itineraries of sultan oljeituf

7/29/2019 Itineraries of Sultan Oljeituf

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British Institute of Persian Studies

The Itineraries of Sultan ljeit, 1304-16Author(s): Charles MelvilleSource: Iran, Vol. 28 (1990), pp. 55-70Published by: British Institute of Persian StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4299835 .

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THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN OLJEITU, 1304-16By Charles Melville*Universityf Cambridge

In common with many of his royal contemporariesin East and West, the Mongol ruler Oljeitii was anitinerant monarch. Although he built a capital, atSultSniyya, he was, as we shall see, absent for longperiods; and when he moved, members of the govern-ment departments moved with him. His journeys were,essentially, made between winter quarters (qishldq)andsummer quarters (yaildq). In the context of Persianhistory, there seems nothing very remarkable in this.Xenophon is among the earliest writers to describe theseasonal movements of the rulers of Iran, noting thatCyrus the Great spent seven winter months in Babylon(on the Euphrates), three months in spring in Susa(Shfish) and, in the height of summer, two months inEcbatana (Hamadan).' The Parthian kings too spenttheir summers in Ecbatana "for Media is a coldcountry", but their winter residence was at Seleucia onthe Tigris:2 an alternation that is followed closely byOljeitii in the middle period of his reign.This resemblance between Oljeitui and the ancientrulers of Iran is superficial, but it prompts comparisonsbetween them, on the one hand, and between hismovements and those of his counterparts in mediaevalEurope, on the other. As for the Achaemenians, J. M.Cook writes that, if the rulers moved seasonallybetween three or four capitals, the court would havespent a quarter of the year on the road; "and it isdifficult to see how chancery business could have beenconducted in so bureaucratic a state without anypermanent base, for we are not here dealing with asimple feudal monarchy like Plantagenet England.3 Hetherefore plays down the extent of the kings' itinerancyand argues that Susa ultimately became the recognizedcentre of Achaemenian government.4 Does this contrastwith the Plantagenets (or Angevins) apply also toOljeitii, who inherited the services of a bureaucracywith traditions reaching back to the Sasanians andbeyond?-or is the Mongol state in Iran closer in thisrespect to the thirteenth- and fourteenth-century statesin Europe? In either case, how was the business ofgovernment affected by the regular and wholesalemovement of Oljeitui's court?A more fundamental contrast than in degrees ofadministrative sophistication is hinted at, but dis-carded by David Morgan, writing of the Saljuq period

in Iran around the turn of the eleventh century. Henotes that the court "was essentially itinerant, and itmight be possible to argue that the old nomadic way oflife still had its appeal". He goes on to point out,however, that Henry II of England (1154-89) lived noless itinerant a life, and "no one has yet accused theAngevins of harking back to nomadic origins".Morgan suggests rather that the main reason for theitinerancy of the Saljuq court was to put an effectivecheck on the power of local potentates.5 This may beso, but at the same time any comparison betweenHenry II and the Saljuq sultans is highly flattering tothe latter, and does not entirely dispose of the suspicionabout the Saljuqs' attitude to their nomadic heritage.6Nomadism, then, is the central interest here, and inthe case of the Mongols, at least, the question is not indoubt-the I1-Khans throughout their rule retainedtheir nomadic habits.' This is seen largely in terms ofthe seasonal migration, but it is important to stress thatthis is essentially an economic activity within the sphereof transhumant pastoralism. Hence Oljeitii's merelysuperficial resemblance to the Achaemenians, whowere palace-centred, urbanized monarchs and whoseseasonal movements, notwithstanding the incidentalpolitical advantages doubtless involved, were madechiefly to avoid extremes of heat or cold. Hence also adistinction between the Mongols and the rulers ofmediaeval Europe, whose motives for travel, if alsopartly economic, were certainly not linked to therhythms of pastoral existence.The present paper seeks to explore the nature ofOljeitii's itinerant rule, with reference to otherexamples of peripatetic monarchy. The emphasisremains on the "geochronology" of Oljeitii's journeys,8though a focus on the movements of the king raisesquestions such as, why was he travelling; what did hedo en routeand, more particularly, were his perambula-tions a distinctive and necessary element in the projec-tion and maintenance of his rule? It is easier to posethese questions than to provide answers, but ourinvestigations may throw some light on Oljeitii's reignand, more generally, on Mongol rule in Iran. Theymay also suggest comparisons with later dynasties ofnomadic or tribal origin, which were a feature ofIranian history until the end of the nineteenth century.

*Earlier versionsof this paperhave been tried out on two unsuspect-ing audiences and several "Wedding-Guests";I am particularlygrateful for the helpful suggestions and encouragement of PeterBurke andJonathan Shepard,without whose intervention thiswouldhave been considerably feebler than it is. I also thank PeterJacksonfor his comments and for condoning my intrusion onto the patch ofwhich he is head gardener.55

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56 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

ISultan Oljeitii's reign (1304-16) lends itself to suchan investigation for a number of reasons.First, his reign is often overlooked.' He is over-

shadowed by the character and achievements of hisbrother GhiazSn (1294-1304), whose immortalizationwas carried out by the vazfr Rashid al-Din. Oljeitii'sson and successor Abui Sacid (1316-35) was the last ofthe effective I1-Khans, and his reign attracts attentionbecause of the clues it should contain to the comingcollapse of the dynasty, and perhaps also for thecolourful romantic events that occurred. Yet Oljeitii'sreign should have been the high point of Mongol rulein Iran. He carried on in the manner of his reformingbrother GhazSn, though perhaps in a less committedway, and he was served throughout by Rashid al-Din,whose inspiration lay behind Ghazan's reforms.'0 ThevazFr'slong spell in office should have provided theopportunity for the enforcement of the measures thathad still failed to take hold under Ghazan, particularlysince (if the evidence of his Correspondence is genuine),the provincial governorships were packed with mem-bers of his own family. Oljeitii's reign is, indeed,mentioned by Mustaufi as the high point of I1-Khanidrule, an accolade that is admittedly not uniquelyaccorded to Oljeitii." Nevertheless, all contemporaryauthors refer to his clemency and justice and to thegood order of the kingdom, which were the maincriteria for judging such things. 12Secondly, and more specifically, Oljeitii's reign wasby and large a period of peace. The first unruly phaseof Mongol rule was over-symbolized by Ghazmn'sconversion to Islam-and whereas his predecessors'movements were determined mainly by their need tomeet and defeat their enemies, Oljeitii was able tomove around without such compulsion. The underly-ing nomadic patterns of his movements are not there-fore masked by military operations; to what extentwere they influenced by other considerations? Oljeitii'sitineraries can be assessed in terms of the sultan's owninclinations, and as an aspect of his exploitation of thestate's resources, as well as for their place in theconduct of domestic politics. In consequence, theeffects of migration on the practice of government inMongol Iran can best be looked for during this period.

The third and most immediate reason for con-centrating on Oljeitii's itineraries is that the means exist(in some measure) to do so. Our main source ofinformation for the reign of Oljeitii is Abu 'l-QSsimKSshmni's chronicle, Tdrfkh-i Uljdytu, which was com-pleted early in the reign of Oljeitui's son and successorAbui Sacid. The author seems to have been close to thecourt and was certainly well-placed to obtain informa-tion about the deeds of the ruler and the governingclass. The chronicle is arranged in annals and theorganization of material within each annal is also

predominantly chronological. The editor of the worksays that its rough-and-ready manner raises the possi-bility that it had its origin in some sort of court-calendar or diary. Certainly there is sometimes analmost daily coverage of events. This feature is particu-larly useful-indeed essential-for the reconstructionof the movements of the sultan and the court. Regret-tably, Kashani suffers periodic lapses over dating, andseems not to have revised the work. There are frequentinternal inconsistencies, as when the sequence of days ofthe week does not correspond with the sequence ofdays of the month; some months appear to be out oforder, and in one annal the dating of events seems torun on into the following year. On the other hand,accurate use is occasionally made of the luni-solarTurkish animal calendar, although the years in thecycle tend to be one year in advance.'" These defectsare not, on the whole, of great significance, but it isunfortunate that there are so few independent sourcesof factual data against which Kashani's most detailedchronology can be checked.The most useful of these are the chronicles of Vassaf(to 1319), Banakati (to ca. 1320) and Mustaufi (to ca.1330)."4 Of these, Vassafs is the most valuable. Hisdating of certain episodes, such as Oljeitii's expeditionagainst Rahba on the Euphrates, is clearly preferableto KashSni's and is corroborated by contemporaryArabic chronicles from the other side. Mustaufi,Banakati and, later, Timurid historians contain itemsof information not found in Kashani, but they also failto confirm most of the details he does provide.Reconstructions of the itineraries of the Angevinmonarchs in England rely only as a last resort onchronicles of the reign-indeed, one of the statedpurposes of Eyton's itinerary of Henry II is to verifyand correct the facts alleged in the chronicles.'" Thestandard sources used are the Chancery rolls, royalcharters (from Richard I onwards) and, by the time ofOljeitii's contemporary, Edward II (1302-27), therecords of the Wardrobe, the Privy Seal, the SecretSeal and the Chamber-all of which, in the last days ofEdward's reign, can be seen to go off in differentdirections as his support disintegrated.'6 It is regret-table, but will not surprise historians of the MiddleEast, that archival material of this sort is totallylacking for Oljeitii. At best, a few dated documentshave survived, such as the sultan's letter to Philip theFair of France (1285-1314), hinting at an allianceagainst the Mamluks, which he wrote at Barzand(AlivSn) in MfighSn in 704/1305; an item, incidentally,which Kashani's record of Oljeitui's movements thatyear helps to date.'7

IIReflecting the relative dearth of sources, theitineraries reconstructed for Oljeitui are for the most



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THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN 6LJEITiU, 1304-16 57

part sketchy and incomplete, and many ambiguouspoints of detail cannot be resolved. Even when specificplaces are mentioned, these have not all been identi-fied.'" The most valuable contemporary geographicalinformation is provided by Mustaufi's Nuzhat al-qulab(written ca. 1340), which apart from enumerating anddescribing individual towns, traces the main routesleading from Sultaniyya to all parts of the Empire. '9Mustaufi reports that Oljeitii was responsible formeasuring various roads and setting up milestones, soit may be supposed that the routes he mentions and thedistances along them are applicable to Oljeitui's time.When Kaishani uses some phrase such as "he proceededstage by stage until arriving at so and so",20it has beenconvenient to assume that the route taken is the oneoutlined by Mustaufi; and this may be particularlyappropriate to the route between Sultaniyya andBaghdad. But Mustaufi only provides details of themain highways and the details of other routes are notcertain. There may in practice have been many devi-ations. Indeed, Jean Aubin has already drawn atten-tion to the "double circulation" of movement-thecaravan routes linking the main urban centres, and thenomad routes following pasturage-which becameincreasingly prominent with the great influx of pastoralpeoples after the eleventh century.21 Oljeitii'sitineraries alone are inadequate to reveal this distinc-tion; but on the other hand, the problem mainlyapplies to northwest Iran, an area relatively sketchilycovered by the classical Arabic geographers. Theinformation provided by Mustaufi, and embodied bythe movements of Oljeitii, itself points to the greaterfrequency of "pastoralist" movement in this area, andthe likely directions this took.

Oljeitui's itineraries, so far as they are recoverable,are tabulated in Appendix 1. Various geographicaland statistical aspects of these journeys are discussedbelow, such as the patterns of Oljeitii's movements andthe routes he followed; the timing of his journeys; thedistances and rates of travel involved; and the propor-tion of time he spent travelling and stationary.The main patterns of Oljeitii's movements are con-veniently summarized by Kashani at the outset of eachannal, in terms of where the sultan had his summer andwinter quarters.22 To start with, the summer quarterswere in fjjan, which was also used as a capital byOljeitii's brother and predecessor Ghazan Khan.Later, the summer was spent in Sul~tniyya, which wasdeveloped as the new capital by Oljeitii from the outsetof his reign. The winters were spent either in Arran andthe MiighSn steppes, south of the Kur and the Arasrivers, or in the neighbourhood of Baghdad. The onlydepartures from these basic patterns are when thesultan was on campaign, namely (a) in the summer of706/May-June 1307, when Oljeitui led an army intoGilain; (b) in the winter of 712/December 1312-January 1313, when he led an expedition against

Rahba on the Euphrates; and (c) when he spent muchof the winter of 713/1313-14 in Astarmabd andMazandaran, to be on hand to meet the threat of aninvasion of Khurasan by an alliance of Chaghataiprinces.23

Oljeitii's annual movements between these campsfall into three discrete groups, each characteristic of adifferent period of the reign. In the first period,between 704/1304 and 708/1309, he moved betweenfjan or Sultaniyya and the Mfighan steppes.24 Theroute taken is seldom specified, but generallyencompassed Tabriz, as Oljeitii made a point of visit-ing his brother's tomb in the Sham-i Ghazan, west ofthe city, on his way by. In 705/1305 and 706/1306 hewent north via Nakchivan to Alatagh or direct toArran and Mfighan; in other years, possibly via Ahar,the route described by Mustaufi, which may also havebeen the way he returned to Ujan from Pilasuvar.Lesser trips were made in the area between Ujan,Maragha and Tabriz, usually for hunting.In the second period, starting with the winter of 709/1309-10, Oljeitii shifted his winter quarters to Muhaw-wal, to the west of Baghdad, and returned there eachyear until 713/1313-14, when as we have just seen, hespent the winter in Mazandaran. This change of winterquarters can be connected with his conversion to ShiCiIslam. Coins bearing a Shici legend were issued in709 A.H., following Oljeitii's visits to the ShiCi shrinesaround Najaf that winter, i.e. early in 1310.25 Com-bined with the evidence of the coinage, Kashani'sdating suggests that the visits to these Shici centresfinally resolved Oljeitii's long period of indecision overadopting the new faith.26 Oljeitii's last winter

inBaghdad, in 712/1312-13, followed his expeditionagainst Rahba, a campaign which he might have seenas exhausting his territorial ambitions to the west, andtherefore removing the need for his presence there.27His feelings for Baghdad may be associated with hisinfatuation for a Baghdadi singing girl, on whom he issaid to have lavished incalculable wealth,28 but for anyMuslim ruler, heir to the CAbbasid empire, residence inBaghdad might also have retained some residual politi-cal significance.29The route followed between Baghdad andSultaniyya is likely to have been that described byMustaufi, although only Chamchamal (near Bisitfin)and Hamadan are specifically mentioned.After spending two summers and an interveningwinter in Sultaniyya, Oljeitii spent his last full winter(715/1313-16) back in ArrIn and Mfighan by the Arasriver. Here perhaps, away from the proximity of thecatabadtnd in the more traditional Mongol environ-ment, he might have had second thoughts aboutShicism, if we are to believe Ibn Battfita's story con-cerning Qaidi Majd al-Din Shiraizi's appearance atOljeitii's court in QarSabagh.30In 716 A.H., in Kaishaini'swords, which encapsulate



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40 42 44 48 54 56Maaga 705Bak u

S70670

Mosul g

705

Rahba amakhchiadan anC ANB S E AGanbari

0704, 38

715

SSultanabad-SultanChaghanMaraghanBaghdad

MosulSnatan!yya 36-7120

Kushaf K714

*07Rahba Hamadan

Sultanabad-i Chgha 34709-1 E1 Chamchamal 714,716

Mukarim709 . .Muhawwal 0 Ton

KarbalaHea709, a Hflla710 709Najaf 0 50 miles 200

80 km 320

Fig. 1. A schematicepresentationf the tinerariesf SultanOljeita.No attempts made odepictheact that omeuncertaintyurroundsismovementsoth nArrdn ndMtghdnandonhuntingrips ntheMarigharegion.An arrowmarkshedirectionf travelwhen routewasonlyused n onedirection;thertineraries erefollowedothways,or ndicateoundtrips e.g.hunting xpeditions). atesare hownor mostofthejourneysmarkedforfullerdetails, eeAppendix).Thick inesdepict outesfollowedeveralimes.Theourney etween abrizandGavbdrTviaPflasuver)was made n 704, 707, 708 and 715A.H.; betweenGdvbadrndSultaniyyan 706, 707, 708 and716; between ultaniyaandMardghan 705, 707, 708 and ? 712; betweenMardgha ndTabriz n 704, 705, 707 and 708. ThejourneybetweenUjanand Tabriz(viaSacdatbad)wasmade ix times, n704,706and715A.H. and heroute etweenSul.tdniyyandBaghdadeven imesntheperiodmarked.Onlyplacesmentionedn the tinerariesremarked. = PTlasuvtr; = Barzand;A = Ardabrl;K = Khalkhdl.The nset hows hearea overedbythemap n relationotheapproximatextent fthe l-Khanid mpire, ith he ocationsf Tabriz,SultdniyyandBaghdadmarked ithsoliddots.

the underlying importance of Oljeiti's annual cycle ofmovement, the sultan made his summer quarters inSult~niyya and his winter quarters in the yart of thenext world and the palace of everlasting peace. Oljeitiidied aged 35 (lunar years) at the end of Ramadan/mid-December 1316, shortly after a hunting expeditionaround Chaghan Ni'iir (near Farahan). A most pic-turesque epitaph is given by Mahmiid-i Tabrizi: "If hewas a man, I believe all the rest are merely paintings onthe bath-house door".3,It is clear from a glance at Oljeitii's itineraries (seeFigure 1) that his movements were confined to thenorth and northwest quadrant of Iran-effectivelywithin a triangle with Mdighan, Sultiniyya and

Baghdad as its apexes. This is no great revelation. Ithas long been appreciated that the Mongols gravitatedtowards Azarbaijan and the high pastures of easternAnatolia. These regions were suited to the grazing oftheir extensive flocks. The implications of this for theeffectiveness of Oljeiti's rule will be touched on later;here it is sufficient to note that, if we are to regard thesultan's movements as political actions, they onlyextend over a small proportion of the whole realm. If,on the contrary, his movements were motivatedprimarily not by politics but rather, as we suppose, bypasture, this might be demonstrated by the timing ofhis annual migrations.Studies of the tribes of Iran that still practise trans-



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THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN OLJEITU, 1304-16 59

humance have underlined the importance of the deci-sion to migrate (kach kardan) and the considerationsunderlying the decision: primarily the need for newpasture or to exclude rivals from that pasture.32 Con-trol over the decision to move, and the order ofdeparture, is still notionally made by the Elder orIlkhani, even though the tribes of modern Iran nowhave little scope for large-scale changes from thepattern that has survived through the various restric-tions on their independence. No such restrictions affec-ted the Mongols. As for the authority of the chief, it isrelevant to note the report that GhazSn Khinexercised such dominance over his amirs that theycould not even ask him when they were going to breakcamp, but accepted his decisions on when to move andwhen to halt because they could see that his powers ofdecision making were far superior to their own.33 Theallocation of pasture was the duty of an official called ayartchT,who went on ahead once the decision to movehad been taken.34Tapper notes that the Shahseven now arriveregularly in Mufghan on 5 November, or later in themonth if the rains are late.35 No such obvious patternemerges from the dates given for Oljeitui's seasonalmigrations, either in terms of departure or arrival (seeTable 1).There is too little information available at presentfor any conclusions to be drawn from these data, whichdo not suggest very regular cycles of movement-datesvary by between five and eight weeks, though not forall destinations. There may be some correlation withfluctuations in the weather, about which nothing isknown. The variation may equally well be due tofluctuations in the social calendar, royal or noblemarriages or the presence of foreign embassies, or theunrecorded decisions of the astrologers.36 Thedeparture dates given are those when KashSni says theintended destination was winter or summer quarters; itis usually not clear how much of an interval elapsedbetween the decision to move and the departure date.The first stage was generally a short one, as seen inOljeitii's departure from Muhawwal in 1310 and1312.37For many of Oljeitii's journeys, the date of eitherdeparture or arrival is not given. The exact distances ofmost of the journeys are also unknown, since the routesare not clearly specified. It is practical, therefore, onlyto calculate and compare his rates of travel for a fewjourneys on the main highways, such as the routes toSultaniyya from the Dasht-i Miighan and fromBaghdad, which are described and accuratelymeasured by Mustaufi.From Tabriz to GavbSri, which was ca.60 farsakhs(via Ahar), was covered in 60 days in 1304 (probablyby a very indirect route) and only 20 days in 1308, thelatter indicating an average rate of about 10 miles(16 km) per day. From Pilasuvar to fjSn, a slightly

TABLE 1Dates of Departure and Arrival(a) Winter quarters

Date of departure Date of arrivalfor Arrdn ndMiighdn: at Gdvbdrf:13 October 1304 12 December 1304c.24 September 1305?4 September 1306 28 November 1306c.12 September 1307? 2 November 130710 October 1308 30 October 13081 October 1315for Baghdad: at Baghdad:2 December 1309

14 September 1310 14 December 1310for Nf'zmMurddn:7 September 1313

Spread of: 39 days 45 days(b) Summer quarters

Date of departure Date of arrivalfrom Arrdn/Mfighdn: at Ujdn:4 March 1305 28 May 130510 March 1306 29 June 1306

at Sultdniyya:17 April 1307? 11 May 1307from Baghdad:30 March 1310 20 May 1310

3 April 1312 30 April 131215 April 1313 12June 13137June 1316from Mdzandardn:2 March 1314?

Spread of: 44 days 60 days

shorter distance, took 37 days in 1306, or about 5 miles(8 km) per day. The journey from Gavbari toSultiniyya (via Ardabil and Khalkhal), about 77farsakhs, took 24 days in 1307, when the sultan washurrying back to prepare for the Gillin campaign, at arate of about 12 miles (19 km) per day.Journeys between Baghdad and Sultfniyya (118farsakhs)38apparently took 91 days in 1310 and 27 daysin 1312; the following year the journey was done inonly 21 days travelling, or about 20 miles (32 km) aday. The variations in these overall rates are, of course,due to the length of stops at different places, notnecessarily to variations in the speed of travel itself.The lengths of halt are usually not documented, andmuch time was spent in hunting. Oljeitui's new palaceat Sultdnabad (Chamchamdl) near Bisitfin claimed



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some of his time as he passed through each year. Thefastest journey time recorded, if accurate, is four to fivedays between Hamadan and Sultaniyya in May 1310,an average speed of more than 25 miles (40km) perday.More time needs to be spent compiling these andsimilar journeys by the other I1-Khans, before any realsense of the rate of travel of the sultan's horde can be

gained. Marco Polo mentions that the postal stations(jdm, Pers.ydm) set up under Ogedei were 25-30 milesapart, which was a day's journey; but this was presum-ably for ordinary travellers and messengers, ratherthan the whole paraphernalia of a royal horde. Never-theless, it is interesting to note, purely for comparison,that King John and his court often achieved 35-40miles a day, and sometimes even 50 (55-80 km).Edward I averaged about 20 miles (32 km) a day onhis expeditions; Charles IX about 15 miles (25 km) onhis royal tour. Shah CAbbas'sitineraries suggest that heregularly covered 25 miles (40 km) a day on hisjourneys.39 Oljeitii's horde probably moved every fewdays, as pasture ran out, in the way mentioned byQummi (concerning Shah CAbbas) and as particularlyexemplified by the progress of the khans of the GoldenHorde, up and down the east bank of the Volga.4'As noted above, Oljeitii's rates of travel are dis-guised by the length of time he spent at places along theway, halts that are not dated and which doubtless sawextensive hunting expeditions. It is similarly difficult todetermine how long Oljeitii resided in the main campsat his destination, for the same reasons that vitiateother statistical analyses of his journeys. Appendix I isrelatively full for some years and hopelessly incompletefor others. A very crude calculation suggests thatOljeitii spent about 100 days a year on his migrations.Some very long periods were spent in Mfighan,sometimes four or five months. Similar, thoughgenerally shorter, periods were spent in Sultaniyya: anaverage of about 150 days per year, or approximately40% of his reign, since 707/1307.41

IIIThis discussion puts into perspective the true sense inwhich Sultfniyya was Oljeitii's capital. As in the caseof Maragha, OUjn and Tabriz under earlier I1-Khans,it must rather be considered as his chief seasonalresidence.42 These residences were all in the northwest,not only near the Mongols' main pasturages, but alsoalong the principal commercial routes from CentralAsia to Anatolia, underlining the two main sources ofthe I1-Khans' revenue. The Mongol invasions hadlargely destroyed Iran's agricultural economy andefforts to revive it were short-lived and half-hearted.The evidence seems to suggest that income derivedfrom agriculture remained a small proportion of the

income which the I1-Khans obtained from trade andurban taxes, which were stimulated by the impetus theMongols gave to trans-Asian commerce.43 But while aninterest in such urban activities, together with theevidence of substantial building projects, suggest thatthe court, at least, had lost some of its aversion tosettled life, the Mongols were far from becoming city-dwellers. Professor Lambton notes that the decision tobuild Sultaniyya may represent a realization that thenomadic economy, was, after all, the state's best andlast resort.44 Sultfniyya, which slowly lost its import-ance with the demise of the I1-Khans, is situated in asufficiently large plain to accommodate the encamp-ments of the horde, but was not surrounded by a well-cultivated region. The Mongols lived outside the city,which became a capital by virtue of the presence of theroyal ordu.45 It is possible that the sultan's treasure waspermanently stored there, as well as official govern-ment records, but I am aware of no specific evidence tothis effect.46In fact, the ordu itself was a mobile city. There areno descriptions of Oljeitii's ordu, but it may be sup-posed to have had many points in common with theordus of his son Abfi Sacid and of the rulers of theGolden Horde, of which various accounts exist.47When on the move, the camp set off at dawn andmarched till late morning, preceded by musicians whosang ten numbers, punctuated by passages on pipes anddrums. Strict order of march was maintained, eachunit moving off when the signal was given on greatdrums. When they encamped, the sultan and his house-hold formed one camp, and each of his wives a camp ofher own. Markets and mosques were erected-"so thatthe ordu is like a great city that goes along and setsdown with (the sultan)." Everything that was availablein the largest cities was to be found in the ordu, evendown to a quarter for tailors, but prices were highbecause of difficulties of transport, only meat beingplentiful.48 When the camp broke up on the departurefrom winter or summer quarters, the costly palisadeswere burnt, to destroy snakes and vermin, and anofficial stayed to tidy up and recover animals or slavesthat had been left behind.49This mobile city (unlike that of Batfi Khan) was alsothe administrative centre of the empire. Ibn Battilta,describing Abui Sacid's progress from Baghdad in thespring of 1326, says that each amir camped separately,as did the vazfrs, secretaries and officials of the financedepartment, and they presented themselves for duty inthe late afternoon.50 The duties of the yrtchl (pasture-master) specifically included allocating pasture for thevazfrsand the members of the dv~an ashab-i dv~an),whocamped to the left of the sultan'syurt, in contrast to theamirs who camped on the right.51 Al-cUmari also notesthe presence of the chief store-masters (acydn al-hawasilyya al-ru'asa),52 dzvan officials (.tawdif al-dawdwn), scribes (kuttdb) and members of the culam.



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The vazfr used to go into the sultan's tent everymorning while in camp."53These observations applyparticularly to the reign of Abui Sacid, but Kashani'schronicle confirms that during Oljeitii's reign, thevazfrs did indeed follow the royal ordu. In September1308, for instance, Rashid al-Din is stated to havefollowed on after the sultan when he set off forMaragha; the parallel movements of the two vazTrs realso reported in April 1312, April 1313, and Marchand October 1316.54 There are numerous other indica-tions, beyond these specific references to the travellingarrangements of the vazFrs,of their attendance on thesultan, and Rashid al-Din's prolonged absence fromthe court in late 715/1315, due to gout, causes com-ment.55

Clearly, therefore, the vazTrs nd at least some of thesecretarial departments were invariably in the ruler'sentourage, whether in residence at the .seasonalencampments, or accompanying him on his progressesbetween them. What is harder to determine, because ofthe vagueness of the terminology used, is the extent towhich subordinate officials in the bureaucracy, such asthe chief munshi's, mushrifs and mustaufis, along withtheir departments, were attached to the person of theruler. It seems likely, however, that a large portion ofthem, at least, were present at court, rather than basedat a permanently fixed centre.56 This was the case underthe Great Khan Mongke in China, despite the existenceof a large quarter in Qara Qorum exclusively foradministrative personnel. The bureaucratic classes arenot referred to among those with whom Oljeitii moreor less forcibly populated his new "capital" atSultdniyya.57It is therefore appropriate to speak of Oljeitii'shorde as a "wandering capital", a term that has beenapplied also to the court of the Ethiopian rulers of thesixteenth and seventeenth centuries.58

IVIf it is relatively straightforward to demonstrate thatOljeitii was at the centre of a form of peripateticgovernment, it is less easy to evaluate the significance ofthis in the political and administrative history of lateI1-Khanid Iran. To the extent that the Mongols'preoccupations as rulers cannot have differed greatly,in many respects, from those of their royal counter-parts elsewhere, it may be helpful to look first tomediaeval Europe to illustrate some of the issuesinvolved.

It is a well-known aspect of early mediaeval kingshipin much of Europe that the court and, initially, thegovernment were to a greater or lesser extentperipatetic. Scandinavia furnishes an early example: acertain Onund the Roadmaker "had a house built forhimself in every district of Sweden, and went over the

whole countryin guest-quarters."Indeed, he died in anavalanche one autumn, travelling between hismansions. The kings and court of Norway subsisted inthis manner for many generations, in royal progressesthroughout the districts in turns, without any palace,castle or fixed abode.59Ottonian government in tenth-century Saxony wasall about travel and communications, over which theking had a near-monopoly and in which horses andmessengerswere the leading actors. The royal migra-tion (iter) was the most essential and carefullyadministeredinstitution of Ottonian rule and to someextent a substitute for the absence of a bureaucracy.The kings were effectively crowned migrants, whomoved around the more accessible districts of theirempire to promote its cohesion and emphasise thesacred nature of their rule through a series of churchdedications and religious festivities. "In order to rulethe kings had to appear in person, ... dispense justice,makepeace betweenenemies,rewardand punish",and"those who had business to transact or favours to seekmust first find him and follow his iter."At the sametime, in view of the difficulties of communication fromoutlying provinces, it was essential to have a friend atcourt who had the king'sear, if one's affairs were to bepromoted successfully.60England under the Normans and later the Planta-genets (Angevins) provides the most frequently usedexample of itinerant monarchy. William I was con-stantly moving through the land, mainly to secure theobedience of remoteparts,partly to save the expense ofsending the produce of royal manors about thecountry, and also to enjoyhunting in the royalforests."6Walter Map describeshow arrangementsfor the trans-port of Henry I's household and the places at which itwould stop were made far ahead and known to all.Foreignersas well as English merchantswould come tothe planned stopping-places, so that "plentifulmarkets" were found wherever the king went.6'HenryII, too, travelled in, "unbearably long stages... [andwas] ... mercilessto the household that accompaniedhim"; if the king stayed long in one place, it wasbecause business kept him there, such as settling ofdisputes arisingfrom the anarchy of Stephen's reign.63The itinerary of King John (1199-1216) is the firstto provide day-to-day details of the king'swhereabouts. In every journey the essentialsof govern-ment (the hospitiumegis)followed the court: a train offrom 10 to 20 carts and waggons.64His itinerariesandthose of the first two Edwards (1271-1327) show theextent to which the king himselfwas on the move, andwith him the chief organs of executive rule, such as thePrivy Seal and the Wardrobe.These royal movementswere remarkably numerous-King John made about150 moves a year and Edward I averagednearly 100.65The inconvenience of this wandering court for thosewho wished to see the king was such that John was



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obliged to agree in the Magna Carta that "Commonpleas shall not follow our court, but be held in somefixed place", and during his reign the Court of Com-mon Pleas became established at Westminster. Beforethis time, suitors were compelled to chase round inattendance on the king, in pursuit of justice.66 Never-theless, the King's Bench continued to itinerate untilearly in the reign of Edward III, when the permanentheadquarters of the Chancery were also located inWestminster, although parts of the department stillitinerated with the king.67Professor J. C. Holt has summed up the quality ofAngevin government in the single word "restless".68Their fundamental concerns were war and diplomacy,finance and justice, and their recreation was the chase.Whether by inclination or compulsion, for manymediaeval monarchs a life of perpetual motion was thenorm, if their authority was to be upheld in the distantparts of the realm and they were to gain access to theresources of their kingdoms. In the words of Tout,"economic necessity alone kept [the king] ploddingthrough his continued journeys. So great was thedearth of means of communication, and so difficult wasthe transport of bulky commodities, that it was mucheasier to take men and horses to their food than tobring their food to them."''69n general, their authoritywas not undermined by absence from "the capital",and indeed the notion of a capital was itself slow todevelop. Rather, their power was extended by theirmobility, although, in time, the price was the growingindependence of the bureaucracy. In countries such asFrance and England, the art of government evolvedout of the household administration of an absentee orvagrant monarch.70

Viewing the case of Iran in the light of theseexamples, we can note apparent similarities and con-trasts, but we are enormously hampered from doingmuch more than identifying the issues that are ofinterest. The same dearth of archive sources thatimpoverishes our knowledge of Oljeitii's itinerariesalso restricts our insights into the exact functioning ofhis household as a system of government. The businessof the various departments, and the extent to whichthey acted independently of the ruler (even when hewas present), are barely hinted at in the narrativesources of the time. Similarly, it is not clear to whatdegree Mongol rule, or the tone set by the rulersthemselves, modified or upheld the pre-existingadministrative practices of the traditional Persianbureaucracy. The concluding section that followsoffers some general observations on Oljeitui's itinerancyas an aspect of late I1-Khanid rule in Iran.

VAs emphasised earlier, and also by Kashini,71 Oljeitui'sreign was predominantly peaceful; regular or seasonal

warfare plays little part in determining hiswhereabouts. Many of Ghazan's movements were dic-tated by military or strategic considerations, and itcould be argued that Oljeitii's presence in northwesternIran, too, was a response to the potential (thoughdiminished) threat from the Golden Horde, and inBaghdad likewise as an advance base facing theMamluks.72 But Oljeitii's own campaigns suggest thathe personally had little taste for military adventures.His involvement in the Caspian campaign of 706/1316,in which the Mongols received a bloody nose from theresilient Gilakis, lasted barely a month. He soon tiredof the Syrian campaign of 712/1312-13, returning toBaghdad for no apparent reason, according to oneMamluk source. Ibn al-Dawadari remarks that he wasno warrior.73 The Khurasan campaign of 713/1313-14was precautionary, rather than belligerent, in intentionand most of the winter was spent agreeably in bazmrather than razm. Other military operations wereentrusted to the senior amirs. Campaigning does not initself necessarily imply itinerant rule; but, with thepossible exception of the Gilan expedition, Oljeitiiseems to have been attended throughout these expedi-tions, as at other times, by the core of thegovernment.74Although, as in the case of the Angevins, politicalactivity naturallyfollowed the sultan's whereabouts, it isdifficult to see affairs of state determining is presence atany particular place. The reception of ambassadorsand appointment or punishment of senior officials arereported, but not the settling of disputes and organisingof local affairs, which are invariably mentioned as thegeneral context for travels of a ruler such as ShahcAbbas I. Nevertheless, the fact that Oljeitii itineratedwithin those regions where Turco-Mongol populationswere concentrated, suggests that he was at least movingamong his nomadic Mongol subjects, ensuring theirobedience and projecting his authority, in a way thatmight not have been possible had he become static in apermanent capital city. Kashani regularly notes thearrival at court (the royal ordu) of the amirs ChiipS-n,Trenjin and others from their own seasonal pasturesand posts, bringing presents and maintaining theirposition.75

By contrast, Oljeitii was content to let southern Iranslide out of control. By his reign, the important prov-inces of Fars and Kirman were ruled (at least in theory)directly by the I1-Khan, although in Kirman a heredi-tary governorship remained in place.'76But it is clearthat in this region Mongol administration, or the lackof it, superimposed on the run-down traditional Per-sian system, led to fiscal chaos and widespread expro-priation.77 It may be that the presence of the ruler inthese southern districts would have ensured a strongercommitment to establishing efficient rule there. It isindeed interesting that Oljeitui found it unnecessary toshow his face in other corners of his extensive ter-



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ritories. Towards the end of his reign, he appointed hisson and heir Abui Sacid as governor of Khurasan(under the tutelage of the amir Sevinj), which could beseen as a more direct extension of the royal presence inthe area. Yet at the same time, in 714/1314 the Kartruler of Herat, Malik Ghiyath al-Din, was given aGreat Seal which made him effectively an independentsovereign.78 This suggests that Oljeitii was notprimarily motivated by political or judicial considera-tions any more than military ones.This narrows the field to economic and recreationalmotives, making it hard to see a dilution of theunderlying nomadic nature of Oljeitii's movements--he moved about because he was a nomad chief,whereas the Angevins, for example, were nomadicrulers because they moved about. This is hardly sur-prising in one who was originally named "ass-herd", inhonour of the first object his mother saw after givingbirth to him. Apart from his three campaigns, the onlyreasons specified by Kashani for Oljeitii's movementsare the decision to depart foryaildq or qishldq,or to gohunting. In fact, what evidence there is suggests that,no less than the Angevins, Oljeitui's court and ordusteadily ate its way round the country,"79or at leastaround those parts that were climatically suited tothem. This amounts to an economic motive for travel,but within a pastoral economy, rather than the agri-cultural economies of contemporary western Europe.How effective mediaeval government was dependedlargely on the character of the sovereign. The evidenceof al-cUmarl's oral sources, both of whom had first-hand knowledge of the Il-Khanate under Abui Sacid, isthat the I1-Khans had no interest in governing and leftmost business to the vatzrs. The latter was responsiblefor drawing upyarlfghs and orders, on which the ruler'sname came first, followed by those of the four chiefamirs, even if they were absent; the vazfr's name camelast. The sultans' addiction to drink was among thereasons given for this delegation of affairs of state;hunting was another. Thus preoccupied, the sultan wasnot normally available for audiences and the hearing ofcomplaints. In theory, complaints concerning the armywere heard by the amirs of the 91s (tribal groups), andthose concerning the country, taxation, and the subjectpopulation were heard by the varzr.But since the amirsof the Glis were usually unavailable in the ordu, beingaway in summer or winter quarters, hunting or onexpeditions to the borders, in practice complaintscoming under their jurisdiction were mostly referred tothe vaTr.80 Other Mamluk sources, naturally hostile,specifically note Oljeitui's preoccupation with drinkingand amusing himself with his boon companions.81 Theimplication is that the rulers remained on horsebackwhile the bureaucrats ran the country.That Oljeitui was devoted to hunting cannot bedenied; but the extent to which he was involved in theactual business of government is difficult to gauge.

Ahari notes the paramount influence of his sisterOlejetei, probably because she was the paternal grand-mother of Shaikh Hasan Jalayiri.82 The vazfrs appearfrom our sources to have enjoyed almost unlimitedpowers, but the fact that there were two of them put apractical restraint on this, and necessarily involved thesultan as an arbiter, though at the cost of stimulatingfactionalism at the court.83As we have seen, Oljeitii, though itinerant, was notabsent from the country nor from the centre of govern-ment. The slow rhythm of his migrations imparted asemi-permanent air to the dTvdnsestablished in theordu. This was something of a change from the earlydays of Mongol rule in Iran, when Juvaini, attached tothe drvan of the viceroy Arghfin AqS in Khurasan,complained that his scholarly activities had beencurtailed by the constant travel. He could only "snatchan hour or so when the caravan halts" to work on hishistory. The administration of Arghfin Aqa has indeedbeen called a "mobile secretariat".84 The practicalproblems of running an empire in such a way areobvious, but become less so once the movementsslacken in pace and frequency. The transport of docu-ments and treasure, which can be implied though notillustrated, would not have posed insuperable prob-lems, when one considers the effort of transporting thephysical fabric of the ordu itself. Furthermore,although we lose sight of the sultan during most of1309, when it seems likely that Kdshani was away fromthe court, Oljeitui must have been between GSvbariand Sultiniyya for most of the year, as in previousones, barring hunting excursions. His regular migra-tions and lengthy encampments made it relatively easyfor foreign envoys, plaintiffs and others to find the king,and thus again to give the mobile court a semi-permanent character, quite different from WalterMap's hectic hell of the court of Henry II. In suchcircumstances, it was unnecessary for the bureaucracyto function somewhere apart, in a fixed centre,while proximity to the sultan remained desirable orunavoidable.

Although theoretical distinctions, which now seemsomewhat blurred, existed in the Mongol period, asbefore, between state and crown lands (and thereforerevenues), and between the dargdh (court) and davdn(bureaucracy), it is not clear how or whether inpractice this was translated into a separation betweenservice to the state and service to the person of theruler. The notion of personal rather than public servicehas been stressed, on the one hand, and the absence of atradition of integrity and independence on the part ofthe bureaucracy, on the other-although there existedat least in theory a sense of duty to the subjects (racbyyat,pl. racdya).85Discouraging as circumstances were underthe Mongols, it remained true that the best chance offulfilling this duty lay in identifying the interests of theruler with those of the state. No genuine bureaucratic



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independence could exist while the arbitrary power ofthe ruler remained unchecked by constitutionalrestraints. But the rulers and the bureaucracy weremutually dependent on each other; the process ofabsorption, integration and assimilation held the key.Oljeitii's reign thus illustrates a point along thecontinuum of the interaction between the nomadic and

sedentary ethics of government. If, under the Saljuqs,settled, palace-centred rule in the manner of thecAbbasids, with whom they lived in uneasy co-existence, still lingered on, under the Mongols, asdemonstrated by Oljeitii's itineraries, nomadic rulewas totally predominant. Although the Mongol periodmarks the peak of this influence, subsequent dynasties(generally of tribal origin), tended to becomeurbanized only gradually, while periodic changes ofcapital only delayed the establishment of a fixed andpermanent administrative centre. The Qajar courtregularly migrated to summer quarters outside Tehranuntil well into the nineteenth century and Qajargovernment was still essentially a household and courtinstitution."86The Persian bureaucracy, whose tradi-tions of administrative continuity helped to preserveIran's identity through the trauma of the Mongolinvasions and other lesser vicissitudes, was confrontedfrom the I1-Khanid period onwards by a series of rulerswho were most at home on horseback or in tents.

APPENDIX 1:THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN OLJEITUThe following list provides an outline of where Oljeitiiwas at any given date in his reign. It is not a fullchronology of his actions, and does not contain thedates of events concerning him unless they indicate achange in his location, or help to determine hiswhereabouts when there is no direct evidence for hismovements. This "geo-chronology" is based onKSshani's annals; the notes discuss departures from (orproblems with) Kashani's printed text, and identifyentries due to additional sources. Minor chronologicalproblems, such as the mismatch of dates and weekdays,are generally ignored.

Date A.H. Date A.D. Place/movement704 1304 Summer quarters in

OjdinMuharram 6 August 9 to SacidabadMuharram 7 August 10 to TabrizMuharram 8 August 11 Sham-i Ghazan(Tabriz); then setsoff to Ojdn andYiizaghdch toMarSgha

Muharram 22 August 25 hunting in Namai'uand Badiya CAzi;ordus to Seh Gunb,Safar 8 September 10 sultanto Seh Gunb,Safar 14 September 16 to Pil-i Surkh-iMaragha88Safar 25 September 27 hunting near Mar;Safar 27 September 29 leavesRabic I 10 October 11 arrives in TabrizRabl' I 11 October 12 Sham-i GhSzanRabl' I 12 October 13 to TiginSbad89Rabic II 8 November 8 to Pil1-iChaghin?Jumidd I 13 December 12 arrivesat GSvbari1305Shacban6 March 4 crossesKur, returnsouth90Shacbdn 28? March 26 Dilln N'uir9'Ramaddn 2 March 29 sets off with ordusRamadan 25 April 21 to PilasuvarShawwal 18 May 14 sets off towardsGulistan92

Barzand93Shawwal 24 May 20 Haravan?94Dhu l-Qacda 3 May 28 arrivesat OjanDhu 'I-Qacda20 June 14 to TabrizDhu l-Qacda 25 June 19 Shim-i GhSzanDhu Il-Hijja17 July 11 Rubc al-Rashidi(Tabriz)Dhu '1-Hijja18 July 12 departs for Cjan705Muharram 1 July 24 to Qonqur OlengSafar 26 September 17 hunting near Maravia Nakhchivdn to

MufighSn nd An1306Shacb5n 18 March 5 hunting in land ofGushtaspids96ShaCban22 March 9 returns via the coa,Shacban 23 March 10 from Gavbari to JfiNauShawwdl 19 May 4 in Pilasuvdr97Dhu Il-Qacda May 23 from Pilasuvarvia Gulistin98Dhu '1-Hijja16 June 29 to Ojan706Safar 21 September 1 to TabrizSafar 22 September 2 Sham-i GhizanSafar 24 September 4 departs for Alataghvia Nakhchivan toArranJumidi I 21 November 28 arrivesat GivbirPi

1307Shawwil 13 April 17 departs fromnjukP via Khalkh1i'00Dhu )l-Qacda8 May 11 arrivesat QonqurOlengDhu )l-Qacda 13 May 16 leaves for Gilan'?'Dhu )l-Qacda 18 May 21 from Kfirin DashtDeh Kiishan onShhriud'02Dhu l-Qacda 26 May 29 attacks TalishSnDhu 'l-Qa'da 28 May 31 to borders of DailaDhu Jl-Qacda 30 June 2 camps on river



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Dhu 'l-Hijja 4 June 6 through the GilanpassesDhu 'l-Hijja 5 June 7 in the Lahijan forestsDhu 'Il-Hijja6 June 8 via Rusta? to Lah-ijn' 03Dhu I-Hijja 11 June 13 crossesSafid-rfidandcamps nearKiichasfanDhu l-Hijja 19 June 21 camps above Safid-rfidDhu l-Hijja 21 June 23 starts back viaKuihdum,Safid-rfidand Misa-abaid'04Dhu :l-Hijja 27 June 29 leaves GilSan707A week later ca.July 6 arrivesin SultniyyaRabic I 8 September 7 goes hunting roundHamadan and Khar-raqin?'05

Rabic I 13 September 12 stops huntingvia Marigha andTabrizJumada I 5 November 2 to Gavbaril'61308Ramadan 8 March 2 at Gavbari'07Dhu l-Qacda 20 May 12 in Gulistanin Ojin'107a708 summer quarters inSultaniyyaRabiY 22 September 9 court to YfizaghachRabic I 27 September 14 to Maragha huntinggroundsRabic II 15 October 2 Sham-i GhazanRabic II 16 October 3 TabrizRabic II 21 October 8 Sham-i GhazanRabic II 23 October 10 leaves TabrizJumada I 14 October 30 arrives Gavbari

1309Dhu l-Qacda 8 April 19 at Gavbari'08709 summer quarters inSultfniyyaJumada II 10 November 15 near Bisitfin'?9Jumidf II 27 December 2 arrivesBaghdad, visitsMadd'in

Rajab 8 December 12 to MuhawwalRajab end December end to Hilla, Kifa, Karbala1310Shacban 7 January 19 to Deh Mukarim andthen to Najaf"oRamaddin1 February 2 returns to MuhuiawwalShawwal 20 March 23 visits shrine (of ~Al?)Shawwal 23 March 26 returns to MuhawwalShawwal 27 March 30 leaves BaghdadShawwil 28 March 31 departs towardsHamadanDhu ~1-H.yijja14 May 15 at Kiishk-i SultfinDhu I-H.ijja15 May 16 leaves Hamadan"Dhu 1-Hijja 19 May 20 arrives at Sultaniyya710 summer quarters inSult~aniyya"2Rabic I 7 August 4 ridesoff to huntRabic I 11 August 8 stops huntingRabic II 18 September 14 departs for BaghdadRajab 21 December 14 arrives in Baghdad,

stays in Muhawwal1311 winter quarters inMuhawwalShacban 25 January 13 to Nahr-i Ghazani andKarbala"3711 summer quarters inSultaniyyato Baghdad1312 winter quarters inMuhawwalRamadin January in Baghdad"4Dhu l-Qacda 25 April 3 leaves MuhawwalDhu l-Qacda 26 April 4 departs forChamchamal"IDhu Jl-Hijja16 April 24 leaves HamadanDhu ll-Hijja22 April 30 reaches Sultaniyya712 summer quarters in

SultiniyyaMuharram 24 June 1 at Sultaniyya16Jumada II 1 October 4 leaves Sultfniyya forKushifRajab 9 November 10 arrives Ma'sar?goes hunting"'Rajab 30 December 1 leaves for Sinjar"18Shacban 14 December 15 at Sinjir"lShacbin 27 December 28 along R. KhaibirShac'bn 28 December 29 crosses Khibfir, campsnear QarqislyaShacban 29 December 30 to the Euphrates'20Ramadan 1 December 31 crossesEuphrates1211313Ramadan 5 January 4 arrivesat Rahba'22Ramadan 26 January 25 leaves for Baghdad'23Shawwil 9 February 7 arrivesBaghdad; toMuhawwal'24Shawwil 21 February 19 to BaghdadShawwal 22 February 20 to MuhawwalDhu l-Qacda 29 March 28 to Baghdad'25Dhu 'I-Hijja 17 April 15 leaves for SultaniyyaDhu ~l-Hijja28 April 26 arrives Sultfnfbdd(Chamchamal)713Safar 6 June 2 leaves Chamchamail26Safar 16 June 12 to SultfniyyaJumdfi I 15 September 7 leaves for MazandaranNim Murdin1314Ramadian 13 January 1 to Sultfn Duvin'27Dhu l-Qacda 2 February 18 leaves for Khurasan'28

Tfis region?129Dhu l-Qacda 14 March 2 turns back forSult~aniyya'30714

Muharram 25 May 11 in Sultfaniyya'3'Safar 22 June 7 goes huntingSafar 24 June 9 returns to SultfiniyyaJumfidfi I 6 August 18 hunting round AbharJumfidfi II 25 October 6 hunting roundChaghan Nffir'32winter quarters inSult~aniyya715 1315 summer quarters inSult~aniyya



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Rajab 1 October 1 decides to leave for abad (GdvbSri),Arrfn the ArasRajab 5 October 5 departs via Siydh-kfih 716 1316 winter quarters unand the Safid-rfid'33 leaves GivbiriRajab 23 October 23 reaches Ojainl34 to Ardabil

Rajab 24 October 24 at Rubc-i Rashidi Rabic I 15 June 7 reaches SultSniyyaRajab 26 October 26 at Shim-i Ghizan Shacbin 15 November 3 to Chaghan Ni'fir'Rajab 27 October 27 leaves for Mfighin and Ramadin 1 November 17 returns from huntilArrfn, hunting, to feels illDeh-i Mahmfid- Ramadin 30 December 16 dies in Sultdniyya"

'Xenophon, Cyropaedia, III.6.22, tr. W. Miller, Loeb ClassicalLibrary [LCL] (London, 1979), II, 421; cf. the Anabasis, 11.5.15.2 Strabo, Geography, I.13.1, tr. H. L.Jones, LCL (London, 1969),V, 303; Seleucia was on the opposite side of the Tigris fromCtesiphon, and in the vicinity of Babylon.3J. M. Cook, "The Rise of the Achaemenids and the Establishment

of Their Empire", CHIr, II (Cambridge, 1985), p. 238.4Ibid., pp. 236-8. There must also have been considerable comingand going between Susa and Persepolis.5D. Morgan, MedievalPersia1040-1797(London, 1988), p. 35.6 See also M. F. Sanaullah, The Declineof the SaljaqidEmpire(Calcutta, 1938), esp. pp. 7-8. The impossibilityof reconstructingthe movements of the Saljuqsultansin any detail makes it difficultto analyse their motives. Hunting features prominently in storiesabout them, and it could be argued that Nizim al-Mulk need nothave written the Siydsat-ndmaad his masters been genuinelyinterested in governing their empire in person.7A. K. S. Lambton, ContinuityndChangen MedievalPersia,Colum-bia Lectures on Iranian Studies, 2 (Albany, 1988), pp. 26, 254.8The term is usedby Boutier etal., UntourdeFranceroyal.Levoyage eCharles X (1564-1566) (Paris, 1984), p. 17. I am grateful to PeterBurke for drawing my attention to this fascinatingbook.9For standard accounts see H. H. Howorth, Historyof theMongols.III. theMongols fPersia London, 1888), pp. 534-84, andJ. Boyle,"Dynastic and Political Historyof the Il-Khans", CHIr,V (Cam-bridge, 1968), pp. 397-406.'0I. P. Petrushevsky,"Rashid al-Din's Conception of the State",CentralAsiaticJournalXIV (1970), pp. 148-62."Hamd-Alldh Mustaufi, Tdrfkh-iGuzrda, d. 'A. Navi'i (Tehran,1362/1983), p. 606 on Oljeitti;Abil Bakral-Ahari, Tdrrkh-i haikhUvais,ed. and tr.J. B. van Loon (The Hague, 1954), p. 149, tr. p.51, says Abfi Sacid's reign was the best period of the Mongoldomination. It is largely a question of when (and for whom) theauthor was writing.2E.g. Ahari, p. 148, tr. p. 50; Shamsal-Din Amull, Nafacisal-funanft cardyis al-cuyan,I, ed. I. Miydnji (Tehran, 1379/1959), p. 257;H~fiz-i Abrfi, Dhail-i Jami` al-tavdrfkh,d. K. Byamni (Tehran,1350/1971), p. 66, and especially Abu'l-(asim Kishdni, Tdrfkh-iUljdyta, d. M. Hambly (Tehran, 1348/1969), esp. pp. 228-9." For a masterly treatment of the animal calendar,see L. Bazin, LesCalendriersurcs nciens tmedidvaux.hese, Universite de Paris III,1972 (reprod. Lille, 1974), esp. pp. 593 ff. Conversions in thepresentpaper are based on the tables in P. Hoang, Concordanceeschronologiesdomdniqueshinoise teuropdenneChang-Hai, 1910), pp.270-1.'4Vassif Shirizi, Tajziyat al-amsdrva tazjiyatal-a'sdr,ed. M. M.Isfahlni (lith. Bombay, 1269/1852), summarized by cA. Ayati,Tahrrr-iTdrTkh-iVassdf Tehran, 1346/1967); Banikati, Tdrfkh-iBandkatt,d. J. Shi'cr (Tehran, 1348/1969).' R. W. Eyton, Court.Household nd Itineraryof King Henry II(Dorchester, 1878), p. iv.16 E. M. Hallam TheItineraryf EdwardH and His Household. 307-1328. List and Index Soc. 211 (London, 1984), p. 15.

7A. Mostaert and F. W. Cleaves, Les Lettres e 1289et1305des llAryun t OlJeitii Philippee Bel (Harvard, 1962), esp. pp. 84-5.also Appendix 1, n. 93."Despite the detailed work of D. Krawulsky, Trdn--DasReichTlhdne. ine topographisch-historischetudie.TAVO 17 (Wiesbad1978).'9Nuzhatal-qulab, d. G. Le Strange (London, 1915), pp. 163-trans. Le Strange (London, 1919), esp. pp. 160-2, 172-4.20E.g. Kishini, pp. 51, 88, 89, 151, 154.2'J. Aubin, "Reseau pastoralet reiseau aravanier; les grand'rotdu Khurassan A l'epoque mongole", Le monderanienet l'IslI (1971), 105-30 and the referencescited on p. 106 n. 3.22 This is reminiscentof the annalistsof mediaeval Europerecordwhere the king spent Christmasand Easter every year.23Al-cUmari, Masdlikal-absdrJfmamdlikl-amsdr, d. K. Lech,MongolischeWeltreichWiesbaden, 1968), p. 87, says the sumrrwere spent in Qarab~gh and wintersin Ojdnor Baghdad,but hnot specifically referringto Oljeitii's reign.24 Ahari, p. 148, tr. p. 50 says this alternation occurred "for sevtyears"1 S. Blair, "The Coins of the Later Ilkhanids: a Typolog:Analysis", JESHO XXVI (1983), esp. pp. 297-9.

26He had been vacillating since the summer of 1308, cf. Kdship. 99. For the well-known story of the reason for his disguslSunnism, see CHIr,V, pp. 401-2, 544.

27 He was certainly less aggressive in this direction than Ghdzthough his intentions remained basically hostile. See also bel,nn. 72 and 73.28Al-cUmari, p. 115.29 Ibid.,p. 91, on the sultan's residenceat the palace of the Catholtin Baghdad, formerly belonging to the Dawddir. This refernAbil Sacid's reign.30 The Travels fIbnBatt!ata,I, tr.H. A. R. Gibb (Cambridge, 19(p. 303; he says that Qarabdgh was the sultan's summer quar(masyaj).Amuli's story (pp. 258-9) concerning the sultan's visiBkufiprobablyrefersto the firstperiod of the reign. Some autllike to see Oljeitti's second thoughts about Shicism behindexecution of Sayyid Tij al-Din Avaji in Baghdadin 711/1312Appendix 1, n. 115), e.g. Mustauff, Guzfda,p. 608, andMamluk historian Baibars al-Mansiiri, Kitdb al-Tuhfatmulakiyya,d. A. S. Hamdin (Cairo, 1987), p. 237. His coin2however, bore a Shicilegend until the end of the reign.31 Ahari, p. 149, tr. p. 51;Banakati,p. 476, is rathermore raptur(For the conflictingdates for his death, see Appendix 1, n. 13"32J.Black-Michaud, Sheep ndLand.TheEconomicsfPower n a T?Society Cambridge, 1986), esp. pp. 182-3; R. Tapper, PasturePolitics.Economics, onflictnd Ritualamong he ShahsevenNomaaNorthwesternran (London, 1979), esp. pp. 177-95; L. Beck,Qashqa'iof Iran (London and New Haven, 1986), pp. 211-Most of these ideasderive fromF. Barth,Nomads fSouthPersia,BasseriTribeof theKhamseh onfederacyLondon, 1961).33Rashid al-Din, Jadmic al-tavdrTkh.Tdrrkh-iGhdzTnIKhdn,K. Jahn, GMS (London, 1940) [hereafter TGK], p. 176.



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34 Muhammad b. Hindfishih Nakhchivini, Dastzral-kdtibfi acrnal-mardtib,I, ed. A. A. Alizade (Moscow, 1976), pp. 62 ff. The postwas an old one. Despite the injunctionto find pasturesaway fromthe subject population, one of the yartchfs is named as theperpetrator of unlawful extortions from a certain Amin al-DincAttar,to whom he was forced to make redress, bid.,p. 326. Thereis a reference to the Safavid Shah 'Abbas himself making theallocation of yarts, see Munajjim Yazdi, Tdrfkh-i'Abbedsfdrizndma-yiMulldJaldl, ed. S. Vahidniyd (Tehran, 1366/ 1987), p.369.;cf. C. Melville, "The itinerariesof Shah'Abbas I (995-1038/1587-1629)", in press.35Tapper, p. 85.

36Kdshini's phraseology sometimes reflects the presence of astro-logers in the wings, eg. pp. 52, 62, 89. Munajjim Yazdi wasconspicuousin determining the appropriatemoment for many ofShah CAbbas'smovements.37On both occasions Oljeitii merely skirtedBaghdad and got on tothe "Khurasan highway". The departure for Mfighdn fromTabriz isoften the second stageof ajourneythat properly began in

Ojin or Sultdniyya. For the possible advantages of unpredictabledeparturedates, see D. Nordmann, "Les expeditions de MoulayHassan. Essaistatistique",Hespiris-TamudaXIX (1980-1), p. 148.This essay is full of useful points for comparison with Oljeitii'smovements.38Mustaufi's measurements are accurate: the distance of ca. 420miles/675 km yields a conversion of 3.5 miles/5.7 km to thefarsakh.

39For theydm in Iran, see D. O. Morgan, Aspects f MongolRule nPersia,unpubl. PhD. thesis (London, 1977), ch. 5. See also T. D.Hardy, "Itinerarium Johannis regis angliae. A Table of theMovements of the Court ofJohn, King of England", ArchaeologiaXXII (1827), p. 125; B. P. Hindle, A Geographicalynthesis f theRoadNetworkof MedievalEnglandand Wales,unpubl. PhD. thesis(Salford, 1973), p. 62; Boutier et al., p. 119; Melville "Shah'Abbas". The overall average daily journey by 'Abbis is 9 miles(14 km), but this figureis certainlytoo low. I am gratefulto BrianHindle for a copy of ch. 5 of his thesis, and other help.40Qadi Ahmad Qummi, Khuldsatl-tavdrfkh,d. I. Ishrdqi (Tehran,1364/1985), p. 911. On the Golden Horde, R. Fletcher gave anilluminatingseminar at the Mongolian Studiesunit at Cambridge

in 1989 entitled "The Summer Encampment ofBatu Khan", to bepublished;see also B. Spuler, "Der mongolische Nomadismus ineiner sesshaften Gesellschaft:die Goldene Horde", Bull. desEtudesOrientales XX (1978), pp. 201-8.4' Kashani refers to Qonqur Oleng as Sultdniyya from 707/1307onwards,though the development of the site startedearlier. It wascompleted in 713/1313-14. See Donald P. Little, "The Foundingof Sultdniyya:a Mamluk Version",IranXVI (1978), pp. 170-5. Itmay be significant that Kishani uses the term markaz-i aulat orSultaniyya for the first time in this year; see p. 164. It should bestressed that these calculations are extremely approximate, butthereis a coincidental resemblanceto'Abbas, who was travellingabout one-third of the reign, resident in a capital for one-third,and "static" in other locations for the rest, Melville, "ShahcAbbas". Boutier etal., p. 18, find that a proportionof one day infour on the move is characteristicof the examples they study.42 .P. Petrushevsky,"The Socio-Economic Condition of Iran underthe TI-Khins",CHIr,V. pp. 507-8; see also Lambton, p. 169-171on the Mongol capitals, and S. Blair, "The Mongol Capital ofSultiniyya, 'the Imperial' ", Iran XXIV (1986), pp. 139-51.3P. Remler, "New Light on Economic History from IlkhanidAccounting Manuals", St Ir XIV (1985), pp. 172-3; Lambton,pp. 173-84.SLambton, p. 184. Note also theyirtcht'sduty of finding pasturegrounds well away from the agricultural lands of the villages,Nakhchivani, p. 64.

45Its fiscal importance increased in years when the ordu was there,Mustaufi, Nuzhat,p. 56; prices, too, responded to the presence ofthe sultan, see al-'Umari, pp. 87, 89, and al-Qalqashandi, Subhal-a'shd(ed. Cairo, n.d.), pp. 422-3.

SUnder earlier Il-Khans, treasure had been stored by LakeUrmiyya, and Ghazan Khan established an archive for the taxadministration in Tabriz, which perhapsOljeitii maintained; seeRashid al-Din, TGK, pp. 182, 187-8, 262. According to Sanaul-lah, pp. 7-8, the Saljuqs took their treasurewith them.47Ibn Battfita, tr. Gibb, pp. 342-4, 481-6, and the observations of

Plano Carpiniand William of Rubruck,in The Mission oAsia,ed.C. Dawson (London, 1980), e.g. pp. 55-7, 126-9; see also n. 40above. Clavijo'saccount of Timfir's camp outside Samarqand isalso of interest,see G. Le Strange (tr.), Embassyo Tamerlane403-1406(London, 1928), e.g. pp. 223-43, 272-5.48 Ibn Battfita, p. 343; al-'Umari, pp. 86-7, 90, 98; al-Qalqashandi,pp. 423, 427.49Al-Umari, p. 87, cf. Nakhchivani, p. 67.50 Ibn Batt0ita,tr. Gibb, pp. 342-3.5' Nakhchivani, p. 63; the [main?] mosque and the religious classeswere in the centre, oppositethe sultan'syart.Ibn Battfitanotesthatthe mahalla f each khdtinhad its own mosque, suggested by thepresenceof muezzins and imams, pp. 343, 482.52The exact meaningof this termis not clear, cf. Lech's notesp. 339,but it perhapssignifiestreasuryofficials,or the equivalent of theofficersof the "Chamber".53Al-Umari, pp. 98-100; al-Qalqashandi, p. 427.54Kshani, pp. 83, 133, 147, 199.55Ibid.,p. 195. Cf. Ahari, p. 148, tr. p. 50.56 Kashdni,p. 196,mentionsthe presenceof the mustauff'Aldal-DinMuhammad in Gdvbari, in 715/1315-16." Thomas T. Allsen, Mongol ImperialismUniversity of CaliforniaPress, London, 1987), p. 98. The people Oljeitii brought in weremerchants,weavers and craftsmen, presumablyto serve the orduas well as to fosterurbanindustries,see Shihib al-Din al-Nuwairi,Nihdyatal-arabJfunan al-adab,part 27, ed. Sa'id cAshilr(Cairo,1985), p. 419. As for the Golden Horde, the administrative centreof their domains was permanently fixed in Sarai, to which thekhan returned in the winter.5 See R. J. Horvarth, "The Wandering Capitals of Ethiopia", Jnl.of AfricanHist. X (1969), pp. 205-219, who sees the moves asprimarilya responseto military considerations;and R. Pankhurst,"EthiopianMedieval and Post-MedievalCapitals:their Develop-ment and Principal Features", AzaniaXIV (1979), pp. 1-19, who

notes (p. 4) that even after the founding of Gondar in 1636, itremained effectively only a headquarters for the rainy season.Thanks to Roland Fletcher for these references.59By contrast,in Sweden, the rulerhad a fixed residenceat Uppsala,and in Denmark, at Leidre and Odense, see SnorroSturleson, TheHeimskringla;r,Chroniclef theKingsofNorway, r. S. Laing, 3 vols.(London, 1844), I, 248. I am grateful to Prof. Malcolm Lyonsforthis reference.60 K. J. Leyser, Rule andConflictn an EarlyMedievalSociety:OttonianSaxony London, 1979), pp. 103-4 and "Ottoniangovernment", inMedievalGermanynd ts Neighbours,00-1250(London, 1982), pp.94-101. I am grateful to Jonathan Shepard for these references.Leyser (1979), p. 103, quotes Bishop Adalbold of Utrecht assaying that "the land whch the kind does not visit most oftenabounds in the outcries and woes of the poor". Kings such as

Henry II spent at least half their time on the road. The earlierCarolingian kings (eighth and ninth centuries), too, journeyedceaselesslythrough their vast territories,undertakingat least onelarge military campaign a year; see R. W. Scholz, CarolingianChroniclesMichigan, 1972), e.g. pp. 10, 12.61D. M. Stenton, English Society n the Early MiddleAges, 4th ed.(Harmondsworth,1967), p. 17. One may note William's creationof the New Forest (as a royal game preserve) as the mostconspicuous evidence of his passion for hunting. By the time ofHenry II Plantagenet, royalforestmay have covered as much as athird of the whole country, see W. G. Hoskins, TheMakingof theEnglishLandscape,nd ed. (London, 1977) pp. 90-1.62 Stenton, p. 19;cf. Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium,ev. ed. andtr. M. R. James (Oxford, 1983), pp. 439, 471-3.63 Stenton, pp. 36, 38, cf. Map, pp. 477, 485-7.



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64J.E. A. Jolliffe, "The Chamber and the Castle Treasures underKing John", in Studies n MedievalHistoryPresented o FrederickMauricePowicke, d. R. W. Hunt et al. (Oxford, 1948), pp. 118-19.The Ottonian court following the king's iterwas at least "somehundreds",Leyser (1982), p. 96. See also n. 39 above, and J. C.Holt, "King John", repr. in MagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment(London, 1985), pp. 95-6.6 See the figures in B. P. Hindle, Medieval Roads (PrincesRisborough, 1982) and the same author's thesis (1973) ch. 5.66See Stenton, pp. 38-40, for the example of Richard of Ansteyearly in the reign of Henry II (1154-89). Similar examples inPersian history are not hard to find; from Oljeitii's reign, seeK~shdni, p. 76, and the case of Malik Ghiydth al-Din of Herat,who seems to have been at courtdefendinghimself for three years,see FasiihKhwdfi, Mujmal-iFas.hi, ed.

M. Farrukh (Mashhad,1961), III, pp. 20, 23.6' S. B. Chrimes, An IntroductionotheAdministrativeHistory f MedievalEngland,3rd ed. (repr. Oxford, 1981), p. 210.6 Holt, "The End of the Anglo-Norman Realm", repr. in MagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,. 30.69T. F. Tout, "The English Civil Service in the Fourteenth Cen-tury", Bull.J. RylandsLib. III (1917), pp. 188-9.70On the questionof capitals,see BernardGuen&e,States ndRulersn

LaterMedievalEuropeOxford, 1985), pp. 126-36. In England, theTreasury and the Exchequer became fixed by the end of thetwelfth century, Chrimes, p. 31. Holt, "RicardusRex Anglorumet Dux Normannorum",repr. in MagnaCarta ndMedievalGovern-ment,pp. 67-83, discusses the extent to which Richard, the mostabsentee of English monarchs, was nevertheless able to conductgovernment businessdeultramare.7~Kishdni, pp. 24, 228-9.2Relations with the Golden Horde remained strained, but openhostility was perhaps checked by the lack of co-operation fromCairo, cf. Kdshdni, pp. 82, 146, 175-6, 212. PeterJackson, TheMongolsand India, 1221-1351, unpubl. PhD. thesis (Cambridge,1977), esp. pp. 150-2, sees Oljeitii's inactivity in the west asallowing him a respite for purposes of consolidation in the east.Gilan and Mdzandardn were the gateway to Khurasan.73Al-Nuwairi, p. 418; see also Ibn al-Dawiddri, Kanz al-durar,IX, ed. H. R. Roemer (Cairo, 1970), p. 254. The Persian sources

give a variety of reasons,see refs. in Appendix 1, nn. 122and 123.74Oljeitii left the ordus and members of his family (aghriq)in thecharge of the senior amirs Puldd Chin Sdng and Isen Qutluq;Rashid al-Din too stayed behind to tend Oljeitii's wife,with orderstojoin the sultan when she recovered, Kdshcni, p. 236, cf. H.fiz-ibril, p. 73. This does not, however, amount to the nomination ofdeputies to act in the sultan's absence on campaign, as regularlyoccurred under the Golden Horde, cf. L. Kwanten, ImperialNomads Leicester, 1979), p. 207. For the presence of the wholeentouragein both Syria and Mazandaran, see Vassif, p. 554 andKdshini, p. 154.75Kshdni, pp. 52, 83, 89, 152, 166, 179.76Kishdni, p. 43, Mustaufi, Guzfda, . 536, FasihKhwdfi, III, p. 12.I follow PeterJackson's interpretationof the continutationof localsemi-autonomyin Kirman.7 See the important article by Lambton, "Mongol FiscalAdministrationin Persia", Studia slamicaLIV (1986), pp. 79-99,and LV (1987), pp. 97-123. The people of Shirazcomplained thattheir affairswere being neglected for the sake of Ghazin's designson Mamlik Syria, see Vassfif,p. 417.78 aifi Haravi, Tdrfkh-ndma-yiardt, d. al-Siddiqi (Calcutta, 1944),p. 620; cf. Fasih Khwifi, III, p. 23.79See also M. Aafif,"LesHarkas Hassaniennesd'apresl'oeuvre d'A.ibn Zidane", Hespiris-TamudaXIX (1980-1), p. 159, implyingthat taxes as well as pastureswere consumed.8oAl-cUmari, pp. 93, 96, 100;cf. al-Qalqashandi,p. 428; he says thatin effect, the vazfrwas the sultan, p. 423. Oljeitui's etter to Philipthe Fair provides an example of the signing of documents, cf.Mostaert and Cleaves, op.cit.81' bn al-Dawdfrir, p. 254, al-Maqrizi, Kitdb l-sulik, II/1,ed. M. M.

Ziyvda (Cairo, 1941), p. 159.2Ahari, p. 148, tr. pp. 50-1. She is barely mentioned by Kashdl

83 Kwanten, pp. 244-9, sees this factionalismas the main factor n tcollapse of Mongol rule in Iran. It is interesting also to note tdivision of the Justiciarship in England under Henry II,Chrimes, p. 38.84 Allsen, pp. 106-7.85Morgan, Aspectsof MongolRule, pp. 155-6. See also Lambtc"The Internal Structure of the Saljuq Empire", CHIr, V, p. 2Aand ContinuityndChange, sp. pp. 61-8, 297-309.86 See Hasan Fasi'i, tr. H. Busse, TheHistory fPersiaunderQajarRi(London and New York, 1972), e.g. pp. 81, 134, 142, 155 etc. Salso G. Hambly, "A Note on Sultaniyeh/Sultanabadin the Eai19th Century", AARP II (1972), pp. 89-98, and J. M. Scar("The Royal Palaces of the Qajar Dynasty; a Survey", in C.Bosworth and C. Hillenbrand (eds.) QajarIran.Political,SocialaCulturalChange,1800-1925(Edinburgh, 1983), pp. 333-41, esp. 338. In addition to Sultiniyya, the Qajars also favouredOjiconsidered to be one of the coolest places in Persia (a considertion that doubtless appealed also to Ghdzdn Khdn), seeBarthold, An HistoricalGeographyf Iran, tr. S. Soucek, ed. C.Bosworth (Princeton, 1984), p. 223.87 Kdishini, p. 31, merely has a Tuesday. The date chosen is t]

second of three options from the context. Here and elsewhere, titext reads qur.n.ghof Marigha, for qurfgh= quruq,"huntilgrounds". Most of these localities have not been identifieNam'ilrd possiblycorrespondsto NTsir D5ll, between Ojdn atTabriz, or N.m.rzir n the Ab-i Shiarregion, cf. Rashid al-DiTGK,p. 104, and ed. K.Jahn, Geschichteer lhaneAba3agisGai&h(1265-1295)('s-Gravenhage,1957) [hereafterABG], p. 58.Kdshini, p. 31, merely has a Wednesday.89 Not identified. The sultan was heading for winter quartersMisghin and Arrcn; Vassdf, p. 472 has Aldtigh, where Oljeispent the winter hunting waterfowl.The fact that it took 60 dato reach Gtvbiri would seem to support the implication in Vassthat Oljeitii travelled via Aldtigh (as in the following two year!The location of Pill-i Chaghtn holds the key to this itinerary, atfrom the context of Kishdni, pp. 41-2, it would seem to beMfighain, a few days from Givbdri. This uncertainty is nreflected in Figure 1, where the route is taken to be throughAh

and Pilasuvdr.~ The fact that Oljeitii crossed the Kur indicates that he h,previouslybeen north of the river; t isperhapsat this time that]visited Bdkfi,cf. nn. 30, 96.9'Kdshdni,p. 43, has Wednesday,8 Shacbhn, which is not consistewith the chronologicalcontext on pp. 42-3. Vassff, p. 475, merereports Oljeitii's return from Arrn in the spring. Dlaln Nd'("Seventy lakes") was at one end of the defences along t]southern bank of the Kur, to keep out the Golden Horde, Rashal-Din, ABG, p. 9, and cf. TGK,pp. 118-19.9 The location of Gulistin is unclear; the village in Qardbdgh thgave its name to the treaty betweenRussia and Iran in 1813 is tifar north. Another Gulistin, southwest of Ardabil, is a possitalternative, ifOljeitii returnedto fjdn on the routesouth of KillSavaldn (throughSardb) rather than, as seems more likely, to tnorth. Mustaufi, Nuzhat, p. 199, mentions a mountain callGulistdnin Mifghan, which is the most probablelocation, thoulI have not identified the mountain in question. See also belon. 107." Oljeitii's letter to Philip the Fair was apparently writtenBarzand (Alivan) sometime before 23July 1305, see W. Kotwi


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THE ITINERARIES OF SULTAN OLJEITUi, 1304-16 69

94 Kishini, p. 44, has H.rvin, possibly Kalkhfirin, just north ofArdabil, or Hirfi-ibid (Khalkhdl), though neither of these are onthe direct route to Ojin. Nor is the most plausible reading,Khfirvinaq, a villagein the Dizmir district north of Tabriz, about15 km south of the Aras, see Mustaufi,Nuzhat,p. 88, Krawulsky,p. 529.95

No dates are given for Oljeitii's departureforwinterquarters,norhis arrival. Vassif, p. 475, appears to have Oljeitu in theChaghitfi valley inJumidi I 705/beg.19 November 1305, but thedate must be too late, cf. Boyle, CHI, V, p. 398.96For this territory, which contained many military iqdtas,seeMustaufi,Nuzhat,pp. 92-3. Oljeitu*may also have visitedBdkii atthis time, cf. above, nn. 30, 90.97Tij al-Din Gursirkhiwas executed on this date followinga disputewith the vazgrs,Kishdini, p. 50. Mustaufi, Guzfda,p. 607, has 20Shawwil.98 Kishdini,p. 51. Oljeitii's subsequent presence n ]Ojins confirmedby the Histoirede Mar Jabala III, Patriarche esNestoriens 1281-1317),tr.J.-B. Chabot (Paris, 1895), p. 149.99Ibid.,pp. 52-3, gives Turco-Mongol dates for both the departurefrom Tabriz and arrival at Givbair, which support his hijridating, to within a day or two.'00Injk/ITnjka/sfihas not been identified. Kishmni, p. 55, has 13Dhu'l-Qacda, but see also p. 61. He has probably confused thiswith the date of Oljeitii's departure from Sultiniyya. Mustaufi,Guzfda,p. 607, puts this in Dhu'l-Hijja 706. Banikati, p. 475, hasthe Year of Sheep, which is correct. AI-Nuwairi, p. 417, putsOljeitii's Gilan expedition in 707 A.H., two years afterone led byQutlugh Shih.10'Kishini, p. 236, describes an incident involving the young princeTaiflir on Friday 29 Shawwil 706/3 May 1307 (a Wednesday),when Oljeitii had left Qonqur Oleng and the royal encampments,for the Gilan campaign. The date should perhaps be 29 Dhu 1-Qacda/l June (a Thursday).102Compare with Howorth, p. 541: via Lussan and the Safid-rfid.Hifiz-i Abrfi, Dhail,p. 73, gives the sultan's route as T.rum andMount Darafk (Dulfak), where he stayed three days.103 oworth, loc.cit.,vocalizes Russita,which Kishini, p. 62, sayswason the Qazvin road. The previousdate is confirmed by the Turco-Mongol equivalent given by ibid.,p. 66.104Boyle, p. 400, has Oljeitii's return via Kfihdum, which is prefer-able to "Kfitam", a town on the Caspian (cf. Mustaufi, Nuzhat,p. 163; Krawulsky, map 3; V. Minorsky,Hudadal-'Alam,2nd ed.C. E. Bosworth, GMS (London, 1970), p. 390). Misi-fibid isperhapsnear the modern Miisi-kfih, near Ffimin. That it was inthe Rasht area seems to be confirmed by the fightingreported byKishani on p. 66: the date should be Tuesday, 18 Dhu il-Hijja/20June, as confirmed by the Turco-Mongol date given.105The Turco-Mongol date agrees. Kdshdni,p. 73, readsKarmiyin,which I have not identified.?06Apart rom the directness of the route, Oljeitii's presence inMarigha and Tabriz is suggested by the fact that Kishini, p. 73,records events in these cities on 11 and 24 Rabi II/10 and 23October respectively;he may himself have been present (with thecourt). On the other hand, Rashid al-Din's arrival in Tabriz on 1Jumidd 1/29 October and subsequentdeparture, with BilfighinKhitfin, for Arrdn,must have occurred after Oljeitii's departure,if indeed he arrived in Givbiri four days later.S07See Kishini, p. 76. The date of departure from Givbiri isunknown. He stopped in Gulistin in a lodge built by GhaizinKhain,cf. ibid.,p. 98.'~07aHistoirede MarJabala,p. 150. Some time after MarJabala's visitto Ojan, Oljeitii visited the Catholicos's convent at Marigha, seeibid.,p. 151. Kishini, p. 83, places this trip in September.m0Oljeitii's son Biyazid died in Glvbri on this date, ibid.,p. 84. Al-Nuwairi, p. 418, putshis death in 709 (perhaps confusinghim withBistim, see below).'~09Oljeitui's on Bistlimdied on this date, between Chamchamil andSahna, Kishani, p. 87, cf Hafiz-i Abrfi, p. 120, for the place.Vassfif,p. 522, recordsOljeitui'sdepartureforBaghdadin Teshrin

709/October 1309.''0Kishini, p. 90, has Dhu lI-Qa'da,by which time, in fact, Oljeituiwas approaching Hamadan. The visit to Najaf is linked to thechange of khutba nd sikka o Shiciformulae, which Kashini later,more accurately, places in Shacban, see p. 100. Deh Mukirim(thusvocalized in Le Strange's translation)is about 15 milesnorthof Baghdad, Mustaufi,Nuzhat,p. 36."'Kashani, p. 88, places Kfishk-iSultin in the region of Hamadan.Oljeitii's departure is confirmed by the Histoirede Mar Jabala,pp. 164-5. The preceding narrative of the persecution ofChristians n Irbil confirms the ruler'spresence in Baghdad at theend of March (ibid., p. 159) and mentions various subsequentcontacts with the royal camp, without indicating where this was.It is possible that Kishini's date for the sultan's departure fromBaghdad is too early."'The next set of dates are found in Kishini's annal for 709, p. 89,and could fill in the firstpart of that year, which is somethingof ablank. The match of dates and weekdays is, however, better if theyear is 710.3 Kishini, p. 109, readsMashhad-iJibiri, forHiyiri = IHi'iri. ForNahr-i Ghazini, see Rashid al-Din, TGK, pp. 144, 203-4 andKrawulsky,p. 481.S4 Oljeitu received an embassy in Baghdad this month, Vassif,

p. 504. On 10Shawwil/19 February,Sa'd al-Din the Sd4hib-iLvdnwas executed in Muhawwal, Vassif, p. 537, Banikati, p. 475-6,Mustaufi, Guzzda, . 608."Sa'd al-Din'sassociate,Sayyid Tij al-Din Avaji, was also executedthis year, on the day Oljeitiu eft for Chamchamil, according toKashini, p. 132. He had earlier, however, put his trial andexecution at the beginning of Dhu 'l-Hijja (p. 131), a datesupported by Vassff, p. 438 and Mustaufi, p. 608, and so, ifKishini is to be believed, some time after Oljeitii's departure.Kishani's weekdays are badly adrift for the sultan's return toSultaniyya.116Vassif, p. 544, presentedhis work to Oljeitiuon this date. He alsosuggests, p. 541, that the sultan was in Baghdad on 22 Rabic 1/28July 1312,beingentertained by the vazrr,Tij al-Din 'Alishih. Thedate must be an error,for thereis no confirmation that Oljeitu wasever in BaghdadduringJuly. Vassif himselfsays (p. 553) that therenegade Mamlfik amirs were received in Sultiniyya inJumidi Ithis year; Kishini, p. 141, says Rabi I." Ibid., p. 142, says Oljeitiu left Sultiniyya at the beginning ofJumidi II and arrived at M.c.s.r.(?) on 9Jumidi II/12 October,which seems highly improbable, assuming this place is nearMosul. Kushif is south of Mosul, and opposite Haditha on theGreat Zib. Vassif, p. 553, says Oljeitii went (straight) to Mosul;Hifiz-i Abrii, p. 104, sayshe went first to Baghdad.Ghizin Khintook 21 days from Tabriz to Kushifin 699 and 49 days to returnto Ojin in 702 A.H., both timesthrough Kurdistan, see Rashid al-Din, TGK, pp. 125, 149. Oljeitui'sroute is not known. I havetherefore added a month to Kishini's date, encouraged by thefact that both 9 Rajab and 10 November were Fridays. Thismerely leaves Oljeitiu ess time for hunting on arrival!Mustaufi,Guzeda, . 609, inaccurately has Shawwil 712.

""Vassaf, p. 554."9 Ibid., p. 554: Oljeituiheld a review of the army. The date of hisarrival at Sinjir is not given, but his progress here was slow (Jhista

harakat mffarmed).'20Vassaif, p. 555.'2' Ibid.,p. 555, the date also implied by Kishini, p. 143.'22As given by Kishini, loc. cit.; Vassif, loc. cit., has 6 Ramadin.Abu'l-Fidi, tr. P. M. Holt, The Memoirs of a Syrian Prince

(Wiesbaden, 1983), p. 62, says Oljeitui was there

itineraries of sultan oljeituf

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