Chapter 2

Social, Cultural and Religious Construction of Siddis

The social, cultural and religious construction of Siddis in Karnatak:a opens a new

element of understanding in the diasporic studies. It reflects a continuous ongoing

process of formulation and r~formulation of self-awareness within the milit1u of cross­

cultural movement. The process has passed through various identifications such as

Habshi, Siddi, Tribals, religious categorization-Hindu, Muslim and Christian Siddi,

'lower caste,' Scheduled Tribe~ and diasporic community. These permutations and

combinations have been made possible by the interactions of social, cultural and religious

fibres of Siddis and local structure of India.

The social, cultural and religious construction provides space for socialization. It

is a learning process, and the degree of learning is dependent on the formal structure of

socialization. These three components of socialization have different matrices influencing

each other. The magnetic power of these matrices varies from case to case. In the case of

Siddis of Kc:trnataka, the social and cultural trajectories have been providing space for

horizontal alliances whereas the religious construction is creating space for vertical

alliances. As a result, the dialectically opposite framework of horizontal and vertical

alliances is creating tension in the elements of diasporic identity. In the contemporary

period, the focus of globalization has pushed the SidcJ.Is to the wall, but these dialectically

opposite alliances are working under the carpet, to shape diasporic identity.

2.1. Social Organisations in Karnataka in General: Geographical Analyses

The term social organisation implies that all the social processes in society are

constructed through formulation of groups and the nature of groupings varies from place

to place. These processes have been analysed by ethno-methodological and structuralist

approaches. But, the case of Siddis becomes quite clear by the methodological

relationship. S. K. Thorat brings out the picture of Indian social structure- "However, in·

actual historic practice economic and social status tended to coincide. There was fairly

close cmrelation between social status (caste) and economic status -the high caste were

almost invariably of high economic status, while the low castes were almost always of

76

low economic status. In modern times, and particularly since the 19th, the links between

caste and occupation has become much less rigid in the sense that ritual-religious

prohibitionson occupational change are not easily imposed today; it is easier than before

to change one's occupation. Moreover, compared to 100 or 50 years ago, the correlation

between caste and economic status is also weaker -rich and poor are to be found in every

caste. But, this is the key point -tht( caste and class correlation is still is remarkably stable

both at the macro level as well as the micro level. Although, things have changed, they

are not changed drastically at the macro level-it is still true that the privilvged sections of

society tend to be ov_erwhelmingly upper caste while the disadvantaged and low

economic status sections are dominated by the so called 'lower castes'." 1

Regarding· the construction of Siddis in caste structure, T.C. Palakshppa says,

"The Siddis of all divisions have access to the house of Havig Brahmin and Lingayats,

who are the ch~an castes. They enter the temples of Shiva, Ganesha and Vishnu, but they

are not allowed to p~rform pooja to any Hindu God. The Siddis as an ethnic group come

below Havig Brahmin, Karevokkals, Kunbis and Halakkali Vokkals. Ethoven ranks the

Siddis next to Areres, Kunbis and fisherman and above Mohors and other impure castes.

The status of Sidclis in relation to Kompariks, Bandhis and Marathas is very ill defined.

Marathas claim superiority over Siddis, but Siddis will not accept this. The Sandhis claim

superiority, but in the total area Siddis are classed above them. Some of them say that the

status of Sandhis declining every day owing to their moral behaviour. The Siddis dine

with Bandhis, Konarpaiks and practice hyper gamy with them. The Vokkals don't dine

and serve food to Siddhis inside the house."2

The study of caste discrimination m Karnataka draws out the picture of

discriminatory society. Parvati Menon states, "The unwritten rules of castes govern life in

most villages of Karnataka, especially in the northern districts. The brazenness, however,

of this planned act of 'upper caste' vendetta suggests the depth of 'upper caste

domination in this area and the contempt that the 'upper caste have for the 'low' ."3

1 S.K. Thorat and Others, ed., Untouchability in Rural India (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2006), p. 20. 2 T.C. Palakshappa, The Sid!this of North Kanara (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Ltd, 1976), p.l4. 3Parvati Menon, "Another Caste Crime: An Act of Caste Reprisal puts to Shame a Northern Karnataka Village." Frontline, Vol-1 R, lssu~-19, Sep 15-28, 2001.

77

2.1.1. North Kanara

The North Kanara comprises a number of Siddi peoples and it offers a myriad of

structure as the Tibetan diaspora is also spotted in the area. Uttara Kannada District is one

of the biggest districts of Kamataka State with abt,mdant natural resources. The district

has varied geographical features with thick forest, perennial rivers and abundant flora and

fauna and a long coastal line of about 140 km in length. The north side is covered by

Belgaum District and State of Goa, east side by Dhm·ward District and the southern side

by Shimoga and Udupi Districts. Apart from this, the mobility of the region is historically .

maintained by the Arabian Sea in the Western side.

Human Development report, (1999) says, "The coast is hemmed in on the East by

by the Western Ghats; the Ghat or Malnad region covers the districts of Chickmaglur,

Hasan, Kodages and Shimoga and special aspect of Uttara Kannada district. 43% of the

forest of the state falls within this area."4 The special aspect of Uttara Kannada is that

8.28 hectare (80%) of total land is covered under forest areas. As a result, the region also

hosts a number of tribal communities such as Siddis, Gowlis etc. The small cultivators

also pelform paddy and sugm·cane agriculture but, the commercialisation of the region

has led to the arrival of big companies for the exploitation.

The North Kanara comprises 11 talukas and out of 11, the talukas of Ankola,

Yellapur, Sirsi, Mundgod and Haliyal consists of large number of Siddi settlements. The

existence of talukas goes back to the period of seventeenth and eighteenth century,

particulm·Iy during Tipu Sultan. The unit is primarily works under the authority of

Tahsildar and he stands sub-ordinate to the Sub-divisional officer. The role of Tahsildar

is very important as the functioning includes collection of land revenue, village

Accountants, Revenue inspectors and keep up of the village records. The most dynamic

aspect of North Kanara is reflected in the Mundgod talukas. It offers a very unique

chance to diasporic students to invent new unknown dynamics of diaspora. As the

Mundgod taluka consists of Tibetan diaspora, this local space not only offers a chance to

study the coniparative study of diaspora but also, to understand the chemistry of triadic

4 . . Human DevelopmentReport, Karnataka, 1999 ,p.l

78

elements of diaspora theorizations in Brownian movement due to essentatilation of

fundamental pillors of diaspora

2.1.2. Belgaum

, Belgaum offers a rich historical and cultural tradition of medieval Deccan states.

It played a very significant .role in the politics of Bahmani and Ahmadnagar kingdom. '

This area also touches the boundaries of Maharastra and Goa, thereby; the cultural

construction of this region has linings of crosss-cultural patterns. The total population of

Belgaum is over 42, 07,26~,and the nearby hot spots are Hubli, Dharwad, Panaji, Sangli

and Kolhapur etc. The centripetal location of Belgaum with reference to Bombay and ~.r

Banglore always helps in positive oxidation process. / .,,

The district has the facility of an aerodrome at Sambra (about 11 kms from

Belgaum City) a!1d it provided regular flights Belgaum to Bombay. Further, the Mumbai

airport is also just 550 km away. In the context of Railways, it has very efficient rail net

work, particularly in the South India. Further, the road network is also very efficient. The

district also has important health related institutions such as K. L. E. Hospital, A. M.

Shaikh's Homeopathy anci Medical College etc. H. D. R. (1999) regarding electrification,

"The percentage is particularly low in the coastal and Malnad districts of Dakshina

Kannada (3.62%), Kodagu (16.7.2%), Chikmanglur (25.33%), Shimoga (24.42%) and

Uttara Kannada: (24.64% ). Gulbarga also has a very low level of electrification. Belgaun

leads the . state with the hundred percent electrification of hamlets followed by Kolar

(97.2%) and Dharwad (89.5%)." 5

The Siddis and local tribals are getting some opportunities from the speedy

implementation of basic infrastructure of development. As far as industrial growth is

concerned, Belgautn is one of the fastest growing cities with a very good industrial

scenario in the north western part of Karnataka. It includes various industries such as

leather, clay, pottery, soap, cotton, and precious metals and act as catalyst for trade

activities such as food grains, sugarcane, cotton, tobacco, oilseed, and milk products. The

power loom industries are very famous and in the contemporary period, these are also

being used for tourism purpose.

5ibid,p. 165.

79

2.1.3. Dharwad

The term Dharwad has been defined by many ways by scholars such as gateway

between the western mountains and the plains, door town, after the ruler Dharav of

Vijaynagar Empire. It was ruled by Chalukayas, Nayaks and Adil Shahis. The increasing

political rivalries over the Tungbhadra region had further had invited the Marathas,

Mughals and Pindaris in meoieval period. The colonial intervention was firmly

established in the nineteenth century. It gradually reconfigured the structure leading to

the increasing exploitation of the forest region. Although, the English medium schools

were also opened, but, the tribal people suffered the most as the natural right was taken

away and the new discourse of defining the forest had negated the human rights of tribals.

Further, it is horne town of Karnataka University and University of Agricultural Sciences

etc.

Ohm-wad has also played important role in the retention of Hindustani music and

the pioneers in the field of music includes-Bhimsen Joshi, Basavm·aj Rajaguru, Kumar

Gandharva m1d Gangubai Hangal. Dharwad is an unlikely outpost of the Kirana Gharana.

Ustad Abdul Karim Khan was a frequent visitor to Mysore Dm·bar, where he had been

conferred the title of Sangeet Ratna. Dharwad is also the birthplace of Palwankar Baloo,

the first member of the Dalit (or 'Untouchable') caste to distinguish himself at cricket,

and later to become a political activist for Dalit rights

The contemporary representation of Siddis in Km·nataka is rooted with in the

local· social and economic structure. The social and cultural trends of Karnataka have

legitimized the dominance of landlords such as Havig Brahmin, Maratha. T.C.

Palakshappa says, "Like Havig J3rahmin in the Yellapur-Ankola area, the Marathas, and

in small numbers, the Lingayats, constitute thv dominant cac;te in the Haliyal area. The

tribal pattern of socio-cultural and religious formation was comfmtable to the Siddis as

the African society was originally gifted from the milieu of tribalism. In the

contemporary period, Tanzania has more than 120 tribal groups. And each of them is

different in culture, social m1d language construction. Though, the dominant groups are

Sukuma Nyamwezi,. Chagga, Swahili, Shirazi and Zaramo. These are primarily Bantu

spea~ing and involved the agriculture and pastoral occupation. Karim Saab says, "We are

80

tribal people living in these forest areas for the last 300 years. The long duration provided

us right to own the land. BQt, the market forces are processing the government to remove

tribals from the forest areas and collect forest goods on the bidding formula.

The post colonial period has witnessed dramatic structural adjustment

programmes in pre-and post 1990 period. The ever expanding industry based economy

had required the market and tribal forces to interact with newly emerged corporate sector

in fore~try. Definitely, the interaction has been formulated by the market. It is due to this

reason that the Siddis of Karnataka had demanded the strtl1S of Scheduled tribe as early

as 1950 from the Government of India.

The constitution of India has provided space for positive discriminatory space for

the upliftment of the historically exploited segments of society. Human Development

Report says, "The principal purpose of Panchayat raj is vesting power with people. Of

80,627 gram panchayat members spread over 5640gram panchayats in the state, 22% of

the elected members belong to the Scheduled castes, 9% to the Scheduled tribes and 35%

to the backward classes and 43.8% are women."6 The Siddis organized themselves and

demanded immediate award of Scheduled Tribe status so that, they could maintain the

traditional pattern of occupation instead of being harassed by market forces.

The term organization refers to collectivised (planned, coordinated and

purposeful action) of human being~ in order to construct or compile a common tangible

or intangible prodl,lct or service. It can be categorised on the nature of organisation into

planned formal and unplanned informal (i.e. spontaneously formed) organizations. The

term social organization implies entities or groups in definite relation to each other,

making enduring patterns of behaviour and relationship within social systems. It also

implies social institutions, norms and it's location in the social systems constructing the

behaviour of actors within those social systems. The concept of social struc;ture focuses

on the pattern of relationship among different entities or groups and it's repercussions on

the development of social groups and society. The vertical and horizontal mobility of

social forces is determined by the nature and context of social organization. The

following social organisation of Northern Karnataka shapes the social. construction of

Siddis.

6ibid, p.J72.

81

2.2. Social Groups in General

The social groups of Belgaum, .Dharwad and North Kanara plays powerful role in

the life of Siddis. The religion-caste based structure determines the politico-economic

mobility of the Siddis. As most of the Siddis are landless labourer or just tribal people,

the socio-cultural matrix is largely influenced by the dominant groups. The dual nature of

framework creates dualistic trajecto!"y and the religious trajectory allows the Siddis to get

culturally assimilated. whereas the caste based· trajectory creates second grade

assimilation or marginalized assimilation.

2.2.1. Caste

The term caste is being used to define the Indian social system. The history of

caste is very well documented from post Vedic period to the modern period of Indian

history. It has been described as a form of social structure, which provides occupational

position on the basis of birth. Oneil Biswas documents, "The Hindu is a caste conscious;

he is also class conscious. Whether he is caste or class conscious depends upon the caste

with which he comes in conflict. If the caste with which he comes in conflict is caste

within the class to which he belongs, he is caste conscious. If the caste is outside the class

to which he belongs, he is class conscious. Caste consciousness hampers all economic

growth. It creates conditions which are harmful for collective efforts in agriculture and

other activities."7

The historians also accept the fact that caste increases social friction in the society

on the same linys as race. The issm~ of caste is largely applicable in all parts of India,

along with Karnataka, in which social groups are organized in the compact caste based

organizations and these organizations have been legitimized hy local religious structure.

The caste atrocities clearly reflect the contractidions of Indian society. On 15 Oct<;>ber,

2002, five Dalits were lynched in the police station by the so called upper caste.

Similarly, the first week of 2003 in Harsola village of Haryana witnessed rape and

forceful migration of thousands of Dalits.

The Hindu reports, "Eighty Dalit families from Kadkol in Karnataka's Bijapur

district. the Hindu reported last month, were punished by caste Hindus of the village with

social and economic boycott for drawing drinking water from the village tank to which

70niel Biswas, Jhus Spake Dr. Ambedkar (New Delhi: Bulmoon Books, 1998), p.ll.

82

they had been deprived access for decades. For this crime, Dalits, mostly agricultural

labourers were removed from work by their landlords, barred from ration shops and floor

mills. The caste Hindus then began use the tank to bathe their cattle, wash clothes and

even defecate. The Kadkol incident is only latest story of atrocities against Dalits in

Karnataka, one of the 40 in the last seven months, according to media reports."8

These incidents clearly reflect impact of caste system in Karnataka. The Siddis

and Gowlis are also facing the same problems for a long time. These groups have been

defined py the term ·low caste an<,! so called upper cf,lste deprive them from natural

resources. The Havig Brahmins, Lingayats and Marathas dominated the social fabric of

Karnataka to the extent that Siddi women and children are continuously forced to work as

bonded labourer. This structure also makes the Siddi women and children victim of

sexual assault by so called upper caste.

2.2.2. Religion

The Christians constitute 2% of total population of Karnataka. The Christianity

was introduced in Karnataka by Portuguese trading Diaspora in 16th century. Further, the

church was established in nineteenth century by Basil and the Wesleyan Mission. The

Christians have done pioneering work in the field of education and social work. They

introduced printing in Karnataka and helped Kannada to grow vigorously. Hermon

· Mongliv of Basil Mission published the first newspaper in Kannada Language. The

Christian community of Karnataka includes various groups such as Adi Karnataka

Christian, Adi Dravida Christian, Brahman Christian, Banajiga Christian, Charodi

Christian, Kuruba Christian, Madiga Christian, Mahar Christian, Protestant Christian of

North Karnataka, Tulu Christian etc.

The muslims in Kamataka have a long history dating back to arrival of Arabian

Trading Diaspora in West Indian Ocean. This wac;; primarily a product of geo-strategic

position of India in Spice trade. The ships had to stop in the ports for the arrival of

monsoon comfortable for. Malacca route. Further, the Gujarati and Malabari nwrchants

used to bring spices from Malacca by paying in kind (clothe). Andre Wink quotes

Masudi, "The largest settlement was that of 10,000 muslins in the districts of Samyur,

RThe Hindu (Delhi) November, 2006.

83

these were permanently established group by the tenth century, with ancestors who had

come from Siraf, Oman, Basra, Baghdad and other cities of Middle East now wearing the

same dresses and having their beards grow in the same manner as the infidels."9

P.K. Hitti reflects on the role of Baghdad as an epicentre of cultural production in

medieval world and its implication in the settlements of Arabian trading diaspora- "The

real glory that was Baghdad, however, lay not so much in the field of might or wealth as

in that of intellect and creativity. In the first hundred years of its existence the Abbasid

capital, particularly during the reigns of Harun and Al-ma'mun, attained supremacy in

intellectual as it did in material endeavour and achievement. While the scholars of its

neighbour Kufa and Basra were laying the foundation of the principle of the purely Arab

sciences -koranic; linguistic, historical, theological, legal-the Baghdad scholars were

delviving into what they termed the sciences of ancient- mathematics, astronomy,

medicine and philosophy."10

As a result, the area witnessed emergence of various communities such as Navayat,

Mappila, and Illapai etc. AndreWink says, "The Tamil speaking Muslims became;: known

as Illapai or Labai, a term said to be a com1ption of Arabi. Like the Mappillas, the coastal

Muslims of the CoromancJal often became prosperous maritime traders and shipping

magnates, and they were Shafi.ite as well. In later times they assumed the appellations of

Maraikkayar orkayalar, by which they distinguished themselves as a maritime people

from the rural Hanafi Muslims." 11

The emergence of Turkish expansion in the South India was primarily linked to the

West Indian oceanic trade. In thirteenth century, Alau-ud-din Khalji, the most powerful

ruler of Sultanate, had started a series of marches in the South India. It was carefully

executed by Malik kafur, an African. But, the Muslims as a social and religious were

placed in the matrix of south India during the Bahmani King(iom. S.S. Ali says, "The

Bahmani kingdom, 1347-1538 witnessed the co-existence of various communities and

creeds and this was outstanding feature of the social life of the Deccan under it. In the

later phase, it could not maintain a proper balance between the heterogeneous indigenous

9 Andre Wink, AI-Hind: The Ml!,king of Indo-Islamic World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 68. . . . 10 P.K. Hitti, Capital Cities of Arab Islam (London: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 94. II . .

Wink,n. 9 p. 78.

84

population and the immigrants, afaqis or gharibs. The wedge between Dakhins and

Africans, on the one hand, and the newcomers on the other could not be removed." 12

The estimated population of Muslims in Karnataka is around seven million ( 11% ).

The overwhelming majority of muslins belong to Sunni sect. Socially, they are,

Dhobimuslim, Hajjammuslim, Quraishi, Mapilla, Momin, Menon, Fakir, Birani, Navayat

Pathan etc. In general, the Muslims belong to marginalized section of society. The Umma

of Muslim community plays crucial role in socialization of every generation. Though, the

Hajjam and Dhobi community seems to be marginalized in the Muslims. Another

extremely marginalized community of Muslims is Fakirs. They are settled in Belgaum,

Savanur, Nagalavi, Hirebagawadi and Bababudangiri. These groups have constructed the

social space of Belgaum, Dharwad and Uttar Kannada. The post-colonial period provided

various opportunities to the Siddi community to get transformed from tribal identity to

mainstream social identity. In the absence of response from the state till 1980s, these

groups accommodated Siddis according to pattern of social configuration as a result, and

the Siddis were clubbed with twin identities of caste and religion.

2.2.3. Gender

The social structure of Karnataka. structure of Karnataka has been analysed in the

contemporary period from gender perspective, The emergence of gender studies has

opened new dimensions to understand male and female relations in various fields. In

India, the study of gender structure has clearly reflected the negative impact of caste,

class, patriarchy on women. The women of so called lower caste groups have to face

disadvantages on the twin fronts of gender and caste. The nature of gender structure in

India is clearly reflected from the following "datas"13:

i) Every 26 min a woman is molested.

ii) Every 54min a rape take place.

' iii) Every 4min a woman is kidnapped.

iv) Every lOmin a woman is burnt to death for dowry.

v) Every ?min a criminal offence against woman take place

12 S.S. Ali, The Dispersal of African in the Deccan: From Medieval to Modern Times (New Delhi: Orient Longman Ltd, 1995), p.43. . · . · . . . 13Comminit(2001),"Crime Against Woman in India", 13 August, URL: http//www .comminit.com/en/drum_beat_l 06.html.

85

2.2.4. Class

The term class refers to the pattem of social organisation primarily based on the

economic dimensions. It means that economic factors create a different social structure

for political, cultural, social, psychological and emotional interactions. The emergence of

modernity started economic based categorisation during the period of enlightenment.

Karl Marx had argued that class is a universal mode of social stratification. In the

contemporary period, the Asian and African cm,mtries have witnessed regrouping of

social fabric in the milieu of industrialisation and globalisation. But, these developments

do not create entirely a new entity as a result; the s()cial construction of Karnataka

reflects the phenome .. n~ of grafting whereby the primordial mode of relation over

dominates the modernity oriented trajectory of social forn1ation.

The issue becomes more complicated by the existence of primordial

organisations. For example, B. R. Vijayendra observes regarding navyat, "The jamat of

Navayat operates from Batkal. The members of this council are elected by the

community. The kazi heads this council. The mem9er of managing committee of the

jamat is called mukteswar. The jamat have full control over the community. The main

work of Kazi is to officiate all rituals. The Muketeswar of the community are effective in

settling social disputes, fines are levied very rarely and the amount is credited to the

jamat fund. Those that insult or disobey the jamat, committee are boycotted for social

fui1ctions." 14

2.3. Hierarchy and Intergroup relations between Siddis and Others

The hierarchies and intergroup relations in a society determine or control the chain

of commands for the control of resources. On the macro level, this system also

determines mobility in a society. The politico-economic and religious institutions are

directly affected by the nature of hierarchy and inter group relations. In Indian history;

the Gupta period and Mughal period marks the distinctive aspect of hierarchy and

intergroup relations. In ancient Indian society, the constitution of social organisations was

based. on Brahmin, Kshatriya, V aisya, shudra and a varna or untouchables. During

14 B.R. Vijayendra," Navayat", In K.S. Singh, ed., People of India: Karnataka (New Delhi: Affiliated East-

WestPress Ltd., 2003), p.ll3. · ' · · · · · ·

86

eighteenth century, Marathas, Sikhs and Jats emvrged as a new political force from

agricultural system.

In contemporary India, the phenomenon of globalisation was directly influenced

by caste and class nexus. It is very clearly reflected in the position of tribals who have

been continuously deprived of natural rights in the forest regions whereas the corporate

.·sector is continuously exploiting the forest resources py IMP/World Bank and local

government machinery. The intergroup relations in the northern Karnat~ka with reference

to Siddis are mainly shaped Havig Brahmins, Lingayats, Kunbis, Gowlis and Vokkaligas.

2.3.1. Havig Brahmin

Thy Havig nomenclature, according to the community, has been derived from

Havana (Havya) and Homa (Gavya). It means that the community used to perform

Havana. It becomes clearer in the context of institution(!lized use of temples for various

day to day activities in South India, especially after Chola Empire. The community is

very well placed iti India and abroad. The geographical distribution of the community in

India is in the areas of Shimoga districts, Dakshina distric.;ts, North Kanara (Karnataka)

and Kasaragod district (Kerla). The surnames usee} by Havyak Brahmins are Ksahyap,

Bhardwaj, Vasishta, Hegde, Sharma, Bhat etc. They are followers of Ramachandrapura

Mutt and practice the philosophy of Shankaracharya.

Materially, the Havyak Brahmin is very well placed in India and abroad. They are

primarily landlord and also involved in various professions such as service, banking,

priesthood, merchants etc. T.C. Palakshappa noted the relation of Siddis and Havyaka in

1970's-"Every Siddhi household is linked in one manner or another to a Havig Brahmin •

household. They are linked as tenants or simply as household servants. Even to this day

the relationship between such household is very strong. ~y means of this servant rok, the

Siddhi~ gairi money or get food left over at the end of the day- a very 1.1seful additional to

their standard of living. Over and above this, they get the good will of Havyak Brahmins,

which is essential for their security. Ha~yak Brahmin constitutes the elite section of the

area, regional politics, so their goodwill is essential. To quote an instance, a Siddhi broke

a Jilha contract in one of the villages. The Havyak Brahmin manoeuvred in such a way

87

that the Siddhi could never get a job in near vicinity. Ultimately, he had to move to

nearby town and earn his living by cooli." 15

Deccan Herald informs, "Until now, the JD(S) had felt the absence of a Brahmin

member belonging to Havyak sub-caste. The votes of Havyak Brahmin in Ankola -

Y ellapur assembly constituency is decisive and traditionally, candidates belonging to

Havyak community have been elected from here. Therefore, it has been decided that

Mr.Hosabale would be fielded by the JD(S)." 16

Not only the Havyak Brahmins have established diasporic identitivs in America

and Europe, but· also the community has organized much institutionalized diasporic

identity. Journal of I-iavyaka Association of America quotes, "As depicted in the front

page of the Journal; the central focus and passion of our Havyaka heritage thousands of

years ago wa5 the spiritual practice of Vedic life, including the chanting of holy

scriptures. However, over the years Havyakas have explored. diverse fields like teaching,

agriculture, science, meqicine, law, literature and performing arts. During the past

century, our community has been excelling in and contributing to all these diverse

interests. Although we have branched from our original practices, we are still practising

some of the rituals. In addition, many of our youth are interested in exploring our rich

spiritual heritage by using modern science and technology. Our community must be

proud of the diverse intellectual capacity of every member of our extended family.

Presenting and documenting various contributions can educate all of us, especially the

youngsters, about present and future generations. It can help build a Havyaka network of

all ages that can interact and uplift our community and society. With these goals, a

section named 'Havyaka Achievement Showcase' .was introduced within the lOth Bi-r

annual convention souvenir of July, 2003." 17

The Havyaka Brahmins are the role model of social and. cultural practices. In this

context, they are the main pillar to maintain the caste hierarchy. They donot accept water,

food and matrimonial relations with other communities. In the field of knowledge an4

skill,· the Havyaka community is very much specialized. The community has exclusive

15 Palakshappa, n. 2 p. 22. 16Deccan Herald (Banglore), 06 March, 2004 17

Bheem Bhat, "Scope of the .Tom:nal of Havyaka Association of Americas", Journal of Havyaka .Association of Americas, Vol-I, Issue No. I, Dec, 2003-Jan, 2004, p. 2. · · . . . ·

88

control over Ayurvedic and methods of medicare. The dominance of community in the

resources such as land, knowledge, religious structure, medicare, capital etc., provides

uncontrolled edge over Siddis and other marginalzed communities of the area. This

dominance creates space for the exploitation of Siddis. T.C. Palakshappa says, "With the

contact of these people with tl1e outside world and their relationship with Havig Brahmin

famili((s, illegitimacy is on the increase. Rec((ntly, a tile factory started about six miles

from their settlement. Many of the young unmarried girls have taken l,lp jobs there. There

were stories being circulated conceming the girls employed there. lnfac:t, two girls

. working there became pr~gnant and when this happened, the consciQusness of the whole

community was aroused."18

2.3.2. Lingayats .

The Lingayats emerged as the followers of Lingayatism to object caste based

discrimination. The reformist movement was started by 1;3asavanna in the kingdom of

.. Kalachuris during lih century. In Karnataka, the lingayats can be Gategorized into

various sub-groups of privileged castes: Veerashaiva Hatgar, Raddi, Agasa, Banajiga,

Banagar, Badigar, Nonaba, Hadapada, KuruhinaSett, Machegar, Kumbara,

KuduVokkaliga, Kammara, Jangama, Hugar, Ganigc:t, Panchamasali, and Sadar. These

groups are primarily located in the following areas of Karnataka: Belgaum, Bijapur,

Raichur, Bellary, Gulbarga,' Dharwad, Bidar, Chitradura etc. These sub-groups have

similar social status in mea but ritualistic and occupational structure creates, further sub

grouping in Lingayat community.

The lingayats constitute approximately 20% of the population of Karnataka. In

general, they can be identified by the three lines of sacred ashes on the foreheads. They

differ from mainstream Hindu religious practices as they bury a dead person rather than

cremating. Educationally, the community is spearheading as they have constituted

Karnataka Lingayat Education Society. The political domination of Lingayat runs across

the parties. The Hindu reports, "The president of Akhila Bharat Verashaiva Mahasabha,

Bheemanna Khandre, has urged the Janata Dal (S) Pr~sident and former Prime Minister,

1R.Palakshappa, n. 2 p. 33

89

H. D. Dev Gowda, to ei1sure that three Lingayat MLAs each from Janata Dal (S) and

Congress are inducted in the Dharam Singh Government when the Ministry is expanded.

In a letter to Mr. Dev Gowda, he said Lingayats comprised 22.53%of the population and

had always neglecteg a."1d denied proportional representation in successive ministries." 19

B. K. Ravindranath says regarding Lingayat Banagar, "The lingayat Banagar have

traditional caste and village councils to settle common disputes, divorces, thefts, and

cases of disrespect to traditional norms. But, the powers of such councils have waned

now. Now, they associate with Akhila Bharat Veerasaiva Mahasabaha. The Lingayat

Banagar is Hindus with special faith in Lingayat Dharma. They worship deities such as

Edur Virupaksha, Veerabhadra, Siddeswara and Mahadeswara. Navile Shankaralinga is

their community deity. The lingayat Banagar accept food and water from the Brahman

and accept and exchange with other Lingayat communities and patron-client and

cultivator --l:;1bor relationships exist. The community has entrepreneurs, businessman,

scholars, teachers, doctors, engineers and white-collar employees thus promoting modern

intercommunity linkages. Political leadership has emerged from among them at the

regionallevel."20

2.3.3. Kunbis

The Kunbi caste of Karnataka primarily belongs to Patidar and consists of two

sub groups such as Atte Kunabi and Kunabi. S. C. Morab says, "The Atte Kunabi inhabit.

a few hilly places in Yellapur and Karwar talukas, whereas Kunbi lives in Yellapur and

Sirsi talukas of Uttara Kannada district. It is said that both groups are found in Goa also.

While the Kunabi speak Marathi among them, they speak Kannada with outsiders. They

use the Kannada script. The Kunabi women wear sari in a specific way, with one end of it

being brought over breast, from left to right shoulder and tied. Elderly women don't wear

blouses, but younger women do. The constitutional status of the community is

Backward."21

If clubbed with Marathas, they are the largest caste spread all over India. They

have specialized ·in various skilled occupations such as engineering, industrialization,

19TheHindu(Delhi), 1 July,2004 , 20 B.K.Ravindranath, "Lingayat Banagar", In K.P Singh, n. 14 p. 899.

21 S.C.Morga,"Kunbi",ln ibid,p8

90

politics, medicals, theatre, sports, agriculture etc. The Kunbis are politically organized by

retaining caste councils. Though, the Kunbis are Hindus but they have right to represent

the religious structure. Thus, they have Kunbi priest in the temples. The representation in

political and religious structure allows the Kunbis to adapt the changing occupational

structure. The Kunbi are also very well settled in Canada, America, Europe, Asia, Middle

East and Australia.

2.3.4. V okkaligas

The term Vokkaligas means cultivator and represents approximately 15% of

Karnataka's popu!_ation. H primarily holds sway ih the south and central parts of

Karnataka. It consists of various subgroups such as Chelaru, Christian, Gangadikara,

Gowda, Gram Vokkal, Halakki V akkal, Hallikar, Kare Vokkal, Kunchitiga, Morasu,

Musuku, Namdhari, Nonaba, and Redy Sarpa. The community dominated medieval south

Indian political structure. The Vokkaligas u!lder the leadership of Jaya Gowda accepted

the suzerainty of Vijayanagar Kingdom in sixteenth century. The Vokkaligas under the

leadership of Jaya Gowda, Kempe Gowda, and Kempe Gowda-11 constructed a number

of monuments to get legitimacy for Kingship. It included Kempambudhi Tanks,

Dharambudhi Tank, Bull Temples, Gavi Gangadhareswara temple, Someswara temple,

Forts etc. In the post -Independent India, the community has given five Chief Ministers

and one Prime Minister till date.

K. Chandrappa says, regarding Gangadikara Vokkliga, "The traditional economic

resource df Gangadikara Vokkaliga is agriculture. Some lanl;lless Vokkliga, who are

economic_ally backward, live on daily labour and annual labour. They also do animal

husbandry .their land are classified as dry, wet and garden lands. The dry lands are used

for growing ragi, joJa, avari and hurali. The wet lands are used for growing paddy,

sugarcane, and sericulture. The garden lands are classified into two subtypes -maidan and

malnuds. In the maidan area, this type of land is used for growing coconut trees, and in

malnud area, such land is usel;l for growing coffee, cardamom and pepper. Some

Vokkligas have also taken up· government and private service. They h<:lVe l;lirect contact

with markets .Cash is the medium of transaction. The Gangadikara Vokkaligas have their

own kula and panchayats at the village level, for solving small land disputes and family

problems, at the primary level. They impose cash fines on the offenders. Complicated

91

problems are taken to law courts. They have a community association called Vokkliga

Sangha, which works for the general welfare of the community.'m

2.3.5. Gowli

The Gowlis are primarily nomadic pastoralist community of Karnataka. They are

forest dwellers and prefer animal breeding. The Gowlis are the main supplier of milk in

the villages of northern Karnataka. The Karnataka milk Federation has set up various

outlets at the local level to collect milk from middleman such as Gowlis. The Gowlis also

use bicycle and motorcycle to supply milk to urban areas. In Karnataka, the Gowlis are

primarily settled in the areas of Belgaum, Dharwad, Shimoga and Uttara Kannada. Their

language is Marathi an~ Kannada.

Deccan Herald reports, "Gowlis, one of the most backward communities of Uttara

Kannada district have formed a district level association to improve their socio-economic

status. This is the first such initiative taken by the community. Gowlis are the traditional

cowherds living in forests of Haliyal, Mundgod, Supa and Yellapur talukas of the district.

They are deprived of the facilities extended by the State Government due to the

backwardness and ignorance of the Gommunity. Bagu Dhaku Kolapte of Haliyal, the

President of the ass9ciation named the newly formed association as 'Uttara Kannada

District Samagra,Gowli Abhivruddhi Samaj' ."23 Further,, the Karnataka government has

initiated many steps for economic upliftment of Gowlis.

R.Gupta says, "Breeding of Buffaloes and cows is a traditional and present day

occupation of Gaulis. Recently, the government has given them two to four acres of land

per family on which they cultivate ragi and paddy. They sell milk and milk products.

Some of them are employed in government and private sectors. Their male buffaloes are

very strong and are in strong demand among the people of coa~t for ploughing and

drawing loads. In fair season they remain near villages, supplying cultivators with

manure, for which they are paid in grain. They have direct links with markets. Those who

go for labor work in the nearby towns receive wages in cash. Child labor exists among

them. The Gowli hav~ their community panchayat, which is headed by a Yajman or

Buddhivanta. Thjs institution deals with cases such as adultery and disrespect to

22K.Chandrappa, "Gangadikara Vokkliga",ibid, p. I 498 23Decpan Herald, I 6 March, 2004.

92

traditional norms and imposes fines on social boycott on the offenders. The statuary

panchayat institutions plan and implement development measures. While the Yajman or

Buddhivants is the head of a settlement; seven settlements constitute· one area, headed by 24 Kanegauda."

2.4. Gender Structure of Siddis

2.4.1. Status in Family

The gender structure of Siddis provides socio-cultural space to the women within

the house. It continuously interacts with the local structure of gender. The role of women

rule in India is dependent on agricultural production, but they don't have rights to the

most agricultural asset. The women are involved in various agricultural productions such

as clearing, picking, weeding, transplanting, harvesting and watering. The women

labourers are paid in the range ofRs.24-55 per day.

The state and society recognized the family as a basic unit for the development of

various sections of society. As a result, the developmental policies of the state ignored

half the population and did not recognize the contributions of women within the home

sector. Even the gender related development index takes into account three factors viz.

life expectancy at birth and adult literacy combined with primary, secondary ai1d tertiary

enrolment ratios. It does not cover crucial dimensions of gender discrimination like

consumption of resources in the family unit, dignity and personal security.

The Siddis face high mortality rates between age 15 and 34 years due to heavy

birth rates and neglect of basic health related opportunities. In the absence of basic

knowledge of modern health system, the Siddi women are also treated as reproductive

machines. The dependent position of women, further, cqmplicates the problem due to

culturally determjne~ perceptions of women in society. The lack of clean and adequate

water and toilet system for person! 'hygien have negative impact on the development of

Siddi women. The Siddi women have to face a lot of problems in the collection of water

and fuel. The reduction of common property resources in Yellapur, Mundgod, Sirsi, Supa

are;:1s such as degradation of forests, deteriorating soil conditions, lowering in water table

have increased immense burden on the women. It reduces availability of resources for the

24 R.Gupta, "Gauli", In K.P.Singh, n. 14 p. 504.

93

household and the women are required to invest extra time for gathering of fuel, fodder

water.

The Siddi women in Dharwad, Belgaum and North Kannada earn lower wages

than men. Further they are mainly involved in barter related occupation such as dairying,

poultry, sheep and goat rearing whereas the male occupies position in the market based

transaction of these activities. As these areas are covered under unorganized sector, the

Siddis women cannot claim anything against exploitation. First of all, these concepts of

equality are primarily unknown in the epistemology of rural areas of Belgaum, Dharwad

and North Kannada. The Siddis family in general and women in particular faces of lack

of access to credit which prohibit emergence of anyway for vertical mobilization. The

local banking institutions primarily provide credit on the basis of assets for collateral.

This condition is always aggravated due to non-monetary transactions.

2.4.2. Educational Disparities

Education plays very crucial role to empower human beings with knowledge and

skills. It is one of the most funciamental elements to impart cultural capital from

generation tQ generation. The post colonial India has made various policies to provide

quality education to all sections of society. But, the tribal community is still largely

deprived of basic education. The elementary education was given priority in the Tribal

Subplart from 51h Fi~e Year Policy.

The National Policy on Education in 1986 laid down special provision for the

creation of awareness in tribes such as opening of school in tribal areas, teaching in tribal

language and to provide various incentives such as scholarship, meals etc. The limitation

of state become quite clear not only from low literacy rate among tribal, but also the

effot1 of 45 years old tribal women to set up school in tribal zone.

The Headlines India reports about a role of 45year old woman regarding

education, "J anakiarnmal went from door to door dealing with politicians, bureauc;:rats,

ministers and influential peoples to force the government to set up a secondary school in

Abbalathi. Abbalathi, a tribal dominated village about 80km north of Mysore, district

headquarter in Karnataka. She managed to persuade the government to set up the lone

residential school at Abbalathi secondary education of 200 forsaken tribal families"25

25 He~dlines India.com, Sunday, April 8,2004

94

As the settlement of Siddis are located entirely in the forest zone, the education

and basic facilities remains totally inaccessible. During the field trip, I moved from

Yellapur to Mundgod, on the way I was required near the forest areas because the river

bridge was almost about to fall. Thus, I realised that transport facilities are not only limit

their mobility, but also the infrastructure collapse their inspirations. In the forest region,

the schools are very limited and even these are maintained by social organisations such as

Church and R. S. S.

As a result, the Christian Siddi does get some opportunities to get primary

education~ but, the secondary can be obtained from the towns such as Dharwad and Hubli.

Therefore, this leads the total deprivation of Siddi girls in the field of education as the

government institutions fails to provide basic amenities for women education.

2.4.3. Depriving Work -Structure for Women ·

The Siddi women have been completely marginalized in the contemporary work

structure. T. C. Palakshappa noted in 1970s, "Non-monetary exchanges, however, is the

more popular for it is regarded as more desirable and generally beneficent. Barter which

is important among the broad class of non-monetary enables a person to ~et more or less

immediately what he needs for his everyday use. This exchange in kind is called 'Vata'.

It is a system of exchange in which the goods and the services of the individuals are

valued in terms of paddy. It is customary throughout the region to calculate the daily

wages of a Siddi worker in terms of so many siddhi (local measures)26"

The childhood and pre-puberty marriage system persist in the Siddi and Gowli

communities. The payment of bride price is still widely prevalent among the Siddis and

Gowlis. The one fifth of the women is married before puberty and approximately 50 per

cent within two years of puberty among the Siddis. Further, the inter-kins marriage

system is common among some the sections of Siddi community, but consanguineous

relationship is restricted to only to marriage between cross-cousin. The mean number of

children ever born per women is 3 to 5 and child mortality is also higher among Siddis

then the peasant groups. Almost all the deliveries in Siddis women <:;ases are being done

at home. The acceptance of family planning among the Siddis and Gowlis is around 40%.

Though, the peasant families have higher acceptance of family planning due to their

26Palakshappa, n. 2 p. 43.'

95

better social and economic positions. Further, the un-availability of basic information

instruments such as television and radio deprives the Siddi people from the benefits of

new policies and medical facilities such as family planning. The Sic;ldi women working as

domestic set'vant and traditional midwife in the household of higher caste have been

exposed to these processes of social change. Further, the housing programmes, green

ration cards facilities and cooperative loans have much provided much needed basic

structure to the Siddi households and the women is <:tble to focus on the other important I

issues.

In the field of all healthcare facilities, the majority of Siddis women extensively

used the services of traditional healing practitioner, quacks and ojhas (mantravadi's and

Tantrik) for curing certain common elements. Some of these include medication doing

pregnancy, maternal car,e and for infants (locally known as chavi) treatment of Balagraha

(evil spirit possessing children below 8 years), medication for aborting unwanted ' '

pregnancies, jaundice, snake bites etc. Thus the condition of women in Siddi community

is characterized by various features such as high rate of illiteracy, very low age at

marriage, relatively younger age composition, high participation in the labour force

mostly in agriculture and a little more than three average births per women.

The. position of women t.::an l;>e improved by ensuring higher wage rate,

diversification of economic activities, benefits of welfare programs as MCH services,

primary schooling, housing facilities, distribution of essential food grains at subsidized

rates etc. The availability of pure drinking is highly a matter of many variations in the

rual areas of Karnataka. The source of major drinking water was basically a tap water in

1991. The need of drinking water was met 419 out of 1000. But, presently, Karnataka

mainly depends on the availability of the ground water. In most part of the state, ground

water is highly contaminated and unfit for drinking as it is not potable due to the

chemicals. For example, iron consumption and fluoride is high in degree which causes

disease related to dental and ·skeletal organs/systems. Rum·isis, blackish water, and

containing of excessive salt is common problems of tribal in the local areas. The

stagnation and impr?per sanitation is the regular phenomena on any of the streets of . ,-<~

villages which aret.dominated tribal people such as Siddis, Gowlis! and other groups

resides.

96

Deccan Herald reports, "Y ellapur taluka is facing acute drinking water problem,

as the main tanks and open wells are almost dry. Cattles are wandering in the search of

water and farmers are wonied a lot due to the situation in the Yellapur T.P. limits, the

Jodukaere (twin tanks), nayakankere, kalammakere, Jaddi, Sahasralli and Lingyankopp

tanks have historical import(lnce and th~se tanks have been great support to agriculture

and residence and cattle. However, all of them have dried \lP posing a serious drinking

water problem."27

The women face., tremendous problems regarding the issues of drinking water

and agriculture. The National Water policy must be effectively op(frationalised in the

tribal areas. The government needs to start rain water harvesting, water saving practices,

establishment of micro- irrigation system etc. It will not only improve the health of the

Siddi faniily, but the child death rate will also decrease. As the Siddi male population

needs to move near to'Nns for wages, thus the responsibility for the collection of water

falls on the Siddi girl child. As a result, the dropout rate of Siddi girls from school is very

high.

4.4.4. Positive Empowerment of Women through .J.F.P.M.

The establishment ·of village forest cqmmittees under JFM had also not '

provided provision for the incorporation of women in the local system of forest

management. The managing committee of VFC includes 10 seats but not a single seat has

been reserved for the women. It becomes more important as the managing committee of

VFCplays crucial role in the control of resources in the 41h zone under JFPM. Thus, the

state should not only reserve seats for women in the Managing Committee, but also make

mandatory the ~hairmanship of VFC for women in 33% of total seats. In the absence of

,training' institute for women, participation ·in the local institution of governance remains

insignificant. Though, the recommendations of Steering committee for the 101h five year

plan (2002-07)2R covers the following NPA: to promote leadership role of women In

JFPM, to issue joint pattas in the household, to protect the rights of tribal women in the

customary law to ensure 33.3% participation of women in the local institutions, legal and

administrative measures to check victimization through witchcraft etc, Legal and

27Deccan Herald, Wednesday, April?, 2004 28TYFP, "Empowering the Scheduled Tribes", Tenth Five Year Plan Steering Committee SI.I"!o.5/200 I, p. . . . . . . . .. . . ., . . . 43.

97

rehabilitative measures to check sexual exploitation, to provide self-help groups to tribal

women, to open sale outlets in the near by areas of tribal settlement, to provide

population proportionate benefits to tribal women. The above mentioned

recommendations will pave the way for the overall development and gender equality in

the,Siddis society.

J.F.P.M has significantly altered the position of women in the gender framework

of Siddi community. The tribal communities regularly and heavily need collection of

minor forest produce and N.T.F.P. As much as fifty percent of the income of the Soligas

and Siddi tribes comes from the of collection minor forest products. The Largescale

Adivasi Multi-Purpose Society (LAMPS) were formed in the late seventies with tribal ·

people as members to market non-timber products produced from the forest by the tribal

people. It also supplies essential food commodities and consumer items to its members. I

At present there are many LAMPS aim to provid~ marketing tie-ups and ensun.(s better

price for non timber forest products produced by .tribals.

While N.T:F.P. selling rates have been registering steady increase, the purchase

price fixed for procuring the produce from the tribals as shown only a nominal increase.

L.A.M,P.S should enhance so that the poor tribal people who actually procure these items ;

from within the deep jungle at personal risk can improve.

The state needs to address the emerging environmental challenges, livelihood,

security and sustainable development. The deforestation has been responsible for the soil

erosion, dwindling acquires, floods and droughts, desertification, declining farm

productivity, non-availability of forest produce, population and empowerment of tribals,

forest degradation and economic decline are feeding each other leading to pollutiori,

'poverty, poor health, political upheavals and unrest. The best way to arrest environmental

degradation and promote sustainable use of natural resources is to ensure the participation

of people, particularly tribal women. The state must increase the green cover under

J.F.M.P programme by ensuring suitable forest patches, security of tenure and access

food for work as a policy, the Siddi should not be displaced from the protected forest

·· areas and resettlement along with rehabilitation of tribals should be ensured by adapting

· eco-development around the protected areas.

98

The Agro-forestry and social forestry should be promoted for fulfilling food,

fodder, fuel wood, timber, bamboo requirements of the people. The commercialisation

should be promoted for the economic development of the tribals.

2.5. Ghar as a Sacred Space

The concept of geographical space for Si<idi community is linked with spiritual

elements. This tradition is reflection of spirit worship in Africa. Julian Baldic refers to

ancient tradition of spirit worship, "It is clear the Carthaginians, along with others

· _. Phoenicians, retained archaic ti-aditions of child sacrifice and practises it on enormous

scale, and children of upto four would be killed in the name of God. There is a large

amount archaeological (and particularly in inscriptions) evidences covering this. To some

extent animals would be used as a substitute for children, the victims would be buried in

special sacrificial cemetery. Our archaeological material reflected in controversial

references in the Bible to the sacrifice of children in Latin and Greeks texts."29 Similarly,

the African societies in India heavily emphasise on ancestor worship.

2.5.1. Uniqueness of Hiriyaru as an African Worship

The Siddi community attaches cultural and spiritual values to the household. The

elaboration and segmentation of household are always being maintained to the social

cmmectivity. The Hiriyaru spiritual authority covers the household and all the members

of Ghar and Bidhar are obliged to seek the blessing of Hiriyaru. The Siddi community

strongly believes in the set up of new household after the matTiage of son. As a result, the

separation among the Siddis is devoid of the animosity and bitterness which is normally

seen in many of the Indian families.

The house from where a person separates is called a Ghar and the new house

established by the separated person is called a Bidhar. Th~ Ghar is the place where the

family of Hiriyaru r~sides and this is worshiped by the eldest aganate staying in the

house. Sacredness is attached to a Ghar and it is safeguarded jealously by all the members

of the family. A very rigid notion of purity atld pollution sun-ound the sacredness of the

Ghat·. During her menstruation period a women is not allowed to eitner the house. Only

after purificatory rites, she is allowed inside. Meyer Fortis depicts, "African ancestral

29 Julian Baldik, Black God: The Afro-asiatic Roots of Jewish, Christian and Muslim Religison (New York: I.B.Tauris Publishers, 1997), p.70. ·' · · · · · · · ·.

99

worship has a remarkable uniform structural framework. The congregations of

worshippers invariably comprises either an exclusive common descent group, or such a

group augmented by collateral cognates, who may be of restricted specified filliative

prominence or may come from an unrestricted range; or else the worshippers in a given

situation may comprises a domestic group be it an elementary family or family of an

extended type. "30

2.5.2. Sacredness represents African Spirituality

' For the maintenance· of Ghar all the agnates contribute money and services. In the

performance of religious ceremony like initiation, marriage and death, all the agnates

come to the Ghar.· The Bidhar among the Siddis is not a sacred place and hence no

religious ceremony is performed here. The persons residing in the Bidhar cannot perform

the Hiriyaru Pooja. As no sanctity is attached to the Bidhar, the Si(ldis notions of purity

and pollution don't apply here.

Luc de heusch emphasises the importance of ancestors in the family residence,

"The ancestors have seats in the gail bladder of people and animals. This organ is centre

of a network of symbolic association like a hut, it has only one opening and one entrance,

for the same reason it resemble a womb. The ancestors are, of course, responsible for

women fertility. Literally, they are the craftsmen of conception and pregnancy. The birth

of child is linked to their rebirth as snakes. One of Berglundi' s informants meticulously

described this process. A man become hot during sexual relation and the paternal

ancestor leave the water and enter the sperms. As a watery element (water as ancestor)

they are intermingled with the women blood in order to form in darkness a child .. When a

man gives a sperm, he collapses. He is weakened because the ancestor have left and gone

into the hot womb."31 Thus, the conception of residence is highly sacred and the Ghar

always retaining superior spiritual position in spite of emerging new nuclear famili((s.

2.5.3. Purity and Pollution Ionised in African Ecstatic Cults

The Siddi perceives various activities ofday to day life with purity and pollution.

Infact, the notion of Purity and pollution is constructed on two trajectory-first, to

30M. Fortes and G. Dieterlen, African System of Thought (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965),.p. 122. 31 Luc de Heusch, Sacrifice in Africa: A Structuralist Approach,_L. Brien, trans. (Manchester: Manchester University Press', 1985), p. 48: · . ·

100

maintain social exclusiveness, second, to retain spiritual elements with temporal life. N.

N. Bhattacharya notes with refert1n<;:c to puberty rite in the context of Indian society, "The

preservation of the amputated part Qf the bo<iy, thus, presents a parallel to the ritual of the

dead, whose bodies are preserved, in whole or parts, so that they may be born again.

Referency may be made in this connection to the world wide custom of entering the

~orpse by doubling of arms and legs against the chest, posture that represent a position of

. unborn child in the womb. This custom which was followed in the pre-dynastic Egypt

and Sumer, as well as in Neolithic Europe, is still followvd by many a backward tribes all

·over the world. Then, the novices are to undergo trials of strength or endurance in which

failure means disqualification or disgrace. The motive of the severity of these ordeals is

perhaps is purification. "32

The Brahmins of Kamataka extensively follow purity and pollution ritual. The

Aruvellu Brahmins of Karnataka follow birth pollution for ten days. The ceremony of

naming is held on the eleventh day and it is also a purification ritual. In the case of girls,

the pollution and purity ceremony are organised on the attainment of menstruation.

The Havig Brahmin does not accept or exchange food from local communities

except other Brahmins. This pattern of purity and pollution leading to creation and

transmission superiority or inferiority images of the self or the other has been widely .. -

adapted at the differentiated by the so called lower caste groups.

An effort has been made to the retrogressive theory of social exclusion or the

dominant group has lead to the formulation of innumerable seen/unseen fibres of

supernatural elements. The Siddis of Gujara~ have mainly crystallised the process within

the orbit of Sufi shrines Havig historical flavour of Africa. In the case of Karnataka, the

centripetal hub of carving purity and pollution is permanently located in the Ghar.

2.5.4. Kartha Centripetalise Africanness

The tradition of Hiriyaru worship imposes very yffectively the authority of the

lineage head in the Siddi community. The person who holds the position of Kartha

exercises his· authority through divine power blessed by the Hiriyaru and through the

operation of ceremonial roles. He can deny access to the pedestal of Hiriyaru to any

agnates if the agnate is not obedient to him. The Siddis have very strong feeling that

'2 N.N: Bhattacharya, Jndian Puberty Rites (Calcutta: P&P Publication, 1980), p.7

101

Hiriyaru are watching their behaviour and any arbitrary action is bound to bring the

displeasure of the Hiriyaru. Whether they appear in dreams or cause illness, it is taken as

displeasure, thus, the head of the minimal lineage acts responsibly ac; guardian of the

moral vales of the family.

The articulation and position of Kartha in the Siddi family represent the continuity

on the lines of tribal organisation. The tribes always needed well defined pillars to

moblises the tribe from maGro entity. In Africa, this pattern of social organisation, is still

dominant and incorporate'dual tendencies on the one hand, acts as a catalyst for unifying

the temporal element in · the tribe, on the other hand, this element integrates the

collectivised temporal entity with the ancestral spirits leading to dialectics of spiritual and

t~mporal power.

T.C. Palakshappa finds the authority of Kartha in the Siddi community· in

Karnataka and states, "The day and date of Hiriyaru worship is decided by the K(lrtha, or

the head men of the house. Before the Kartha actually fixes the date, he consults

informally with the siblings, when all of them agree on a specific date, he th~n announce

the dl).te to other relatives such as sisters, cousins, uncles etc. Before the date is specified

all the sibilings send their contribution in grain or in money. Some of brother who do not

have much more work on their land arrive in Ghar in a day or two in advance to help the

Karth.a to prepare the function. ,:n In the contemporary period, the position of the Kartha

has been directly influenced by the organised religions but, the necessity of this

institution has been understood by the Siddi community.

2.6. Bidhar as Unique African Sacred Space.

The organisation of Bidhar ac; subordinate institution and Ghar as a soci(}.l space is

continuously linked to the African culture. The retreating movement of the Siddis from

the forest zone in the post-colonial India led to the forceful intervention with the

mainstream society. It was an unexpected transformatim1 for the Siddi community to drop

tribal pattern and get organised on a lines of mo£rnity oriented nuclear family .

.l.1 Palakshappa, n. 2 p. 77.

102

2.6.1. Nucleation of Family

The nature of l3idhar has radically changed with continuity in the post 1990 ·

period. It has attained new dimensions by sidelining the tribal tendencies. The Siddi

community faced innumerable problems after implementation of J.F.M by Kamataka

Forest Department. The state did not recognise the Siddi community as an inbuilt product

of forest in the pre-2000A.D. The new generation of Sidi community immediately forced

not only to locate new h~bitation, but also new space for employment. This event had

landmark impact on the,conceptualisation of tribal society. As a result, the essentializing

aspect of geographiCal location to connect Ghar and Bidhar was delinked.

The detachment of essentialist geographical space can also be noticed in the

uneven spread of Siddi cominunity in Belgaum, Dharwad and North kanrara. It is very

difficult to construct a symmetrical pattern in the structure of settlement. Further, the

forces of ~lobalisation have thundered the social organisation of Siddi community. The

market forces have driven the Siddi community in the urban areas. This process of

moving aw?y from forest to urban has prompted the nucleation of family.

Though, the urban areas are also not providing basic facilities to the Siddi

community, but they are being definitely permitted to move along the similar horizontal

forces. The Hindu rep9rts, "You should meet Sanatn Kistod Siddi to know what wonders

the meeting of two cultures can create. The men wears dhoti and turban distinctively

African feature and speak Kannada with Uttar? Kannada accent a-; he dances to rhythm of

dhamdham and ghumat, you began to wonder if you have been transported to other

continent by magic. The Siddis of Uttara Kannada who traces their ancestry to Africa are

among the twenty odd who have come to participate in the two day festival and workshop

organised by Babasheb Dr.B.R. /\mbedkar Research centre, Bangalore l]niversity

campus."34

2.6.2. Creation of Virtual Ghar

Bidhar also act as source of creation in the Siddi community. This phenomenon

has emerged in the 21st century only. It marks not only assimilation with local

communities but to reconsider the image of Africa in the framework of diaspora. The

inculcation of modern knowledge in the Siddi community has also started at a very slow

34 Artist Magic at Workshop . The Hindu, 29 May, 2007

103

pace, but the questioning of the self in the contemporary perioQ have paved the way for

the consolidation of diasporic community. Ms .Margaret Alva, M.P., has played very

important role for the creation of new paradigm in the Siddi community.

The Hindu reports, "The M.P says that she ha4 constituted a committee of five

members each assembly constituency to monitor proper utilisation of M.P.'s fund.

Ms.Alva said Siddis Sports project which she initiated when she wa~ union minister

would be shifted to Uttara Kannada from Bangalore, to enable the tribal community of

Negro origin to get training in sports."35

2.6.3. Legitimacy to African Witchcraft

Bidhar has also ~merged as a pole centre to legitimise the modern tendencies in :i

the Siddi community. The most impnrtant problem faced to transform a tribal community

is a presence of legitimising element. The legitimisation in tribal community generally

reflect a collectiveo process. As a result, the vision of individual member is always

neglected or suppt~essed under the name of community.

The pre-2000A.D. period of Siddi community can be categorised as an area of

Buddhivanta and Kartha. These two units act in a unified way to manage various aspects

of Siddi community. But, this unified method of management was gradually substituted

by new institutions such as village forest communities, gram panchayat and LAMPS.

The inclusion of Siddi community in the Scheduled Tribe status provided

institutionalframework for the transformation of the community. For the first time, the

Siddi community witnesse(l the emergence of institutionalised politico-economic ties

outside the Siddi ·settlement. As the constitution of Village Forest Committee and Gram

Panchayat pr<wided not only positive affirmation to the Scheduled tribes, but also

positively secured seats for women, the community has been finally allowed to get

primary practical education of politics.

As a result, the legitimacy of patriarchical forces has been challenged and the

participation of women has been opened new directions of development for the Siddi

community. The establishment local participatory institutions, such as L.A.M.P.S. have

also rejected the vertical alliance at the cost of horizontal alliances created by the

~5 ISRO completes mapping of water in Uttara Kanna<;la, The Hindu , Tuesday, Octo her, 2000.

104

religious structure. The LAMPS of Yellapur have provided not only played crucial role in

uniting Hindu, Christian and Hindu Siddis, but also createq space for diasporic bonding.

2.6.4. Recycling of African Life

The important dynamics of Bidhar is to maintain pendulum movement in the

community. T. C. Palakshapp;a noted this feature in the 1970's and he says, "The person

residing in the Bidhar can not perform the Hiriyaru worship in the Bidhar as no sanctity is

attached to the Bidhar. The ,Siddi notion of purity and pollution do not apply here. The

Bidhar can be shifted from site to site, if there is any need. Having no permanent space in

Bidhar, the person goes on changing in the current ,and subsequent generations."36 But,

these tendencies could not be delinked from tribal framework. The Sports Authority of

India had started special Area game project to train athletes from the Siddi tribe and the

plan was resulted into any national or international achievement Q.ue to attachment of

unseen tribal bonding.

J ayanti · S. Ravi records new conscious regarding the change of location with

reference of Hirbaiben among Siddi women. Ravi says, "Out here ours is only village,

where we are concerned about the children's education and their future. Realising that the

lack of education was main problem for the members of her community, she met and

convinced the officials right up to the district headquarters and angwadi started in the

village. She persuaded the peoples of village to use the part of public land for this

purpose instead of using for private housing. Today, the children of village receive basic

education along with meals. Siddis be(?ause of their very low earning find it very difficult

to have any savings or to bon·ow money from moneylenders. Hirbaiben encour~ged the

women group members to save on a monthly basis."37

2.7. Structure of Authority in Siddi Family

The structure of authority in Siddi family play very important role for the

collective and individual decision of process. The Siddi community practises similar

pattern of authority as witnessed in African society. The retreating moments of Siddis

from forest region led to amalgamation of tribal and permanently settled social norn1s and

values. As a result the male members in the Siddi family always enjoy the superior

36Palakshappa, n. 2 p.23. 37 .Tayanti S. Ravi, A Role Model from A Village, Frontline, Voi.20-Issue 2"d, June 18,2003

105

position compare to female and this notion goes against the tribal relations where

instances of soci(il rank is precisely very limited. The basic reason for this structure is the

subordination of the tribals by patriarchical values and crafting of modern values on this

structure.

2.7.1 Conceptualisation on Regional Lines

The Siddi family clearly shows multiple threa~s of African and Indian nqrmsand

values. The purity and pollution of women in Siddi community should be analysed from

African angle. T.O. Beidelmen says, "What woman refuse a man-Kaguru man often

express concern about their abilities and speculate. whether their women· need many

lovers to meet their need. Certainly it is fact man face the challenge of achieving and

attaining erection; won1en need no int~rest to engage in sex. In short a woman's emotions

need not be aroused. Kaguru man often won-ied about being abl~ to perform properly,

and make allusion~ to vagina dentata and other threat about female qualities"38

In the contempor(lry India, the Siddi community is undergoing transformation to

provide positive image to Siddi women. The field trip shows that the red"\.lctions of wage

labour for Siddi male have forced the community to rean-ange division of labour. It has

also been established as the Karnataka Forest Department have limited the mobility of .,

tribals in the forest zone. These double negative losses of reducing mobility and job

opportunities have created new chances for the Siddi women. As a Siddi male is forced to

go in urban areas the management of households and children becomes total

responsibilities of womei1. Thus, the Siddi women has challenged the superiority of maly

in the family .

2. 7 .2. Patriat·chical Patterns Integrated

The rituals and ceremonies of Siddi community in the arena of family primarily

revoles around death and marriage related events. The religious assimilation of Siddi

cmm:nunity in Islam, Hindus, and Christians provided not only new rituals and

ceremonies hut also unknown contexts of celebrations. The immediate impact of religious

assimilation was establishment of new signs and symbols from ancient civilisations.

38 T.O. Beidelman, "Women and Men in Two East African Societies" in lkarp, C.S. Bird, ed., Explanations in Afric~n ~em of Thought (London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980), p.l47. · ' ·

106

Further, the organised and unorganised framework of major religions largely determined

the position of rituals in Siddi families.

The Muslim Siddi is supposed to learn Arabic an:d perform namaz in the mosque J

regularly. The mass oriented congregation of Umma creates new fabric for the

articulation of rituals and ceremonies. Similarly, the Christian Siddi also performs regular

worship in the Church and the father of the Church creates new lines of ceremonies by

superseding Buddhivanta. The Hindu Siddis are not allowed to worship in the Hindu

· · Temples, and they are being treated as the Untouchables. Therefore the pre-1990 period

witnessed various the efforts by the macro religious organisations to craft new rituals and

ceremonies whereas the post-1990 era clearly reflects the emergence of Africans rituals

from within the crafted structure.

2.7.3. Rituals and Cermnonies Generate Gender Bias Pattern

First of all; the loss of mother language is the greatest roadblock faced by the

Siddis in the consolidation of diasporic identity. The pre-colonial India had Persian a.;; an

official langmige. The states of Deccan were totally dominated by the regional flavours.

The slave Habshis had to work in the domestic and market areas, therefore, the Slave

Habshis coul~ not collectively make effort to save mother tongue. On the other hand, the

dominant Hahshis had been already incorporated into the politico-economic structure of

Bijapur, Ahemadnagar, Bidar, Golconda kingdoms. Further, the colonial state erupted the

process of withdrawal from main discourse, thus, the Siddis were settled in the forest

areas, which were inhabited by other tribes such Gowlis.

The loss of language had negative impact on African music. In the absence of

native language, the Siddis in forest areas also lost the African music. In the post-colonial

period, they have adopted Carnatic music as their own music. They construct various

narratives in the Kannada language and perform in Carnatic style. The impact of loosing

can only be understood in the context of utilisation of music by tribes or marginalized

sections. It is a major source of oral history, the history always creates Brownian

movement to sustain the correspondence between the identity and the source of origin . ..

As a result, the Siddis faced a number of challenges to retain the image of Africa

and its social-cultural practices. In the absence of native knowledge, the chances of

communication with other people of Africa have also been lost by Siddis. It made

107

impossible to communicate between the Siddis of two different states of India. Further,

the socio-cultural forces identified them as a forest tribe. The Siddis neither had oral

history nor a different language, which is one of the most important components of

distinction.

The establishment of autonomy of Siddi family has allowed the individual

members to accept modernized social trends. These trends have opened gates for the

assimilation modei·n -ideas. The Gram Panchayat members Lalita Damodara Siddi

· (Mattaghatta, Sirsi, Taluka) says that the young gen~ration of Siddis has adopted various

professions such taxi drivers, mechanic, members of NGO's etc. She accepts the

expansion of mobility of Siddis outside the periphery of local social forces. The increased

mobility has further strength'ened the emergence of nuclear family as the role model in

the Siddi community. The field survey shows that the most of the household are based on

nucleus pattern of family. Similarly, the Siddi community practic{f monogamy based

man·iage ceremony. The Siddis community has redrawn the contours of marriage

relations within the framework of relig'ious and class framework.

T.C. Palakshappa describes the pattern of marriage in 1970's, "Marriage among

the Siddis is also an occasion for important ritual. For an individual, it is observed after

initiation. At the time of maiTiage, the entire kinship network comes into operation each

member performing his or her traditionally assigned role."39 The nature of Siddi family is

located in patticular structure. The concept of patriarchy refers to the instutionalized

domination of women by men. Virtually every s.ociety in the present epoch exhibits

patrian;:hal for1n of social formation, patriarchy can be expressed in a variety of ways,

' depending upon the larger social structure in which it is situated. Whether it is tied to the

ownership of prope1ty, access to political power or the acquisition of social status,

patriarchy directly affects the relative opportunities of men and women to acquire social

rewards. The m~jority of Siddi women have b~en assigned tr(lditional socially

constructed role, but Christian Siddi woman shows slight transformation with respect to

access to education and economic power

.19 lhdj, p. 96

108

2.8. Kinship on African Family Pattern

The kinship network have played very important politico-social role in the

settlements of Siddis in India. It has produced and reproduced the cultural capital in the

community. The cultural construction of Siddis is shaped by tribal, regional and diasporic

culture. The Siddi way of living reflects these three cultures accon:ling to time and space.

After sustaining in the Western Ghats for more than 200 years, the Siddis have adopted

the regional culture. They have lost the most important element of Siddi culture,

,.i.e. language. The Siddi of Karnataka has totally adopted the Kannada language as mother

tongue. The most radical influence of language is visible in the nomenclature pattern.

Secondly, they have transformed the image of homeland in the continentalisation of

Africa. The image of homeland continuously refreshes the cultural elements. Instead, the

Siddis have developed new image .of homeland in Africa and its nature is continentalised.

The festivals and ritual pnlCtices have been totally acculturated from the local structure.

2.8.1. Maneyaru

This constitution of family comes from single lineage of the family. :Basically,

the lineage structure of the Siddi community. is limited. It is consisted of three

generations of including the three generations including the Hiriyaru. The dead parents of

the Ego, his children, his brothers and the other offspring are member of the lineage.

Among the Siddis the lineage is strictly defined through the principle of common male

descent. The female is completely excluded from the lineage. Since they do not have a

role, except through the male, it corresponds to the local Hindu kinship organisation.

According to Hindu kinship construction, the female has no right to inherit the

property and does not play any significant role within the ritual structure. According to

the lineage, the dead father is the head of the patri-leniage and the member of the first

generetion. The second generation constituted of the offsprings of A, of course in some

cases there may be a four generations consisting of the great grand children. The

Maneyavaru relationship becomes meaningful in the economic life. The man belongs to

single extended fa_mily. They trace their relationship to a common Hiriyaru traditions and

it reproduce African social practices leading to diasporism.

109

2.8.2 Bandugalu

The Bandhugalu are the recognised patternal kins. This relationship is the

extension of the Maneyavaru. The death of a every h~ad of the household with male

issue gives rise to ne\v Maneyavaru. These split houses constitute Bandhugalu. Suppose

B, C and D are the cognates ·racing their origin to the Hiriyaru B, C and D and their

offsprings are identified as Maneyavaru. If b were to die then his offspring worship him

as Hiriyaru and starts a new lineage. However among the Bandhugalu whatever the

distance between and among the other marital relations is impossible .

2.8.3. Balagadavaru

The Balagadanaru relationship covers the maternal kin. The mother, sister and

and their children. The 'Balagadanru thus springs from the affinal relationship with in one

generation transforms itself into maternal relationship and thus into consanguinal

relationship through the female. Suppose B, C, D and E are the offsprings of A, and of

thesel3,and c are female. The rest are male. When B and C are married, they introduce

affinal relationship.

Mading de African remembers, regarding African kinship in the era of

globalisatimi, ''The kinship system is the soul of Africa, with the deterioration of

Africans. Across nations globalisation has become disproportionate to and unsustainable

sense if a person in the diaspora has many relations, as most of us do back in Africa

he/she is helpless in shouldering such a stiff responsibility of assailing multiple relatives

single handedly. Yet when we look at this from a note so may angle what is important to

the people in words of Brtorry David Cameron is a sense of belonging I am who I am

today I know I cannot necessarily to the whole world due to my relatives and the villages

around me. I feel proud to be a kin of someone"40 In the same way the African diaspora

in India have ruptured v<trious bruTiers of prohibitions and inhibitions by creeping out

from within the process of location. As a result the African diaspora in Gujarat and

Karnataka is heavily banking upon diasporic kinship

40 Mading de Ngor, Globalisation and Africa Kinship Network System :Will it Sustain , Sudan Tribune, Friday , 28July ~ 2006. .

110

2.9 Ritual Kinship Local Bonding

2.9.1. Meaning

The term ritual kinship refers to social networking aspects of a ceremony performed

for religion or tradition. The history of human civilisation clearly shows that in every

mode of production, the human beings always survive with the help of rituals. It is a

process that creates regular social and ritual bonding act as as a source of mobilization in

. every space and time. The African societies are very well known for the performance of

rituals. The main occasion~ for the rituals are birth, maiTiage and death and ancestral

worship. The concept of ritual kinship reflects to superior position of spiritual and

psychological forces over biological combinations.

2.9.2. Manner and lmpact.,of Baptism

The Holy Rosary church weaved new web for the configuration of ritual kinship

among the. Siddi community. The church has continuously made efforts in the post -

1970's period to uplift the Siddi community. The religious structure of church was made

available to Siddi community to make them understand the warmth of Christianity. The

church also opens school in the courtyard to educate their children and various other local ·

tribes. During the field trip, the impact of Holy Rosary Church was quite visible on the

wall of household. Almost all the houses of Christian have put the photos of Christ and

the holy Cross. The composition of students in the church primarily .belonged to

· Christianity.

These student~ visit to the church in the morning to offer the prayers. After that

the prayers, they are taught in the courtyard. The Father of the church not only inculcates

new parameters of kinship, but also institute all aspect of various development to these

marginalised groups. Further, the field trip discovered that the church has been successful

struggling against the ancestor worship of the Siddis. The biggest efforts were made to

educate the tribal community in the lights of modernity.

2.9.3. Bonding through Temple, Mosque and Church

The post-colonial subordinated them to various local force such Hindu (Havyak,

Lingayat), Muslims and Christians. The poor economic condition and marginalization

have forced them to adopt the reli~ion, festival and ritual of dominant section. The

nomenclature has been totally changed, except the last name used by them as Siddi. The

111

Siddi celebrate the festival organized by Hindu, Muslims and Christianity. The ritual

structure of Siddis shows emergence of t:xtra-familial religion. The cosmology of Siddis

has been subjugated to the cqsmology of Dominant section. Therefore, the Siddis also

worship local deities of landlord to ensure happiness in their household.

2.9.4. Settlement and Buddhivanta for Kinship

The social construction of Siddis has been grounded m the settlement and

Buddhivanta social matrixes. The local communities have been formulated in

endogamous based caste, class and religious structure. This framework of social

organization have been creating hierarchical patterns of high and low castes in the

kinship structure of. local structure, but the kinship pattern of Siddis beyond caste based

hierarchy.

In the pre-globalisation period, the tribal based social construction of Siddis was

organized on kinship base. The kinship played crucial role in organizing the African

diaspora under the leadership of Buddhivanta. Every kinship system provides each person

in a society with. a set of dyadic (person to person) relationships so that he stands, as it

were, at the centre of a naJTower or wider circle of relatives. During his life the body of

his relative is constantly changing by deaths and births and by maiTiages his own

marriage and the marriages of his relatives.

In many societies .the kinship system also includes a different kind of structure by

which the whole society is divided into a number of separate groups, each consisting of a

body of persons who are or who regard themselves as being a unilineal body of kindred.

Such close lineages by which society is bisected do not exist in Africa except amongst

the Gaulla; through they are important in some parts of the world. On the other hand,

Parkin and Stone say, "Social organization means many things-not only kinship, but also

social formations that owe little or nothi11g to kinship, except perhaps metaphorically,

such as state labour, friendship, economic relations, slavery etc."41

The field survey shows that family is the basic unit of Siddi society, but the range

of kinship has been gradually limited to family structure. The formulation of settlement in

kinship networking has become redundant. The settlement used to be the main

41 Robert Parkin and Stone, eds., Kinship and Family: An Anthropological Reader (Australia: Blackwell Puhli~hing Ltd, 2004), p. II. · · · . .. . · . . .

112

cornerstone of social organization of Siddi community. The framework of community

had limited the exercise of individualization.

The centrality of Buddhivanta had been pr~sent in the pre-1990 period. T. C.

Palakashappa, on the basis survey conducted 1976, says "Since the Buddhivanta among

them provides a model to be emulated; he is expected to maintain self discipline and

posses strict moral habits. He is the incarnation of the ethos of the settlement. Were he to

violate the moral codes imposed on him, he would bring shame not only to himself but ,.

also to the entire settlement, hence his mov~ments are watched very closely, by the

members of the settlement on the one hand and the members of neighbouring

settlements."42

The forces unleashed by globalization has eroded elements of primordial

collectivization and accelerated the transmutation paving way for the foundation new ' '

entity. The new formulation in Siddi community is creating new patterns of cultural

;' formations on the lines of diaspora. As a result, the diasporism within the Siddi

community not only positive boosts up, but also gets articulated at the world level. Ganga

Krishna Siddi of Dongri, Kamataka says that the family structure of Siddi has been

totally rearticulated in the local pattern of family. The old pattern of family construction

around the centrality of Hiriyaru worship is being withered away. As a result, the kinship

pattern of mobilization of Siddis has also been transmuted. It paved the way for the

restoration of individuality of family structure within the network of community. These

trends have aligned with the globalizing tendencies which have also de-linked the

suzerainty of Siddi family to landlords·· family.

2.10 Ancestral Cult: Hiriyaru Worship

2.10.1 Meaning

The Hiriyaru worship is core of African method of worshiping the dead. This

practice has survived continuously in colonial and post-colonial period. The displacement

of Africans from main discourse to tribal areas reinforced the worship of dead. It brought

them back to the 'old habitat Africa'. The Western Ghats and Gir forest provided

opportunity to resurface the tribal formation. The Siddis believe that spirits solve all day

42Palakshappa, n.2 p. 64.

113

to day problems. The concept of Hiriyaru has multi-dimensions such as providing the

legitimacy to the Kinship ·structure. The African diaspora in India strictly follow this

pattern of worship. The Siddis of Gujarat and Karnataka have maintained this tradition of

worshiping the dead. In pr~-global period, the Hiriyaru provided sanctity for the divinity '

attached to house. The place where Hiriyaru is kept was called Ghar.

The ancestral cult represents the traces of African legacy. It has remained one of

the most important and pious ritual for any Siddi. The impact of the ancestral cult

transformed the integration of monolithic religions such as Islam and Christianity. The

religious construction of Siddis emerged in the 1960-1970' s. The reversal of retreating

movement, due to demographic increase in North Karnataka and KFD, provided

manufactured feudalistic .pattern of occupation. In the case of Yellapur, the Havayak

Brahmin occupied Siddi as worker (to be paid in kind) whereas, in the areas of Mundgod,

Sirsi, the economic opportunities of development provided by Christian missionary

accelerated the religious incorporation of Siddis. Further, the Umma of Muslims attracted

the Siddis for easiest way to get integrated in this community, so that, th¥ madrass are

playing role of agency of acculturation. It must the analyzed from the context of space

available within community for knowledge production.

The religious instittJtions act as the epicentre of activities within the Siddi

community. These institutions coloured the tribal such as Siddis with a new colour, but

the undercoating of Siddi tribalism /diasporic. The primacy of the religious institutions is

due to absence active civil society and presence of socio-economic structure in religious

institution~. In this context, the organized religious practices are playing crucial in

consolidating Siddi community on new parameters. The religious organizations are

providing support to Siddi community on twQ patterns, viz. institutional and social

structural

2.10.2. Similarities and Differenc~s with African Practices

The ,ancestral cult in Siddi community reflects the continuity of nature based

religious cosmology. The tribal or nomadic ·social formation always keeps the continuous

dialogue with the spirits after death. It is rooted with the c~mceptualization of world. The

tribal based society takes the socio-cultural capital and therefore each and every part of

nature is believed to be consisted of spirits. The phenomenon is supposed to be governed

114

by the acts of spirits. The Siddi community has created new lines to understand the

world. These lines of understanding reduce the role of spirits in day to day life by

enlarging the space to human endeavour. It becomes quite dear from Hiriyaru worship in

1970s: "Those Siddhis who ary Hinduized have elaborate functions marking the event,

whereas the Siddhi Christian· and Muslims do not have elaborate functions. The Siddhi

Hindus preserve the inemory of the dead parents with the help of ritual symbol in the

form of unhusked coconut. When the father dies, the eldest son, after the funeral, installs

the spirit inside the house by means of appropriate ceremonies."43

This structure of Hiriyaru centric ideology faced new challenges d~e to adoption of

the three major religions of India. These religions opened a new channel for vertical

alliance in the local set up for the Siddi community. The local religions introduced new

trends in the Siddi community which started shift in the aligning fibres of Siddi identity.

But, the Siddi community continued their own practices in the new religions. The

monotheistic religion such as Islam and Christianity do not have space for polytheistic

framework. Yet, the Muslim and Christian Siddis were allowed to perform Hiriyaru

related worship. The period of 1980's had started showing disenchantment of Siddis to

religious centric development.

2.10.3 Hiriyaru Integrated Elements of Hinduism, Islam and Christianity

The Hiriyaru traditions have internalized local elements. In the case of Siddis of

Gujarat, the spirit worship has continued around the tombs of Siddi Sufi saints. Helene

Basu says, "Bhil followers saw in the dargah a place of powers that could tame evil

spirits and witches. Siddi fakirs wen~ called bhagat i.e., by the same term which in the

Bhils religious idiom denotes the spirit mediums for the small pox goddess Sitala Mata.

The local people go to bhagat with symptoms of possession by evil spirit (bhut). During

the ceremony held in the house of afflicted the bhagat is possessed by the goddess. In

persistent cases of possession, people then sought cure at the Dargah of Gori Pir."44

· John S.Mbiti says regarding spirit worship in Africa, "The Yoruba have one

thousand and seven hundred divinities in a single African people. These divinities are

4' Ibid, p. 76. .··

44 Helene Basu, "Redefining Boundries:Twenty Years at the Shrine of Gori Pir", In Edward A. Alpers and A. Jaizrazbhoy, eds., Sidis and Scholars: Essays on African Indians (New Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Ltd.,2004)p.67 . . . . . .

115

associated with natural phenomena and objects, as well as with human activities and

experiences. They are said to render to God annual tribute of substance in

acknowledgement of His lordship. Parallel to Y aruba social-political structure, these

divinities form a hierarchy. Ori'sa-nla is the supreme divinity of the country, acts as God's

earthly deputy in creative and:executive functions. Orunmila is reputed to be omnilinguist

divinity, understands every language spoken on the earth represents God' omniscience

and knowledge. This div.\nity shows among the men through the oracle of divination, and

has the fame of being great doctor. Gun is the owner of all iron and steel, bying the

original hunter paved the way for other divinities to come to earth, for which reason they

crown him as Chief among the divinities."45

2. 10. 4. Re .. Modelling of Local Religions by Hiriyaru Cult

In the pre-globalization period the Hiriyaru worship played crucial role in

ensuring conflict fre~ social relationship. Every household used to have separate Hiriyaru

worship which continuously maintained the relationship in the form of annual

celebration. Further, the right to worship and keep Hiriyaru was exclusively given to the

eldest member of the family. Similarly, the chief of settlement and his Hiriyaru were

given, accordingly high status. This hierarchical pattern of spirit provided the ideological

suppmt to Chieftainship and settlement pattern.

The Siddis had already demanded the status of Scheduled Tribe, so that they I

could safely get res.ources from the forest regions. The period of 1990's offered

challenges which were unknown to them in the previous periods of their existence as a

diaspora. The challenges resharpened the diasporic tools, and Hiriyaru has emerged as the

reliable too to the community for strengthening the Diasporic claim to get their human

rights addressed

2.11. Extra-Familial Religion for Localisation

2.11.1. Meaning

The extra-familial religion refers to the shared cosmology, beliefs and values of

local areas. The shape and content of shared space is essentially dominated by the

dominant social groups. The universal doniin~tion of a social group in the local area

45 John.S.Mbiti, African Religions and Philosoph_y (London: Heineman Educational Books Ltd, 1969), p.76.. . . . . . . ..

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legitimizes its social-qlltural and religious practices. It percolates through structl1ral and

institutional pattern and any devi;1tion from the extra-familial religion may lead to social

exclusion of a group in the society. The emergence of settlement of Siddis in the

peripheral areas of forests led to gradual acceptance of local cosmology.

T.C Palakshappa.says, "In the Yellapur area there are many Gods and Goddesses

which are believeq to be involved in the welfare of the local area. Havig Brahmin of the

Yellapur area shivit~s and hence, the temple of the god Shiva dominate in the region.

Apart from pilgrimage centres like Gokarna, there are temples of Shiva in every village

controlled by Havig Brahmin priest of that village. They are mythical gods and goddesses

who are believe the control the agriculture."46 The pre-1990s period witnessed the

domination of Havig Brahmin, Muslims and Christians in the local cosmology. It

provided assimilation to Siddis · with negative values. The religious and cosmological

structure imposed the values and norms of dominant groups on the Siddis. As a result, the

earthly and spiritual life of Siddis was subordinated to the dominant social groups.

2.11.2. Deities

In the case of Gujarat, the Siddis have articulated Siddi cosmology, values and

norms around the Sufi shrines. Helene Basu says, "Siddi constructions of religiosity

emphasize carnivalesque features expressed by ritually mocking and ridiculing the

gestures and claims of those in power. Oreat stress is placed upon joking in ordinary a~

well as ritual contexts. Often, individual Siddi men and women present themselves as

jokers and jesters. 1_:hus, the highest goal professed by Siddi fakirs was to give pleasure,

fun, enjoyment. To evoke pleasure is regarded as the gift of Siddi saints bless to those

who believed in them. Moreover, the Siddi task consisted in transforming the suffering

which caused believer to visit the shrine into pleasure and enjoyment.47" David Rubadiri

refers to the Negro labourer in Liverpool-

This is him

The Negro labourer in Liverpool

That from his motherland

A heart heavy

46Palakshappa, n. 2 p. 82. · · 47 Helene Basu, "Redefining Boundaries: 20 years at the Shrine of Gori Pir", In Alpers and Jairazbhoy, n. 43 P. 66.

117

With rhe load of a century's oppression

Gloriously sought for an identity

Grappled to clutch the fire of manhood

In the land o.ffree

But here are only the'free dead­

For they two are groping for a light

Will that son

That greeted himfrom his mother's womb

E . . ? ver .ng11; agam .

Not here

Here is hope is the shovel

And his fu(filment resignation48

In Karnataka, the construction of local cosmology does not hold the racist attitude

as prevalent in western societies, but the Siddis do face negative construction by the local

forces. The contemporary period has provided new identity to Siddis in India. The state

has recognized them a Scheduled tribe. Further; the state has started various reformative

measures to uplift the Siddis in the society. The instrument of local governance has also

incorporated the Siddis, thus the domination of dominant social forces is withering away.

Simultaneously, the Hindu, Muslim and Christian organizations have refreshed approach

to the Siddis community to make them as the part of their respective religion. These

organisations have emphasized on the education of the tribal groups.

The 'Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram' has recognized Siddis as vanvasi and an integral

part of Hindu society. The organization has led empha')is on equal and dignified life as a

result the Siddis are also allowed to construct their temples on a limited scale. This

development along with setting up of modern vehicles of communication in the forest

areas, has further reduced the space of extra familial religion in the Siddi life. But, the

growing awareness among the Siddis community have led emphasis on Hiriyaru worship

as an element of ionic bounding in the community. The Siddis are demanding

48 David Rubadir.i, "A Negro Labourer in Liverpool", In Michael Marland, ed., The Experience of Color (Hons Kong: Longmen. 1971 ), P.99. · · ·

118

establishment of religious institutiqns entirely controlled by the Siddi community. The

unorganized and scattered pattern of geographical distribution, along with absence of the

historical religious unifying institutions, makes it very difficult for tht: Siddis to articulate

a shared cosmology in the community to challenge the dominant cosmology.

2.11.3. Supernaturalisation of Health

The Christians and Hindus have started a number of platforms to uplift the Siddi

community by imparting education and religious adjustment in religious structure. The

Christians have established institutions to develop the Siddis. But, on the other hand, the

Hindu community have failed to provide sustainable and very well organized

institutionalized programmes. The Hindu community of Kamataka represents the highest

degree of stratification. Further, the Hindu social have constructed endogamous structure.

Though, R. S. S. has entered into the welfare programmes for Hindu Siddis.

Loyola Vi.kas Kendra is an organization set up twenty years ago by North

Karnataka Diocese. The organization focused on pastoral and educational work in

1980's. The main aim of the organization is to educate the Siddi and other marginalized

section of society. The mission believes that poverty and social negligence takes away

children from education. The organization has established 12 hostels near the Yellapur

talukas. These hostels are single big room structure serve the multipurpose of c;:hildren

such as classroom, dinning room, sleeping room. Further, it has organized one child

labour school and one open school.

Henry John Drewal informs, "They focused on the performing arts and hoped

to accomplish a number of objectives i) to use the arts as expressions of identity and as a

vehicle for fostering a sense of unity. ii) to develop cultural and historical consciousness

iii)to bring the Siddi cof!lmunity to the attention of the larger Indian population by

furthering the development of Siddi performance troupe that had been establisheci in the

mid 1990 by the Siddi Development Society at Y ellapur. In order to implement this

agenda, the priests organized a Kala and Sanskriti Workshop and invited 25 Siddi yout~s

(20 young men and 5young women between the age of 14-20) and five elders

knowledgeable in Siddi songs, music and dances."49

49 Henry John Drcwal, "Aliens and Homeland", In Alpers and Jairzbhoy, n. 43 p. 148.

119

In the contemporary period, the Jesuit missionary is carving out new space for

Siddis. They have aligned in ongoing movement of Siddis to cultural tools for assertion.

It was reflected in the Centenary of St.Rita organized on May 21&22 May, 2000. The

cultural programme included the programmes of Siddis such as Sigmo dance, Group song I

by Siddis, Group dance by S1ddis, Dhanunam, whereas, the liturgical programme covered

the following presentations of Siddis: 'Entry procession: Hymn with Siddi dance,

Offertory: Siddi group'.

Premada Naskshtara Ashrama is affiliated to St. Joseph's Educational and

Medical Relief society, Bombay. The main objective of this institution is to educate girl

segment of Siddi community so that gender justice can be ensured. It provides boarding

and lodging facilities to girls coming from rur~l areas such as Haliyal, Mtmdgod, ·

Kalgn(ltgi, Yellapur etc. The Siddi community has enrolled girls even at Kindergarten

class level.

Home Science Training School has been established due to efforts of Holy

Rosary Church. It is located near Chipki 8 Km away from Sirsi on Hubli-Sirsi Road. The

school teachers serve, literary, religious knowledge, social interaction, cooking,

gardening and others vocational courses. These courses help the new generation to

maintain availability of means of survival.

The Rosary Church has also established Sneha Sadan to educate Siddi boys

regarding vocational courses. The institution teaches the following courses such as

education, health progress, house building, and Catholic Relief servi<;e Food

programmes, educ:;ation for family living. The institution has eighty Siddi boys and the

mission has also trained nurses who treat the ill people in rural areas. The institution has

realized the indebtness as the biggest hurdle in the development of Siddis therefore it

provides loans for the constmction of houses.

The Christian Siddis have been successful in acquiring modernized education. It

is very well reflected in the Hunsheety koppa church at Amadnoor Gram Panchayat. The

church was inaugurated in 2005 and it is located 14 km away from the Y ellapur. In the

left of side 6f Church, one finds residence of priest known for providing all kinds of help

to people. Similarly, Holy Cross Charity Trust at Mynalli has remarkable enlightening

work in Siddi community.

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Vanvasi Kaly~n Ashrama is non-profitable tribal welfare organization aims to

provide all the opportunities required for the development of marginalized section. It is

an offshoot of R. S. S. The firstVanvasi kalyan Ashrama was established in Chipagai

village in Uttara Kannada district. Later, R. S. S established branches in Ankola and

Yellapur area of North Km1~ra. It had started hostel construction for educationally

uplitment of Siddis and other tribes. To ensure gender justice, it started schools for girls

by establishing Rukmini Balika Nilayaat Bandel.

2.11.4. Ring Fence of Siddis by Local Cosmology

1)e Muslim community has succeeded m providing long-lasting social

networking platform .The nature of Umma (Muslim society) has maintained the rubrics

required for a smooth social capital production. The Muslim community is dominant in

Haliyal, Y ellapur and Mundgod. The Muslims have many sub groupings and most of

them are poor. Due to this reason, they have only succeeded in maintaining smooth

vertical and horizoritallines of communication.

The madrassa pattern of primary schooling is followed due to utter poverty. The

madrass are located in Haliyal, Yellapur and Mundgod. The madrassa teaching revolves

around traditional pattern as a result the consciousness of Siddi Muslim gets stereotyped.

The institutions of madrassa teach Urdu to the Muslim children which remain less market

oriented in the contemporary period whereas the Christian Siddis learn as English

language. The English langua~e may one day places them in the market oriented

structure.

It shows that the socio-cultural and religious construction have undergone sharp

trmisf(mnation without loosing the core value of diasporic identity. They passed a long

journey from Indian Ocean, forest, 'mainstream society' to global village. Finally, the

Siddi are carving out the diasporic socio-cultural construction so that their human rights

are addressed.

2.12. Conception, Birth and Initiation

The concept of conception, birth and initiation play very crucial role in the life of

.tribal community. These are the mos~ powerful tools to refresh and build up old and new

social network respectively. These tools help to celebrate the mechanism helping in the

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continuity of tribe. The human resource plays very important role in the society of tribes.

The African society practise elaborate rituals on the above mentioned occasions.

The Siddi considers the conception as a blessing of Hiriyaru god. The conception

represents a vital tool to understand the status of Hiriyaru in the household. Though, in

case of no conception over· a period of time, the complete fault lies with the women.

Earlier the male Siddis was entitled to man-y the sister of wife. The conception implies

the anival of dead spirits in the family. It is considered everybody's duty to ensure that

every family gets a child. During the field survey, the entire household reflected birth of

2-3 children. Though the Siddis have been converted to Hinduism, Islam and

Christiantiy, but the ritual structure has maintained the rhythm practiced earlier also.

Below the supreme deity of the respective duties of dominant religions, the Hiriyaru and

evil spirits of local social forces always struggle for the good and bad of Sicidis

respectively.

Regarding Gujarati Siddis, Naik and PaJ1(;lya say, "After the seventh month of

pregnancy, she has to undergo the religious ceremony called 'kholo bharu, which is held

at her husband's house. On the day of ceremony, four or five members of her father

family go to her husband's house, who bring with them coconut, rice, areca-nut and pair

of cloths. After the performance of ceremony the pregnant women send to father house

for delivery of child. Those who go to father house for the ceremony are served with

which food the relative of h1,1sband side are also feasted. On that day of ceremony the

women is made to sit on patla and kumkum is applied on her forehead by her near

kins."50 Simil~rly, special rituals performed by all the three groups of Siddis only during

the first pregnancy of a married women. The passage of eight month of conception makes

the girl to be escorted back to family. She is presented by the in laws with a new saree

usually a green one. A feast is given to the close. relatives. The first delivery always takes

place in the women parents.' house.

2.12.1 Origin of Siddi Rituals

Initiation has a social connotation. It confers social status 1,1pon an individual boy

who hitherto ~e not within the male adult religio1,1s fold now becomes part of it. Further,

. . 50T.B. Naik and G.P. Pandya, The Siddis of Gujarat: A Socio-Economic Study and a Development Plan (Aherpdabad; Gujarat Vidyapeeth, 1993), p.65. · . · · · · · ' · · · · .·· ·

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it marks the transition from childhood to adolescence. Close observation and enquiry

have revealed that the initiation of the individual have nothing to do with physiological

changes which he undergoes. The rites takes place according to the prescribed the ritual

calendar. To that extent, they are social in character and purpose. Initiation is common to

all the three religious division of the Siddis. Yet the ritual act differs from division to

division. Amongst the Si(ldi Muslim it is circumcision, among the Siddis Hindu it takes

the form of tonsuring, while ~mong the Siddis Christian it is calleq first communion.

Therefore, the social, cultural and religious construction have provided varies

shades to the Siddi community of Kamataka. It represents one of the most dynamic

diasporic groups in India sharply internalising the local tendencies in the search of i

dignified construction. The· assimilation by the local society, particularly the religious

structure, has played great role in th~ gestation period of community marching back from

the forest to mainstream sector. In this context, the contemporary period is making the

socio-cultural element './ery important to define identity while re-a.rtic~lating the religious

elements for representation at the universal level.

For girls nose and ears piercing are important ceremonies before puberty. The

ceremonies connected with these two occasions are more pronounced among the Siddi

Hindus them among other groups. The ear or nose piercing is performed by the Songhar

(goldsmith) who specialized in the art. The hole is generally made by simply forcing a

thin middle through the lobes. Afterwards a small plug of wood is inserted. The wound

has onion and· turmeric rubbed into it, which helps it to heal. The songhar for his part is

given a measure of rice, chillies and a little salt or may be paid 50 to 200 Rs for piercing

and rings according to their value.

Compared with the male, the female rites have very close relevance to the

physiological change attaining puberty or first menstruation is an occasion for celebration

for all the Siddis. For five days after the menstruation, the girl is not allowed to go to the .

outside the house. On the sixth day she is bathed and may wear a green saree and green

bangles by five muttaides. She is made to sit in the middle of the house and a ceremony is

profound. She is given new cloths· and the Hiriyaru is worshiped. Coconut, rice, flowers

of areca-nut and some money are placed in the saree which is then placed near the girls'

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belly. In the evening, the parents' of girl participate in rites with relatives, other female

folk in the settlement and aarti is again preformed.

2.12.2 Assimilation of Local Practices

The Hindu Siddi is initiated into the society through the tonsuring ceremony.

Tonsuring is common to all the Hindu caste groups in the local area and the Hindu Siddi

follow it very scrupulously. Usually boys undergo this rite between 6 and 8 years of age. I

A day is fixed for the occasion by the consent of the elders. On the day of the rite, the boy

is given a bath. The Hiriyaru: are worshiped by the Kartha (family head) of the Ghar; and

the boy also prostrates himself before the Hiriyaru. A huge banana leaf is spread up upon

the ground and the boy sits on this leaf. The maternal uncle of the boy cuts of some hairs

and the rest is done by the barber. The barber cuts of all the hair leaving only a little at

the back pmt as in the case of Havig Brahnims.

The birth of the child follows similar ceremonies with difference in the three

religious structures accepted by Siddi community. In the case of Hindus, the mother is

considered impure for twelve days. On the fourth day, some teertha, water from a holy

river, or panchgavi a mixture of five products got from a cow and prepared by a Brahmin

and considered sacred is brought from Brahmin house. Some of it is sprinkled by the

maternal uncle of the child on the bodies of the father and mother of the child. On the

twelfth day, again teertha is given to the mother and she is considered free of pollution . .

and is allowed to cook. After a festival meal, the father names the child. The parent then

displ;::ty the child to all present members and each one bows before the child, takes the

child in his or her hands, feeds, it with some grains of sugar and gives some gifts. Then

five muttaidas place the child in the cradle and the father of the child fixes the cradle.

2.12.3; Continuity of Afric:an Rituals

Normally, mass circumcision takes place in the settlement or a group of

settlement join together to conduct the circumcision. The decision to circumcise is taken

by the elders of the family in consultation with mol vi of that settlement. The first stage of

ritual takes place before the operation. On that day, all the relatives maternal and paternal

are invited. The Hiriyaru Pooja is pe1formed. The boys who is undergoing the proGess is

given a bath and dressed in a new cloths and performs pooja to the Hiriyaru. The next day

1Z4

the boy is given a bath and is dressed in red cloth. The maternal uncle of the child leads

the boy to the doctor. Though the local hazzam may also perform the ceremony and

customary charges given to the hazzam are just Rs. 5 to 10.

The doctor may charge Rs. 100 or above. The doctor cuts of the fore-skin and

bandages it. After the operation the boy is given bath and for forty days he is allowed to

rest. During this period, the boy is given nourishing food to make up the loss of blood {

due to the operation. The special diet of child is prepared from wheat chapattis roosted in

the ghee. On the 151h day or when the wound is healed, a special celebration is held. It is

called Utna Ka Din (the day of getting up). The last phase of circumGision ritual is the

visit of the boy to the houses of his paternal and maternal kin in the locality. The boy is

made to· sit on hts father solders and is taken in procession around the settlement. In

families that can afford it, a goat is killed for the celebration. Then a feast is arranged and

this marks the end of the circumcision ritt1al.

After the delivery in Muslim Siddis, the child is given bath in warm water and

kept on a cloth spread out on winnowing pan. Some grams of sugar are placed in the

moth of the child; A Mulla is called. He performs bang-namaz and gives name to the

child by uttering in the ears of the child. The mother is considered polluted for 40 days.

On the third day, they perform a ritual called panjeri. Turmeric, neem leaves, five betel

leaves, jaggery and a lamp are placed at the place where the mother delivered the baby .

., These are offered in propitiation to chatavi Tai, a folk deity looking after mother and

child.

On the sixth day, sati ceremony is performed. The mother and child are bathed.

Prayer are recited and food consisted one coconut and five betel leaves, is placed on a

winnowing pan and the pan is kept at the place where the women gave birth to the child.

The midwife who assisted the delivery later appropriates the food offering. After the

twelve day, the mother is permitted to enter the kitchen. But till the completion of the 40

days, she cannot step outside the house. On the morning of the twelve day special prayers

are offered to the house deity. New cloths are given to the mother and child. A meal is

served to the close relatives. In the evening, the cradling ceremony takes place. Cradle is

gifted by the maternal uncle of the child. Five muttaides place the child in the cradle to

the accompaniment of songs and cheers. The Azan is given to the chil<;l either by the

125

family member or Qazi of the local area. The significance of the azan lies in the area of

worldly life which the baby enters after the birth. The Siddi community believes the azan

makes the child part of the worldly life.

The Christian Siddis conduct two ceremonies after the birth of a child. First of all

satti ceremony is conducted by making the mother to seat in the middle of the house and

gifts of rice, coconut, and some other presents or simply are placed in the saree near the

belly. Then a feast is given tp the close relatives. The cradling and naming ceremony take

place on this day. The cradle is donated by the child matemal uncle and is installed by

him in a convenient place in his house. Five muttaides (married women whose husbands

are living) stand around the cradle. The two women standing on the two sides of the

cradle take the child in their hands one at a time and pass it to other first over the cradle

then below it. While passing the child, one woman asks the other, "to whom this child , ·. ·~

belongs"? The second women reply to the lady and return the child.

The rituals are repeated five tirnes and then the child is placed in the cradle. Now

everyone present on the occasion places some sugar in its mouth and kisses the child. The

real name is given during the baptism cerell}ony performed by the parish priest. Thus the

social, cultural and religious construction of. the Siddi community is rooted in the

diasporic fra~iework. Although, the time period of more than 500 years in India offered a

n_umbers of mutations, but the inherent construction of diaspora in the community has

finally come to the surface. However the forces of globalization and contemporary

religious assimilation is creating space for localization, but the process of diasporism has

already passed the threshold energy and the identity is getting sharper day by dt;iy.

Obviously, the social, cultural, religious organizations and practices represent African

fabric.

126