A continent of crises, conflicts and catastrophes? – Africa in the German media

by Julian Bergmann, Germany

If asked about how Africa is perceived by the German media, many people might

think of a rather negative image: Africa is of only minor significance and if there is

any media coverage, it is presented as the continent of crises, catastrophes and

conflicts. But does this wide-spread perception still hold true for today’s media

coverage of Africa? The answer to this question, however, is not as easy as it

seems. With regard to daily news, it is certainly true that Africa plays only a minor

role because the focus of many newspapers and TV-stations lies on German and

European politics. With regard to German TV, for example, studies have shown that

the share of African news in daily TV news is very small. In their analysis of

German newscasts in 1995 on four main TV channels (ARD, ZDF, RTL, Sat1),

Dagmar Schmidt and Jürgen Wilke (1998) found that, on average, not more than

one percent of the contributions was about Africa. Another study by Anke Poenicke

(2001) comes to a similar conclusion: ‘With regard to daily news, it could be

confirmed that Africa is merely a minor topic and if there is coverage about African

issues, only few background information is given'.

Referring to articles about Africa in the German press, a big share of them deals

with issues such as civil wars, humanitarian crises or diseases. Recent examples

are the conflict in Nigeria, the humanitarian situation in Darfur, the situation in so-

called failed states such as Somalia or DRC or the military coup and its

consequences in Niger. In his recent book ‘Journalisten der Finsternis’ (english

title: ‘Journalists of Darkness’), which gives a comprehensive analysis of the

perception of Africa in German media, the German scholar Lutz Mükke (2009) finds

that between 12 to 19 percent of the coverage of African issues in the most

prominent German newspapers is about war – not including reports about crises

and conflicts below the level of full-fledged wars. But this rather negative coverage

of Africa in the daily newsmedia has to be seen in a wider context, too: the topics

with the highest news value are those that relate to dramatic and negative events.

As the German journalist Sebastian Bräuer, who has worked on African topics,

knows: ‘The slogan "bad news is good news" is nowhere more accurate than in the

reports about Africa. Who cares about successful and peaceful elections? A violent

post-election conflict in Kenya is getting lots of attention, which is also due to the

fact that many journalists are based in Nairobi. A peaceful post-election power

transition in Senegal does not get anywhere near to that’. Additionally, German

media reports about African politics when there is a link to German politics: for

example when a prominent German politician visits an African country or when

German soldiers take part in a peacekeeping operation on African soil, as it was

the case with EUFOR RD Congo in the Democratic Republic of Congo in 2006.

Another aspect of the rather distorted perception of Africa in German media can be

found in German motion pictures such as “Nirgendwo in Afrika” (“Nowhere in

MAfrica

Germany

Editorial

Dear Go Africa Go Germany

community, dear readers of Joint

MAG,

this issue of Joint MAG covers an

topic that is always prevalent in

Afro-European affiars: the

perception of the other, be it

from a media, a scientific,

political or indeed interpersonal

point of view.

This issue attempts to present a

forum for contributions

analyzing relations in those

dimensions: while staff writer

Julian Bergmann presents a brief

analysis of Africa in the German,

media guest writer Marvin

Kumetat has interviewed

Cologne university's Prof.

Dimmendahl about African

studies in Germany. Algerian

guest writer Lakhdar Ghettas

presents his view on the

Algerian-French relations that

have recently been strained by

rightwing French campaigns and

a legislation seemingly unaware

of the sensitive issues regarding

the country's colonial past.

Lastly, Alia Jakoby has put

together a small collection of

links and information relevant

for the subject matter.

Have a good read, and do not

hesitate to contact us for

independent reviews, analyses

or interviews!

Linda Poppe and Dennis Kumetat

Issue 3/ 2010March

ContentAfrica in the German media // 1

Europe in Africa - Africa in Europe

// 2

African Studies in Germany // 3

Algiers - Paris Relations today// 5

Imprint // 6

JOINT

Africa”), “Africa mon amour” or “Albert Schweitzer – a life

for Africa”. Although some of these movies deal very

critically with the German colonial past, they tend to

reproduce typical stereotypes. Africa is presented as the

“continent of the wild” and local people are shown as “the

noble savages”. African people are often presented as being

less-educated and poor, grateful for the white man to come

and to help them out of their “dramatic” situation. What is

also striking is that in nearly all German motion pictures

about Africa, the chief characters are Germans or Europeans.

But this is only one part of the story. In fact, numerous

documentaries and background stories about African history,

politics, economy or culture have been produced in the

recent past. These media formats differ from mainstream

contributions insofar as they show a more balanced picture

of Africa. One problem regarding their mass outreach,

however, is that TV documentaries about Africa are often not

broadcasted during prime time and therefore cannot address

a large audience. Additionally, some newspapers such as

“die tageszeitung (taz)” report regularly and well-informed

about African topics. Furthermore, in the run-up to the

soccer world cup in South Africa, there seems to be an

increased interest of German news agencies in Africa in

general and South Africa in particular. But again, the main

focus of German media coverage lies on “negative” aspects

such as the precarious security situation in some South

African cities and the problems the organizing team faces

with regard to transportation and accommodation – aspects

that are, again, eurocentric and do not at all cover the full

range of topics possible.

In sum, it seems that although some progress has already

been made, the perception of Africa in the German media

remains overwhelmingly one-sided. One reason for this is

the lack of support for journalists reporting on African

issues. As a survey among German correspondents in Africa

conducted by Lutz Mükke has shown, these journalists do

often not possess the necessary resources to carry out their

work. And often, even large papers only have 1-3

permanent correspondents on the continent. Usually based

in Nairobi, Cairo and Capetown or Johannesburg, they are to

report for major parts of the continent, on average about 33

countries. Another reason is the rareness of African

journalists contributing news to German newspapers or TV-

channels. Possible ways to overcome these obstacles might

be the facilitation of exchanges between German and African

journalists, the financial promotion of German media

projects covering African topics and the creation of

awareness campaigns that point to the deficits of the

German media coverage of Africa. If such activities could

really make a difference, remains an open question.

Info

Europe in Africa - Africa in Europe

Africa in Europe

• The internet library sub-Saharan Africa, from the

library of the University of Frankfurt offers a wide

range of links about Africa. You can find links to

databases for literature and magazines, collections of

images and documents, libraries with a good selection

of literature on/of Africa, research institutes, news and

some more. Even if the site is in German, most of the

links are in English, so that it can also be interesting

for Non-Germans. Just have a look at:

http://www.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/webmania/lafrika.html

• A German platform on art, culture and business

http://www.afroport.de/ aims to paint a picture of

Africa different from that of the usual media

representation.

• The library of the African Studies Institute in Leiden

(NL) provides a list of free, Africa related, e-journals:

http://www.ascleiden.nl/Library/FreeOnlinePeriodicals.

aspx

Europe and Africa

• http://www.africa-eu-partnership.org/index_en.php

is a platform on the partnership between the African

Union and the European Union. Under

http://europafrica.net/ you can find more news and

resources on the joint Africa-EU strategy.

• Information on the European Union and its member

countries you can find on the official website

http://europa.eu

Europe in Africa

• As first contact to German culture, society and a

focus on language courses, the Goethe Institute has

offices in many African countries: www.goethe.de. You

can select the country under “network”.

• For the United Kingdom, their international

organisation for cultural relations and educational

opportunities, the British Council offers interesting

information http://www.britishcouncil.org/new/

Its a portal for Africa:

http://www.britishcouncil.org/africa.htm

• The internet presence of the French equivalent, the

Alliance Française. is not as good as from the Goethe

Institute or the British Council, but you may get

information from the French embassy. Here are two

links for the Alliance Française in South Africa

http://www.alliance.org.za/ and Ghana

http://www.alliancefrancaiseghana.com/

African Studies in Germany – an insider’s point of view

Prof. Dr. Gerrit Dimmendaal studied African languages

and cultures, Arabic, literature and history in Leiden,

the Netherlands, and is now chair of African languages

at the Institute of African Studies, Cologne University.

The interview was led by Marvin Kumetat, student of

African studies, Cologne.

MK: Prof. Dimmendaal, how would you describe the

public perception of Africa in Europe?

GD: I think it is a constant fight. Africa is generally

regarded as the continent where nothing is functioning

and everyone is in need of help. This is exactly the

perception I have been fighting for years. Let’s talk

about Sudan, where the same applies: it is not THE

Sudan but a small minority which tries to lead the

repressed Islam and has done so for almost a century

– not particularly successful but it is a small group that

defines the picture to the outside world. Then, of

course, there are many Sudanese who take a different,

liberal view. I pin my hopes on those.

The media negatively depicts Africa. I have been

battling this image, albeit not so successfully. If I

notice that some place is undergoing change, I try to

talk about it. That is what I did in the case of Addis

Ababa and I am doing now regarding Khartoum. By so

doing, I try to make this little contribution and make

use of every opportunity to tell something positive

about Africa. Since the media are already reporting the

bad news, there is no need for me to do the same. To

take another example: plans were made for a new

research area here in Cologne joining geographers,

ethnologists, Africanists and the University of Bonn

under the heading “collapse”. My immediate reaction

was: “I just won't participate. This is done by the

media and there is really no need for a research area

covering this topic.”

I do not intend to disregard these issues and I am

aware of certain problems, but I feel the desire to also

present the positive things (which also exist). Things

that work well. Senegal, for example is a great

country. They are about fifty or even a hundred years

ahead of the situation in Sudan. It may all take a long

time, but still good things can be reported there –

which hardly make the news. And that's the problem.

MK: How have the African Studies changed in Germany

over the last few decades?

GD: Until recently, it had hardly changed. I hail from the

Netherlands and I studied and worked in Leiden for

twenty years. In the 1980s and 1990s, the Dutch

government took measures to reorganize and completely

terminate some fields of study. Eventually, Leiden was the

only place left to study subjects such as Non-European

philology and cultural studies rendering it a protected

zone or a nature reserve for these disciplines. Towards

the end of 90s, these disciplines were further reduced

leaving only the financially lucrative disciplines of

Japanology and Sinology, although they too had to cut

back.

When I first came to Cologne in 2002, I was told: “This

place looks like a Dutch University before the Second

World War.” Everything was quite cosy and traditional

meaning you had your professorship and a handful of

students. Whereas in Holland we were obliged to combine

different subjects and develop new degree programs. In

2002 and 2003 the pressure for reform from outside, e.g.

from the Düsseldorf district government, finally took hold

of the University of Cologne. In my opinion, the same is

happening as what happened in the Netherlands 20 years

ago and I hope that it does not evolve in the same way

here. In the Netherlands, that was the first step towards

saying: “We do not need anything that is not yielding any

money such as taxes.” The same thing happened in

Great Britain, although it is acknowledged that these

subjects provide invaluable knowledge about African

cultures and languages – albeit at a cost. SOAS is a good

example: almost terminated under Margaret Thatcher, its

situation has constantly improved since the 90s.

These changes figure prominently in Cologne. A new

“subject group four” (as we have not agreed on a name

yet) has emerged merging Africanists, ethnologists,

Japanologists, Sinologists, Indologists and Islamic

studies. In fact, it could be called 'Non-European

philology and cultural studies'. We, as in Leiden 20 years

ago, are undergoing a restructuring. Even if institutes are

not dismantled directly, there is an organisation that

merges six institutes under one common administration.

Yet we are struggling to remain independent, acquire

external funds and network as much as possible. But it is

a hard battle and I am trying to use the experiences I

"Plans were made for a new research project on Africa called "collapse" - I refused to participate"

gained in Leiden because, as I said, I hope that this will not happen here

in Cologne. You may not notice the restructuring from the outside but we

really have to fight every day and justify ourselves constantly. This

relates to the first question: there is this image of a continent where

there is no money to be made. Sudan refutes this claim. Business people

have already discovered this. They come to Sudan from all over the

world because it has got huge oil reserves. Universities do not seem to

have noticed it and the following perception reigns: “This institute is

dealing with a hopeless continent – get rid of it!” We are fighting because

it matters to us. It is not merely our jobs but about African Studies as a

discipline.

MK: What impact do African Studies have in Germany?

GD: “Basically, I think that we can provide knowledge about Africa. That means that if our students and graduates work

as journalists or in development, they take with them this know-how. Influencing the media is also another side although

this is not easily accomplished. In 2001 I was very enthusiastic and thought I’d try and cooperate with the media in

Cologne. As in Leiden, people had a complacent attitude. They thought you could withdraw into

the ivory tower of academia and think: “Those things outside, in the real world, have nothing

to do with me.” But that is wrong. So I visited the WDR [the major regional public

broadcaster] a few times where I continually deplored the one-sided and negative media

coverage of Africa. They disagreed and made every effort to report the other side of Africa.

WDR really put an effort, but I know for sure that there are other, worse examples in the

media who exclusively try to disparage Africa. The problem that arises is: “Does the audience

want to hear about the positive side of Africa? I do not think so.”

Many people I talk to speak of THE Africans who are kicking each other’s heads and fail to

build a future for themselves. This is a fairly widespread image, which is difficult to change.

Hopefully, our students can take with them another image of Africa. And if they work with the

media they can possibly even influence them. We should not ignore the negative aspects – of course, they do exist just

like anywhere else – but we should try to emphasise the positive sides of things – and there is unfortunately hardly

anyone who does that. I have visited several African countries over the last 25 years and I know about the problems, but

if you want to make a change you have to focus on the positive developments and cooperate with those who can and

want to change things, as I experienced in Ethiopia. You have to be tough – it is not always an easy matter. For instance,

I am trying to build something up at the University in Khartoum but there is much resistance because there are people

who want to get rid of me. I am sort of a troublemaker to them. They had a peaceful and cosy life and now, suddenly,

there is someone who is eager to change things. I noticed that before in Addis Ababa. As it is a constant fight, this also

involves losing your motivation sometimes. But, still, I have this need and in light of my 25 year experience, I know that

it actually works, that you can change things in small steps.

At present we have a project running in the Nuba Mountains (Sudan) where we are helping a group of people develop

their Tima language and a dictionary. There will be an Arabic and an English dictionary so that the children have

advantages in school as both languages are taught. These changes may not be noticed outside the region but I think it’s

important all the same. It takes time. It is sometimes forgotten what happened in Europe. Most people tend to think that

we have always lived as we do now but that is a misconception. Here, too, we believed in witchcraft till the 19th century.

Only a few people are aware that not too long ago, the Europeans practiced customs that are just practiced in Africa and

South America until today. So today I am somewhat optimistic and I truly believe that things can be changed.”

Miscellaneous

The online portal http://allafrica.com

provides African news and information

worldwide from over 120 African news

agencies.

A link on conferences in African Studies

and related fields worldwide:

www.conferencealerts.com/africa.htm

Algiers-Paris Relations: Crossing the Rubicon in the War of Colonial Legacies

Lakhdar Ghettas, London

The French National Front’s election campaign poster, which depicted the French map covered with the Algerian flag and

minarets together with a veiled women wearing a burka as well as the ‘No to Islamism’ slogan, has been the latest

event in an episode of deteriorating Algerian-French relations since 2005. Jean-Marie Le Pen’s party poster provoked

human rights associations and NGOs in France who took the case to court. Algiers protested officially for what it

considered a scandalous treatment of one of the symbols of its sovereignty: its national emblem. Since then the court

has ruled that the National Front party had to take down the posters in question or else face penalties.

Between Algiers and Paris, however, there is more than a provocative poster by a French far right party. Algerian-

French relations have always gone through cycles of ups and downs since Algerian independence in 1962. By the early

1980 it looked like the countries had finally found the formula to reconcile their troubled past of a former coloniser and

colony. Objective and subjective linguistic, demographic and economic considerations dictated the shape of the special

relationship which was based on a mutually privileged status, but the end of the Cold War and the regional and global

events which followed 9/11 introduced new elements into the relationship. New global players, particularly the US,

started to penetrate North Africa, which Paris has always considered part of its vital sphere and crucial to its global

influence. The arrival to power of President Sarkozy, who is detached from the colonial legacy which French presidents

before him shared, removed an important element from the way the relations between the two countries had been

forged until then.

The early warnings came with the adoption of the 23

February 2005 law by the French National Assembly. This law

aimed at including material of what they considered “the

positive role” of French colonialism in history textbooks in the

French public schools. The passing of the law triggered an extensive wave of indignation in Algiers and a widespread

debate on the legacy of colonialism among politicians, historians, media, NGOs, university campuses and academics in

both countries. In order to calm the debate, towards the end of his presidency, President Chirac set up a commission of

historians to address the issue but it was too late. Since the issue related to collective memories, colonial experiences

and legacies is political to begin with; academics could do little to calm down the situation.

President Sarkozy inherited this controversial issue and it was not before long he exacerbated the situation having a

bad start in engaging with the North African immigrants and the Arab community in France as a whole. Meanwhile,

Algeria was using its revenues from energy exports (following the record surge of oil prices ) to finance its extensive

infrastructure development plan. For domestic reasons and geopolitical factors the Algerian government entrusted

American as well Chinese companies with the majority of those lucrative contracts. While American companies extended

their presence in the oil and gas exploration and exploitation sector in the Algerian Sahara, the Chinese won all major

housing construction contracts. Besides, the gigantic East-West Highway project (dubbed in Algerian the “Project of the

Century”), which once completed would link the Algerian-Tunisian border to the one with Morocco, was won by a

Chinese and a Japanese company. French companies lost a bid after another of most of the lucrative contracts which

were won by new-comers from the Far East and the Far West. At a time of acute economic situation in France Paris read

in this a politically motivated retaliation by Algiers for the 23 February 2005 Law. Commentators and observers in world

capitals spoke publicly of the gradual eviction of France from its traditional sphere of influence. This led to frictions even

within the European Union member as Italy developed stronger commercial exchanges with Algeria or when Germany

announced its “Desertec” renewable energy project. The official Algerian line maintained that all bids were transparent

and that laws of economic completion among the bidder apply. If the American and Chinese kept offering competitive

bids, Bouteflika defended, then Algeria should not be blamed for acting in its national economic interest.

Meanwhile, Sarkozy’s government introduced new laws which were regarded as targeting the large Algerian immigrant

community in France. Algiers protested against the mistreatment of Algerians by the French authorities including the

new drastic measures Paris introduced for granting Algerians tourist visas. In Algeria, President Bouteflika retaliated by

calling French colonisation ‘a crime against humanity and genocide’ whenever a speech to celebrate a national day was

pronounced. Besides, by now, the Algerian media, politicians, academics, etc. routinely called for retaliating via passing

a law by the Algerian Parliament to criminalise French colonialism in Algeria.

All this angered Paris to such an extent that it even warned Algiers

unofficially through politicians and figures close to the French establishment

not to cross the Rubicon.

The war of colonial legacies between Paris and Algiers would be intensified by

the world economic crisis: by the time Bouteflika won a third presidential

term in April 2009 the economic crisis had started to set in Algeria. The fall of

oil prices compelled the Algerian government to pass drastic protectionist

economic measures, which affected what remained for the French firms of

business opportunities. Most French exports to Algeria were significantly

affected. Paris protested officially and even a delegation of the Marseille

Chamber of Commerce met with the Algerian Premier to express their deep

concerns. Algeria, on the other hand, considered the French protest

interference in its internal affairs. In the course of the following months,

several diplomatic mishaps and provocative declarations were made in both

capitals leading to the cancellation of official presidential visits and meetings

of the both countries’ foreign ministers. Furthermore, Paris resurrected the

case of its seven Christian monks who were assassinated in 1995 in Algeria;

when a retired French general accused the Algerian army of involvement in

the kidnapping and then killing of the monks, blamed at the time on the

Islamist terrorist group GIA. Prior to this episode, an Algerian diplomat was

arrested in Paris for allegations that he was connected to the assassination in 1987 of Ali Mecili, an Algerian opposition

figure with French citizenship, on French soil

These two developments would mark the climax in the build up of the extremely strained relations between Paris and

Algiers. The latest declarations in early March by Bernard Kouchner, French Foreign Minister, that relation between the

two countries would not improve ‘until the independence generation now ruling Algeria was gone’ have aggravated an

already deteriorated situation. Following this declaration, a number of the FLN party MPs have sponsored a bill to

criminalise the French colonisation of Algeria 1830-62. If passed, the Rubicon would have indeed been crossed opening

a new phase yielding severe consequences for regional and Mediterranean affairs.

"Algeria should not be blamed for pursuing what is in its national economic interest"

Editors: Dennis Kumetat and Linda Poppe // Editorial Team: Julian Bergmann, Mwenda Gatobu, Lerato Tsebe and Benjamin Zasche

Available online: www.bpb.de // Contact: goafrica (at) bpb.de

Algiers-Paris Relations: Crossing the Rubicon in the War of Colonial Legacies

Lakhdar Ghettas, London

The French National Front’s election campaign poster, which depicted the French map covered with the Algerian flag and

minarets together with a veiled women wearing a burka as well as the ‘No to Islamism’ slogan, has been the latest

event in an episode of deteriorating Algerian-French relations since 2005. Jean-Marie Le Pen’s party poster provoked

human rights associations and NGOs in France who took the case to court. Algiers protested officially for what it

considered a scandalous treatment of one of the symbols of its sovereignty: its national emblem. Since then the court

has ruled that the National Front party had to take down the posters in question or else face penalties.

Between Algiers and Paris, however, there is more than a provocative poster by a French far right party. Algerian-

French relations have always gone through cycles of ups and downs since Algerian independence in 1962. By the early

1980 it looked like the countries had finally found the formula to reconcile their troubled past of a former coloniser and

colony. Objective and subjective linguistic, demographic and economic considerations dictated the shape of the special

relationship which was based on a mutually privileged status, but the end of the Cold War and the regional and global

events which followed 9/11 introduced new elements into the relationship. New global players, particularly the US,

started to penetrate North Africa, which Paris has always considered part of its vital sphere and crucial to its global

influence. The arrival to power of President Sarkozy, who is detached from the colonial legacy which French presidents

before him shared, removed an important element from the way the relations between the two countries had been

forged until then.

The early warnings came with the adoption of the 23

February 2005 law by the French National Assembly. This law

aimed at including material of what they considered “the

positive role” of French colonialism in history textbooks in the

French public schools. The passing of the law triggered an extensive wave of indignation in Algiers and a widespread

debate on the legacy of colonialism among politicians, historians, media, NGOs, university campuses and academics in

both countries. In order to calm the debate, towards the end of his presidency, President Chirac set up a commission of

historians to address the issue but it was too late. Since the issue related to collective memories, colonial experiences

and legacies is political to begin with; academics could do little to calm down the situation.

President Sarkozy inherited this controversial issue and it was not before long he exacerbated the situation having a

bad start in engaging with the North African immigrants and the Arab community in France as a whole. Meanwhile,

Algeria was using its revenues from energy exports (following the record surge of oil prices ) to finance its extensive

infrastructure development plan. For domestic reasons and geopolitical factors the Algerian government entrusted

American as well Chinese companies with the majority of those lucrative contracts. While American companies extended

their presence in the oil and gas exploration and exploitation sector in the Algerian Sahara, the Chinese won all major

housing construction contracts. Besides, the gigantic East-West Highway project (dubbed in Algerian the “Project of the

Century”), which once completed would link the Algerian-Tunisian border to the one with Morocco, was won by a

Chinese and a Japanese company. French companies lost a bid after another of most of the lucrative contracts which

were won by new-comers from the Far East and the Far West. At a time of acute economic situation in France Paris read

in this a politically motivated retaliation by Algiers for the 23 February 2005 Law. Commentators and observers in world

capitals spoke publicly of the gradual eviction of France from its traditional sphere of influence. This led to frictions even

within the European Union member as Italy developed stronger commercial exchanges with Algeria or when Germany

announced its “Desertec” renewable energy project. The official Algerian line maintained that all bids were transparent

and that laws of economic completion among the bidder apply. If the American and Chinese kept offering competitive

bids, Bouteflika defended, then Algeria should not be blamed for acting in its national economic interest.

Meanwhile, Sarkozy’s government introduced new laws which were regarded as targeting the large Algerian immigrant

community in France. Algiers protested against the mistreatment of Algerians by the French authorities including the

new drastic measures Paris introduced for granting Algerians tourist visas. In Algeria, President Bouteflika retaliated by

calling French colonisation ‘a crime against humanity and genocide’ whenever a speech to celebrate a national day was

pronounced. Besides, by now, the Algerian media, politicians, academics, etc. routinely called for retaliating via passing

a law by the Algerian Parliament to criminalise French colonialism in Algeria.

All this angered Paris to such an extent that it even warned Algiers

unofficially through politicians and figures close to the French establishment

not to cross the Rubicon.

The war of colonial legacies between Paris and Algiers would be intensified by

the world economic crisis: by the time Bouteflika won a third presidential

term in April 2009 the economic crisis had started to set in Algeria. The fall of

oil prices compelled the Algerian government to pass drastic protectionist

economic measures, which affected what remained for the French firms of

business opportunities. Most French exports to Algeria were significantly

affected. Paris protested officially and even a delegation of the Marseille

Chamber of Commerce met with the Algerian Premier to express their deep

concerns. Algeria, on the other hand, considered the French protest

interference in its internal affairs. In the course of the following months,

several diplomatic mishaps and provocative declarations were made in both

capitals leading to the cancellation of official presidential visits and meetings

of the both countries’ foreign ministers. Furthermore, Paris resurrected the

case of its seven Christian monks who were assassinated in 1995 in Algeria;

when a retired French general accused the Algerian army of involvement in

the kidnapping and then killing of the monks, blamed at the time on the

Islamist terrorist group GIA. Prior to this episode, an Algerian diplomat was

arrested in Paris for allegations that he was connected to the assassination in 1987 of Ali Mecili, an Algerian opposition

figure with French citizenship, on French soil

These two developments would mark the climax in the build up of the extremely strained relations between Paris and

Algiers. The latest declarations in early March by Bernard Kouchner, French Foreign Minister, that relation between the

two countries would not improve ‘until the independence generation now ruling Algeria was gone’ have aggravated an

already deteriorated situation. Following this declaration, a number of the FLN party MPs have sponsored a bill to

criminalise the French colonisation of Algeria 1830-62. If passed, the Rubicon would have indeed been crossed opening

a new phase yielding severe consequences for regional and Mediterranean affairs.

Algier's iconic martyr's monument commemorating the up to 1 million casualties of its independence war