“It appeared to me as if here we should live secure …”

A Family’s Precarious Refuge in Paramus, 1776 to 1780

John U. Rees

(Published in Barbara Z. Marchant, ed., Revolutionary Bergen County, The Road to

Independence (Charleston, S.C. and London: The History Press, 2009), 31-42.)

___________________

My version of Mrs. Brasher’s story is dedicated to my mother, Virginia L. “Dolli”

Rees. Her penchant for books, and abiding interest in the lives of both loved ones

and strangers, has surely influenced my desire to tell stories of ordinary soldiers and

civilians in wartime, and my love of “small things forgotten.”

___________________

Accounts of military actions and soldiers’ experiences during our founding conflict are

numerous; less often do we hear from the civilians who stood in the way of war. Helen

Kortright Brasher was the wife of Col. Abraham Brasher, an officer in the New York

militia, early-war Congressman, and member of the State Assembly from September

1777 till his death in 1783. Mrs. Brasher recorded her Revolutionary narrative in 1802

when she was 63; her recollections are vivid, engaging, and, where they can be verified,

reliable.1

The Brasher family, including Helen’s mother, sixty-eight year old Hester Cannon

Kortright, and children, Judith, age fifteen, Elizabeth, age nine, and Gasherie, almost two

years old, plus several servants, resided in New York City when the war began. The

Colonel first served in the Continental Congress for three years, starting in 1775.2 From

the beginning he was involved in local politics, Mrs. Brasher writing of the time,

At this time the unhappy dispute between Great Britain and the Colonys began. My

husband being a warm American … openly espoused her cause … the storm thickened

and all our domestick happiness appeared at an end. The zeal of my husband was so

great, that his family which before had been his sole care and pleasure … now became

only … secondary … He would often say, my country first and then my family. In this

we differed. I thought a mans family should and ought to be his first object …3

Eventually, admitting “my politicks were the same as his,” she relented in her

objections, telling her husband, “Go my dear, and serve your country I will find the

means to provide for the family.”4

Following the British evacuation of Boston in March 1776, Continental forces moved

south to New York. Helen Brasher noted,

our peaceful city became a garrisoned town, General [George] Washington … arrived …

and nothing was seen or heard but preparations for war, the pavements of our streets were

taken up, fortifications erected, at last, by order of Genl. Washington all the women and

children were ordered to leave it, my husband procured part of a house for us at

Hackensack in Jersey, to it we retired with my aged mother three children and three

servants, my husband still in the city and its environs. My anxiety on his account was

great. The British got possession of the City, my husband got over to us, and I felt once

more happy. My husband was chosen a member of the Assembly. They sat at Esopus

[modern–day Kingston, New York] a great distance from us.5

2

With the tide turning against the Whig cause, and Crown forces crossing into New

Jersey, the Colonel’s wife recalled,

Our situation became very public by the troops from Long Island and York Island all

crossing over to the Jerseys. My husband proposed moving us farther back in the country,

he got rooms for us at Paramus [now Ho-Ho-Kus, Bergen County, New Jersey], a village

about twelve miles back. To this retired place he removed us at a Mr. John [J.] Hoppers,

it appeared to me as if here we should live secure … from wars alarms. … 6

The Brasher family’s move to Paramus soon placed them in the midst of occupying

troops and military movements; luckily for them, they largely involved forces on the side

of independence. December 1776 brought the first substantial military presence at

Paramus, when troops under Maj. Gen. William Heath took post there on the 16th.

Jonathan Heart, doing duty as “Barack Master” recorded “The Troops under Command

of Majr Genl Heath assigned to Quarters …”:7

Maj Genl Heath to Garret Hopper.s House –

BD [Brigadier] Genl Parsons to a House near the Church –

Colo Prescotts Regiment with Capt Lt. Treadwell.s Compy of

the [artillery] Train in the Houses next adjacent to the Church –

Colo Huntingtons & Tylers Regiments in the Houses next

south of Genl Parsons Quarters –

Colo Ward.s Regt. in Houses on the Road North of the Church

Colo Wyllyss Regt with Capt Lt. Bryons Compy of the [artillery] Train

in the Houses next south of Head Quarters

The Light Horse in the House next North of Head Quarters

A 21 December return of Heath’s two brigades, commanded by Generals Samuel

Parsons and George Clinton, shows a total strength of 2,479 troops; of that number only

966 were actually present at Paramus, the remainder being “on command” (on detached

duty), sick absent, or on furlough. That same day General Heath informed General

Washington he was moving his Continental regiments to Peekskill, New York, leaving

General Clinton “with about 1000 of the Militia of Orange & Ulster Counties ordered out

by the Convention of the State of New York …to guard for the present, this post, & the

passes of the Highlands on this side of Hudson’s River.” After Clinton’s forces left, the

New Jersey militia kept a contingent at Paramus when Continental troops were not in

garrison.8

The following year proved relatively uneventful, save for an unsuccessful May 1777

attempt to surprise a force of militia by the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers, and British

foraging operations in and around nearby Hackensack that September.9 Even the presence

of substantial numbers of pro-British residents in the area did not prevent Mrs. Brasher,

her children and retinue, from making themselves relatively comfortable in their new

residence.

Our landlord [John J. Hopper] was a miller, our bread and water was sure, and more than

this we was not entitled to expect … [When Colonel Brasher left for Esopus, New York]

I went to the apartment of my landlord and told him I put my mother selfe and children

under his protection and flattered myselfe he would be a father and friend to us, he said

he would. I found him as good as his word … His wife [Lena Van Voorhees Hopper] was

3

a fine humane woman whom I really loved … We passed our time as agreeable and

happy as we could wish. We got acquainted with the neighbors, found them very good

kind hospitable farmers. We had likewise in the vicinity of our habitation three or four

families from New York who had daughters about the age of [Judith] my eldest, they

became intimately acquainted. … Her young companions often visited her and she them.

My second daughter [Elizabeth] soon found playmates of her own and all promised fair

to make our exile comfortable. My good mother soon got acquainted with the farmers

wives as she spoke the Dutch language perfectly. She became a great favorite with all the

neighboring men women and children. Everything that was offered for sale was first

brought to our house so they could converse with her and she had the preference. We

spent a very happy year in this village in peace and harmony.10

Perhaps not quite twelve months of peace. Writing of the year 1777 Mrs. Brasher told

of several enemy incursions (likely including the New Jersey Volunteers’ raid), that

probably led to the eventual decision for a Continental Army post at Paramus and

Hopperstown. Of that autumn she noted,

our situation became very alarming, we had two or three of those nocturnal visits from

the British. I wrote to my husband requesting him to come and remove us, as I found

myself in a situation not to bear those frequent alarms at a time I should require entire

composure and his company. He requested me to come to Esopus [where he served in the

New York Assembly] as it was impossible for him to leave it … 11

Leaving her mother and the rest of her family at the Hopper home, Helen Brasher,

seven months pregnant, traveled with her eldest daughter to join her husband at Esopus

[present-day Kingston], on the Hudson River. Soon after their arrival they witnessed the

burning of the town by Crown forces on 16 October 1777. Following that harrowing

experience, they returned to New Jersey in company with the Colonel, and “concluded to

remain at Paramus till we could procure more secure accommodations.”12

After

accompanying his wife back to Paramus, Colonel Brasher returned to his duties in the

State Assembly, promising to return as soon as possible, bringing with him Sarah, “a

woman who had often nursed me on my laying in in N[ew]: York.”13

After he left,

I then began to prepare for my approaching confinement and here let me confess my

unhappy discontent with my situation. The difficulty of procuring the many little

comfortable articles I thought necessary and the exposed situation of our residence,

together with the separation from my husband operated so forcibly on my mind as to

cause [a] great dejection of spirits … All my former confidence and relyance forsook me

… Exertion was necessary, or what would become of me and my family. The Winter was

approaching, preparations were to be made for its advance, fuel and provisions got in for

the family. To sit still and murmur would not contribute to its or my comfort.14

4

Map of New Jersey and New York showing the environs of Paramus/Hopperstown. The

distance to Kingston from the Brasher’s temporary home was approximately 70 miles. Detail

from map of the Middle Colonies and Quebec, Lester J. Cappon, ed., Atlas of Early American

History - The Revolutionary Era 1760-1790 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976), 4

5

Mrs. Brasher was not without some hope and help, and valued, reliable assistance at

that:

The army were all ordered to winter quarters. This gave us again a peaceable quiet

neighborhood and dispelled our fears as to the British coming out, as there was now no

object for them. We had a very valuable black man who was our faithful servant and

provider. On him in the absence of his master we relyed. He was greatly attached to his

master and his family and was greatly beloved by all who knew him for his faithfulness

to his masters interest. This valuable Slave had with his usual attention got in all our

winter provisions, wood, and went cheerfully to rest without complaint and was found

dead in the morning with all the placid serenity on his countenance of a composed sleep.

The loss of this valuable man was a great grief to all the family, and an irreparable loss to

us. Thus in a moment suddenly and unexpected was we deprived of the only male servant

we had. Almighty God … why, o why, take from a poor distressed dispersed family at a

time they wanted his assistance most, their only faithful cheerful, happy slave --- Slave he

was not, for he might have taken his liberty if he chose it as others had done, but he chose

to remain with his mistress and children whome he truly loved and faithfully served. The

children grieved for their beloved Thomas as if they had lost a father.15

Given this great loss, it was fortunate her husband “came home in December and with

him came my good Sarah to attend me. I was nigh my confinement [and] no midwife in

the village …” Helen Kortright Brasher gave birth to twins Abraham and Helen on 19

December 1777, increasing their surviving offspring to five.16

In early summer 1778 the Brasher family’s comparative peace was again disturbed by

elements of Washington’s army as it moved north after the Battle of Monmouth, and

again that autumn when Continental forces under Maj. Gen. William Alexander, Lord

Stirling, gathered at Paramus to counter another enemy expedition to gather forage and

food in Bergen County. In December 1778 Col. Thomas Clark’s 650 man North Carolina

Brigade was ordered to Paramus. Their occupation was the beginning of a rotating

garrison of Continental troops that would last until spring of 1780. (Among the forces at

Paramus during the summer, autumn, and winter of 1779 were Maj. Henry Lee’s Legion,

Col. William Washington’s 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, elements of Lord Stirling’s

Division, the Light Infantry (comprising some 700 men) under Brig. Gen. Anthony

Wayne, and, that December, a mixed detachment under Lt. Col. William DeHart, 2nd

New Jersey Regiment.)17

Mrs. Brasher noted the hustle and bustle of military traffic,

At last [Paramus] became the route of our army. This totally changed the scene, from the

simple whistle of the village lad and the cheerful song of the simple pleasant country

girls, we had the fife the drum and al the accompaniments of noisy Mars. Our army

frequently passed and repassed, at last it became the outpost of our army, a detachment

always quartered there, our house constantly filled with officers amongst them many of

our citizens. We could not refuse them quarters and it was my wish to make them as

comfortable as I could. One party no sooner gone than another came. At last it became a

perfect encampment, we had not a moment we could call our own, nor did I complain, so

great was my zeal to promote all in my power the comfort or pleasure of my contrymen

that were exposing their lives for their countrys safety … 18

6

Map of Hopperstown/Paramus showing the 18th

century property owners and buildings, in

relation to the modern road net and landmarks. (Note: The John A. and Mary Hopper

house was on or near the site of the present-day Ho-Ho-Kus Post Office. The Brasher family

made their home here for almost three and a half years at the John J. Hopper house next

door, the site of today’s Ho-Ho-Kus Inn. (Map courtesy of John C. Becica.) ____________________________

7

Following her account of the twins’ birth, Helen Brasher’s chronology of events is

confused, but her memory coalesced when she turned to writing about the early months

of 1780.

… the Spring advanced and with it all our military noise and parade, and with them all

our fears of the British. Our situation became truly alarming, continual skirmishes with

the British and our troops nigh us ... I wrote to my husband to come and remove us … He

came and we were to look out for more secure quarters. He wrote to his friends at

Morristown to procure a place for us. They said in a few weeks there would be

apartments ready. This unfortunately detained us. I felt very uneasy about my husbands

being at this time at home fearing if the enemy should come they would undoubtedly take

him prisoner, and perhaps murder him. I frequently begged him not to sleep at home as

they always surprised us at the dead of the night.19

While her recollections were written some twenty years after the event, Mrs. Brasher

claims to have had forebodings regarding the danger at Paramus cum Hopperstown that

winter. In any case, an unsuccessful 23 March British attack on the post would have done

nothing to ease any fears she had. Here she recounts her misgivings in more detail:

At this period [April 1780] we had in the house a Major Boiles [Thomas Lambert Byles,

3rd Pennsylvania Regiment], who commanded a detachment that quartered in the

neighborhood, and his guard lay in our kitchen. This my good husband thought a security

to us but to me it appeared a sure omen of distress and frequently declared my fears to

him and the Major by saying that I was sure his being in the house with his men would

bring destruction on me and my family. The Major promised to remove himself and his

men the next day, and said, Madam I will ensure your safety this night. I could not

prevail upon my husband to leave the house that night as the Major had assured us of

safety, but my fears was not to be so easyly lulled. My husband went to bed and I went to

secure all the valuable articles in the house, my husband and my mother frequently

calling to me and requesting me to go to bed, but I could not. I had got my trunks that had

been removed back, in expectation of leaving this place, those greatly perplexed me

knowing if they were taken from us we could not replace them. I went into the apartment

of my landlord [John J. Hopper] and begged him to get up and take his waggon and

horses and my trunks and remove them a few miles up the country with some of his

family apparel, that I felt confident that the enemy would be up that night and we would

be plundered of all our clothing and it would be the means of securing his horses and

himself. He laughed at my fears, said, in the morning he would, but this night there was

no fear. Not being able to get assistance I went to bed but could not sleep from

apprehension.20

8

Map of attack on Hopperstown, New Jersey, 16 April 1780.

Road across top of map: “Hopperstown from Weehawken”

Top right: Two buildings across ravine marked “Head Q[uarte]rs” and “a Small House”

Top left: Left–hand road fork marked “a Road up which some of the cavalry went

through mistake”

Middle portion of map, with rows of houses on each side of road, marked: “Houses in

which the Troops were quartered – One Mile and a half from the Bridge to Head quarters”

Bottom of map shows the river with position of the bridge and picket post.

Map enclosed in letter, George Spencer to John G. Simcoe, undated, Simcoe Papers 1774–

1824, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan (Courtesy of Clements

Library).

The detailed description of the ensuing attack by a noncombatant is quite remarkable

when laid alongside narratives of soldiers who were at the scene. Added to that, given the

treatment she and her family endured, Mrs. Brasher’s recounting is surprisingly

restrained and evenhanded.

About two in the morning [of 16 April 1780] I was alarmed by the sound of many horses

over a small bridge within ten or twelve yards of our house. I awoke my husband, saying

arise my dear, I hear the British horse crossing the bridge, he arose, but before he could

9

get on his clothing we heard a tremendous firing of small arms, and a call to surrender or

we will put you all to the bayonet. My husband left my room with his apparel in his

hands and I knew not where he had gone. Our Major not knowing the number of the

British ordered his men to fire out of the garret windows. Immediately the house was

surrounded and the [musket] balls flew in every direction. I could not leave my room it

being on the ground floor nor could I get to my aged mother and children [twenty-year

old Judith, Elizabeth, fourteen, Gasherie then six years and nine months, and twins

Abraham and Helen, two years and four months. Abraham was forty-five years

old at the time of the attack, his wife was forty-one], who slept in a room opposite to

mine separated by a small entry with a back door. I was so palsied by fright and

consternation that I knew not what to do, at last the firing ceased and I ventured out to

seek my husband mother and children. As I opened the door the first thing that presented

itself to my sight was Major Boiles laying on the floor weltering in his blood. Humanity

led me to him, –– the house was full of men plundering everything they saw. I went to

raise the Major but had not strength. Oh madam, he said, they have cruelly wounded me

after I surrendered, and I have surely brought destruction on you and your amiable

family. If I survive I will endeavor to compensate you. Pray Major do not mention this.

Pray soldiers assist me to lift this gentleman on his bed, –– they refused. An officer

stepped up and assisted me to get him on the bed. They were writing his parole as he was

too badly wounded to take with them. I was so totally occupied as almost to forget myself

and family. At last [I] asked Major Boiles what had become of my husband. He replied

he had not seen him that morning. Good God! what had become of him, I went up to the

commanding officer of the party and on my knees entreated him to let me know where

my husband was, whether he was taken or whether slain. He sternly drove me from him

saying he knew him not. I flew to the apartment of my mother and children found their

room so crowded with soldiers plundering drawers trunks etc. that it was impossible to

get to the bed of my mother who lay quiet as a lamb. My two girls were contending with

the soldiers to save a few things, my son [Gasherie] sat up in bed his little countenance

distorted with surprise and resentment. I saw nothing of my husband. Almost distracted, I

screamed out to my eldest daughter, my dear Judy what is become of your father. She

silently gave me a signal for caution, and silence on that subject. I guessed he must be

concealed in that room, I went back to the Majors apartment and to my utter horror and

astonishment found the apartment all in flames, he still laying in his bed [the wooden roof

of the stone house having been set alight by the attackers to force Major Byles’

surrender]. I enquired of the British officer whether I had not permission to leave the

house with my children and infirm mother, he said no, there were some of the dmd rebels

concealed in the house, [and] if they did not make their appearance we should all be

consumed in the flames. I asked is this wounded officer to be likewise left to be

consumed, they said they intended taking him to the next house. I endeavored once more

to get into the apartment of my mother and children to do [so] I had to encounter the

flames, had my handkerchief burned on my neck, my clothes scorched and my hands

burned in several places. When I reached my mothers apartment I found it likewise in

flames the curtains around her bed on fire and the room in so thick a smoke I could

hardly perceive my children – found my husband up and dressed / the [Crown forces] had

left the inside of the house [and] had drawn [up in] a rank in front and rear with their

bayonets fixed to prevent anyone going out. My husband desired me to call the

commanding officer and he would surrender. I begged him not, he said we must or we

should all be consumed. My eldest daughter was so faint with the smoke as almost to be

suffocated. I led her to the back door for air. One of the subaltern officers came up to me

and offered his canteen with water / saying this is too much to see beauty in distress [he]

10

ordered his men to draw back and let the lady and her daughter out, he took her by the

hand and supported her. I slipped back to beg my husband be of good cheer they are

going to leave us [out] I thought. I got my mother up and begged the wench to assist me

in getting her bed out to secure it from the flames. As the wench had hold of it by the two

corners and I by the other two my husband proposed crouching under it. I was

apprehensive, but he persisted and we dragged it out he remaining on hands and knees

creeping under; we got it and him safe a few yards from the house; the wench returned

with my mother. I ran for the children and by this strategem my husband got safe out

unperceived in the presence of two hundred British troops with their bayonets fixed. We

had scarcely left the house before the roof fell in and all was in a light flame. The British

gave three cheers and left us. All lay on my poor husband, [who] we soon released and

congratulated him on his miraculous escape.21

The Colonel and his family were left with their lives and little else, and grateful

enough for that. His wife related the denouement:

We found our good landlord a little way from his house laying for dead with many

bayonet wounds, but he recovered, not so poor Major Boiles, his wounds proved fatal, he

died the next day. Our little army rallied and with the militia pursued the British killed

and wounded many, retook many of our men and two waggons of plunder. Now was my

distressed family left as it appeared, with nothing but the earth for their bed and the

canopy of heaven for their covering, the hospitable mansion that sheltered them from

many storms reduced to ashes, its worthy owner laying not far from it to all appearance

dead. Great God, what a sight! … There was my husband, my children, my mother and

my domesticks all alive around me petrifyed with fright and astonishment. This was

surely a matter of joy and gratitude … the neighbors flocked around us all kindly offering

to take us to their homes, we accepted the offer of our nighest as my mother could not

walk far. We had not been above three or four houres at our neighbors, when our worthy

friend, Mr. Fell who lived two miles from us came with his wagon and took us all to his

house. There we remained till our friends at a distance heard of our situation.22

Several accounts mentioned the Brasher family’s presence during the attack. Dr.

Ebenezer Elmer, 2nd New Jersey Regiment, noted from Paramus on 20 April, “Mr. [John

J.] Hopper wounded in several places, but not bad. His grand house with his own & Colo:

Brashiers furniture all consumed,” and an account in the May 1780 New Jersey Journal

provided more details of the action and aftermath, with perhaps a bit of hyperbole,

The enemy … plundered and burnt the house and mill of Mr. John [J.]Hopper, and that

of his brother’s. In the former the family of Mr. Abraham Brasher lived, who, with the

rest, were left almost destitute of a second change of clothes. The commanding officer

being requested by Mrs. Brasher on her knees to spare the house, he damn’d her, and bid

her begone, declaring they all deserved to be bayoneted. They made their boast, that as

Major Byles did not present the hilt of his sword in front, when surrendering, they shot

him. Thus died this brave and gallant officer a victim to their savage cruelty ...23

In 1838 Mary Cooper Hopper, wife of Capt. John A. Hopper (nephew of the Brasher’s

landlord, and his next-door neighbor), related her memories of the day and what it meant

to her family,

… on the 16th day of April 1780 a troop of Dragoons of British Light Horse surprised the

American garison of soldiers stationed at Hoppertown, Killed the Maj[or] in Command

took a few prisoners and burned and destroyed two Dwelling Houses one store House, &

11

one Grist Mill with two [ton?] of stores … one of the Dwelling houses and Store House

was the property of her late Husband [John A. Hopper] that in Consequence of the

Destruction of the buildings, her late husband lost all his private … property Contained in

the buildings, Consisting of Household furniture, a Large quantity of Linnen and various

other goods, And also the sum of seven thousand Dollars in Money, Not a Dollar of

Which Money was saved … The Money was put in a safe place in the house some time

previous to its destruction by fire on the Morning of the 16 April 1780 at Dawn of Day …

the Buildings Destroyed were wood and occupied by the American Troops, and Arms,

Amunition, & provisions Kept and stored in the Buildings for the use of the American

garison of Officers & soldiers quartered and stationed at Hoppertown. … her late

Husband Escaped at the time with the loss of his hat …24

The Hopper clan suffered greatly in this attack. In addition to the destruction of the

homes and outbuildings of John J. and John A., Albert J. Hopper’s house burned and his

son Henry was killed. At least four family members served with the militia during the

action.25

Following their stay at Mr. Fell’s house (either Judge John Fell or Col. Peter Fell), the

Brasher family was split. Helen Brasher’s mother, daughter Elizabeth, and eldest son

Gasherie lived for a short while with Mr. Garret Abeel of Little Falls, New Jersey (on the

Passaic River, three miles south of the Great Falls at modern-day Paterson). They were

then sheltered for several years by Mrs. Brasher’s brother-in-law Richard Willing, at his

home near Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Mrs. Brasher, her husband, eldest daughter Judith,

and the twins moved to Morristown, New Jersey, into “the upper part of a large house of

Mr. Jacob Arnold”; this was Arnold’s Tavern, on the Morristown Green, where General

Washington had stayed during the winter of 1777. Abraham Brasher died in Morristown

in 1782.26

Afterwards Helen sent for her mother and

we removed from Morristown to Newark to be nearer New York. My mother arrived, and

in her good company I found great relief. The November following we removed to New

York, but Oh! … changed did everything appear ... We got possession of our houses, but

they were racked, abused and filthy. My widowed situation made everything appear

gloomy … Every returning exile appeared rejoiced. I could not join them, my happiness

was at an end. The Lord in mercy to my children, enabled me to struggle through.27

In order to support her family after returning to the city, Mrs. Brasher operated a dry

goods store on 88 William Street, “near Maiden Lane,” continuing in that business into

the early 1790’s. She outlived both sons and her eldest daughter, but saw her middle and

youngest daughters marry and prosper. Helen Kortright Brasher died in the city of New

York in November 1819, seventeen years after writing her memoir of the war.28

Special thanks to Todd W. Braisted, a fine gentleman and good friend,

and to John C. Becica for sharing his wealth of information on the Hopper families

and the area they lived in.

____________________

For details of the April 1780 attack on Hopperstown see, “`Had all the Cavalry been in

the front … not one man could have escaped …’: Hopperstown, New Jersey, 16 April

1780,” Barbara Z. Marchant, ed., Revolutionary Bergen County, The Road to

Independence (Charleston, S.C. and London: The History Press, 2009), 123-135.

12

Endnotes

1. Helen Kortright Brasher’s complete recounting may be read in “The Narrative of Mrs.

Abraham Brasher (Helen Kortright), Giving an Account of her Experiences During the

Revolutionary War” (1802), typed manuscript in the collections of the New–York

Historical Society, 170 Central Park West, New York, N.Y., 10024

(www.nyhistory.org/web/ )

2. Walter Barrett (pen name for Joseph A. Scoville), The Old Merchants of New York

City, vol. 3 (New York: Carleton, Publisher, 1885), 19 (birth date of Hester Cannon), 29

(marriage date of Abraham and Helen), 31 (death of Colonel Brasher; aftermath of his

death and Helen Brasher’s dry goods store), 31 (birth, life and death of Gasherie), 32-33

(birth, life, and death of the twins Abraham K. and Helen; Barrett/Scoville gives the

wrong birth date for the twins, the actual year was 1777), 32 (birth, life, and death of

Judith), 32-33 (birth, life, and death of Elizabeth), Google Books (World Wide Web),

http://tinyurl.com/7hzxwhl . See also, Frederic Gregory Mather, The Refugees of 1776 from

Long Island to Connecicut (Albany: J.B. Lyon Company, Printers, 1913), 663. Abraham Brasher,

b. 2 Dec. 1734; Helen Kortright Brasher, b. 11 April 1739. Children: Judith, May 1759;

Elizabeth, b. 2 Sept. 1765; Gasherie, b. 3 July 1773; Abraham and Helen, b. 19 Dec. 1777. “The

Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher …,” N-YHS, foreward, ii.

3. Ibid., 23-24.

4. Ibid., N-YHS, 24, 26.

5. Ibid., 25.

6. Ibid.

7. Jonathan Heart, December 1776, reel 2, item 336, William Heath Papers, 1774-1872,

26 volumes (Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston: microfilm edition, 1974)

8. “A Return of two Brigades of troops under the Command of Maj Genl Heath

Paramus 21 Decr 1776, reel 3, item 80, and William Heath to George Washington, 21

December 1776, ibid.

9. “Head Quarters, Morris Town, May 16, 1777 ... By a Letter from General Heard, who

is at Pompton, I am informed that Cols. [Joseph] Barton and [Abraham Van] Buskirk [of

the Loyalist New Jersey Volunteers] with 300 Tory Levies from Bergen, on the Morning

of the 13th, attempted to Surprize and cut off, about 70 of his Militia, Stationed at

Paramus. The Officer happily had Notice of their design and eluded it, by moving his

Post. It happened that the Morning was foggy and the Enemy entering at different places,

their parties engaged. Genl. Heard says their loss could not be ascertained, but from the

Reports of some of the Inhabitants, Ten of their Men were killed and carried away at one

time and several wounded.” George Washington to Continental Congress, May 16, 1777

John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington from the Original

Manuscript Sources 1745–1799, vol. 8 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office,

1933), 71-72. Adrian C. Leiby, The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The

Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press,

1962), 134-143.

10. “The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher …,” N-YHS, 26-27.

11. Ibid., 29-30.

12. Ibid., 30-32. Birthdates provided for twins Abraham Kortright Brasher (1777-1814),

and his sister Helen Kortright (Brasher) Craig (1777-1853), in “Guide to the Colgate

Family Papers, MS 144,” compiled by Susan Grigg (New Haven: Yale University

13

Library, Manuscripts and Archives, August 1979, revised: May 1998), 4 (World Wide

Web), http://drs.library.yale.edu:8083/fedora/get/mssa:ms.0144/PDF. Walter Barrett, The

Old Merchants of New York City, vol. 3, 32-33 (birth, life, and death of the twins

Abraham K. and Helen; Barrett/Scoville gives the wrong birth date (1778) for the twins,

the actual year was 1777), Google Books (World Wide Web),

http://tinyurl.com/7hzxwhl .

13. “The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher …,” N-YHS, 32-33.

14. Ibid., 33-34.

15. Ibid., 34-35.

16. Ibid., 35.

17. Memorandum Book of the British Army, 1778, Library of Congress, Manuscript

Division, MSS82750 (courtesy of Todd W. Braisted): “July 28 [1778] John Mason – who left New York the 24 of June with John Romer who was

sent by G. Tryon to distribute The Hand Bills through the Country of Albany &c. That they were

at Paramus about the 12 or 13 – they see Washingtons whole army which amounted to 16000 –

including every Thing – 30 field pieces & two 8 Inch Mortars.

They had about 700 waggons, loaded with Provisions.

The language amongst them, that they intended taking Kings Bridge & afterwards N York, that

the French Fleet were to attack on their side. …

They have got at Sidmon Clove a small magazine of amunition of all kinds also a large Store of

Provisions of all kinds.

and at Slots about ½ a mile to the Northward a Quantity of Flower & Grain about 4 miles to the

Southward at one Sufferance & Greens mill formerly Buskirks a Quantity of Grain & Hay – and

at Paramus at Gerrord Hoppers they have some other magazines.”

John U. Rees, “’The Enemy … will have no Mercey upon our loaded barns.’: British

Foraging at Hackensack, September and October 1778,” Carol Karels, ed., The

Revolutionary War in Bergen County (Charleston, S.C. and London: The History Press,

2007), 112-117.

North Carolina Brigade at Paramus, December 1778 to May 1779

George Washington to Thomas Clarke (North Carolina Brigade commander), 7

December 1778 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, vol. 13 (1936), 376-

377): “Elizabeth Town, December 4[--7], 1778. Sir: As the Convention Troops will have passed above

you by the time this reaches you, the object of your Station at the Clove will have been effected.

You will therefore be pleased to move down to Paramus with the Carolina Brigade and quarter

your Men in as compact a manner as the situation of the Buildings will permit. You shall, upon

my arrival at Middle Brook receive more particular instructions. I would recommend it to you, as

soon as you have taken post, to make yourself acquainted with the Roads leading to the North

River and have pickets established upon them at proper distances from you. You are in no danger

from any other quarter. Should the Enemy move up the River in any considerable force, you are

immediately to fall back to your former position at Sufferan's and send your Baggage to

Pompton. Colo. Morgan furnished Mr. Erskine at Ringwood Iron Works with a guard of a

serjeant and 12. be pleased to send the like number to releive them. They are to remain there

during the Winter, as Mr. Erskine will be compleating some valuable surveys for the public.

Be pleased to make use of all means to cut off the intercourse between the Country and New

York. You are upon no account to permit any inhabitant of the States of New York or New Jersey

to pass to New York without permissions under the hands of their respective Governors. Upon

your arrival at Paramus you are to send the inclosed to Colo. Febiger at Hackinsack. It directs

him to join his Brigade, as soon as you have taken post. I am &ca.”

14

GW to Thomas Clarke, 21 December 1778 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 13 (1936), 445-446): “Middle Brooke, December 21, 1778. You are, agreeable to my orders of the 4th. instant, to

take post this Winter with the Brigade under you command at Paramus. You are to quarter the

Men in as compact a manner as possible both for the preservation of discipline and the

conveniency of drawing your force speedily together in case of an Alarm. Your position is

intended to effect three purposes: to cover the communication to Kings Ferry, to afford

countenance and protection to the well affected inhabitants of Bergen County and to be within

supporting distance of the Posts in the Highlands. The more effectually to secure the

communication to Kings Ferry, you are constantly to keep a Captain and fifty Men at Kakiate

which is the junction of several Roads leading to the North River and a place much infested by

the Banditti of the Country. The Officer is therefore to see that his Men are in their quarters at

Night and their Arms always within their reach.

A succession of small scouting parties down towards Bergen and along the North River will be

preferable in my opinion to stationary pickets, as they will not be liable to surprise and will be

more likely to fall in with marauders from the enemy and with those of the inhabitants who make

a practice of supplying the enemy with provision. They will moreover, if they do their duty,

prevent you from any danger by surprise. But this I leave to your own Judgment.

You are to pay particular attention to that part of my instructions of the 4th. in which you are

directed not to permit any inhabitant of the States of Jersey or New York to go within the

Enemy's lines without they obtain a licence specified under the hand of their respective

Governors.

The third object, that of supporting the posts in the Highlands is the most material and what

you are, next to your own preservation principally to attend to. Should you receive information

that the Enemy are moving up the North River in force, you are instantly to send advice to

General McDougal, and fall back with the Troops to Sufferans at the entrance of the Clove,

giving him information of your removal and acting afterwards agreeable to his directions. You

will in such case send your Baggage to Pompton for its security.... And you are above all things to

attend to the Behaviour of the Troops and punish severely marauding or any kind of insult or

damage to the persons or properties of the Inhabitants.”

See also Thomas Clarke to GW, headed “Paramus May 31st 1779 7 oClock P.M.,”

George Washington Papers at the Library of Congress, 1741-1799, Presidential Papers

Microfilm (Washington: Library of Congress, 1961), series 4, General Correspondence;

This letter is quoted in GW to Timothy Matlack, 2 June 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings

of George Washington, vol. 15 (1936), 94, 208-209): "His Excellency the Commander in Chief having received intelligence, that the Enemy had

moved out in full force from New York to Kings bridge and towards the White plains, and,

during our deliberations on the points submitted by the foregoing state, a Letter from Colo.

Thomas Clark dated at Paramus the 31st Ulto at 7 OClock P M, advising that the Enemy were at

Tallars point with Forty two sail, Six of which were very large, and a number of flat bottomed

Boats, and that they had landed a party of men on the other side of the North River and a party on

this at the Slote.”

Miscellaneous Continental Army Units at Paramus, September 1778 to January 1779

GW to Henry Lee, 2 August 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, vol.

16 (1937), 40): “Head Quarters, West Point, August 2, 1779. Dear Sir: This morning your letter dated at

Paramus, came to hand. I thank you for the intelligence it contained. I have received similar

accounts from the other side of the river transmitted by different persons.

In the present situation of affairs it is important to discover if possible the views as well as

movements of the enemy; for this purpose I should think you might fix on some inhabitant of

15

Hackensack or Bergen whose duplicity of conduct would with proper instructions from you

enable him to obtain very satisfactory information by getting into the enemys Camp or perhaps

New York. If such an one is to be met with the sooner he is sent on the business the better. Yours,

&c.

P.S. It is reported that a number of transports are getting in readiness and some Regiments

ordered for embarkation. This should be particularly inquired into, and their probable

destination.” (The letter from Lee “dated at Paramus” has not been found in the George

Washington Papers or Fitzpatrick’s Writings of George Washington.)

GW to Henry Lee, Jr., 13 September 1779 (at this time Lee’s Legion was still stationed at

Paramus) (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington, vol. 16 (1937), 278-279): “Head Quarters, West Point, September 13, 1779. Dear Sir: From several circumstances there is

reason to believe that a French Squadron may be expected upon this coast. As it is of the utmost

consequence that Count D'Estaing or the Officer commanding this Squadron (should such an one

arrive) should as soon as possible receive some necessary information from me, I desire that you

will immediately move with the remainder of your Corps to the County of Monmouth and take a

position as near the coast as you can, without making yourself liable to a surprise. You are to

keep up a constant communication with the shore, and should the squadron have arrived, or

should it hereafter arrive, you are immediately, after being assured that it is a french fleet, to

proceed yourself with the inclosed letter and deliver it to the Admiral Count D'Estaing or the

commanding Officer. You will endeavour to inform yourself as well as possible of the Enemy's

naval strength in the Harbour of New York and what defences they have made at the entrance of

it; whether any ships arrive, and what number and of what force go out. These particulars you

will communicate verbally to the Admiral or commanding Officer, with any others that may

come under your observation. You are to keep this a profound secret even from your own

Officers, making your move under the colour of going to a better forage Country, and your look

Outs upon the Coast may be said to be for your security from a surprise. I would advise you to

keep up a communication, across south River, with Lt. Colo. Taylor at Elizabeth town,

forwarding your dispatches to him and desiring him to send them by Express to me. Desire him

also to give you any information which he may obtain from Staten Island. The detachment from

your Corps under Capt. Eggleston will have orders to join you when they have performed the

duty upon which they at present are.”

GW to William Alexander, Lord Stirling, 13 September 1779 (George Washington

Papers, Presidential Papers Microfilm, series 4, General Correspondence): "Some circumstances having made it necessary to station Major Lee's corps at Monmouth, your

Lordship will have his post at Paramus occupied by Lieut. Colo. Washington; inclosed is a letter

directing him to take your orders on this occasion." GW to Anthony Wayne, 29 September 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 16 (1937), 359): “Head Quarters, West-point, September 29, 1779. Dr. Sir: It is agreeable to me that you should

move with the light corps to the vicinity of Stoney-point on the principles proposed in your letter

of yesterday. But as I should not be entirely without apprehensions for your security, the enemy

having it in their power secretly to reinforce their garrison, and make an attempt upon you, I shall

write to Lord Stirling, directing him in some measure to co-operate with you, by advancing some

troops towards your right flank; and as there is a regiment of cavalry about Paramus, it may be

employed wholly, or in part, with you (if forage can be procured) as may be agreed between his

Lordship and yourself.”

16

GW to Anthony Wayne, 29 October 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 40): “Head Quarters, West point, October 29, 1779. Dear Sir: I recd. your favr. of the 27th. in due

time. Before this reaches you, you will undoubtedly have heard that the enemy have returned to

Staten Island. I think you may as well take post with the Infantry, for the present, in the

neighbourhood of Paramus [incling towds. Kakeat], and draw your forage age as much as

possible from the lower part of Bergen. You will be in a good situation to gain intelligence from

New York. Should any thing of consequence come to your knowledge, I shall be obliged to you

for communicating it.”

Gens. Anthony Wayne and John Sullivan at Paramus, November 1779, Leiby, The

Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground,

223-224 (see also page 224, footnote 14).

GW to William de Hart, 22 December 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 301): “Head Quarters, December 22, 1779. Sir: You will proceed with the detachment under your

command to Paramus. The objects of it are to cover the communication between this and Kings

Ferry; to give protection to the well affected Inhabitants and restrain the others by preventing all

kind of intercourse with the Enemy and to obtain the best intelligence of their movements and

designs. The many disaffected people in that neighbourhood renders your caution against

surprises peculiarly necessary, to prevent which you will constantly advance proper Guards and

Patroles. You are not to permit the passing of Flags or private persons on their own business on

any pretence whatever.

The detestable and pernicious traffic carried on with the Enemy will demand your greatest

vigilance and attention. I intreat you to pursue the most decisive measures to put a stop to it.”

William de Hart to GW, 13 January 1780 (George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers

Microfilm, series 4, reel 63, General Correspondence): “Paramus Jany. 13. 1780 Sir Upon the Rect. of your Excellys. Instructions Respecting

Provisions I Immediately Called in the Justices of the County Who Met this Afternoon Who I

find Heartily Dispos,d to Comply with your Requisitions Very fortunately I find A late Law that

Will Answer Our Purposes – And I flatter I shall Collect the Supplys in A few Days Under the

Authority of it. I shall have the Most Difficulty in Collecting the Cattle / As fast As the Supplys

Come in I shall send them forward. the Justices have Requested Partys With [?] to go to several

Disaffected Neiborhoods Which I shall Grant them from a Misapprehension in My Detachment.

Many Almost Naked Men & some Whose times Are Expir,d were sent With Me.”

GW to William de Hart, 22 December 1779 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 393): “Head Quarters, Morristown, January 14, 1780. Sir: I desire that you will immediately on the

receipt of this, collect your detachment and march to New-Ark. If you can move your men in

sleds, it will be much more expeditious, and I would wish you, if possible, to be there early to-

morrow morning. An attempt is to be made by a detachment of the army under the command of

Lord Stirling against the enemy upon Staten Island. The object of your taking post at NewArk is

to observe the motions of the enemy upon the North-River and at Powles Hook. If the river

should be, by any means passable, they will certainly endeavour to send a relief that way, as I

believe the navigation between New-York and Staten Island is totally interrupted by the ice. You

will keep parties of observation over towards Bergen, and should they discover any motion in that

quarter, you will instantly communicate it by way of Elizabeth Town to Lord Stirling. You will

obey any commands which you may receive from his Lordship.“

17

GW to William Alexander, Lord Stirling, 14 January 1780 (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of

George Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 389-390): “Head Quarters, Morris Town, January 14, 1780. My Lord: I have directed Lt. Colo. [William]

De Haart [2nd New Jersey Regiment] with a detachment of 250 Men to move from paramus to

Newark and send parties of observation from thence to Bergen to watch the motions of the enemy

upon the North River to Paulus Hook. He will communicate with your Lordship by way of

Elizabeth town and is directed to receive any commands from you. The detachment will move

from hence as soon as the sleds, which are coming in, are collected.

I have reason to believe that many of the inhabitants, suspecting that something is in agitation,

are preparing to go upon the Island with intent to plunder. Every thing of this kind should be

prohibited as far as possible. If any of the Militia will embody themselves regularly and put

themselves under your Lordships command, [and share the fatiegues of the Soldrs] I think they

should be encouraged in such Case and admitted to an equal share with the Continental Troops of

whatever shall be brought off by authority. I have furnished the party that marches this morning

with woolen Caps and Mitts and shall send down a parcel for those below.

I think it will be advisable when you get upon the Island to let the Inhabitants know that such

as are found in Arms must expect to be treated as Enemies, and their Effects given up as plunder.

I would be understood to hold out this by way of Threat, rather than put it in execution, as to

taking their Effects, such as are found in Arms they must be brought off as prisoners of War.

A Central position to the three posts on the Island will no doubt be thought most eligible. That

the Garrisons may afford no relief to each other, or have any communication.”

William de Hart to GW, 17 January 1780 (George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers

Microfilm, series 4, reel 63, General Correspondence): “Newark Jany. 17 1780 Sir Agreeable to your Excellency’s Orders I Brought the Detachment

to this place Which I Perform,d in Nine Hours from the Receiving My Ordder / I Requested Col.

Hamilton last Evening to Mention to your Excellency the Reasons of my not Returning to

Paramus Untill I Heard further from your Excellency.

the Naked situation of One half of My Men the Uncertainty I was in with Respect to My being

Relief,d & the Distance I should be glad to Have from Your Excellency As soon ‘as] Possible

my Orders. … P:S: the Provision in Bergen County is Collecting fast … W DHart”

GW to William de Hart, 18 January 1780, (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George

Washington, vol. 17 (1937), 405-406): “Head Quarters, Morris Town, January 18, 1780. Sir: I was last evening favd. with yours of

yesterday. A party will be immediately sent to Paramus to occupy your former Ground, but you

need not march your detachment back to that place. All that want Cloathing, or that are otherwise

out of order, may be sent to Camp upon Sleds under a proper number of Officers. The remainder

may stay at Newark until Thursday Evening. The Officer commanding should have directions to

keep a good look out on that quarter and to communicate any intelligence to Colo. Hazen, who

has relieved Genl. Irvine. I do not think it improbable that the enemy may return our Visit if the

Frost continues. It will I suppose be necessary for you to return to Bergen County to finish the

business of collecting provision. Should you have occasion for a party, you may either retain one

from your own detachment, or call upon the Officer who relieves you, for what Men are

requisite.”

William DeHart to GW, 24 January 1780, (George Washington Papers, Presidential Papers

Microfilm, series 4, reel 63, General Correspondence): “Paramus Jany: 24 1780 Sir Mr. Herring … Purchaser of Provisions for this County …

Informs Me he has Deliver,d A sufficient Quantity of flour for the Present to the Issuing

Commissary at this Post for the Detachment, & will Continue to do so. he likewise Informs Me

that it Will be Impossible to Collect the Number of Cattle Wanted from here Which is 200, but

thinks he Can supply this Post with Meat. this I believe is True for the Difficulty I have had in

18

Collecting Salt for this Detachment Convinces Me of it. A Very Considerable Number of Cattle

Already has been Taken from this County & few left.”

GW to Moses Hazen, 25 January 1780, (Fitzpatrick, The Writings of George Washington,

vol. 17 (1937), 440-441): “Head Quarters, Morristown, January 25, 1780. Dr Sir: … The doubling of the garrison on

Staten-Island, besides the giving a greater security to the place may have something further in

view. I am informed by Major [Simeon] Thayer [2nd Rhode Island Regiment] (who commands a

detachment at Paramus) that the enemy have also doubled their number at Pawlus Hook. These

circumstances would point to some offensive operation on their part; and I would imagine the

forage in the neighbourhood of the Scotch plains to be a principal object. You will necessarily

turn your attention not only to Staten Island but to Powles Hook, and obtain certain intelligence

of the situation of things in this quarter. Should the enemy make any attempt they may operate

from both places. And should the ice be strong enough to cross troops from N. York to Paulus

Hook (and it is said to be in this condition) they will be able to augment their force at pleasure

and with the greatest facility. This circumstance is well worth attending to, and will no doubt

claim your enquiry and precautions.

The relief marches to day yet will however remain with yours for some days after it joins you,

or 'till my further orders on the subject.

I find by Major Thayer's report that a communication between New York and Hoebuck has

been opened by the enemy and that many sleds are daily employed in the transporting of wood.

Perhaps this may afford an opportunity to strike some of their covering parties.”

Spy reports of American troops at Paramus, February 1780, Leiby, The Revolutionary

War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey Dutch and the Neutral Ground, 237.

18. “The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher …,” N-YHS, 27-28.

19. Ibid., 37.

20. Ibid., 37-38.

21. Ibid., 38-42.

22. Ibid., 42-43.

23. Ebenezer Elmer to Israel Shreve, 20 April 1780, Israel Shreve Papers, New Jersey

Room Special Collections, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N.J. The New Jersey

Journal, vol. II, no. LXVI, 17 May 1780, William Nelson, ed., "Extracts from American

Newspapers Relating to New Jersey," vol. IV, 1 November 1779–30 September 1780,

Documents Relating to the Revolutionary History of the State of New Jersey, Second Series,

(Trenton, N.J., 1914), 378–380.

24. Mary Hopper deposition, 15 January 1838, John A. Hopper pension file (W5220)

(National Archives Microfilm Publication M804, 2,670 rolls, roll 1326) Revolutionary

War Pension and Bounty Land Warrant Application Files, 1800–1900, Record Group 15;

National Archives Building, Washington, DC.

24. John C. Becica, “The Hoppers of Hoppertown: The `First Family’ of Ho-Ho-Kus,

New Jersey and their role in the American Revolution” (unpublished monograph), based

on information in Maria Jean Pratt Hopper, “The Hopper Family Genealogy: The First

Six Generations of Descendants of Andries Willemszen Hoppe (Hoppen) of New

Amsterdam, 1651” (World Wide Web)

http://homepages.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~reetrees/hop.htm

19

“Hoppers Most Likely Present at the Siege of Hoppertown, April 16, 1780

(By Family)” Son #2

ALBERT’S FAMILY

Albert J. Hopper (66)

Age 62

Rachel Vreelant

(2nd

wife)

Aided Patriots

House burned

Capt. John A. Hopper

(259) Age 35

Maryte Cooper

Age 19, Pregnant

Led Militia at the Siege

House & storehouse burned

Peter A. Hopper (261)

Age 32 Away at war

Henry Hopper (261a)

About age 30

On Furlough from Army

Killed at Siege

Gerrit A. Hopper (264)

Age 25, Bachelor

Militiaman at Siege

Abraham A. Hopper

(265) Age 21 Bachelor

Militiaman at Siege

Rachel (266) Age 19,

Single

Isaac (267) Age 14

Andrew (268) Age 13

MaryPolly (269) Age11

Elisabeth (270) Age 9

Tryntje Vreelant

Age 18 (stepdaughter)

Son #3

GERRIT’S FAMILY

Gerrit J. Hopper (69)

Age 57

Elsie Earl Age 51

Mary Hopper (276)

Age 28 widow of

Joost Zabriskie

Casparus Z. Age 8

Antje Z. Age 5

Rachel Hopper (277)

Saved their home from

burning by the British

Age 27 widow of

William Swan

Francis S. Age 6

Ann Hopper (278)

Age 23 wife of Jacob

Bamper Away in Navy

Margrieta B. Age 1

John G. Hopper (279)

Age 18, Bachelor

Later entered Service July,

1781. Served at

Yorktown.

Became a member of the

Society of the

Cincinnati

____________________

Note: Captain Jonathan

Hopper (262) son of Albert

J. (66) had been killed by

Tories at Wagaraw, almost

exactly a year earlier.

Son #5

JOHN’S FAMILY

John J. Hopper (72)

Age-early 40’s

Lena Van Voorhees

(3rd

wife) Age 44

Headquarters House

burned, Mill burned.

Wounded multiple times.

Received a “desperate” cut

on the head

John J. Hopper (284)

Age 18, Bachelor

Militiaman at Siege

Lived entire life in

Hoppertown.

Gerrit J. (285)

Age 12

Andrew J. (286)

Age 10

Charity (287)

Age 5

Mr & Mrs Abraham

Brasher & family, guests of

the John J. Hoppers

25. “The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher …,” N-YHS, 43-46. For identification of

“Mr. Fell” see, Leiby, The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley: The Jersey

Dutch and the Neutral Ground, 29, 243 (Peter Fell), 251 (pagenote 60) (John Fell). Henry

Whittemore, The Abeel and Allied Families (18 Rose St., New York, N.Y., 1899), 15-19;

excerpt, “He [Evert Byvanck]arrived at the house of his son-in-law, Garret Abeel, at

Little Falls, N. J. … ”

26. “The Narrative of Mrs. Abraham Brasher …,” N-YHS, 47.

27. Walter Barrett, The Old Merchants of New York City, vol. 3, 31 (death of Colonel

Brasher; aftermath of his death and Helen Brasher’s dry goods store), Google Books

(World Wide Web), http://tinyurl.com/7hzxwhl .

Note: A portrait by José Francisco Xavier de Salazar y Mendoza of Abraham Kortright

Brasher, one of the twins, two years and four months at the time of the April 1780, was

sold by Bonhams in June 2007. The image, “Portrait of Abraham Kortright Brasher,”

New Orleans, circa 1800, may be viewed at http://tinyurl.com/73d3orr

Miscellaneous works quoting Helen Brasher’s memoir:

Louise Pearsons Dolliver, Lineage Book National Society of the Daughters of the

American Revolution, vol. XX, 19001-20000, 1897 (Harrisburg, Pa.: Harrisburg

Publishing Co.,1905), 53.

Jean Bethke Elshtain and Sheila Tobias, eds., Women, Militarism, and War: Essays in

History, Politics, and Social Theory (Rowman and Littlefield, 1990), 94, 102 (endnote

no. 12).

Rosemarie Zagarri, Revolutionary Backlash: Women and Politics in the Early American

Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 23.

_________________________________

John Rees’s work, focusing primarily on the common soldiers' experience during the War for

Independence, and North American soldiers’ food, 1755 to the present, has appeared in the

ALHFAM Bulletin (Association of Living History, Farm, and Agricultural Museums), The

Brigade Dispatch (Journal of the Brigade of the American Revolution), The Continental Soldier

(Journal of the Continental Line), Gastronomica: The Journal of Food and Culture, Journal of

the Johannes Schwalm Historical Association, Military Collector & Historian, Minerva:

Quarterly Report on Women and the Military, Muzzleloader Magazine, On Point: The Newsletter

of the Army Historical Foundation, and Percussive Notes (Journal of the Percussive Arts

Society). He is a regular columnist for the quarterly newsletter Food History News, wrote four

entries for the Oxford Encyclopedia of American Food and Drink, thirteen entries for the revised

Thomson Gale edition of Boatner’s Encyclopedia of the American Revolution, and contributed a

chapter to Carol Karels’ The Revolutionary War in Bergen County (2007). A partial article list

plus many complete works are available online at www.revwar75.com/library/rees .

Mr. Rees was elected Fellow in the Company of Military Historians in April 2009.