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ISIGrowth, a European project challenging the mainstream paradigm Valeria Cirillo 1 and Maria Enrica Virgillito 2 1 Institute of Economics, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna Piazza Martiri della Libertà, 33, Pisa (Italy) [email protected] 2 Institute of Economics, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna Piazza Martiri della Libertà, 33, Pisa (Italy) [email protected] Abstract The 2008 economic crisis has clearly shown the inadequacy of mainstream economic approaches promoting the implementation of austerity measures in Europe. Indeed, a polarization process across European regions has emerged leading to a European periphery strongly hit by the 2008 economic crisis and a EU ‘core’ increasing its productive capacity (Stollinger et al., 2013; Simonazzi et al., 2013; Cirillo and Guarascio, 2015; Ginzburg and Simonazzi, 2016). In this context, monetary and fiscal policies have become less restrictive and even institutions such as the OECD and the IMF have called Europe and national governments to expand investment, moving beyond the constraints of austerity measures (Prodi, 2014; Quadrio Curzio, 2015; Economia and Lavoro, 2014). However, most of the Euro area is still firmly in the grip of austerity policies. Framed in this context, the ISIGrowth research project aims to challenge the mainstream economic paradigm providing policy advices rooted on theoretical and empirical analysis on occupational, industrial and financial dynamics. More than one year since the beginning of the research project, preliminary results show that existent monetary and fiscal policies have failed to reach the declared purposes of unemployment reduction. The aim of the paper is to present an overview of the main results emerging from one year of ISIGrowth project focusing on occupational dynamics deriving from the implementation of wrong monetary, fiscal and labour market policies mainly relying on cost competitiveness approaches and wage reduction. *This paper draws from ISIGrowth working papers published on http://www.isigrowth.eu/

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Page 1: ISIGrowth, a European project challenging the mainstream ... · In Southern Europe, the percentage change of ... proxy for austerity measures – the change in government deficit/surplus

ISIGrowth, a European project challenging the mainstream paradigm

Valeria Cirillo1 and Maria Enrica Virgillito2

1Institute of Economics, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna

Piazza Martiri della Libertà, 33, Pisa (Italy)

[email protected]

2Institute of Economics, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna

Piazza Martiri della Libertà, 33, Pisa (Italy)

[email protected]

Abstract

The 2008 economic crisis has clearly shown the inadequacy of mainstream economic approaches

promoting the implementation of austerity measures in Europe. Indeed, a polarization process across

European regions has emerged leading to a European periphery strongly hit by the 2008 economic

crisis and a EU ‘core’ increasing its productive capacity (Stollinger et al., 2013; Simonazzi et al.,

2013; Cirillo and Guarascio, 2015; Ginzburg and Simonazzi, 2016). In this context, monetary and

fiscal policies have become less restrictive and even institutions such as the OECD and the IMF have

called Europe and national governments to expand investment, moving beyond the constraints of

austerity measures (Prodi, 2014; Quadrio Curzio, 2015; Economia and Lavoro, 2014). However, most

of the Euro area is still firmly in the grip of austerity policies. Framed in this context, the ISIGrowth

research project aims to challenge the mainstream economic paradigm providing policy advices

rooted on theoretical and empirical analysis on occupational, industrial and financial dynamics. More

than one year since the beginning of the research project, preliminary results show that existent

monetary and fiscal policies have failed to reach the declared purposes of unemployment reduction.

The aim of the paper is to present an overview of the main results emerging from one year of

ISIGrowth project focusing on occupational dynamics deriving from the implementation of wrong

monetary, fiscal and labour market policies mainly relying on cost competitiveness approaches and

wage reduction.

*This paper draws from ISIGrowth working papers published on http://www.isigrowth.eu/

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1. Austerity and polarization in Europe

Austerity measures implemented in the Eurozone after the 2008 economic crisis have accelerated

the on-going process of polarization across European regions. As underlined in Cirillo and

Guarascio (2015), the model of growth and integration followed in Europe during the last decades

has been founded on a high degree of capital and goods market liberalization. The economic

convergence of EU member states has been one of the fundamental objectives of ‘supply side’

policy approach implemented mainly in labour markets in order to reduce unemployment and

promote inclusion. However, the expected convergence has been limited and the impact of current

crisis has led to a growing polarization in terms of employment, competitiveness and industrial

specialization. A growing evidence – including Simonazzi et al. (2013), Stoellinger et al. (2013),

Landesmann (2013) and Cirillo and Guarascio (2015) - has identified the emergence of a

‘German-centred core’ – which has maintained employment and production – and a ‘Southern

periphery’ where major losses have occurred. Such geographical dichotomy is also reflected in a

polarization of jobs and skills.

The periphery of the European Union – Spain, Portugal, Italy and Greece – has been strongly

affected by the 2008 economic crisis, while the centre of Europe – Germany, Czech Republic,

Poland, Slovakia and Hungary - managed to contain the effects of the crisis while preserving and,

in some cases, increasing its production capacity. The economies of the periphery had a dynamic

of constantly lower production than that seen in Germany and France in the period 2008-2016

(Figure 1).

Figure 1. Industrial production index 2008-2016

(GER, FR, IT, SP & GR. 2010=100)

Source: Data from ISTAT

In 2015, after five years of continuous decline, a timid recovery of production has been observed in

some countries on the periphery with the exception of Italy characterized by a relatively weaker

growth than other EU peripheral countries (the change in the Italian industrial production in 2015

was 1% against a growth of 4.1% in Spain and 1.3% in Greece and Portugal).

80

85

90

95

100

105

110

115

120

2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

GER GR SP FR IT

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Focusing on manufacturing production, table 1 – drawn from Guarascio and Simonazzi (2016) -

shows a general picture of the European manufacturing dynamics during the crisis begun in 2008. It

emerges, again, a sharp divergence between core and periphery. Looking at the averages of

manufacturing production in the German Manufacturing core with respect to the Southern periphery,

it clearly emerges a sound difference across regions. In Southern Europe, the percentage change of

the production index compared to the previous year is always negative with the exception of 2014

and 2015, while for the German Manufacturing core the percentage change of manufacturing

production of one year to the previous one is always positive suggesting an increasing trend stopped

only in 2008-2009 in correspondence of the edge of the crisis.

Table 1. Manufacturing production in Europe – core vs. periphery

(Index of production, percentage change compared to the previous year. 2008-2015) COUNTRY 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

EUROPEAN UNION -1,9 -15,1 7,4 4,6 -2,2 -0,5 2,1 1,9

GERMANY 0,3 -17,2 11,7 8,6 -0,5 0,2 1,9 0,4

AUSTRIA 0,9 -12,7 7,0 6,9 -0,4 1,1 1,1 2,0

POLAND 2,5 -3,5 13,0 7,7 1,4 3,0 4,3 5,4

CZECH REPUBLIC -2,0 -14,7 9,4 7,6 -0,6 1,0 6,7 5,9

HUNGARY -1,5 -18,2 11,6 6,0 -1,2 1,8 8,2 7,8

SLOVENIA 1,7 -19,1 7,4 1,9 -1,7 -2,0 3,7 5,9

SLOVAKIA 16,5 -18,7 9,8 7,0 11,5 4,9 10,6 7,5

GERMAN

MANUFACTURING CORE

1,6 -15,0 9,4 6,1 0,4 1,0 4,5 4,3

FRANCE -4,0 -15,0 3,8 4,0 -2,7 -0,7 -0,1 1,7

ITALY -3,5 -19,4 7,1 1,6 -6,8 -2,9 -0,1 1,1

GREECE -4,7 -11,2 -5,1 -9,1 -3,5 -1,1 1,8 1,3

SPAIN -8,3 -16,6 0,5 -1,1 -7,8 -1,3 2,0 4,1

PORTUGAL -3,9 -10,3 2,2 -0,8 -2,4 0,8 1,7 1,3

SOUTHERN EUROPE -4,9 -14,5 1,7 -1,1 -4,6 -1,0 1,1 1,9

PERIPHERY -5,5 -15,7 0,8 -2,9 -6,0 -1,8 1,2 2,2

Source: elaboration on Eurostat data. Note: data are seasonally and calendar adjusted. The ‘German manufacturing core’ (Simonazzi

et al., 2013; Stollinger et al., 2013; Cirillo and Guarascio, 2015) includes Germany, Austria, Poland, Czech Republic, Hungary,

Slovenia and Slovakia; the Southern periphery includes all the Mediterranean countries and France; the Periphery comprehends all the

Mediterranean countries (Italy, Greece, Spain and Portugal)

A pattern of polarization also emerges focusing on employment dynamics as depicted in figure 2. The

average employment rate of major European countries located in the periphery of EU stays below the

average European Union employment rate – around 65% over the period – with the only exemption

of Germany and United Kingdom whose average employment rates are constantly above over the

entire period (2008-2015).

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Figure 2. Employment rates in European countries (2008-2015)

Source: Eurostat – LFS

In the next table, we explicitly consider the nexus between changes in fiscal consolidation as a

proxy for austerity measures – the change in government deficit/surplus as a GDP share over the

period 2008-2015 – and the change in employment rates over the same period. The poor

occupational performances of European countries in the periphery – Ireland, Greece, Italy, and

Portugal – are generally associated with measures of fiscal consolidation as in Greece reducing

its net borrowing position from 10.2% on GDP to 7.2%.

Table 2. Fiscal consolidation and employment rates in European countries (2008-2015)

NET LENDING (+) / NET BORROWING (-)

AS SHARE OF GDP

CHANGE IN EMPLOYMENT

RATE

2008 2015 2008-2015

EUROPEAN UNION -2.4 -2.4 -0.1

BELGIUM -1.1 -2.6 -0.6

BULGARIA 1.6 -2.1 -1.1

CZECH REPUBLIC -2.1 -0.4 3.6

DENMARK 3.2 -2.1 -4.4

GERMANY -0.2 0.7 3.9

ESTONIA -2.7 0.4 1.8

IRELAND -7 -2.3 -4.1

GREECE -10.2 -7.2 -10.6

SPAIN -4.4 -5.1 -6.7

CROATIA -2.8 -3.2 -4.2

ITALY -2.7 -2.6 -2.3

CYPRUS 0.9 -1 -8.2

LATVIA -4.1 -1.3 -0.1

45

50

55

60

65

70

75

2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

European Union Germany Ireland Greece Spain

France Italy Portugal United Kingdom

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LITHUANIA -3.1 -0.2 2.8

LUXEMBOURG 3.4 1.2 2.7

HUNGARY -3.6 -2 7.5

MALTA -4.2 -1.5 8.4

NETHERLANDS 0.2 -1.8 -3.1

AUSTRIA -1.4 -1.2 0.3

POLAND -3.6 -2.6 3.7

PORTUGAL -3.8 -4.4 -4.1

ROMANIA -5.5 -0.7 2.4

SLOVENIA -1.4 -2.9 -3.4

SLOVAKIA -2.3 -3 0.4

FINLAND 4.2 -2.7 -2.6

SWEDEN 2 0 1.2

UNITED KINGDOM -5 -4.4 1.2

Source: Eurostat

In this context of disruption of industrial production and massive unemployment mainly in the

periphery of the European Union – see Figure 3 -, monetary and fiscal policies have become less

restrictive and even institutions such as the OECD and the IMF have called Europe and national

governments to expand investment, moving beyond the constraints of austerity measures (Prodi,

2014; Quadrio Curzio, 2015; Economia and Lavoro, 2014).

Figure 3. Unemployment rates on total active population (2006-2015)

Source: LFS, Eurostat

However, most of the Euro area is still firmly in the grip of austerity policies. Framed in this

context, the ISIGrowth research project aims to challenge the mainstream economic paradigm

providing policy advices rooted on theoretical and empirical analysis on occupational, industrial

and financial dynamics.

In the next section, after revising the main aims of ISIGrowth research project, we present major

results emerging after one year of ISIGrowth.

2

7

12

17

22

27

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015

European Union Germany Ireland Greece Spain France Italy

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2. ISIGrowth challenging the mainstream economic paradigm

2.1 Aims of the project

The main goal of ISIGrowth project is twofold. First, it aims to provide novel and comprehensive

diagnostics of the relationships between innovation, employment dynamics and growth in an

increasingly globalized and financialized world economy. Second, on the grounds of such

diagnostics, it aims to elaborate policy scenarios delivering a coherent policy toolkit to achieve

the Europe 2020 objectives of smart, sustainable and inclusive growth.

Therefore, in order to deliver comprehensive diagnostics and coherent set of policy tools beyond

the mainstream approach, the analysis is undertaken from several, highly complementary, angles:

The analysis of long-term dynamics of European economies, in comparison with the

United States, Japan and some major emerging economies, with respect to their degrees

of innovativeness; their patterns of structural transformation; the sectoral and regional

shifts in innovation, productivity and employment; and their growth performances.

The study of dynamics of global production and financial networks allows placing the

European macroeconomic, sectoral and micro dynamics in the context of a world economy

characterised by increasing globalisation of production and, to an even faster pace, by

finance. To varying degrees, European economies are displaying a significant tendency

toward deindustrialisation, with profound consequences in terms of income distribution

and employment.

The nature and drivers of the observed increasing inequality in an attempt to disentangle

purported ‘skill biases’ of technical change, ‘globalisation effects’, ‘financialisation

effects’ and possible broader institutional causes.

The analysis of multiple links between the financial sector and the real economy, which

are important for the rates of innovation, growth and income distribution.

The dual role of innovation as a driver of income and employment growth and a labour-

saving factor, relating the ensuing patterns to the flows of job creation and destruction is

explored.

The links between ‘Schumpeterian’ patterns of innovation and ‘Keynesian’ mechanisms

of demand generation, and study the conditions under which their combination can drive

socially inclusive and environmentally sustainable growth.

An ensemble of policies (innovation, industrial, fiscal and monetary policies) and an

agenda of structural and institutional reforms can help unlock European economies from

the current crisis and put them on solid, socially-inclusive growth paths.

ISIGrowth addresses these points from both a theoretical and an empirical, intensively data-driven

perspective on the basis of the idea that the economy and its main domains (e.g., technologies,

agents, social relations and institutions) should be studied accounting for both their powerful

inter-domain interactions and their specific nature (for example, the peculiar rules that shape and

constrain every inducement and adjustment mechanism between them). A complex evolving

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nature of the economy (Kirman, 2010; Arthur, 2013; Dosi, 2013) is acknowledged arguing that

only a limited number of its configurations allow a relatively ‘well-regulated’ and smooth

consistency between them (that is, the ‘possible worlds’). This complex and evolutionary view of

the economy characterises a fundamental domain for policy intervention and institutional

engineering.

After slightly more than one year, the project has significantly advanced along all the foregoing

directions.

Major contributions on the “diagnostic” side include:

(i) The characterization of the different European “Systems of innovation” in a comparative

perspective;

(ii) Further evidence on the changing international division of labour, characterized by an

overall European de-industrialization but with notable exceptions, in primis Germany, and

some Eastern European countries;

(iii) A dramatic ‘finacialization’ of all economies, albeit at different rates and its effects on the

real sector of the economy;

(iv) Novel comparative insights on macro to micro links – from macro policies to

microeconomic and sectoral patterns of innovation and structural change, also building on

the comparison between the experiences of Latin America and the Far East;

(v) Significant inroads on the debunking of the purported link between supposedly ‘skill-

biased’ technical change and increasing inequality;

(vi) The evidence on the micro and sectoral relations between innovation and the dynamics of

labour demand.

On the theory side, major advances have been made on the modelling and exploration of:

(i) The links between ‘Schumpeterian’ innovation processes and the “Keynesian” demand-

generation mechanisms;

(ii) The relations between finance and real dynamics (“Minsky meeting Keynes meeting

Schumpeter…”);

(iii) The impact of labour market organization upon aggregate dynamic patterns, and the

related debunking of the magic of ‘structural reforms’.

Finally, on the policy side, the project has already offered important insights on:

(i) The crucial role of publicly sponsored “mission oriented” programs both as engines of

innovation and drivers of macro growth;

(ii) The importance of (expansionary) fiscal policies, and, conversely, the self-defeating

impact of austerity ones;

(iii) The design and impact of ‘green’ policies.

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2.2 Main results in one year of ISIGrowth project on occupational, industrial and financial

dynamics

Occupational dynamics and labour market reforms

Adascalitei et al. 2015 realize a compendium on the labour market reforms implemented during

the period 2008-2014 over 111 countries. They find how the majority of the labour maket reforms

were undertaken in advanced economies. Figure 4 classifies decreasing vis-a-vis increasing policy

interventions. Decreasing policy reforms are those direct at reducing workers bargaining power

and labour protection. Figure 4 clearly shows a trend in implementing reforms aimed at make

labour market more flexible especially in developed countries. The authors break downs the

overall packages of reforms in six categories, namely, collective dismissal, permanent contracts,

temporary contracts, working hours, other forms of employment and collective bargaining.

Figure 4. Sources Adascalitei et al. 2015

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Figure 5. Sources Adascalitei et al. 2015

The Eu member states were among the more active countries in liberalizing the labour markets in the

aftermath of the crises.

Quoting from the report:

“In advanced economies and the EU a total of 444 changes to labour market regulation have been

registered between 2008 and 2014 – equal to 69 per cent of the registered changes. These changes

have mostly concerned the regulation of permanent employment contracts (135 changes),

collective bargaining legislation (83 changes) and working hours (77 changes). Overall, 68 per

cent of these changes have decreased existing levels of protection in an effort to facilitate the

capacity of firms to adjust over the business cycle. Examples include the reduction of severance

payments for unjustified dismissals in Spain from 45 to 33 days per year worked, the cut from

one year to 60 days of the length of time employees have to launch an unfair dismissal claim in

Portugal and the shortening of the notice period from 24 to six months in Greece for workers with

at least 28 years of job tenure. In other cases, the possibility for the employers to adjust working

hours over the business cycle has been increased in an effort to avoid layoffs. These include

increasing the maximum period allowed for the recourse to limited working hour schemes in

Austria and Germany.” (Adascalitei et al 2015, pag 15).

The purported aim of the policy intervention was the one of promoting employment rate.

Unfortunately there is very little evidence on the beneficial effects of structural reforms on labour

market outcomes.

The well-known OECD (1994) Jobs Study was among the first studies to advocate the benefits from

labour market liberalization. The report and a series of subsequent papers (including Scarpetta, 1996;

Siebert, 1997; Belot and Van Ours, 2004; Bassanini and Duval, 2006) basically argued that the roots

of unemployment rest in social institutions and policies such as unions, unemployment benefits,

employment protection legislation. Unfortunately, at least an equivalent numbers of papers pointed

out the fragility and unreliability of the empirical evidence used to support the claim. Particularly,

Howell et al. (2007), reviewing the findings on the effects of protective labour market policies (PMLI)

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on unemployment, argue that the evaluation of the effects of PMLI has been biased by a number of

factors: (i) the findings were largely theory driven discarding the empirical evidence, (ii) the

explanatory powers of labour market institutions as sources of unemployment decline with the quality

of the PMLI indicators and the sophistication of the econometric methodology, (iii) inclination to

violate the mantra against endogeneity, phrasing simple cross-correlations as evidence of causation,

(iv) remarkable differences in the magnitude of coefficients, statistical significance, and estimation

methodology across the works. Even more distinctively, Oswald (1997), Baccaro and Rei (2007),

Avdagic and Salardi (2013), Avdagic (2015) and Storm and Naastepad (2012) on more recent datasets

find no compelling evidence on the revealed benefits of labour market liberalization. In fact,

Adascalitei and Pignatti (2015) and Adascalitei et al. (2015) find that higher labour market flexibility

increases short run unemployment rate and, together, reduces employment rates.

More specifically on Italy, Fana et al. (2016) – as a part of the ISIGrowth project - have analysed the

law 183 of 2014, named the “Jobs Act” which has determined a deep change in the Italian industrial

relations. The Jobs Act has introduced a new contract type - ‘contratto a tutele crescenti’ - implying

a substantial downsize of obligation for workers’ reinstatement in case of firms invalidly firing them.

The new permanent contract is therefore deprived of the substantial requirements of an open-ended

contract. The Law has also weakened the legal constraints for firms intending to monitor workers

through electronic devices and introduced new incentives for firms using temporary contracts. This

work frames the Jobs Act within the overall labour market reform process occurred in Italy since mid-

nineties and provides a first evaluation of its impacts on the Italian labour market. Taking advantage

of different data sources (administrative and labour force data) and concentrating the analysis over

the period after the Jobs Act implementation, the investigation provides the following results: the

expected boost in employment growth is not detected; an increase in the share of temporary contracts

over the open-ended ones is observed; a raise of part-time contracts within the new permanent

positions emerge. The analysis shows that the Jobs Act failed in achieving its main goals. The authors

discuss the observed evidence evaluating the appropriateness of the Law 183/2014 in the present

Italian economic context accounting, in particular, for the structural effects of the 2008 economic

crisis.

Industrial dynamics

Structural change, sectorial and regional shifts in innovation, productivity and

employment in the EU

We are studying shifts in employment between manufacturing and service sectors and the role of

R&D investments as well as productivity dynamics in this process. In particular, relying on World

Bank as well as on OECD STAN sectorial-level data for European countries the following

questions have been addressed: (i) How has the overall employment share of the manufacturing

respectively the service sectors evolved over time in different European countries? Are there

qualitative differences in the evolution between ‘old’ and ‘new’ EU member countries? (ii) How

is the shift in employment shares related to (country-specific) changes in labour productivity?

Does it contribute to a faster increase in total labour productivity? (iii) What is the impact of

(country- and sector-specific) R&D expenditure on employment in a sector? Is there a systematic

difference with respect to this impact between manufacturing and service sectors? The motivation

that took us to explore these questions is twofold. First, it helps to identify the driving forces of

the observed sectorial employment shifts. Second, and more importantly, gaining a better

understanding of the role of R&D for employment and for sectorial shifts clearly has important

implications for innovation policy. If certain sectors can be identified in which increases in R&D

investments tend to have particularly strong positive effects on employment, then fostering

investments in those sectors would not only have direct effects on productivity and international

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competitiveness in such sectors but would also contribute to positive second order effects through

demand stimulation and human capital improvements, e.g. through learning by doing effects.

Also, the analysis performed sheds light on the question of how far the observed shifts in

employment might be desirable or at least necessary from the perspective of overall labour

productivity increases. The scientific output produced on this regard is contained in Mitkova M.

and Dawid, H. “An Empirical Analysis of Sectoral Employment Shifts and the Role of R&D”,

ISIGrowth WP 27/2016.

The dynamics of EU countries and sectors in global production networks

Drawing on a large database of publicly announced R&D alliances, we have carried out a detailed

empirical investigation of the evolution of R&D networks and the process of alliance formation

in several manufacturing sectors over a 24-year period (1986-2009). This work is contained in

Tomasello M., Napoletano M., Garas A., and Schweitzer F. “The Rise and Fall of R&D

Networks”, ISIGrowth WP 8/2016. More precisely, we find that most network properties are not

only invariant across sectors, but also independent of the scale of aggregation at which they are

observed, and we highlight the presence of core-periphery architectures in explaining some

properties emphasized in previous empirical studies (e.g. asymmetric degree distributions and

small worlds). In addition, we show that many properties of R&D networks are characterized by

a rise-and-fall dynamics with a peak in the mid-nineties. Via regression analyses we show that

such dynamics is driven by mechanisms of accumulative advantage, structural homophily and

multiconnectivity. In particular, the change from the “rise” to the “fall” phase is associated to a

structural break in the importance of multiconnectivity.

The determinants of international competitiveness at the level of countries, sectors and

firm

We are carrying out research in several directions. First, by using data on the universe of Italian

firms, we are studying how firm’s export status influences the patterns of growth at different firm

age classes and conditional on firm size. Results obtained so far show that the positive effect (on

productivity) associated to the export status declines with firm age. Second, by combining detailed

firm-level (balance-sheet), trade (export flows) and labour (employer-employee) datasets on the

universe of French firms, we are studying whether a change in firms’ labour organization is

associated with an increase in their export diversification and performance. Preliminary results

show that exporters have indeed a more complex organization in terms of hierarchical layers. A

change in the labour organization may thus be a pre-requisite to raise productivity and face higher

trade costs on more difficult markets.

Empirical evidence on human capital formation and inequality

The report ‘Human Capital & Inequality’ explores the relationship between innovative activities

of firms and the level and dispersion of wages paid by these firms. The study is based on firm

level data from the European Union Structure of Earnings Survey (SES) and the Community

Innovation Survey (CIS) employing OLS and Quantile Regressions. The main findings are that

there is a positive association between firms’ innovative activities and the average wages they

pay, where this relationship is strongest for small firms. With respect to within firm wage

dispersion, it is shown that innovation on average increases wage dispersion in small firms,

whereas the opposite is true for medium-size and large firms. These qualitative findings hold

across firms with different wage levels and different levels of wage-inequality.

Understanding the interplay between skill dynamics and innovation

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A systematic review of the existing work on the relationship between technological change, skill

dynamics, employment and wages has been carried out. In particular, empirical studies on these

issues carried out for different countries and sectors have been collected and compared.

Furthermore, within this task a computational model has been designed and implemented, which

aims to investigate the effect of different remuneration schemes for firm managers, which can be

seen as a proxy for different ownership structures, on the allocation of firm investments between

short and long term activities. In particular, a simple industry model is considered, where

managers decide about investments in innovative activities, which have positive long run effects

on productivity, and share buybacks (respectively share emissions), which potentially have short

term impact on the stock price. The model includes a rudimentary representation of the market

for the firm stocks, which captures the impact of firms’ investment decisions on stock prices.

Managers are remunerated by a weighted mix of fixed salary, profit dependent component and

stock options. The model will allow insights into the effects of changes in this remuneration

scheme and expected duration of the managers’ tenure in the job on individual firms’ investments,

relative performance and industry dynamics.

Financial dynamics

Finance, innovation and inequality

The task has consisted mainly of two activities. First, in order to study how the presence of a

public actor producing a new technology of uncertain success affects the imbalance of risks and

rewards between the public sector and private firms, an agent-based model has been designed, in

which a public sector agent explores a rugged NK-type technology landscape with adaptive walks.

Private firms are able to build on these explorations, and, by performing applied R&D, might

generate profits. In this way value extraction might arise since the private actors get full benefits

from innovation spillovers without re-investing profits to perform further technology

improvements. Key questions to be explored in this context are how a potential redistribution of

rewards towards the public sector would influence the system-wide innovation performance and

which institutional configurations would be supportive in this respect. The second activity in this

task focuses on the role of public investment in risky early stage innovation projects taking. The

approach takes into account the trade-off between the fact that public investment in certain

technologies might act as a focal point for private investments, thereby reducing the danger that

investments are so spread out in the technology landscape that they never reach a critical mass

needed to make the projects successful, and the danger of under-exploitation of the landscape due

to early lock-in of investments to technologies early selected by the public sector actors. A simple

model has been designed to capture this trade-off and for baseline cases analytical insights have

been obtained. More general scenarios will be explored computationally.

Finance and innovation

The research in this section of the work package provides data on share buy-backs, dividends and

retained earnings in Europe, with a comparison with the United States. These data enable us to

measure the extent to which European companies have been afflicted by financialization, and

provide indispensable quantitative background for carrying out the industry and companies

studies on innovation versus financialization in other parts of work package 4, as described below.

We are in the process of gathering the data for European companies. Similarly, research on the

components and measure of executive pay in Europe, in comparison with the United States,

enables us to determine the extent to which European executives are incentivized and rewarded

by stock-based pay, and hence are susceptible to financialized decision-making in corporate

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resource allocation. We are in the process of gathering the data for European companies (the

analysis on the case of US companies is completed).

In the meantime, OFCE and SSSA have completed an overall assessment of the implications of

the general financialization of all western economies in terms of short-termism in investment

decisions and propensity to commit resources to uncertain long-term innovative search. The

results are presented in Dosi G., Sapio A., Revest, V., “Financial regimes, financialization patterns

and industrial performances: preliminary remarks”, ISIGrowth Working Paper 22/2016, which is

forthcoming in Revue d’Economie Industriel. Ongoing research will contribute with an

institutional and empirical analysis of the performance of companies listed on stock market

segments and on the main markets involved (France, Germany, Italy, Nordic countries, Japan).

The objective is to assess to which extent the stock markets (junior and main markets) influence

positively the listed firm’s real performances, granting a special attention to European countries.

The institutional comparison among junior stock markets in several European countries and in

Japan and the collection of data on stock market listed companies has been completed and the

empirical analyses has started.

Financialisation, innovative capabilities and global competitiveness

Two sector specific studies are in progress here: on communication technology industry and on

biopharma in Europe. The case of the European communication technology industry: in-depth

analysis of case studies is in progress. European cases include Ericsson (in March 2016 an

interview was conducted with the Head of Ericsson Vodafone Key Account Office), Alcatel-

Lucent (now part of Nokia) and Orange. Two non-European cases will also be included: Cisco

(US) and Huawei (China). Biopharma in Europe: A comparative study of pharma/biopharma in

the United States and Europe is being carried out, focusing on Pfizer and Merck in the United

States and Novartis and Riche in Europe. Data relevant to research on innovation versus

financialization are also being collected on a sample of publicly listed biopharma firms in

Germany, France, and the United Kingdom, with the size of the sample depending on the

possibility for data collection within the constraints of FELU’s budget and time.

3. Policy discussion

The interactions between innovation, demand generation and aggregate growth

The task studies the conditions under which higher rates of innovation lead to more sustained

economic growth by stimulating aggregate demand instead of yielding labour displacement and

income inequality. At the empirical level, the link among innovation, changes in marginal

propensities to consume and inequality has been investigated using data-driven methods (i.e.

vector auto-regressive models) employing UK households expenditure data and Amadeus data on

patent applications. The work shows for specific sectors significant causal effects between

demand and innovation, suggesting that an increase of interest in a particular good by consumers

brings about a positive response by firms in the form of increase of inventive activity.

The crucial role of fiscal policies for income redistribution, inclusiveness and ultimately

sustainable growth

We have started designing an agent-based model to assess the role of fiscal policies as a tool to

reduce the inequality in the economy and promote inclusive and sustainable long-run growth. In

particular, the model will be employed to study (i) the effects of various fiscal instruments (e.g.

different degrees of the progressivity of the tax system, wealth and financial taxes) in tackling

inequality; (ii) how different fiscal instruments can allow the government to reap the fruits of

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government-sponsored innovations introduced by private firms; (iii) how lower level of

inequality, together with the higher amount of resources to support government-funded, mission-

oriented research, can put European economies on a more inclusive and sustainable growth path.

Analysing the aggregate outcomes of the interactions between finance, innovative firms and the

overall economy

We have been developing a family of agent-based model to theoretically analyse: (i) how access

to credit and financial markets affect firms’ innovation, investment and production decisions;

(ii) the conditions under which financial markets lead to unstable growth regimes, financial crises

and which early warning signals can be detected to prevent such crises; (iii) interactions between

Keynesian demand-management and Schumpeterian innovation policies under different finance

scenarios shaped by macro-prudential regulations (e.g., Basel II vs. Basel III); (iv) which

structural reforms are appropriate to improve the growth performance of European economies,

under different combinations of innovation, fiscal and monetary policies; (v) the financial systems

under which firms have greater incentives to use available financial resources to invest, innovate

and increase productivity. Results already obtained on the impact of labour market regimes and

“structural reforms” show indeed that more “flexibility “ in the labour market yield higher

volatility of growth, higher unemployment, and in some circumstances, lower rates of long term

growth. In this work, we introduce regime changes capturing a series of alternative policy

interventions aimed at making labour markets more flexible. Yet, such policy interventions

effectively cause the increase of both functional and personal income inequality, on the one hand,

and of the unemployment rate, on the other. Conversely, the model fails to provide any evidence

of the existence of an equity-efficiency trade-off. On the contrary, the two dimensions are highly

correlated: a larger fraction of unemployed workers (who get reduced or no unemployment

benefits) simply increases the level of personal income inequality. Finally, we find robust

evidence on how the degrees of job protection and the wage setting policies directly affects

functional income distribution. Therefore, are structural labour market reforms a panacea for

unemployment, growth and income redistribution? According to the results provided by our

model, definitely not, maybe well the opposite. Whenever the institutional structure of labour

markets tends to exacerbate the asymmetry in the bargaining power between workers and firms,

in favour of the latter, whenever productivity gains are not shared with workers but are retained

by capitalists, or unemployment benefits are reduced or eliminated, also the macroeconomic

conditions tend to get worse in terms of unemployment rates and the long-run growth of income

and productivity. Indeed, it happens that the nearer the system gets to competitive conditions in

the labour market, the harder it is for the Schumpeterian engine of innovation and growth to

operate. More unequal income distribution and higher unemployment spells induce, via

Keynesian dynamics, a stagnationist bias in the aggregate dynamics. On the macroprudential

side, we find that the Basel III macro-prudential framework and a “leaning against the wind”

monetary policy is the best policy combination to reduce macroeconomic instability.

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