrdi da od 72 milijuna dolara godi{nje, {to ih Slovaci ve} desetak godinaprosje~no zara|uju, vi{e od polovica svake godine stiè u domovinu!

239

Svota koja je pristizala u zemlje Ugarske krune vi{estruko se umnoìla u samo neko-liko godina; od 1900. do 1907. narasla je vi{e od pet puta!Od ukupnog su iznosa bitno manji udio od ostalih imale upravo ma|arske ùpanije,a mnogo vi{e novca uprihodovali su ìtelji Ko{i~ke, Zagreba~ke i Temi{varske ùpani-je, dakle Slovaci, Hrvati, Rumunji i Banatski Nijemci (“Podunavski [vabe”).

240

I Poljaci, koji ~ine gotovo polovicu svih iseljenika iz austrijskoga dijela Carstva i ukup-no ih je emigriralo vi{e od dva milijuna iz Austrije (859.000), Pruske i Rusije, nov~animsu doznakama bitno pridonijeli razvoju svoga kraja.

241

Dozna~eni novac presudan je za spas tisu}a obitelji, otplatu dugova i skidanje hipote-ka sa seoskih gospodarstava. Taj novac zna~i i obnovu imanja, izgradnju novih ku}a i

233 I prvi hrvatski pjesnik u Americi, Josip Marohni},izdao je zbirku pjesama pod naslovom Amerikanke.

235 Podaci prema neobjavljenom tekstu MichaeleSchuller, Graz 2008.

236 Michaela Schuller, isto.

237 Francesco Fait, neobjavljeni tekst, Trst 2008..

238 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka, Rije~kaluka: povijest, izgradnja, promet, Muzej grada Rijeke2001., str. 239.

239 Martin Besedi~, neobjavljeni tekst, Bratislava,2007.

240 Ferenc Szilli, neobjavljeni tekst, Budimpe{ta 2007.

241 Bains, isto, str. 31.; Adam Wallaszek, neobjavljenitekst, Vara{ava 2007.

Ku}a mnogobrojne obitelji Franeta Lu~i}aBorinovega, sagra|ena novcem zara|enim ukamenolomu u Colorado Springsu. Ma kakose ~inila skromnom, ni{ta boljom i ve}om odostalih u selu, Frane je ne bi mogao sagraditibez tri pohoda preko oceana i znoja prolivenau ameri~kim kamenolomima.(Zdenka Novosel i Nevenka Pizzul, Rijeka)

The house of the numerous family of FraneLu~i} Borinov, built with the money earned ina quarry in Colorado Springs. No matter howhumble, and no better or bigger than others inthe village, it may seem, Frane could not havebuilt it without three transatlantic “expedi-tions” and a lot of blood, sweat and tears lostin the American quarry.(Zdenka Novosel and Nevenka Pizzul,Rijeka)


215

immigrants in certain areas, they formed ethnic clusters, where they could maintainold ties and socialize with their compatriots.

Thus, those who could not cure their nostalgia by returning home, tried to alleviate itby socializing with their countrymen. Then they reminisced on old customs and sangtraditional songs, as well as new, American songs in which they expressed their crav-ings for the old country.

234

The number of returnees from the United States was not insignificant. Most of themwere bread winners, who had left as mature men, leaving behind wives and children.But, those whose children grew up in the United States and adapted to the Americanway of life often had to return alone.

Some people returned after they managed to send enough money home, while othershad to leave during some of the recessions and depressions – the first one in 1893, butespecially in 1907 and 1929. Other than through money, the returnees improved thequality of life of their families and the economic development of their regions andcountries by their presence.During the recession of 1907-1908, the number of returnees from the United Statesalmost equaled the number of emigrants. Many others returned much later, afterWorld War I and another big recession. Data colleted at the border crossings at Oderberg, Aushwitz, Bodenbach and Tetchenand the ports of Rijeka and Trieste from mid-1908 until mid-1910 point to a large num-ber of returns.

235The returns had been prompted by the recession, unemployment and

pressure. In 1907-1908 alone, the number of returnees reached almost 100,000 (96,703).One in five of these returnees were Hungarians, with almost as many Poles, andslightly fewer Croats and Slovenians (who numbers 15,436 persons in the aggregate).Out of the total, Germans from Austria-Hungary consisted of about 10%. All the oth-ers, i.e., Ruthenians, Jews, Serbs, Romanians and others accounted for less than 15%of the returnees.

236The smaller numbers for the Ruthenians and the Jews prove clear-

ly that they embraced life in the New World as they did not see any future for them-selves in the old country.

The number of returnees through the port of Trieste over the 10 year period of themost intensive emigration is more representative as it covered a longer period of time.During that period, the number of emigrant departures totaled 225,000 and thereturns totaled 63,000.

237

Somewhat odd is a small number of returnees through Rijeka, considering that it hada much higher number of departures than Trieste. The data for the years leading toWorld War I (1909-1913) indicate an annual average of 4,500.

238When plotted over the

10 year period of emigration from the port of Rijeka to America, the number amountsto only one-seventh of the number of departures (317,000).The data on returns remains unreliable in this later stage of immigration due to thelarge number of seasonal emigrants, who spent only a few years at the time in theUnited States. A more important and reliable indicator are the emigrants’ remittancesthat supported not only their families at home but their old countries’ economies.A typical example is that of the immigrants from Slovakia, who had been sendingmore than a half of the 72 million Crowns that they made every year from 1902 to1912, reported the Slova~ki nov~ar magazine in 1912.

239From 1900 to 1907 the total

amount of remittances sent to Austria-Hungary rose by more than 500%. Out of thattotal, a minor part went to the Hungarian counties, and the bulk to Ko{ice, Zagreb andTimisoara counties, i.e., they had been sent by the Slovaks, the Croats, the Romaniansand the Germans in the Banat region (the Danube-basin Germans).

240

The Poles, of whom two million emigrated from Austria (859,000), Prussia and Russia,greatly boosted the economic growth in their homeland by theirremittances.

241Remittances represented a life line for thousands of families, who thus

paid off their debts and mortgages on their farms. The money allowed for propertiesto be upgraded, new houses to be constructed and the improvement of the standard

234 The first Croat poet in America, Josip Marohni},published a book of poetry entitled Amerikanke.

235 Data from an unpublished text by MichaelaSchuller, Graz 2008.

236 Michaella Schuller, ibid.

237 Francesco Fait, an unpublished text, Trieste, 2008.

238 John P. Kralji}, Rijeka as a Port of Emigration:History, Development, Traffic (Rijeka kao iseljeni~ka luka:povijest, izgradnja, promet), Muzej grada Rijeke, 2001.p. 239.

239 Martin Besedi~, an unpublished text, Bratislava2007.

240 Ferenc Szilli, an unpublished text, Budapest,2007.

241 Bains, ibid, p. 31; Adam Wallaszek, an unpub-lished text, Warsaw 2007.

Jedna od seoskih ku}a u rije~koj okolici, uKastav{tini, odakle iseljavaju mnogi, a vra}ajuse tek poneki.(Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)

One of the many rural houses in the vicinityof Rijeka, in the Kastav Region, from whichmany emigrated, and only a few returned.(Boris Su{anj, Vi{kovo)


242 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, sv. 6., I – Kal,Leksikografski zavod “Miroslav Krleà”, Zagreb,2005., str. 310.

243 Argentina, Zagreb, 1913.

244 Ivo Anti}evi} (ur.), Na{e iseljeni~ko pitanje, sv.I., Izdanja Zadru`nog Saveza, Spljet, 1913.Predavanje dr. Krunoslava Jande, str. 32.–33 .

245 Isto, str. 42.

246 Ivan îzmi}, Marin Sopta, Vlado [aki}, IseljenaHrvatska, Golden marketing – Tehni~ka knjiga,Zagreb, 2005., str. 119., 122. i 318.

247 Anti}evi}, isto, str. 20.Predavanje nar. zastupnika I. F. Lupisa, str. 20.

216

bolji ìvot za one kod ku}e – kao i za povratnike koji nisu ni htjeli nastaviti ìvot uAmerici.Ve}i je broj povratnika stigao po~etkom rata i prvih poratnih godina. Kod ku}e su ih~ekale obitelji, a u{te|eni je novac mnogima ve} bio dovoljan za izgradnju ku}e, kup-nju imanja i bolji ìvot – koji im je dostupan i u domovini.Ako se u desetlje}ima najve}e migracije, od prijelaza stolje}a do Prvoga svjetskog rata,vratilo i manje od ~etvrtine iseljenika, to jo{ uvijek zna~i silu koja je bitno utjecala napromjene u starome kraju.

Na kraju,korist ili {teta od emigracije?Uz one koji vide korist, ima i podosta onih koji su se osobnim uvidom uvjerili da emi-gracija donosi {tetu. Tako i Krunoslav Janda (1880.–1944.), zagreba~ki odvjetnik i pub-licist zainteresiran za gospodarsku politiku, boravi 1912. u Sjevernoj Americi iArgentini da bi se pobliè upoznao s problemima iseljeni{tva.

242Sljede}e godine

objavljuje i knjigu o ìvotu hrvatskih iseljenika u Argentini.243

Njegova se razmatranja, izre~ena u drugoj prigodi, zavr{avaju o{trom kritikom:“Zadnjih 10–15 godina preotela je selidba iz hrvatskih zemalja u Sjev. Ameriku takavmah, da ona postaje pravom pogibelju za na{ narodni opstanak... Ako se uvaì, davelik postotak na{ih ljudi u Americi pogine na raznim industrijalnim poslovima, naèljeznicama, ugljenicima, rudokopima itd. i tuberkolozi zadobivenoj kod tih radnja,a jo{ ve}i dio da se ne vra}a u domovinu, onda mora svakome biti jasno kakva nasbudu}nost ~eka, ako pustimo emigraciji, da ide putem kojim je do sada udarila.Uzev{i u obzir gubitak radnih sila, zapu{tanje gospodarstva kod ku}e, gubitak naro-dnog novca za dolazak u Ameriku (gore spomenuti iseljenici od godine 1907 ponijelisu sobom iz Hrvatske 3 milijuna kruna gotova novca) onda, uz sve dosada{njezaslu`be i {iljanja novca u domovinu, nije emigracija Hrvatskoj ni{ta koristila, ve} juznatno o{tetila i bacila u pogledu morala, razvoja obrta i industrije barem za 50 godi-na nazad.Posve je, dakle, krivo mi{ljenje ljudih, koji se dadu zablje{titi sa ono par milijunakruna, {to dolazi godi{nje u Hrvatsku iz Amerike, da je emigracija koristna zanarod.”

244

No samo nekoliko stranica dalje, autor u istom tekstu priznaje “da na{ svijet u Americivrlo mnogo zasluùje i da mnogo novca ku}i {alje”, to~nije oko 80 milijuna kruna, alije uvjeren da se to “nekako rastepe, da se ne vidi prava korist”, iako su pla}eni mnogidugovi, kupljeno mnogo zemlje i sagra|ene ku}e.

245

Ali to je, smatra Janda, jo{ uvijek malo u odnosu na zaradu ameri~kih iseljenika.

Potkraj velikog emigracijskoga vala, dalmatinski novinar i narodni zastupnik IvanFrano Lupis Vuki},

246pisac brojnih ~lanaka i publikacija o iseljavanju, koji je od 1891.

do 1898. i sam bio ameri~ki iseljenik, govori o “koristima i {tetama iseljavanja”.247

Unato~ te{ko}ama izazvanim napu{tanjem rodnoga kraja, bolestima i nesre}ama naradu te brojnim primjerima invaliditeta uzrokovanim te{kim ìvotom iseljenika, autoripak vidi podosta koristi, osobito za razvoj Dalmacije u kojoj je i sam svjedok napret-ka.

“Po ju`noj Dalmaciji i po otocima, iseljeni{tvo je donijelo vidljivih i znatnih materijal-nih pobolj{anja. U okolici Kor~ule, gdje sve mogu izbliza da vidim i sudim, otragdvadeset godina ~itava sela bijahu u bankrotnom stanju, a danas su sva u ogromnojmjeri pomo}u iseljeni~kih zasluàba upravo preporogjena. U svakom selu sagragjenoje mnogo ku}a... otkupljena su imanja i pro{irena, a pri{tednja na {tedionicama ibankama je upravo znatna...”

“Mojemu srda{cu!” Slikovite, {arolike ikatkad ki~aste razglednice koje stiù izAmerike, zaklanjaju muku teàka ukamenolomima, drvosje~a, gra|evinskih itvorni~kih radnika koji su ih slali majci, èniili – “svome zlatu”!(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

“To my sweetheart!” Picturesque and some-times kitchy postcards that arrived from theUnited States, often hid the suffering of min-ers in quarries, lumberjacks, construction andfactory workers, who sent them to their moth-ers, wives or their “darlings”! (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)


217

of living both for the family members who had stayed behind and for returnees fromthe United States.

The number of returnees increased at the beginning of World War I and in its after-math. Once reunited with their families, they used their savings to build a house, buya farm and enhance living conditions for themselves and for their families.

Even though during the peak period emigration, from 1900 until World War I, thenumber of returnees did not exceed one-fourth of all emigrants, they neverthelessgreatly contributed to the transformation of their native regions.

To summarizewas Emigration Good or DadSome people saw emigration as useful, but there were also those who learned aboutits bad sides from personal experience. In 1912, Krunoslav Janda (1880 – 1944), alawyer and publicist from Zagreb specializing in business affairs, traveled to NorthAmerica and Argentina to study emigration issues closely.

242The following year he

published a book on the life of Croatian immigrants in Argentina.243

On another occasion, he summarized his observations, with sharp criticism: “Over thepast ten to fifteen years, Croats have been emigrating to North America in such num-bers that it threatens the survival of our nation. . . . Considering that a large percent-age of our people die accidentally while working in different industries, including therailways, in coal and other mines, etc., that many others die on the job from tubercu-losis, while many more never return home, it is obvious what kind of future we canexpect if we let emigration proceed along its present course. Due to the labor drain,damage to our economy and the money that has been spent for emigration intoAmerica (in 1907 the emigrants from Croatia took with them 3 million Crowns incash), Croatia’s public morality, crafts and manufacturing have been put back by 50years, in spite of all the money the emigrants have saved and sent home. Thus, thosewho believe, dazzled by the several million Crowns that arrive from America toCroatia annually, that emigration has been beneficial for our people, are quitewrong.”

244

Later in the same text, the author acknowledges that “our people in America are earn-ing quite a lot and sending a lot of money home, i.e., 80 million Crowns”. Yet, heremained convinced that “the funds are somehow dispersed and are not used opti-mally,” although they paid off debts, purchased quite a lot of land and built houses.

245

But, compared to the earnings of American immigrants, all that was quite insignifi-cant, Janda believed.

Towards the end of this large emigration wave, the Dalmatian journalist and Memberof Parliament, Ivan Frano Lupis Vuki},

246the author of a large number of newspaper

articles and books on emigration and himself an immigrant in America from 1891 to1898, spoke publicly about the pros and cons of emigration.

247

In spite of the difficulties caused by departure from one’s native soil, illnesses, workrelated incidents and poor living conditions, often with debilitating consequences,emigrants significantly helped the development of Dalmatia, as he personally wit-nessed.

“It is obvious that to southern Dalmatia and the islands, emigration has brought sig-nificant prosperity. In the Kor~ula region, where I could witness it first hand, some 20years ago whole villages were in the state of bankruptcy. Since then, they have beengreatly revived thanks to the emigrants’ remittances. Many houses have been built in

242 Hrvatski biografski leksikon, vol. 6, I – kal,Lesikografski zavod Miroslav Krleà, Zagreb, 2005, p.310.

243 Argentina, Zagreb, 1913.

244 Ivo Anti~evi} (ed.), Our Emigration Problem (Na{eiseljeni~ko pitanje, vol. I, Izdanja zadru`nog Saveza,Spljet, 1913. A lecture by Krunoslav Janda, L.L.D., pp.32-33.

245 Ibid, p. 42.

246 Ivan îzmi}, Marin Sopta, Vlado [aki}, CroatianDiaspora, (Iseljena Hrvatska), Golden marketing –Tehni~ka knjiga, Zagreb, 2005, pp. 119, 122 and 318.

247 Anti~evi}, ibid, p. 20. Lecture by I. F. Lupis, MP, p.20.

Ko{arica s cvije}em i pozdravima onima udomovini iz Sjedinjenih Ameri~kih Dràva. (Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)

A basket of flowers and greetings to those athome from the United States.(Zavi~ajni muzej Ozalj)


218

[teta bi, usprkos prihodima, mogla biti velika da je odljev stanovni{tva bio ve}i odpriljeva, no stanovni{tvo se nije smanjilo kao ni obra|eno zemlji{te koje se, naprotiv,malo i pove}alo.“Na poluotoku Pelje{cu”, nastavlja narodni zastupnik Lupis, “ve}i dio stanovni{tva...bez Amerike, ne bi apsolutno mogao ìvjeti. I u moralnom pogledu nije narod zas-tranio, a u stanovitom pravcu, ako pogdjegod i ima pojava, koje se ne bi mogle odobri-ti, te su izbile prije pod uplivom domovine nego li Amerike.”

Nerije{ene probleme u domovini, dakako, ne treba pripisivati pogubnom utjecajuAmerike. Mo`da se ne treba prisje}ati ni najdramati~nijih, ali dalekih primjera, poput emigraci-jom prepolovljene Irske koja do danas nije ni pribli`no dosegnula broj stanovni{tvaprve polovice 19. stolje}a, ili prorije|enoga talijanskog juga. No primjeri tu|ihstradanja nisu osobito djelotvorni u ublaàvanju vlastite nevolje, a iseljavanje nipo{tonije bilo posljedica magi~ne privla~nosti Amerike, ve} nemogu}nosti ìvota u vlastitojku}i.

Opustjeli su ili potpuno promijenili demografsku sliku mnogi krajevi srednje Europeu koje se biv{i iseljenici nikad nisu vratili. Ne samo @idovi, Rusini, “podunavskiNijemci” iz Ugarske – s podru~ja dana{nje Ma|arske, Srbije (Vojvodine) i Rumunjske(Transilvanije), nisu se vratile ni stotine tisu}a Poljaka, Slovaka, Hrvata i drugih, kojisu nakon Prvoga svjetskog rata bili potaknuti na povratak u svoje novoosnovanenacionalne dràve.

Procesi etni~koga vrenja i dvaju svjetskih ratova, uzro~nika jo{ ve}ih migracija,stvaranje novih me|unacionalnih zajednica i, potom, najnovijih nacionalnih dràva, u20. se stolje}u zbivaju nevjerojatnom dinamikom – i stoga potiskuju va`nost iposljedice masovnog odlaska u Ameriku.Novi progoni Nijemaca, Talijana i Ma|ara iz Jugoslavije nakon Drugoga svjetskograta, Hrvata iz Bosne nakon raspada Jugoslavije, kao i velike `rtve bosanskih musli-mana, donekle bacaju u zaborav potrese izazvane vi{emilijunskom prekomorskommigracijom.

Dana{nji stanovnici nekad mnogo manje nacionalno homogenih krajeva i zemaljasrednje Europe bar su donekle svjesni bitnih demografskih promjena koje su sedogodile prvih desetlje}a 20. stolje}a, i jo{ uvijek zamje}uju tragove svojih nekada{njihinorodnih i inovjernih susjeda.

Ljudi zaokupljeni svakodnevicom te vlastitim nacionalnim okupljanjem i stvaranjemnacionalnih dràva, za svega nekoliko desetlje}a potisnuli su uspomenu na iseljenepradjedove i potpuno izgubili vezu s dalekim ameri~kim ro|acima.No bez obzira na sve ratne potrese i nezacijeljene oìljke, srednja Europa, shva}ena usmislu dana{njega politi~kog prostora nekada{nje Habsbur{ke Monarhije, nije onakvakakva bi bila bez Amerike i iseljavanja.

Ve}ina koja je odlu~ila zauvijek ìvjeti uAmerici, dokazivala je sebi i obitelji udomovini ispravnost svoje odluke. ê`nju zarodnim krajem nadokna|ivalo je ste~enoblagostanje i podsje}anje na bijedu u rodnomkraju.(Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)

Most of those who decided to stay in Americafor good, kept proving to themselves andtheir families back home that that was theright decision. They cured their homesicknessby the acquired wealth and memories of thepoverty at home. (Rado{ Kinkela, Rukavac)


219

all the villages . . . many farms have been bought out and expanded, and savings atthe savings associations and the banks are ample. . . .” Yet, in spite of the income, thedetriments would have outstripped the benefits had emigration led to depopulation.But, the population has been stagnating and the arable land has been slightly expand-ed. “In the Pelje{ac peninsula,” Lupis continued, “most of the population . . . wouldnot have survived without America. The morality of the people has not faltered, andeven those phenomena that call for criticism have been home grown rather thanimported form America.”

Of course, unresolved problems at home should not be attributed to the perniciousinfluence of America. Neither should one draw parallels with the most drastic exam-ples from far away places, such as the halving of the population of Ireland, whosepopulation still remains lower than it was in early 19th century, or with the partialdepopulation of southern Italy. Other nation’s troubles could not help alleviate one’sown, and emigration had been triggered by unbearable conditions at home, ratherthen by the magic allure of America.

Due to emigration, many regions of Central Europe suffered from depopulation orhad been demographically changed beyond recognition. Not only the Jews, theRuthenians, the Danubian Germans, but also hundreds of thousands of Poles, Slovaks,Croats and others never returned to the territory of present day Hungary, Serbia(Vojvodina) and Romania (Transylvania), in spite of initiatives for repatriation into thenewly founded national states after World War I.

The course of the 20th Century, which saw interethnic tensions, two World Wars, thecreation of new multiethnic communities and national states, occurred at such a stag-gering pace that they overshadowed the importance of mass emigration to Americaand its consequences.

The transoceanic migration of millions of people pales by comparison to the expulsionof ethnic Germans, Italians and Hungarians from Yugoslavia after World War II, andthe expulsion of ethnic Croats from Bosnia and killings of numerous Bosnian Muslimsafter the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

Yet, the present-day population of now ethnically homogenous regions and countriesof Central Europe remains aware of the demographic changes that took place in thefirst decades of the 20th century, because traces of different ethnic and religious com-munities remain visible. But while they had been preoccupied with the projects of eth-nic reunification and creation of nation states, they buried their memories of emigrantancestors and lost touch with their descendants in America, over only a few decades.

In spite of war traumas and the open wounds, Central Europe, that is the regions ofthe former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, would have been a different place withoutemigration to America.

Ku}a na “leku” (jezeru) ste~ena zaradom“naturaliziranog” Amerikanca, jednog odonih koji su sre}u potraìli u Kaliforniji, uArcati i Eureki, u Humboldtovu zaljevu, i tekpovremeno odràvali vezu s obitelji udomovini. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

A house on the lake, built with the money of a“naturalized” American, one of those whosearched for luck in California, in Arcata andEureka, in the Humboldt Bay, and only occa-sionally kept in touch with the family backhome. (Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Jo{ jedan prizor iz Kalifornije. Za ostvarenje“ameri~kog sna” nije bilo potrebno mnogovi{e od onoga {to su iseljenici ostavili zasobom u Europi. Do druge polovice 20. sto-lje}a Stari je svijet s divljenjem gledao u Novisvijet. Kada je dvadesetih godina stanovnici-ma Podunavlja i Sredozemlja postalo gotovonemogu}e prije}i Atlantik, ~e`nja zaobe}anom zemljom mnogima je ostalaneutaèna. A onda se, kona~no, i s ovu stranuoceana po~elo ìvjeti dobro.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)

Another sight from California. It didn’t takemuch more than what the immigrants leftback in Europe to make the “Americandream” come true. Until the second half of the20th century the Old World gazed at the NewWorld with admiration. But around 1920 itbecame almost impossible for the people liv-ing in the Danube river basin and theMediterranean to cross the Atlantic, and theyearning for the promised land remained onlya dream for many. And then, finally, good lifebegan on this side of the ocean too.(Nada Grèti}, Matulji)


220


221

Kazalo/Index

kazalo2.qxp:Layout 1 1/1/70 3:41 AM

222

Kazalo brodara, agencija,kartela, banaka, dru{tavaAdler Line 40, 43Adria/Ugarsko parobrodarsko dru{tvo/Royal Hungarian SeaNavigation Company “Adria” Limited-Fiume/Kraljevsko-ugarskoparobrodarsko dioni~ko dru{tvo 37, 56, 61, 94-6, 98-104, 108-15, 145-6Allan Line 47American Line 39-41, 47, 82-3, 198-9Ameri~ka nativisti~ka stranka 206Anchor Line 47Anchor Society 120-1Austrijske ju`ne `eljeznice/Österreichische Südbahn 50 Austrijski Lloyd/Lloyd Austriaco 24, 100, 122 Austrijsko dobrotvorno dru{tvo sv. Nikole od otoka Veglie 120Austro-Americana, Austrijsko pomorsko dru{tvo, Unione Austriacadi Navigazione/Austro-Americana & Fratelli Cosulich, AustrianShipping Association 38-9, 48, 51, 56, 62, 67, 102-3, 122-31, 195-6

Beaver Line 47Benevolent Society of St. Nicholas of Krk 197British and North American Royal Mail Steam PacketCompany/Cunard Steamship Company 36-41, 43, 46-7, 58, 60-2, 67,76, 78-83, 85-6, 94, 96, 98-107, 110-5, 119, 122-7, 145-8

Cargnelli 84-5, 96-7Canadian Pacific Railway 53, 123-8, 131, 138-9Carr Line 47Carr Union Line 40, 43Common Slavic Benevolent Society 117Compagnie Générale Transatlantique/Compagnie GénéraleMaritime/French Line 34, 48, 51, 62, 67, 78-9, 81, 94-5, 186-7Continental Conference 47-8, 51Continental Pool/Continental conference 34-5, 48, 124-5Croatian National Society 185Cunard Steamship Company 36-41, 43, 46-7, 58, 60-2, 67, 76, 78-83,85-6, 94, 96, 98-107, 110-5, 119, 122-7, 145-8

Demokratski dru{tveni klub/Democratic Social Club 196-7Dobrotvorno dru{tvo Sv. Nikola od Krka 196 Dobrovoljno pomorsko dru{tvo sv. Jurja 120 Dock Company 82-3Dominion Line 47Dru{tvo sv. Nikole 120

Fabre Line 47-8, 51First Croatian Banking Association 60 First National Bank 60, 63First Slovak Catholic Association 177Frank Zotti and Company 184-5Fratelli Cosulich/Cosulich die Trieste/Cosulich-Societá Triestina diNavigazione, Cosulich Brothers 122-7, 130-1French Line/Compagnie Générale Transatlantique 47, 186-7

Great Western Steamship Company 36-7Guion Line 47, 80-1

Hamburg America Line/HAPAG/Hamburg AmerikanischePacketfahrt Aktien Gesellschaft 36, 40, 42-3, 46-7, 49, 51, 62, 67-71, 80-3, 85-6, 98, 168Hambur{ka udruga za za{titu iseljenika 70Holland America Line/Nederlandsch-Amerikanische StoomvaartMaatschappij/NASM 46-9, 51, 62, 67, 72-3, 78, 98, 101, 142-4, 178-9,190-1Hrvatska narodna zajednica/Hrvatska bratska zajednica 120, 176,182, 184 Hrvatska zemaljska banka 60-1Hrvatsko nacionalno dru{tvo 184Hungarian-American Line 97, 101, 105, 113, 145-6 Hungarian Company for Maritime and River Navigation 96, 99

Illinois Trust & SavingBank 156Imigration Restriction League 209Inman Line 36-8, 41, 47, 80-1, 172-3Italian Line 47-8, 51

J. Brugk 68-9Jugoslavenski narodni odbor 186 Jugoslavenski odbor 186 Jugoslavensko narodno vije}e 186

Keely’s Brewery 191-2Klub Dobrinj/ Dobrinj Club 196-7Knights of Labor 207Kontinentalna konferencija/ Continental Conference 47-8

Ligure Americana 85-6Liverpool and Philadelphia Steam Ship Company 38, 41Liverpool, Melbourne and Oriental Navigation Company, Limited 40London & North Eastern Railway Company - LNER 80-1Londonsko i jugozapadno `eljezni~ko dru{tvo/London & SouthWest Railway Company/LSWR 82-4Lloyd Austriaco 25, 101, 123

Ma{ek i drug/L. Ma{ek i drug 50, 55, 57, 94-5, 112-3, 122-3Matica slova~ka 178-9Mediterranean Conference (Cartel) 47-8Mediterranean Shipping Pool 34-5, 51, 125, 131Misslerova agencija/Missler agency 46, 49, 56, 58-9, 61, 67-9

Narodny Slovensky spolok/National Slovak Society 176National Croatian Society/Croatian Fraternal Union 121, 177, 182,185National Line 40, 43, 47Native American Party 207Navigazione Generale Italiana 48, 85-6, 126-7Nederlandsch-Amerikanische Stoomvaart MaatschappijNew York North Atlantic Steam Traffic Conference 46, 49Nodari, agencija/Nodari, agency 56, 59, 85-6, 122-3Nordatlantischer Damschiff Linien Verband/North Atlantic ShippersAssociation 125Norddeutscher Lloyd/NDL 42-3, 46-7, 49, 51, 56, 58-59, 61-2, 67-71,80-3, 85-7, 98, 101, 122, 125, 188-9, 194-5Nord Atlantische Dampfer Linien Verband 46North Atlantic Steam Traffic Conference (British Lines) 47North German Lloyd 47


223

Obersteg & Cie 146-7Osterreichische Südbahn 50

P. V. Rovnianek & Co. 178-9Proimigrantski savez/Pro Immigration League 208-9Prva hrvatska bankarska ku}a 60 Prva hrvatska {tedionica 60-1Prva nacionalna banka 60 Prvo slova~ko katoli~ko udruènje 176

Red Star Line 46-8, 51, 62, 67, 75-7, 172-5Royal Mail Steam Packet Company 36-7

Sakser State Bank 174-5Savez za ograni~avanje useljavanja 208 Sjedinjeno slovinsko dru{tvo od dobro~instva 116 Sjevernoatlanska parobrodarska konferencija 47 Sjevernoatlanstki parobrodarski linijski savez Sjevernonjema~ki Lloyd 42, 56, 188 Slavonsko-ilirsko uzajamno potporno dru{tvo/Slavonic IllyricMutual and Benevolent Society 116-7Slova~ko nacionalno udruènje 176 Sredozemna konferencija (kartel) 47-8 St. George Benevolent Maritime Society 121St. Nicholas Society 121

Tatra banka 178-9Tesla Electric Company 172-3The Island of Veglia St. Nicholas Austrian Benevolent Society 120-1Thingvalla Line 47Trasporti Generali Internazionali Colajanni 122-3Turn-Verein society 191-2

Udruènje brodara 142Ugarsko-ameri~ka linija, 146 Ugarsko dru{tvo za pomorsku i rije~nu plovidbu 96, 98 Ungaro-Croata 94Union Line 47Uranium Steamship Company/Northwest Transport Line 74-5

Vitezovi rada/Knights of Labor 206-7

Westinghouse 162-3, 172-3White Cross Line 47White Star Line/Oceanic Steam Navigation Company/White StarLine of Boston Packets 36-41, 43, 46-7, 62, 67, 80-3, 85-6, 98-9, 145-6Williams and Guion Steamships Company 40-1Wilsonova brodarska linija/Wilson shipping 80-1

Yugoslav board 187Yugoslav National Board 187Yugoslav National Committe 187

Kazalo brodovaAlice 128Aquitania 38, 41Atlantic 40, 43Aurania 38, 41, 98, 100-1, 122-3

Baltic 40, 43Blucher 192-3Britannia 36, 39Britannic 40-1, 43, 145-6

Carmania 38, 41, 100-1Caronia 38, 41, 96, 100-1, 111-2, 146Carpathia 38, 41, 97, 100-1, 103-5, 113, 146-7City of Boston 38, 41City of Glasgow 38, 41City of Philadelphia 38, 41City of Richmond 172-3Colombo 48

Deutschland 40, 43

Edam 178-9Erny 195-6

Floride 188-9Fraconia 100-1Freda 124-4Fürst Bismarck 36

George Washington 127Germanic 40, 43Gerty 124-5Giulia 124-5Giuseppe Bakarcich 76-7Graf Waldersee 111-2Great Britain 36-7Great Eastern 36-7Great Western 36-7

Imperator 41-3Ivernia 38, 41, 100-1

Kaiser Franz Joseph I. 124Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse 42, 49Kaiser Wilhelm II 42, 49

La Bretagne 189-90La Lorraine 34La Provence 34La Savoie 34, 186-9La Touraine 34, 142-3Laconia 100-1Laura 128Lusitania 38, 41

Majestic 40, 43Martha Washington 124-5


224

Mauretania 38Mississippi 166-7Montreal 186-7

Neptunia 126-7New England 66, 69New York 145-6Niagara 196-7Nordland 172-3

Oceania 126-7Oceanic 40, 43, 46Olympic 83,84, 145-6

Pannonia 38, 41, 97, 100-1, 104-5, 110-3, 142, 157-8Philadelphia 198-9Potsdam 78-9Pretoria 143-4Prinz Friedrich Wilhelm 194-5

Republic 40, 43Roland 188-9Rotterdam 191Royal Standard 40-1Rydam 143-4

San Paul 160-1Saturnia 126-7, 170-1Saxonia 100-1Slavonia 38, 41, 97, 100-1, 104-5, 112-3

Teutonic 40, 43Titanic 38, 40-3, 46, 82-4, 103, 145-6, 148Town of Glasgow 145-6, 148

Ultonia 38, 41, 97, 100-1, 110-3, 194-5Unicorn 36, 39

Victoria 116-7Volturno 74-5, 146-7Vulcania 126-7, 180-1

Washington 66Westernland 174-5Westphalia 170-1

Kazalo imenaAdamic, Louis (Alojz Adami~) 159-60, 196-7 Adamic, Vincenzo 112-3Adolfo (Dolfo) O{tarov 160-1Albrecht, Zlata 184-5Andrássy, Gyula 166-7Andrija{evi}, Darinka 192-3Androkova 160-1Anti~evi}, Ivo 60, 63, 158-9, 216-7Anti}, Ljubomir 116-7, 144-5Armanini, Franjica 118-9

Astaire, Fred 174-5Austerlitz, Frederich Emanuel (Fritz) 174-5

Bade, Klaus J. 56, 59Baines, Dudley 16-9, 22, 212-5Ballin, Albert 42-3, 47, 68, 70-1Barbali}, Ivan 118-21Barbo, Joèf Anton 138-9Beecher Stowe, Harriet 170-1Besedi~, Martin 60-1, 157, 176-9, 212-5Bevilacqua, A. 126-7Biankini, Ante 158-9, 184-6Biankini, Dinko 184-5Biankini, Juraj 184-5Biankini, Petar Luka 184-5Bihel, Ivan (Bichel) 54, 76Bondy, Benn 194Bondy, Johanna 194-5Borinov, obitelj/family 186-7Bozani}, Anton 116-7, 120-1Broz, Josip Tito 196Brozovi}, Stjepko 146-8, 150Büchel, Josip 146-7

Cecotti 122-3Cheney, Margaret 170-1Chmelar, Hans 30Clementi, Attilio J. 110-1Coen, obitelj/Cohen, family108Cohen, Irene 108-9Cohn, Raymond L. 206-7Cosulich, bra}a 67, 130-1, 180-1Cunard, Samuel 36-9

îzmi}, Ivan 116-7, 120-1, 152-3, 176-7, 182-3, 212-3, 216-7ônjina, Anton Kinkela 202ônjinovi, obitelj Kinkela /family Kinkela 116-7^rni}, obitelj/family 200-1

D’Emili, Stanislao 108-9Daniels, Roger 152-3De Clementi, A. 126-7De Lafayette 166-7Dienes, Gerhard 56, 59, 66, 68-9Dika, Mirko 146-7Dillingham, William P. 210-1Dmitrovi}, Sa{a 10, 24-5, 27-8, 36, 43, 52, 123, 134-5, 137-43Dreyer, David 114-5Drnov{ek, Marjan 60-1, 138-9, 156-8, 174-5, 182-3Drnjevi}, Ivan 112-3Dubrovi}, Ervin 12-3Dubrovi}, obitelj/family 200-1Dubrovi}, Vinko 112-3Dunato, Jelena 60-1, 78-9

Edison, Thomas Alva 170-3Eick, Simone 66, 69Emerson, Ralph Waldo 166-7Eterovich, Adam 116-7


225

Fait, Francesco 74-7, 84-5, 138-9, 214-5Figuli, Franti{ek Samuel 166-7Fox, Stephen 36-9, 41Francis Joseph I., emperor, 23Franklin 170-1Franzina, E, 126-7Franjo I., car 24Friedland, Klaus 34-5Furdek, Stjepan 176-9

Geilus, Johanna Ann 174-5Gonda, Bela 98-9Greenhill R. 46, 49Grego, Jura 116-7Grego, Marko 116-7Grguri}, Marija 189-90Grgurina Elena 118-9Groppe, Hans Hermann 42-3, 104-5Gr{kovi}, Niko 120-1, 184-5Grèti}, Franjo 180-1Grèti}, Josip (Josip-Pepo, Joseph Grezetich Ivulov) 159, 180-1Grèti}, Marija 118-9Grèti}, Mate 194-5Grèti}, Milojka 180-1Grèti}, Nada 158-9, 180-1, 219Grèti}, obitelj/family 116-7, 120-1, 194-5Grèti}, Vera 180-1Günter (Gunter) 34-5

Habsburg, dinastija/ dynasty 184-5Hardy, Scott Malcolm 60-1, 80-5Haws, Duncan 38-9, 41Herles, Ivan 142Hirc, Dragutin 119Hiti, Matija 156-7Holjevac, Ve}eslav 114-5Houda, H. 54, 59Hreljanovi}, Egon 188-9

Ili}, Nikola (Iliji}) 194-5Inman, William 38, 41Iveti}, Jovana 190-1Ivulov, obitelj/family 116-7

Janda, Krunoslav 216-7Jardas, Ivan 94-5, 118-9, 160-1Joseph II., emperor, 23Josip II., car 22Jugo, Katarina (Lu~i}) 186-9Jura~, Stjepan 198-9Jurjevi}, Vicko 143-4Justini}, Ana (Anna Yustinick) 194-7Justini}, Ana 194-5Justini}, Anton (Anthony Yustinick) 112-3, 194-7Justini}, Bojica 194-5Justini}, Ive 194-5Justini}, Ivo 194-5Justini}, Josip 194-5Justini}, Marija 194-5Justini}, [ime 194-6

Justini}, Vinko 194-7Ju{i} 112-3

Kalc, A. 126, 129Kastigar, Alojz Ignac 156-7Ka{man, Josip 120-1Kati}, Zvane 160-1Kinkela Kova~i}ev, Frane 202-3Kinkela, Ana 180-1Kinkela, Anton ônjina 200-3Kinkela, Anton jr. 200-3Kinkela, Franjo 200-3Kinkela, Josip 112-3Kinkela, Milan 200-1Kinkela, obitelj/family 116-7, 120-1, 200-1Kinkela, Rado{ 200-1, 218Kirin~i}, Jele 194-5Klinger, William 18-9, 46, 49, 64, 68-9, 74-5, 206-7, 209-10Kochner, Paul 194-5Koroljevi}, Gjuro 158-9Kossuth, Lajos 166-7Kraemer, Antun 114-5Kraljic, Frances 212Kraljic, John P. 10-1, 82-3, 100, 103-4, 107, 110-1, 114-5, 214-5Kralji}, Petar 116-7Kruì} Jelka{, Josip 154Ku~i}, Francika 180-1Ku}el, Ivan 112Ku}el, obitelj/family 200-1Kudlich, Hans 140-1, 166-9

La Guardia, Achille Carlo 108-9La Guardia, Fiorello Henry 82-3, 89-90, 102, 105, 108-11Ladányi, István 140-1Leitich, Ann Tizia 144-5Levai 98-9Lincoln, Abraham 168-71Löffler, Alexander 28-9Loibelsberger, Francesco 85-6Lojen, Stjepan 136-9, 142-5, 149-53, 159-60Lu~i} Borinov, Frane 120-1, 186-9Lu~i}, Albina 188-9Lu~i}, Benjamin 188-9Lu~i}, Dolfo (Rudolf) 188-9Lu~i}, Frane (Franjo) 188-9, 214Lu~i}, Marija 188-9Lu~i}, obitelj/family 162, 186-9Lu~i}, Pepa (Josipa) 188-9Lu~i}, Tone (Anton) 188-9Lu~i}, Vicenco 188-9Lukeì}, Irvin 108-11Lukseti}, Frane 112-3Lupis Vuki}, Ivan Frano 60, 63, 157-8, 176-7, 216-9

Makale, M. 152-3Malfer, Stefan 22-5, 166-7Mandi}, \uka 170-1Mar~elja, Zvane Ivankin 160-3Marohni}, Ruìca 154Marohni}, Josip 120-1, 176-7, 214-5


226

Marohni}, Mate 176-7Marohni}, Matej 176-7Mar{i}, Dinko 116-7Martin~ek, Jozef 178-9Mate Jurkotov 160-1Mattiussi 122-3Matu{, Jankol 178-9Mayo Smith, Richmond 208-9Mc Cormack, Edward 110-1Meier, Hermann Heinrich 42, 47, 56, 59, 68-9Meyer, von 34-5Mihali}, Bara 198-9Mihali}, Mato 198-201Missler, Fridriech 55, 67-9Mladeni}, Anton 186Moehr 54, 59Mohorovi~i}, Marija 118-9Molinari, A. 126-7Moltmann 34-5Monroe, Marilyn 198-9Morpurgo, Giuseppe 122-3Morpurgo, Isacco 122-3Murga{, Jozef (Joseph)178-9Murphy, J. B. 184-5Mu`ina, Zdravko V. 120-1

Nemec, Ivica 155Novkovi}, Slobodan 145-7Novomesky, Ludovik 178-9Novosel, Zdenka 162, 186-9, 214Nugent, W. 19, 22

Oti}, Ljubica 168-9Ott, Johann 190-1

Paravi}, Mateo 116-7Pavlovec, Vanja 194Peric, Petar 111-2Peric, Rade 111-2Peri}, Aleksandar (Alessandro Peric) 112-3Perlman, Robert 62, 67Perovi}, Jure 112-3Pete{i}, ]iril 170-1Pfeifer, Henning 74-5Pirelli 85Pizzul, Nevenka 162, 186-9, 214Poli}, Marija 176-7Prausnitz, W. 128, 131Prpic, George J. 114-5Pucek 60-1Pupin, Mihajlo Idvorski (Michael) 140-1, 159-60, 168-71Puri}, Ana 194-5Puri}, Ivan 194-5Pu`, obitelj/family 200-1

Radi}, Stjepan 18-9, 22-3, 28-9Reed, Crais W. 190-1Reed, William 190-1Renoir, Jean 194-5Rovnianek, Peter V. 60-1, 159-60, 176-9

Russo, G. 74-7, 84-5, 126-9, 131

Sakser, Frank (Fran) 60-1, 162-3, 174-5Sanders, Stella 196-7Sar{on, Frane 188-9Say, Jean Baptist 22-3Schmal, Ferenc 138-9Schmerling, Anton Ritter 138-9Schmidth, Josef 24-5Schöberl, Ingrid 66, 69Schüller, Michaela 214-5Shakespeare, William 166-7Simonetti, Louis 194-5Simonetti, Marija 184 Simonetti, Mary 195Sisari}, Jure 192-3Sisari}, Klement 192-3Slocum, Charles Rice 110-1Sopta, Marin 216-7Stani}, obitelj/family 200-1Stare{in~i}, Jura 198-201Stare{in~i}, Stjepan 200-1Stass, Jan 178-9Stergar, Branka 198-9Strauss, Adolph 76-7Str~i}, Anton 112-3Stroheim, Erich Oswald von 194-5Sumi}, Ante 158-9Su{anj, Boris 118, 215Szilli, Ferenc 138-9, 166-7, 214-5

[abeti} 160-1[aki}, Vlado 216-7[epi}, Frane Bertin 116-9, 200-1[epi}, Helena 118-9[epi}, obitelj/family 200-1[ilovi}, Josip 158-9, 184-5[kofic, Elizabeta Liza 182-3[kofic, Tereza 182-3[uklje, Fran 138-9[vrljuga, Petar 112-3

Tadej, Radovan 78-85, 118-9, 155, 176-7Tadejevi}, Vinko 118-9Taft, W. H. 176-7Tancabel, Andre 180-1Tandler, Adolf 194-5Tandler, Kathe 194-5Teodorovi}, Konstantin 94, 112-3Tesla, Alfonso 172-3Tesla, Angelo 172-3Tesla, Antonio 172-3Tesla, Du{an 172-3Tesla, Giovanni 172-3Tesla, Giuseppe 172-3Tesla, Helena 172-3Tesla, Istvan 172-3Tesla, Nikola 82-3, 134-5, 159-60, 170-3Tesla, Georges 172-3Tisza, Kalman 58, 61, 100, 103


227

Todorovi}, Jolanda 192-3Tomasseo, Niccolo 166-7Tresi} Pavi~i~, Ante 142-5Trinajsti}, Frane (Franco) 111-3

Varchola/ Warhola 198/9Vela, Matija 192-3Velenti, P. 126-7Verzuh, Ana 188-91Verzuh, Anton 188-9Verzuh, Nick 188-91, 208Verzuh, obitelj/family 190Verzuh, Rudolf 191Vilim I., car 42

Vio, Francesco 102, 105Vlah 112-3Vonovi}, Franka 120

Wallaszek, Adam 214-5Walling, William English 108-9Warhola, Andy (Andrew)198-9Warhola, John 198-9Warhola, Julija (Zavacky) 198-9Warhola, Ondreij 198-9Warhola, Paul 198-9Washington, Georg 206-7Weissmüller, Elisabeth (Kersch) 190-3Weismüller, Peter jr. 192Weissmüller, Anna Vendy 192-3Weissmüller, Heidi Ellis 192-3Weissmüller, Johann (Janos, Johnny) 190-2Weissmüller, Johnny jr. 192-3Weissmüller, obitelj/family 74-5, 190-2Weissmüller, Peter 190-2White, Anton 194-5White, Hedwige 194-5Wilder, Billy 194-5Willcox, Ferenczi W.F. 19, 22Willey, Raymond Norman 108-9William I, emperor 42Wilson, Woodrow 184, 186-7Wöst, Ursula 42-3, 68-9, 104 -5

Xántus, János 166-7

Yustinick, Elisabeth (Betty) 194, 196-7

Zic, Maria D. 60-1, 182-3Zoreti}, Jela 198-9Zotti, Frank (Franjo) 54, 56, 60-1, 63, 76, 80-3, 163, 182-5Zvane Matija{ev 160

@galji}, Josip 106@itnik, Janja 196-7

Kazalo geografskih pojmovaAcapulco 190-3Adriatic 29Africa 17Alabama 155-6Allegheny 60, 63, 160, 176Alpe/Alps 28-9, 50-1Al`ir/Algiers 122-3Aljaska/Alaska 161-2Amerika/America 10-1, 16-20, 22, 24-6, 28-9, 31, 34-6, 38-42, 46-7, 49-51, 54-6, 58-61, 63, 66-7, 69-78, 80-8, 90-1, 96-101, 106-12, 114, 116-29,134-47, 150-1, 153-4, 156-63, 166-203, 206, 208-10, 212-9Amstel, rijeka/river 74-5Amsterdam 49, 64, 74-5, 192-3Anatolija/Antalya 166-7Antwerpen/Antwerp 42-3, 47, 50-2, 57, 59, 62-4, 66-7, 69, 74-7, 82-3,94, 104-5, 111-2, 114-5, 126-7, 138-9, 172-5Apulia 108-9Arcata 116-7, 180-1, 200, 219Argentina 84-5, 94-5, 122-3, 216-7Arizona 155-6Arkansas 155-6Atlantik/Atlantic 16-7, 19, 34, 36-41, 61, 63, 78, 95, 113, 122-3, 125,140-3, 156, 186, 219Auschwitz 50, 214Australija/Australia 24-5, 40-3, 80-1, 84-5, 138-9Austrija/Austria 22-3, 25-7, 30, 34, 52-4, 57, 59, 78-9, 86, 100-2, 117,122, 126-7, 129, 166, 168-9, 172-4, 190, 194-5, 210-1, 214-5Austrijsko primorje/Austrian Littoral, 106, 122, 123, 126, 127, 129,138, 139Austro-Ugarsko Carstvo/Austro-Hungarian Empire 22-3Austro-Ugarska Monarhija/Austro-Hungarian Monarchy 13, 18-9,22-30, 38-9, 41, 49-51, 56, 59, 63, 66, 69, 74-7, 79, 83-7, 99-100, 102-4,106-7, 109, 114-5, 117-9, 122-3, 126-7, 152-3, 166-9, 210-1, 214-5, 219

Ba~ka 157Bahia 94-5Bakar 118-21Baltimore 36-7, 42-3, 48-9, 86-7, 155-6, 188-9Banat 22, 26, 29, 49, 72-3, 75, 114-5, 168-9, 191Banska Bystrica 178-9Barbiton 29, 157Baross 100-1Baru{i}i-Lu~i}i 186-7Basel 50-4, 56, 59, 61, 76-7, 79-84, 89-90, 112-3, 146-7, 149-50, 184-5,200-1Bay of Humboldt 117, 153, 158, 181, 200, 219Be~ 22, 24, 28, 36, 50, 52 , 70, 138, 144, 166, 184, 194 Belgija/Belgium 57, 77, 210-1Belgrad 120-1Beograd 110-1, 170-2Berlin 10, 36, 71-2, 98, 101, 140-3, 170-1Bern 168-9Bjelovar 97Blato 196-7Bloomington 19, 22


228

Bodenbach 214-5Bogojevo/Gombos 114Bohlau 34Boka kotorska 117, 182-3Bosna 116, 120-1, 218-9Bosna i Hercegovina/Bosnia-Herzegovina 25, 126-7Boston 34, 39, 42-3, 51, 86-7, 156-7, 188-9, 194-5, 210-1Boulogne sur Mer 78-9Bratislava 60-1, 176-9, 212-5Brazil 84-5, 94-5, 100-1, 118, 122-3Bremen 36-7, 42, 55-6, 58-9, 62, 64, 66-8, 81-2, 96, 99, 111-2, 114-5, 122-3, 125-7, 195Bremerhaven 12, 36-7, 42, 46-7, 49, 52, 55-7, 59, 62-3, 66-77, 81-2, 86-7,194Bribir 120-1Bristol 36-7, 80-1Britansko Carstvo/Britisch Empire 36, 39Brunnsbuttel 68, 71Buchs 50, 52-4, 56-7, 59, 76-7, 79, 112-3, 146-7, 200-1Budimpe{ta/Budapest 22-3, 26-7, 29, 50-1, 53, 64, 70-1, 96-7, 99, 106,108-111, 114-5, 138-9, 145-6, 166-7, 170-1, 176-7, 214-5Buffalo 152-3Bugarska/Bulgaria 126-7, 210-1Bukovina 126-7, 138Burg Güssing 18, 24, 31, 74-7, 84-5

Calais 78-9, 170-1California 116, 117, 121, 153, 158-9, 161, 167, 176-81, 185, 197-8, 201,203, 207, 219Cambridge 170Canada, 24, 37, 53, 75, 81, 85, 123-4, 127, 129, 147, 161Carniola 85, 87, 122, 123, 127, 139, 157Carolina 156Castle Garden 170-3Central America (West Indies) 43, 49, 81, 87, 167Cherbourg 46, 49-52, 59, 64, 76-81, 83-4, 111-2, 145-6, 184-5Chicago 60-1, 63, 118-21, 152-9, 163, 176-7, 182-7, 190-2, 194-5, 212Chile 117China, 17, 43, 87 Chisholm 180-1Cislajtanija/Cisleithania 66, 69City of Pueblo 186-9Cleveland 138, 142, 152-3, 176-7, 188-201Colorado 155, 189Colorado Springs 162, 188-9, 212, 214Columbia 171Connecticut 194-5Cormons 50, 53, 84-5 , 87, 122-3Cracow 71, 131Cres 113, 121Crescent City 180-1Crikvenica 113, 118, 120-1, 146-7Crna Gora 210Croatia 13, 28-9, 35, 49, 73, 78-9, 84-5, 87, 97, 111, 116-7, 123, 131, 136-7, 147, 181-2, 184-5, 187, 198, 201, 208, 212, 217Croatian Littoral 13, 97, 107, 111, 115-7, 119-21, 158Csaktorny/âkovec 115Cuxhafen 68, 71

âkovec 114île 116^rnomelj 138-9

Dakota 155-6Dalle 52, 59Dalmacija/Dalmatia 24-5, 70-3, 84-5, 87, 96-7, 114-5, 117, 122-3, 126-7,131, 152-3, 156, 192-3, 216-7Dalj 158-9Danska/Denmark 42, 210-1Danube River basin 29, 219Delaver/Delaware 170-1Detroit 152-3Dobrinj 112-3, 194-5Dobrni~ 156-7Dolenjska 156-7Dolny Hri~ov 176-7Domàle 1567Dover 76-9Drivenik 120-1Duba{nica 116-7Dubrovnik 114-5, 117

\ur|evo 157

East Helena 188, 190-1, 208Elba, rijeka 66, 68, 70Ellis Island 20, 86-91, 110-1, 118-9, 134-5, 149-51, 172, 186, 188-9, 194,200, 206-7Engleska/England/Kingdom 18-9, 22-3, 36, 57, 80-5, 103, 113, 170-1,200-1, 210-1English Channel 67, 79, 81, 83, 146Erie, jezero 152Eureka 116-7, 180-1, 200-3, 219Europa/Europe 10-3, 16-9, 22, 24, 28-9, 34-6, 39-40, 42-3, 50-3, 55-6,63, 66, 69-77, 79, 81-5, 87-9, 107, 123, 126-7, 129, 150-1, 156-8, 162-3,166-73, 178-81, 184-7, 194-7, 206-13, 218

Falklandski otoci/Falkland Islands 116-7Feldkirch 52, 54, 57, 59Fiume 96, 98, 100 Florida 86-7, 155-6Foggia 108-9Forest City 198-9Francuska/France 52, 57, 59, 82-3, 113-5, 169-73, 194-5, 200-1, 206-7,210-1Frankfurt na Majni/Frankfurt am Main 168-9

Galicija/Galicia 25, 28-9, 56, 59, 84-5, 87, 122-3, 126-8, 131, 138, 172-3Galveston 86-7Genova/Genoa 12-3, 38-9, 42-3, 46, 48-51, 53, 62-4, 66-7, 76-7, 81-2,84-7, 96-101, 111-2, 122-3, 126-7, 129German Empire 49Germany 19, 23, 27, 53, 59, 61, 127, 211Gibraltar 100-1, 122-3Gladstone 158, 186-7Gombos/Bogojevo 115Gorski kotar 34-5, 116, 120-1, 136, 161, 188-91, 208Gospi} 170-1Grado 122-3


229

Gradac 192-3Graz 12-3, 66, 69-70, 128, 131, 170-1, 176-7, 214-5Gr~ka/Greece 126-7, 210-1Great Britain 19, 37, 49, 51, 81Greenpoint 168-9Gri`ane 120-1Grobnik 113Gvozd region of Kordun 147Gyekenyes 114-5

Habsbur{ka Monarhija/Habsburg Monarchy 22-5, 70-1, 78, 218Halifax (Nova Scotia) 36-7, 39, 74-5Halubje 188-9Hamburg 12, 36-7, 40, 42-3, 47, 50, 52, 55, 57, 59, 62-4, 66-77, 81-2, 96,99, 104-5, 111-2, 114-5, 122-3, 125-7, 141, 143-4, 168-70, 188-9, 192Hampshire 16-7Hartford 194-5Havaji/Hawaii 192-3, 196-7Hoboken 140-1, 166-71Holandija/Holland 57, 113, 211Hollywood 194-5Holy Roman Empire 23Honolulu 193Hornitos 176-7Hreljin 111-3, 118-21, 176-7Hrvatska, 28, 34, 70, 78, 84, 96, 110, 114, 116, 122, 131, 136, 146,182,186, 198, 208, 212, 216Hrvatsko primorje 10-1, 51, 70-1, 76-9, 81, 85, 97, 107, 111, 115-6, 118,120, 153, 155, 158, 176Hrvatsko zagorje 28-9, 150-1Hudson, rijeka/Hudson River 18Hull 80-1, 83-5Humboltov zaljev 116, 154, 158, 180, 200, 219 Hungary 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 35, 37, 61, 77, 99, 101, 103, 105, 107, 109,111, 115, 117, 122, 127, 129, 153, 173, 195, 211, 219Hvar, otok 184

Idaho 155-6Idvor 168-9Ij, zaljev/ bay 74-5Illinois 118-21, 152-3Indianapolis 19, 22Indija/India 16-7Innsbruck 52, 57, 76-7, 79, 84Irska/Ireland 19, 22, 80-2, 147, 210, 218Istra/Istria 117, 126, 129Italija/Italy 19, 22, 27, 42, 53, 78-9, 85, 108, 122, 125-7, 172, 210-1, 219

Jadran 82-4Japan 16-7, 42-3Jastrebarsko 146-7Johnson 60, 63Jugoslavija 196, 218 Ju{i}i 112-3Ju`na Amerika 24, 42, 86, 94, 116, 124, 126, 128

Kalifornija 114, 116, 152, 154, 158-60, 166, 176, 178, 180-1, 184, 196,198, 201-2, 206, 219 Kanada, 24, 36, 74, 80, 84, 122, 124, 126, 128, 146, 161 Kansas 155, 207

Karlovac 146-7, 170-1Karolina 155 Kastav 95, 113, 115, 118-9, 155, 161-2, 181, 186-7, 189Kastav{tina 112, 118, 188, 215Kina, 16, 42 , 86 Kingdom of Croatia-Slavonia 106, 116-7, 156Ko~evje 138-9Köln 50, 74, 76Kolumbija 171 Kopar 108Kopenhagen 47Kor~ula 216-7Ko{ice 215Kotor 182-3Krakov 70, 128 Kraljevec 150-1Kraljevina Hrvatska, 106, 116-7, 156 Kraljevina Jugoslavija 142Kranjska 84, 87, 122, 126, 138, 156 Krasica 116-7Krbava 97Kri~ine 146-7Kri`evci 97Krk, otok/island 10-1, 112-3, 115-7, 120-1, 155, 184-5, 194-5Krmpote 120-1Ku}eli 112-3, 118-9, 200-1Kvarnerski otoci/Kvarner Islands 118, 123, 129

La Manche 62, 78, 81, 82, 84, 145 Labe River 66, 68, 71Labin 120-1Lake Erie 153Lancashire 80-1Lavov/Lvov 70-1Le Havre 34, 48, 50-2, 55, 57, 59, 62-4, 67, 76-87, 94-7, 111-5, 122-3,126-7, 129, 140, 142-3, 178-9, 184-91, 196-7, 200-3Ledenice 10-1Leipzig 36Liberty Island 88-9Lihten{tajn/Liechtenstein 52, 57Lika 96-7, 106, 116, 120-1, 170-3Linz 174-5Liverpool 18-9, 36-7, 40-1, 43, 50-2, 59-64, 66-9, 80-4, 104, 107, 110-2,126-7, 170, 172-3, 184-5Lobenstein 166-7Lombardija/Lombardy 29London 16-7, 36-8, 60-1, 80-4, 162, 184-7, 196-8, 212-3Los Angeles 116-7, 174-5, 182-3, 202-3Lo{inj 113, 121, 125Louisiana 114-5, 155-6, 196-7Ljubljana 34-9, 41, 50-1, 53-6, 60-1, 76-8, 81, 112-3, 127, 138-9, 162,174-5, 182-3, 196-7, 200-1Ljubno 182-3Lower Styria 129, 182-3

Ma|arska 30, 102, 114, 153, 166, 172, 194, 210, 218 Makarska 192-3Mali Lo{inj 120-1, 123Manhattan 87-9, 144-5, 155, 162, 172-3, 183Mar~elji 120-1, 160-1, 186-9


230

Mari}eva Draga 186-8Maryland 170-1Matulji 158-9, 180, 219Maurepas 194-5Mediterranea 16, 43, 51, 55, 81, 97, 99, 101, 125, 219Medzilaborce 198-9Meksiko/Mexico 42-3, 114, 117, 160, 166-7, 190-3Messina 124-5, 210-1Miami 86-7Michigan 118-9, 155-6, 158, 160-1, 186-7Mihoti}i 180-1Mikovo 198-9Milford 196-9Milwaukee 152-3, 157Minnesota 118-9, 155-6Mississippi, rijeka/river 114-5, 117, 155-6Missouri 155-6Modru{ 117, 119, 121Montana 155-6, 161-3, 188, 190-1, 208Montenegro 117, 211Montreal 42-3München/Munich 56, 59, 178-9

Napulj/Naples 16, 38-9, 42-3, 46, 49, 62-4, 66-7, 81-2, 86-7, 98, 100-1,122-7, 210-1Nebraska 155-6, 174-5Nevada 155-6New Jersey 140-1, 166-9, 194, 196-9New Orleans 42, 49, 66, 69, 86-7, 114-7, 166-7New York 10-3, 18-20, 22, 34, 36-8, 40-3, 48-51, 55-6, 58-63, 67, 74-9,81-9, 94, 97-105, 108-17, 119-25, 134-5, 140-7, 149-53, 156-8, 162-3, 166-75, 178-92, 194-8, 201-2, 206-7New York, dr`ava 152-3, 206Newfoundland 144-5Nieuwe Maas, rijeka/river 72-3Nijagara, rijeka/Niagara River 156-7, 172-3Nizozemska 210North America 29, 77, 85, 99, 103, 105, 124-5, 143, 207, 217North See 39, 67, 71, 81, 123, 125Norve{ka/Norway 210Nova Scotia 74-5New Mexico 118Novi Sad 12-3, 29, 56, 61, 66, 80, 88, 114-5, 123, 156-7, 168-9, 190-1Novi Vinodolski 120-1Novi Zeland/New Zealand 84-5Novo Mesto 138-9Njema~ka 18, 22, 52, 126, 210 Njema~ko Carstvo 42

Oderberg 214-5Odesa/Odessa 172-3Ognjena zemlja 116 Ohio 120-1, 152-3, 157, 196-7Ohio, rijeka/river 160-1, 188-9Oklahoma 155-6Omaha 174-5Omi{alj 10-1, 116-7, 120-1, 194-5Opatija 84-5, 116-7, 200-3Oregon 155-6Orijent 25

Osijek 70-1, 158-60, 162-3, 192-3Ostrihom 178-9Oswiecim 50, 53, 215Ozalj 67-9, 198-201, 216-7

Pacifik/Pacific Coast 142-3, 180-1Palermo 100-1, 122-5, 127, 210-1Panama 196-7Pan~evo/Panchevo 114-5, 168-9Pariz/Paris 28-9, 50, 76-9, 82-4, 170-1, 192-3Patagonija 116-7Patras 124-5Pazin 120-1Pelje{ac, poluotok/ peninsula 114-5, 218-9Pensilvanija/ Pennsylvania 120-1, 152-3, 160-1, 176, 190-1, 196-7Perlez 169Pernambuco 94-5Philadelphia 38-41, 48, 51, 76-7, 86-7, 108, 155-6, 188-9, 206-7Pittsburgh 60-1, 63, 138, 152-3, 156, 158-63, 176-9, 182-5, 190-1, 198-201Pivka/[entpeter 50 Plomin 120-1Podbre`je 198-201Podgora 192-3Podgori 146-7Podunavlje 28, 218 Poljska/Poland 22, 24, 26-7, 80-1, 210-1Port Arthur 118-9Portsmouth 190, 194Portugal 210Po`ega 97Prag/Prague 70-1, 168-71Prapo~e/Blato kod Grosuplja 196-7Pruska/Prussia 214-5

Quebec 118-9Queenstown/Cobh 40, 43, 146-7

Rajna, rijeka/Rein River 72-3Rakovac 170-1Rasopasno 194-7Rijeka 10-1, 13, 16, 22-9, 34-5, 37-9, 41-3, 46-7, 49-53, 54-64, 67-8, 70-2,76-9, 81-5, 87, 89-90, 94-124, 126-8, 134-43, 145-8, 153-4, 160-3, 166,176-7, 186-9, 192-5, 208, 210-1, 214-5 Rim/Rome 126-7Rio de Janerio 94-5Rje~ina, rijeka/river 94-5Ronjgi 186-7Rotterdam 47, 49, 51-2, 62-4, 66-7, 69, 72-7, 114-5, 126-7, 143-4, 146-7,149-50, 178-9, 190-1Rukavac 84-5, 112-3, 117-21, 153-4, 159, 180-1, 200-3, 218Rumunjska/Romania/Rumania 22, 56, 61, 74-5, 114-5, 126-7, 190-1,210-1, 218-9 Rusija/Russia 16-7, 25, 66, 71, 73-4, 80-1, 126-7, 129, 131, 210-1, 214-5Ruski Krstur 29

SAD/USA 12-3, 18-9, 24, 27, 30, 34-5, 37, 42-3, 60-3, 66, 69, 71-2, 74-81, 84-91, 100, 102-11, 114-8, 122-3, 125-9, 139, 146-7, 149-55, 158-9,161-3, 166-8, 176-7, 182, 184-8, 190, 192, 196-200, 206-17Sacramento 117, 203


231

San Francisco 86-7, 116-7, 162-3San Jose 116-7San Pedro 196-7Santa Cruz 116-7Santos 94-5Sarajevo 170-1Schleswig 167Scotland 211Scranton 198-9Seattle 160-1Seine, rijeka/river 78-9Selce 120-1Semering 50-1Sempeter 51Severin 188-9Shaan 52, 57Sibir/Siberia 16-7Sicilija/Sicily 29, 210Sisak 146-7Sjeverna Amerika 76, 96, 100, 114, 124, 142, 154, 196, 206, 216-7Sjeverno more 38, 66, 82, 122 Skandinavija/Scandinavia 46, 51, 80-1Slavonija/Slavonia 96-7, 110-1, 163, 192-3Slavonski Brod/Brod na Savi 42, 46, 49, 58, 61, 68-9Slova~ka/Slovakia 22, 176-9, 198-9, 215Slovenija/Slovenia 50-1, 53, 78-9, 84-5, 87, 122-3, 126-7, 131, 182-3,189, 196Smiljan 170-1South America 24, 29,43, 49, 87, 95, 117, 124, 127, 129Southampton 40, 46, 49-52, 59, 62-3, 67, 76-8, 80-5, 104, 107, 111-2,126-7, 145-7, 180-1, 184-5, 194-5, 198-201Spain 23, 211Split 60, 63, 108-9, 143-4, 186-7, 216Sweden 211Srbija/Serbia 22, 56, 61, 114-5, 117, 210-1, 218-9Srednja Amerika (Zapadna Indija) 42, 80, 86, 166 Sredozemlje 16, 42, 100, 122, 219 Srijem 97, 117St. John 46St. Ludwig 52, 59Stari Grad na Hvaru 184-7Stuttgart 36Sullivan 198, 200-1Su{ak 94-5, 106, 108-9, 112-3, 116Sutter Creek 117Sveti Vid 116-7Sveto Rimsko Carstvo 22 Sweden 211Switzerland/Swiss Federation 27, 53, 57, 59, 169, 185, 211 Szabadfalu/Freidorf 74-5, 190-1

[ibenik 167[kotska 210[lezija 166 [panjolska 22, 210 [tajerska126, 182 [vedska 210 [vicarska 50, 52, 168, 184, 210

Tajov 178-9

Teksas/ Texas 86-7Temi{var/Timisoar 74-5, 114-5, 190-1, 214Tetchen 214-5Tierra del Fuego 117Tihi ocean 80 Tirol/Tyrol 38, 126, 129Toln 138-9Toronto 190-1Toskana/Tuscany 28-9Transilvanija/Transylvania 23, 26, 70-1, 114-5, 218-9Translajtanija/Transleithanie 103Trinajsti}i 112-3Troppau 166-7Trst/Trieste 12-3, 34-5, 38-9, 41, 46, 49-51, 53, 55-7, 59-64, 67, 69-71,74-7, 84-7, 100-9, 113-5, 122-31, 138-9, 146-7, 180-3, 192-5, 200-1, 210-1,214-5Turska/Turkey 126-7, 166-7, 210-1

Udine 56, 59, 76-7, 84-7, 122-3, 138-9Ugarska 25, 26, 27, 29, 34, 37, 56, 58, 76, 98, 100, 106, 108, 114, 122,126, 128, 142, Ukrajina/Ukraine 172-3Ulm 158, 190-1Utah 155-6

Vancouver 146-7Vara`din 97Var{ava 214 Veddel 70-3Velika Britanija 22, 37, 46, 80, 82 Venecija/Venice 100-1, 122-3, 166-7Vinodol 118-9, 121Virginia 155-6Vienna 23, 51-2, 57, 71, 137, 139, 145, 153, 167, 185, 194-5Vis, otok/island 24-25, 138, 192-3Vi{kovo 215Vojvodina 22, 29, 49, 70-1, 114-5, 117, 157, 168-9, 218-9Volosko 112-3Vrbnik 120Vrginmost/Gvozd na Kordunu 146

Wadowice 26-7Wales 210-1Warsaw 215Washington 108-9, 142, 155-6, 186-7, 210-1Weser River, rijeka 71West Coast 81Wien 28-9,Wilkes Barre 178-9Windber 190-1Wyoming 155, 156

Youngstown 151-3Yugoslavia 196, 219

Zadar 176, 184-7Zagreb 18-9, 22-3, 28-9, 40, 42, 46, 48-50, 55, 57-8, 60-1, 68-70, 88, 94-5,97, 114, 116-9, 121, 123, 136-7, 142-6, 152-3, 156-61, 163, 170-2, 176-7,182-7, 210-7Zlobin 78-85, 118-9, 154-5, 176-7


232
