iwi led crime prevention plan - iwi chairs...

Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan –September 2011 0

IWI LED

CRIME PREVENTION

PLAN

September 2011

Te Runanga O Ngati Whatua


Disclaimer

The statements and opinions expressed in this report have been made in good faith, and on the basis that all information relied upon is true and accurate in all material respects and not misleading by reason of omission or otherwise. The authors do not accept any responsibility or liability for any such information being inaccurate, incomplete, unreliable or not soundly based, or for any errors, any analysis, statements and opinions provided in this report, whether resulting directly or indirectly from any such circumstances, or from any assumptions upon which this report is based proving unjustified, or otherwise.

Te Runanga O Ngati Whatua


SECTION CONTENTS PAGE SECTION 1 Executive Summary 4

1.1 Introduction 4

1.2 Structure of the Plan 4

1.3 Key Highlights 5

1.4 Conclusion 6

SECTION 2 What Does the Data Tell Us? 8

2.1 Introduction 8

2.2 Auckland Region Socio-Economic Deprivation 9

2.3 Police Data By Iwi 12

2.4 Ngapuhi 14

2.5 Waikato Tainui 15

2.6 Ngati Porou 16

2.7 Tuhoe 17

2.8 Unknown Iwi Affiliation 18

SECTION 3 Crime Profiles 19

3.1 Introduction 19

3.2 Target Population Offender Profiles 19

3.3 Systemic Causal Effects of Maori Offending 20

3.4 Targeted Youth Activities 22

SECTION 4 Applying an Existing Strategic Context 23

4.1 Introduction 23

4.2 Dynamics of Whanaungatanga 23

4.3 Whanau Ora Spectrum 24

4.4 Mauri Ora Framework 25

SECTION 5 Developing a Strategic Perspective to Iwi Led Crime Prevention 27

5.1 Introduction 27

5.2 A Tikanga Based Approach to Crime Prevention 27

5.3 An Education Based Approach to Crime Prevention 30

5.4 A Restorative Justice Approach to Crime Prevention 31

SECTION 6 ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework 34

6.1 Introduction 34

6.2 ILCPP as a Comprehensive Community Initiative 35

6.3 Summary Table of Strategic Interventions 35

6.4 ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework Diagram 36


SECTION CONTENTS PAGE SECTION 7 Iwi Leadership of Crime Prevention 37

7.1 Introduction 37

7.2 What is Iwi? 38

7.3 Iwi Led Relationships 39

7.4 Waka Framework 40

7.5 Non-Mana-Whenua Interests 42

7.6 Urban Maori Authorities 43

SECTION 8 Structural Implementation of the ILCPP 45

8.1 Introduction 45

8.2 Governance of the ILCPP 45

8.3 Crime Prevention Stakeholder Participation 46

8.4 Management and Operational Level 46

8.5 ILCPP Implementation Structural Diagram 47

SECTION 9 Operationalising the ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework 48

9.1 Introduction 48

9.2 Developing Best Practice 48

9.3 Forging Relationships 49

9.4 Social Change Marketing 49

9.5 Stakeholder Participation – What can Police Do? 50

9.6 Tu Tika Matrix – Describing Delivery Level Interventions 52

SECTION 10 Next Steps for Implementation 54

10.1 Introduction 54

10.2 Implementation Plan 54

10.3 Resourcing 55

10.4 Reporting 55

10.5 Budget 56

SECTION 11 References 57

11.1 Glossary 57

11.2 Bibliography 58

11.3 Appendix 1 – Waka Level Guiding Principles Framework 59

11.4 Appendix 2 - Maori Social Order Definitions 60


SECTION 1 - EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1.1 Introduction

Crime statistics for Māori offending continue to spiral at a rate higher than that of other ethnic

groups. Māori are disproportionately represented in criminal justice statistics to an alarming

degree.1 Auckland has a population approaching 1.4 million residents, 31 per cent of the

country's population, with more than 11% (>137,000) identifying as Māori, equating to 22% of

the Maori population nationally in 20062. While Māori make up just 14% of the total national

population, they feature disproportionately in criminal justice statistics, as 42% of all Police

apprehensions, and 50% of the prison population.3

While there are many reasons for the disparity in offending, nothing can remove the fact that

the commission of crimes is the norm for many Māori whānau and communities in Auckland

and elsewhere. Though statistics may mask the real insidious impact of criminal behaviour

committed by Māori, our homes, whānau and communities know the reality.

This Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan (ILCPP) has been prepared through the concerted collective

effort of Te Runanga O Ngāti Whātua, Auckland Police and Te Puni Kokiri. The key premise of

the ILCPP is the hypothesis that a reconnection to traditional Māori values and social structures

is at the heart of reducing Māori participation in crime. This underpins the core requirement

for Iwi leadership of this plan.

1.2 Structure Of The Plan

Section 2 of this plan takes the reader through a process of analysing available crime statistics

in order to identify key target population groups, then Section 3 considers relevant research in

relation to targeted crime profiles. Section 4 gives consideration to existing kaupapa Māori

strategic intervention models, which provide context and contribute to the development of a

range of strategic perspectives about Iwi led crime prevention as set out in Section 5. The

development of the ILCPP strategic outcomes framework in Section 6 draws upon the 1 Policy, Strategy and Research Group Department of Corrections Over-representation of Māori in the criminal justice system

An exploratory report, 2007, Wellington, NZ 2 NZ National Census, 2006, 3 Department of Corrections, Overrepresentation of Maori in the Criminal Justice system, 2007


successful Taitokerau Iwi Family Violence Prevention strategic outcomes framework and

presents an overarching set of strategic outcomes that offer direction and cohesion to service

delivery level action plans. In Section 7 the plan then considers the appropriate role of Iwi in

relation to providing leadership to this plan; and describes the different types of engagement

between Iwi and other key stakeholders. Having established the appropriate role and position

for Iwi, Section 8 of the plan proposes a structural implementation model, describing the

dynamic interrelationship between Iwi and the key stakeholders dedicated to advancing this

strategy. With a viable structural model identified, Section 9 transitions from the high level

strategic outlook, to a focus on converting the strategy into practical delivery. This includes

describing relevant delivery level activities and providing an integrated matrix of delivery level

interventions across the various service delivery sectors and population locations. Section 10

concludes by proposing key steps for implementation of the ILCPP including implementation

planning, reporting, resources and budgets.

1.3 Key Highlights

• There is a systemic causal link between socio-economic deprivation and crime which

can only be addressed through a comprehensive systemic response that considers all

socio-economic indicators, not just crime. Iwi are well placed to lead this type of

response, given their broad focus on all elements of oranga for Māori whānau.

• The majority of Māori arrested and / or charged with crimes during 2005 to 2007 either

did not know or chose not to identify their Iwi affiliation.

• Ngāpuhi was by far the highest stated Iwi affiliation for those Māori arrested and / or

charged who did know their Iwi affiliation.

• Waikato, Tūhoe and Ngāti Porou consecutively represented the next highest Iwi

affiliations identified through the available statistics, however, the variance with the

Ngāpuhi figures was significant and reflects the size of the Ngāpuhi population resident

in Tāmaki Makaurau.

• Manurewa represents a low decile area of Auckland with a large and growing

population of Māori. Projected population growth over the next 15 years is twice the

national average and predominately in the 0-15 years age group.


• Rates of violent crime are increasing, with a clear association between violent crime and

drug related offences.

• Offender profiles suggest a focus on whānau with youth would be pragmatic.

• There are existing kaupapa Māori strategic intervention models that align well with the

ILCPP, particularly the Mauri Ora Framework.

• The Whānau Ora Spectrum offers an opportunity to maximise the impact of the ILCPP

through close alignment of these kaupapa as long as Iwi leadership is retained.

• Iwi leadership is critical to the success of the ILCPP. Iwi are able to exercise reach and

influence within the traditional Māori social order that cannot be replicated through

Govt, mainstream or urban Māori constructs.

• Creating a reduction in Māori criminal activities will require a comprehensive and

collaborative effort at all levels of society from policy development; to service delivery;

to Hapū and marae activities; to increasing the crime prevention dialogue at the kitchen

tables of Māori whānau with a view to dispelling the entrenched belief that crime is an

acceptable cultural and societal norm for a large number of Māori whānau.

1.4 Conclusion

Iwi led crime prevention is not a new concept. It was one of the outcomes of early contact with

pākehā in Aotearoa and a pre-cursor to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. Tūpuna requested the King of

England take steps to control the sealers, whalers, convicts and all manner of other British

rapscallions who landed in Aotearoa in the early 1800’s. This Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan can

be seen in the same vein, as Iwi Māori asking the Crown to work together to prevent and

manage undesirable behaviour that threatens social harmony, whakapapa and tikanga.

Modern Iwi led crime prevention responds to the adage “if you keep doing things the same

way, you’ll keep getting the same results.” The investment of Iwi intervention in crime

prevention could radically change the way things are done and conversely, change the resulting

outcomes, simply because Iwi will do things differently than they have been done before. Iwi

will look to engage whānau and marae, hapū and other Iwi in ways that only whānaungatanga

can engage with Māori. Being Māori is whānau, hapū and Iwi business!


Iwi led crime prevention won’t look like traditional crime prevention. It will not focus on more

police officers, harsher sentencing and longer imprisonment. Instead it will be an all-

encompassing spectrum of strategic social change based on tikanga and the social constructs

within whānau, hapū, marae and Iwi, and the cooperation and resourcing of key stakeholders

to work collaboratively with Iwi towards agreed outcomes.

While this is an Iwi led approach, it is not only Iwi who must drive and deliver the change. It

must be championed by many others and worked in concert across the spectrum that is Iwi

authorities or Runanga; marae and hapū committees; key Government Agencies; community

groups like Māori Wardens; Māori health and social service providers; and urban Māori

authorities, etc. Stakeholders will need to develop their own action plans, to achieve the

identified outcomes.

The change will not be immediate. Small steps in places of strength and commitment will be

built one upon the other to construct the new norms that will shift whānau, hapū and Iwi

Māori towards a state where the very simple vision can be realised:

“A safe and secure environment for whānau

that is crime free”


SECTION 2 – WHAT DOES THE DATA TELL US?

2.1 Introduction

This section undertakes a base analysis of available police data to identify the prevalence of

Māori participation in crime, by Iwi association.

The Counties Manukau Police District is presented as an area of Auckland that has the highest

levels of socio-economic deprivation combined with a dense and diverse Māori population,

forecast to experience a rapid rate of population growth over the next 15 years, particularly in

the 0-15yr age group. Other figures point to an increase in drug related violent crime. These

factors emphasise the urgent need to create an environment where criminal activity is not

considered to be the acceptable norm for Māori whānau and collectives.

The Auckland Police District data identifies that a significant number of Māori being arrested

and charged with crimes either do not know or will not declare their Iwi affiliation. Figures

provide a stark indication of either the total or at least meaningful absence of Iwi in the lives of

Māori being arrested and charged with crime. Based on the hypothesis that a reconnection to

traditional Māori values and social structures is at the heart of reducing Māori participation in

crime, the effective implementation of this strategy should result in a reduction to this

particular statistic, even if the numbers shift to those who do identify their Iwi association.

For those who do identify their Iwi association, the order of prevalence is Ngāpuhi, Waikato,

Ngāti Porou and Tuhoe. However, it should be noted that the difference between the

prevalence for the highest Iwi association of Ngāpuhi and the next highest Iwi association i.e

Waikato, is a significant variance being 70% or 10,181 less combined charges and arrests over

the three year period. This almost certainly reflects the size of the resident Ngāpuhi population

in Auckland. In addition, the difference between Ngāti Porou and Tūhoe was negligible with a

variance of 16 combined charges and arrests over the three year period, reflecting their

relatively low representation in these figures compared to Ngāpuhi and those who did not or

would not identify their Iwi association. These figures identify which Iwi must be involved in an

Iwi led crime prevention strategy, along with the mana-whenua Iwi for Tāmaki Makaurau.


2.2 Auckland Region Socio-Economic Deprivation

The Auckland region is New Zealand's largest economic base and gateway to the world. The

economy is diverse, with employment concentrations in several industries: financial, retail,

manufacturing, hospitality, marine, creative, information communication technology and

biotechnology.4

The greater Auckland Region faces many challenges which are underpinned by significant socio-

economic deprivation. The relationship between this level of widespread deprivation and the

potential for criminal behaviour is enormous.

If the population of the Auckland region was 100: 60 would be of European ethnicity

18 would be of Pacific ethnicity

19 would be of Asian ethnicity

11 would be of Māori ethnicity

12 would be of Māori descent

63 would have been born in New Zealand

13 arrived in Auckland from overseas within the previous five years

12 arrived in Auckland from another part of New Zealand within the previous five years

10 would be aged over 65 years

7 would be aged under five years

34 would be married

30 would profess no religion

49 would be Christian

4 would be Hindi

3 would have lived in the same house for over 30 years

18 would be school-age

3 would be unemployed

38 would be working full-time

10 would be working part-time

6 would be self-employed

4 would work more than 60 hours a week

4 would earn over $100,000 a year

10 would have a Bachelor’s degree or Level 7 qualification

1 would live in the central city

1 would live on a Hauraki Gulf Island

Figure 1: Makeup of Auckland Population

4 Cited in Collinson, CA, Auckland Regional Environmental Scan, Macro Environment (2009) pp 2/28


Figure 2 shows the spread of deprivation across the Auckland Region based on the New

Zealand Deprivation Index 2006. The index is based on a 1 to 10 ordinal scale where 1

represents the least deprived areas as shown in green; 10 represents the most deprived areas

as shown in red; and the shades vary between red and green for those areas with deprivation

levels between 1 and 105

.

Figure2: Deprivation Map, Auckland, 2006

5 Ibid, p 2/28


Māori and Pacific residents make up 18% of the Counties Manukau population and are

concentrated in decile 9 and 10 areas. 57% of Counties Manukau Māori and 73% of Counties

Manukau Pacific people live in Decile 9 or 10 areas which are included in the 20% relatively

most deprived areas in New Zealand.6

Manurewa has the highest proportion of Pacific and Māori populations in New Zealand and the

most deprived, high needs population with 69% of all residents living in decile 9-10 areas. Over

the next 10 years, Manurewa will be the fastest growing suburb in South Auckland.

At 3.2% growth per annum, the Counties Manukau catchment is growing at twice the national

average. Figure 3 indicates that the highest population growth for Māori is in the youngest age

group of 0-14 years.

Counties Manukau population by ethnicity and age, 2006

0 - 14 years 15 - 24 years 25 - 44 years 45 - 64 years 65+ years Total

Māori non-Māori

Māori non-Māori

Māori non-Māori

Māori non-Māori

Māori non-Māori

Māori non-Māori

25,365 86,745 12,096 53,019 18,288 105,777 9,558 84,090 1,944 36,204 67,248 365,838

Figure 3: Counties Manukau Population by Age and Ethnicity in 2006

Projections based on the 2006 Census indicate that the total Māori population is predicted to

grow by 21% over the 15 year period 2011 to 2026, whereas the total non-Māori population is

predicted to grow by only 11%.7 This projected increase in Māori population, particularly the

0-14 and 15-24 years age groups presents a strong inducement to change the incidence of

young Māori entering into criminal activities.

New Zealand population projections by ethnicity and gender, 2006 to 2026

Māori non-Māori

Year Males Females Total Males Females Total

2011 331,600 344,100 675,700 1,823,800 1,893,700 3,717,500

2016 357,400 369,400 726,800 1,897,000 1,964,900 3,861,900

2021 380,800 392,300 773,100 1,964,900 2,032,800 3,997,700

2026 403,400 414,300 817,700 2,026,000 2,095,600 4,121,700

Figure 4: Population by Age & Ethnicity Projected to 2026 6 CMDHB, Women’s Health Annual Clinical Report 2009, (2010) p 8 7 MOH\Maori Health\DHB's\Population Projections.mht


2.3 Police Data by Iwi

NZ Police recently made it mandatory to record ethnicity and Iwi affiliation for all persons

charged and arrested. They have supplied data which shows Iwi affiliation for those charged

and arrested across the Auckland District, from 2005 to 2007. It is worth noting that 35% of

combined charges and arrests over the 3 year period are shown in the ‘Unknown Iwi Affiliation’

group i.e. those who either did not know or would not declare their Iwi.

The following summary was provided from NZ Police Headquarters in February 2011. It

represents a positive step towards Iwi gaining access to sound information about the level of

criminal behaviour in Auckland communities. The information indicates levels and trends of

criminal behaviour and could be a valuable reference tool for Iwi to develop an appropriate

strategic response to this issue.

The Police note:

Our key observations from the data we provided you, and derived from the summary

reports we are now providing, are as follows:

• The Iwi grouping with the largest number of offenders prosecuted across the

Auckland Districts is actually those with no Iwi - because they don't know their Iwi,

refuse to supply Iwi details, or some other reason. This is particularly pronounced in

Waitemata where this group is more than double the next largest Iwi group. The

most common offences prosecuted for this grouping are: 14 - Traffic and Regulatory

Offences, followed by 02 - Acts Intended to Cause Injury, and then 08 - Theft and

Related Offences.

• Across Auckland the next largest groups of offenders prosecuted identified with

Waikato Iwi, then Ngāti Porou Iwi. For offenders identifying with Waikato Iwi, the

most common offences prosecuted are the same as for Ngāpuhi - divisions 08, 14

and 15 in that order. The profile of offenders identifying with Ngāti Porou is similar,

but in the order 08, 15, 14 instead.


• Where Iwi is recorded, Ngāpuhi, then Waikato and then Ngāti Porou are the three

most commonly identified (Iwi affiliation) by offenders prosecuted, both Auckland-

wide, and in the Auckland City and Counties-Manukau Districts. Waitemata District

offenders have a slightly different profile - identifying most with Ngāpuhi, followed

by Ngāti Porou, Ngāti Whātua, and then Waikato.

• For Waitemata District offenders identifying with Ngāti Whātua, the most commonly

prosecuted offences are: 14 - Traffic and Regulatory Offences, followed by 08 - Theft

and Related Offences and 15 - Offences Against Government Procedures etc.8

The chart in figure 5 shows indicative trends in arrests and charges of Māori in the Auckland

District between 2005 and 2007. Curiously, there are a significant number of people who did

not find their Iwi listed amongst the choices provided by the Police. This group is distinctly

different to those who did not know their Iwi or chose not to identify their Iwi. Aside from

those that chose not to list their Iwi; did not know their Iwi or could not locate their Iwi on the

list, the order of Iwi affiliations are: Ngāpuhi; Waikato; Ngāti Porou; then Tūhoe.

Auckland District Arrest & Charge Trends 2005- 2007, by Iwi

Figure 5: Graph of Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi, 2005-2007

Iwi Unknown Ngāpuhi Waikato Not on

Form Tuhoe Ngāti

Porou Arrests 6,004 6,298 1,833 1,255 764 754 Charges 7,118 8,080 2,364 1,679 956 982 Total 13,122 14,378 4,197 2,934 1,720 1,736

Figure 6: Table of Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi, 2005-2007

8 Chris Worsley, NZ Police National Headquarters, Performance Group, Further Auckland Iwi/Hapu Analysis, Wellington, 2011

0

500

1,000

1,500

2,000

2,500

3,000

3,500

Arrest Count

Charge Count

Arrest Count

Charge Count

Arrest Count

Charge Count

2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

Unknown

Ngapuhi

Waikato

Not on Form

Tuhoe

Ngati Porou


2.4 Ngāpuhi

As the most populous Iwi, it is not surprising to find Ngāpuhi named as the Iwi with the highest

number of arrests and charges in Auckland. In the 2006 census 31.7% of the Northland

population (148,000) identified themselves as Māori, compared with 14.6% nationally. Half of

those that identified themselves as Māori were under 25 years of age. The Far North has the

second highest Māori population, for a district, in New Zealand. Te Runanga-a-Iwi-o-Ngapuhi

reported that 78% of their 103,000 members lived outside their rohe (traditional lands) in

2001.

The Police note:

• Across Auckland the (next) largest group of offenders prosecuted were those

identifying with Ngāpuhi Iwi. Ngāpuhi are also the largest Iwi by population in the

Auckland Region. The most common offences prosecuted amongst this group are: 08

Theft and Related Offences; followed by 14 - Traffic and Regulatory Offences; and

then 15 - Offences Against Government Procedures etc.

• Ngāpuhi remained by far the largest Iwi nationally, with 24 per cent (compared to 23

per cent in 2001) of the Māori descent population who stated an Iwi indicating

Ngāpuhi affiliation in 2006.

Figure Six shows the trend in arrests and charges for those offenders declaring an Iwi affiliation

to Ngāpuhi. The dashed line shows an upward trend of increasing arrests and charges over the

period of 2005 to 2007, with a 48% increase in arrests; and a corresponding 41% increase in

charges.

Figure 7: Police Arrest & Charge Data by iwi – Ngapuhi, 2005-2007

0

1,000

2,000

3,000

4,000

Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count Arrest Count Charge Count

2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

Ngapuhi


2.5 Waikato-Tainui

As Waikato or Tainui hold mana-whenua in Tāmaki Makaurau and subsequently reside on their

traditional lands, it is not surprising to find Tainui named as the Iwi with the second highest

number of arrests and charges in Auckland. The Waikato-Tainui Iwi comprises 33 hapū and 65

marae. There are over 52,000 Iwi members who affiliate to Waikato-Tainui.9

The Police note:

• Across Auckland the next largest groups of offenders prosecuted identified with

Waikato Iwi, then Ngāti Porou Iwi. For offenders identifying with Waikato Iwi, the

most common offences prosecuted are the same as for Ngāpuhi - divisions 08, 14

and 15 in that order, being theft, traffic offences and offences against government

procedures.

Figure 7 shows a clear upward trend in charge and arrest numbers for Tainui, over the period,

with almost 50% increase in arrests from 2005 to 2007. Again there was a slower increase (just

over 10%) in charges over the period.

Figure 8: Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi – Waikato, 2005-2007

9 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Waikato_(iwi)

0

200

400

600

800

1000


2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

Waikato


2.6 Ngāti Porou

Ngāti Porou has the second-largest affiliation of any Iwi in New Zealand, with 71,910 registered

members in 2006.10

The Police note:

• Across Auckland the profile of offenders identifying with Ngāti Porou is: 08 –theft,

15 - offences against government procedures; and 14 - traffic offences.

The profile shown in figure 8 is the only Iwi affiliation with a diminishing trend of charges and

arrests over the period. After peaking in 2006, arrests reduced by 13%; and charges reduced by

9% in 2007.

Figure 9: Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi – Ngāti Porou, 2005-2007

10 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ng%C4%81ti_Porou#Ng.C4.81ti_Porou_today

0

100

200

300

400


2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

Ngati Porou


2.7 Tūhoe

Tūhoe people are estimated to number between 33,000 and 45,000, with about 19 per cent

still living on their tribal lands; most of the rest live in towns on the fringes of Te Urewera and

in the larger North Island cities11

. The trend for arrests remained static over the period, but

charges increased by almost 20%.

Figure 10: Police Arrest & Charge Data by iwi – Tuhoe, 2005-2007

11 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ng%C4%81i_T%C5%ABhoe

0

50

100

150

200

250

300

350

400


2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

Tuhoe


2.8 Unknown Iwi Affiliation

Those Maori who either did not know their Iwi or would not declare that information are the

greatest number of Maori offenders.

The Police note:

• The Māori descent population count has increased from 604,110 in 2001 to 643,977

in 2006.

• In 2006, 102,366 people (16 per cent) of the Māori descent population did not know

their Iwi compared to 111,810 (20 per cent) in 2001 and 112,563 (21percent) in

1996.

• The Iwi grouping with the largest number of offenders prosecuted across the

Auckland Districts is actually those with no Iwi - because they don't know their Iwi,

refuse to supply Iwi details, or some other reason. This is particularly pronounced in

Waitemata where this group is more than double the next largest Iwi group. The

most common offences prosecuted for this grouping are: 14 - Traffic and Regulatory

Offences, followed by 02 - Acts Intended to Cause Injury, and then 08 - Theft and

Related Offences.

The charge trend for these offenders rises between 2005 and 2006 and then slows from 2006

to 2007. The arrest trend is almost static over the whole period.

Figure 11: Police Arrest & Charge Data by Iwi – Unknown, 2005-2007

0

500

1,000

1,500

2,000

2,500

3,000


2005 2005 2006 2006 2007 2007

Unknown Iwi Affiliation


SECTION 3 – CRIME PROFILES

3.1 Introduction

This section identifies a range of crime profiles relevant to the focus of this Iwi led crime

prevention plan and then draws an association between those crime profiles and relevant

research to provide an indication of the direction that the plan needs to take in order to effect

maximum change to not only the ingrained acceptance of crime within whānau Māori, but also

in relation to the systemic causal effects of Māori offending. The advantage of Iwi leadership

to this plan is that the scope and responsibility of Iwi to their descendant populations extends

across the full gamut of social and economic outcomes, thus ensuring an alignment of an Iwi

led crime prevention focus with an Iwi led economic development focus; education focus;

health focus and so on.

3.2 Target Population Offender Profiles

Violent crime and drug offences have risen significantly with increased drug use being directly

linked to violent offending. The latest crime statistics show increases in Māori offending

particularly in serious violent crime and drug related crime.

“Violence and drug-related offences are largely responsible for increased crime rates,

according to 2009 crime statistics released by police today. The figures show a 4.6 per

cent increase in recorded crime in 2009”12

Māori consistently represent 32% of apprehended offenders, with dishonesty, violence and

drug related offending the most common offences. Māori offenders represent almost half of

all burglary and car crime

13

In Counties Manukau, Māori offenders are aged under 40 years old and represent the highest

offender ethnicity statistics in the country, across all offences other than sexual offences.

.

12 NZ Herald 1 April, 2010 13 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 8


In Waitemata the offenders profile are Māori males in their late teens and early twenties who

commit dishonesty offences; theft; burglary; and car conversions; followed by violent offences

(69%); domestic violence; then drug offending. Methamphetamine related offences have

increased by 43%. A reduction in cannabis offending shows the shift to methamphetamine14

In Auckland there is a high correlation between truanting and youth offending. Schools in

Auckland are experiencing an escalation in incidence and seriousness of student violence,

particularly with ‘girl gangs’.

.

This analysis suggests that targeting parents with young children could be a key catalyst for

change. Many young families in Auckland have both parents working long hours, translating

often into unsupervised children and young people. Pragmatic solutions could focus on how to

provide safe care and protection for these unsupervised children and young people at a

whānau, marae and community level.

It makes sense to focus attention and add resources to support successful programmes which

target at-risk populations, such as the Transforming Tāmaki Project, 2009 in the Glen Innes

area, where Police statistics show a significant increase in offences committed by Māori and an

increase in the number of Māori offenders. Every community of need has similar programmes

either happening or waiting to be resourced.

3.3 Systemic Causal Effects of Maori Offending

Every report on crime and offending, regardless of year or source, identifies that Māori are

over-represented in crime statistics, offending and imprisonment. That part of the equation is

constant and sadly irrefutable. However, a more in-depth investigation into the systemic

causal effects of that indictment offers a different perspective. Years of research have

identified a disparate relationship between social, educational, economic and cultural factors

as contributing to Māori participation in criminal behaviour.

Analysing and correcting the relationship of these contributing factors for Māori in a way that

bridges social, educational, economic and cultural environs will require an extensive and

comprehensive response, directed through those same factors, to be the catalyst for change to

this deeply entrenched trend. A trend that is not only entrenched in generations of Māori who

14 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 8


offend and their whānau who are complicit in that reality; but equally as entrenched in the

expectations and beliefs of many non-Māori in Aotearoa and the agencies who serve them.

Our hopes for the future are coloured by preconceptions and prejudice. That perspective must

shift in order for real change to occur.

• Young Māori who entered the youth justice system (in this study) had a similar range

of backgrounds and risks to those who were identified as non-Māori. In other words,

socio-economic factors did not appear to explain the differences in terms of the

numbers of Māori young people entering the youth justice system. However, it was

noted that those who ‘solely’ identified as Māori experienced slightly greater risks

than those who identified as mixed-Māori.

• As a consequence of being more likely to enter the youth justice system in the first

place, young Māori were also more likely to be identified as having been previously

in contact with the youth justice system: we found that the single largest correlation

with reoffending was previous offence history.

• On the other hand, young Māori who entered the youth justice system did so with,

on average, less severe offences.

• Those being referred to the Youth Court were more likely to receive more severe

outcomes regardless of the seriousness of their offending; this increased the chances

that young Māori would receive more severe outcomes regardless of the seriousness

of their offending15

These findings and the predominance of youth in the future population projections, present a

strong impetus for a focus on preventive and early intervention actions to deter young Māori

from offending.

.

15 G Maxwell, V Kingi et al, Achieving Effective Outcomes in Youth Justice, 2004, MSD, Wellington, pp293


3.4 Targeted Youth Activities

Auckland Police have identified opportunities to engage with community agencies, schools,

kohanga reo and kura kaupapa as well as Iwi, hapū and marae to undertake prevention and

early intervention activities to deter youth from criminal behaviour.

Many of the activities are intended to reduce and limit the growth of gangs amongst young

Māori living in Auckland by intervening more effectively with high-risk, recidivist youth

offenders (who may or may not be youth gang members) in order to interrupt offending

behaviour and re-connect them to their communities through employment, education or

training16

The majority of offending is dealt with by Police Youth Aid through the use of warnings, formal

cautions or other community-based approaches rather than arrest and charging. Other actions

seek to engage Māori whānau as parents of tamariki Māori, to ensure safety and protection of

children and young people in Māori homes. The Māori Knowledge Profiles indicate that Police

seek to support at-risk children and young people and their families to make positive choices.

“This Plan provides systematic, integrated, intense, targeted commitment to the

children, young people, families and communities of Counties Manukau and Otahuhu.

Evidence shows that if government works in partnership with non-government agencies,

communities, and local government, we will achieve much better results”.17

While such Police initiatives are excellent, there is a visible absence of strategic Iwi leadership

of these initiatives. Iwi structures have a special and unique reach and influence into Māori

whānau through hapū, marae and other Iwi mechanisms. In order to achieve a societal shift

away from entrenched Māori criminal behaviour, Iwi must champion and lead these strategic

initiatives. The crime prevention kaupapa must be embedded into Iwi, hapū and whānau

celebrations; into taumata korero; and marae activities. Only this way will the crime

prevention kaupapa become a topic of conversation at the whānau kitchen table.

16 NZ Police, Maori Knowledge Profiles Manukau 17 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 8


SECTION 4 – APPLYING AN EXISTING STRATEGIC CONTEXT 4.1 Introduction

This section considers three existing strategic models designed to effect social change within

the context of a Māori world-view. Elements of these models feature consistently in the

practice of successful kaupapa Māori service providers and national policy frameworks.

Furthermore the base tenets of these models are drawn from traditional Māori tikanga, which

is the domain of Iwi, hapū and whānau. It makes sense that an Iwi led crime prevention plan

should consider these models as relevant within the context of developing a strategic approach

to addressing Māori participation in crime.

4.2 Dynamics of Whānaungatanga

The Dynamics of Whānaungatanga18 (DOW) is an example of a tikanga based model to

address, restore and enhance te tapu i te tangata. It confirms the sacred relationship between

tangata and Atua - that people descend from God. It establishes the tapu each person has by

right of that relationship between tangata and Atua. It also links te tapu o te tangata with

mana. The DOW provides a tikanga based process to address and correct wrongdoing –

including offending and criminal behaviour. However it is not based on the ‘crime and

punishment’ model. It is based on addressing, restoring and enhancing tapu. Malcolm Peri co-

founder of the DOW says, “the concept of tapu comes from the Māori worldview and alludes to

the potential for power to effect change”19

The DOW has been used in the training of social services and alcohol and drugs (AOD)

counsellors; kaimahi (workers, practitioners); kaiawhina (volunteers); and kaumatua in Te

Taitokerau during the 1990’s and early 2000’s through Te Wero me te Aranga

.

20

18 Pa Henare Tate and Malcolm Peri, Dynamics of Whānaungatanga (DOW), 1996

, a marae based

programme to guide kaimahi and kaiawhina in the engagement of whānau entrenched in drug

and alcohol addiction. Over 300 kaimahi, kuia and kaumatua completed the 12 month long

training which was presented on marae throughout Te Taitokerau.

19 Peri, M, Restorative Justice Facilitator Training for Dept. Courts 20 Armstrong, Pam, Te Wero me te Aranga training for kaimahi and kaitiaki Maori in Tai Tokerau


Auckland District Health Board (ADHB) similarly has practice underpinned by the Dynamics of

Whānaungatanga to recognise and respect the mana and tapu of mauiui (sick) and whānau

who support those who are mauiui21

. There are growing numbers of examples of the

application of tikanga in everyday contexts.

4.3 Whānau Ora Spectrum

The emerging Whānau Ora programme of action brings hope that early intervention across the

breadth of community change agents; from kohanga reo, to kura kaupapa and mainstream

schools; to service providers and government departments; will bring a shift to ‘oranga-

focussed’ outcomes for whānau. However, Government departments will need to

acknowledge the importance of Iwi in Whānau Ora and make provision for their critical role.

The notion of whānau ora within a tikanga context is older, deeper and more durable than any

crime prevention strategy or government policy or programme. As Grennell says “This sacred

responsibility for the well-being of our whānau and tamariki mokopuna is a collective one, and

is not limited to organizational structures or specific projects”22

Whānau Ora is a dynamic spectrum approach; it is a broad social and cultural landscape of

integrated interventions that can reinforce the same messages / tikanga in diverse situations

for diverse audiences. The whānau ora spectrum is intersected by every facet of modern Māori

life i.e. tikanga, whānaungatanga, hapūtanga, Māoritanga, tapu, rahui, hara, muru, parenting,

health, education, housing, employment, crime prevention, etc.

.

Urban Māori have a savvy and sophisticated palate. That does not mean we should discard

everything from the past. Rather it requires us to capitalise on what we know works and use a

sophisticated media platform to reach, excite and enthuse the ambivalent and kuare (ignorant),

as well as those who are knowledgeable in tikanga. We could use modern technology in

conjunction with our own social structures to build a strong scaffold for revitalising Iwi Māori

with whānau ora.

21 ADHB, Tikanga Best Practice, 2008 22 Grennell, D 2006


The Government Whānau Ora policy model could provide a national scaffold upon which Iwi

could lead nationwide change for Māori whānau. Iwi led crime prevention plans could be one

of the many intersections on the Whānau Ora scaffold. Whānau ora represents a new

approach to engaging with whānau. Iwi led crime prevention plans are one of many yet-to-be

developed strategic action plans which will contribute towards achieving Iwi and Government

whānau ora outcomes. All Government departments should adopt consistent and integrated

whānau ora outcomes and determine their shared Key Performance Indicators (KPI’s) for

education, employment, training, housing, police, courts, corrections, whenua kaitiaki, etc in

conjunction with Iwi leadership.

4.4 Mauri Ora Framework

The Mauri Ora framework23

• First, we must dispel the illusion that crime is normal, culturally valid and

acceptable to Māori whānau

developed by the Second Ministerial Māori Taskforce on Whānau

Violence showed us that social change will not succeed by “lecturing or disdainful finger

pointing about what is wrong”. Long term sustainable social change requires a mental shift and

replacement of the destructive values and belief system of a population. There must be a

transformation from the destructive criminal behaviours which have been normalised into

everyday acceptance, to safe, sustainable social norms, such as those found in tikanga.

• Then we must remove the opportunities for criminal behaviour from our minds,

hearts, homes and communities

• Then we must replace them with tikanga that will transform those behaviours to

safe, strong, healthy behaviours that protect and promote whānau ora.

Amokura24

was very successful in implementing a ‘family violence prevention’ social change

strategy across targeted communities in Te Taitokerau utilising the Mauri Ora Framework.

23 Amokura, 2006 24 Tai Tokerau Consortium of Iwi CEO’s Family Violence Prevention Strategy, 2006


Figure 12: Iwi led crime prevention through the Mauri Ora Framework


SECTION 5 – DEVELOPING A STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVE TO IWI LED CRIME PREVENTION

5.1 Introduction

This section draws upon the key findings of the data analysis and crime profiles research; and

applies the context of the existing social change models to develop a strategic perspective to

Iwi Led Crime Prevention within the context of three interrelated approaches based on tikanga,

education and restorative justice.

5.2 A Tikanga Based Approach to Crime Prevention

Tikanga evolved as a set of guiding principles intended to protect Maori from danger in the

environment and from ourselves. In the past, tikanga was governed by whānau and hapū who

lived in close proximity to each other. Tikanga was enforced by a strong code of compliance

which everyone knew and understood, so were able to self-manage or face the dire

consequences of ‘straying from the path’. The same could not be said of Māori whānau living

in Tāmaki Makaurau today.

Today we live in a society influenced by media-defined and disseminated values and principles.

Our ‘commodity-based’ existence where everything is disposable, including relationships,

livelihoods and sometimes life itself, leads us to believe that everything can always be replaced

with a “newer, better” something, not just jobs, houses, dresses and cars. Today you can

choose your values and principles from any myriad of sources. From gang enforced codes to

nanny’s knee, from bumper stickers or Sky TV to church. Everyone has their own view on their

social entitlements and their own foundation for those beliefs

Any notion of tikanga is in contest with this pervasive contemporary reality. Our social fabric is

vastly changed from even 20 years ago. We often leave tikanga at the marae when we close

the gate and return to our ordinary lives. Tikanga must have relevance to our everyday lives

and be adopted by Māori everywhere. That is another challenge for Iwi. Moreover, it is also a

challenge for whānau to integrate tikanga into their daily lives.


Everyday whānau all over Aotearoa make plans to achieve certain outcomes. Whether it is

plans to ensure tamariki get to school safely, with kai for the day and homework completed; to

travelling to a whānau celebration. Whānau use tikanga every day, many simply have not

consciously linked planning and process to tikanga and called it tikanga. Iwi, hapū and marae

must lead the revitalisation of tikanga into the everyday lives of whānau. Even those who do

not, or cannot identify their whakapapa, but know they are Māori will be affected by the

residual impacts of population wide social marketing and promotion. Even non-Māori may be

positively affected. While the reo (language); spiritual, cultural and social frameworks are

exclusive to Māori, the values and principles of tikanga are universal. Nor is the notion of

having a process to achieve outcomes, albeit tikanga led outcomes, distinctly Māori.

In order to capture the hearts and minds of contemporary Māori whānau and future

mokopuna, the values and principles of tikanga will need to be conveyed via a ‘Ferrari styled’

package, incorporating the head-turning design features and the substance of a powerful

engine, able to deliver high performance under tough conditions. Iwi must establish strength-

based marketing brands for marae and whānau tikanga. Within each of those brands, a whole

suite of marketing and merchandising could be developed to promote tikanga through whānau

and marae for any particular issue. This social marketing approach could extend the core

values and language of tikanga into Māori homes, supporting the reconnection of whānau to

marae, hapū and Iwi. When the same tikanga is reinforced within schools and other education

venues, it becomes strengthened and embedded into young minds. No greater force exists for

influencing whānau than the hopes and aspirations they hold for tamariki and mokopuna.

Social marketing will raise the comprehension of tikanga and empower informed discussions at

the whānau dinner table about what tikanga means, and how Māori criminal behaviour is

counter to the tikanga of Ngāti Whātua and the tikanga of Tainui and other Iwi. Whānau will

be able to apply tikanga every day in simple ways and build strong identity and pride in being

Māori. Reflections of the same tikanga in communities, on marae, in cities and nationwide

promotions could create an army of t-shirt wearing converts. The potency and emotional

capital of the t-shirt billboard should not be underestimated.


Expounding the key tikanga based messages consistently through Government agencies and

Government funded NGO’s will further reinforce the importance of tikanga based values in the

lives of Māori whānau.

Every Whānau should be able to list their own whānau tikanga under specific whānau ora

outcomes in their own homes, i.e. a tikanga for schooling including attendance, performance

and achievement; a tikanga for physical health including nutrition, physical activity; etc.

Teachers and early education workers would apply and reinforce the same tikanga based

values at school. Iwi would work with national policy makers in all government agencies, in

local NGO’s, communities, kura kaupapa, schools, kohanga reo etc to identify targeted

outcomes and support the development of integrated action plans across the whole spectrum

of service provision to whānau. Iwi must be involved not just in naming and developing of

policy and programmes, but just as importantly, in the monitoring and reporting of those

outcomes to ensure they meet Māori expectations.

Identifying and articulating the key tenets of tikanga to Māori whānau and the wider

community including Govt. agencies and NGO’s, will provide a consistent, values-based

language and outcomes framework with which to focus the multiple efforts of all parties

towards achieving mutual objectives for Māori whānau. Only Māori can appropriately apply

and measure tikanga, but agencies can be a conduit for the communication of tikanga.

While connecting with whānau is imperative to change, it is not enough to solely target

whānau. A whole social change has to occur. Communities must mobilise if we are to achieve

the cultural mind shift necessary for success. Cities and regions must work in concert to bring

about long term sustainable change. Whānau and families must make changes in their homes,

which will change our society and future. And it is Iwi working with many others, who can led

this spectrum wide change, based on a foundation of tikanga.

Tikanga is the basic rule book for whānau ora, for good, healthy living and social harmony.


5.3 An Education Based Approach to Crime Prevention

Analysis of background factors most likely to be associated with criminal conviction as an adult

raise a number of implications for Iwi led crime prevention strategies:

Family background: a number of factors can be identified in the backgrounds of young

people which place them at risk, potentially these can be addressed by early

intervention programmes aimed at targeted children and young people.

Involvement with Child Youth and Family: either for reasons of care and protection or

because of earlier offending this is an important predictor of negative life outcomes.

This finding suggests the importance of ensuring the quality and effectiveness of

interventions when a child or young person first comes to notice of CYF.

A lack of school qualifications: is another major factor in poor outcomes indicating the

critical impact of effective management of problems that lead to Māori students leaving

early school and / or failing to achieve core qualifications.

The level at which a young person is dealt with in the youth justice system emerges as an

important factor in life outcomes. This finding underlines the importance of compliance with

the diversionary principles described earlier. To ensure that children and young people are

always dealt with at the lowest level in the youth justice system possible.25 When the

seriousness of the offence was held constant, offenders dealt with at a lower level (ie through

direct referral for a family group conference rather than through a charge in the Youth Court);

and who received less severe outcomes (ie were dealt with by plans that were less rather than

more restrictive and by lower rather than higher tariff Youth Court orders) were less likely to be

convicted as an adult and to have poorer life outcomes.26

This is not rocket science. We can see what we need to do to divert young people from

potential ‘negative life outcomes’. If all Iwi did was to focus on these several indicators, it

would be well worthwhile. As has been said before, the “best bang for your buck” will come

from activities which target youth and deter them from criminal behaviour. While this

approach moves the fence from the bottom of the cliff to the top of the cliff, it still does not

divert the traffic moving towards the cliff.

25 G Maxwell, V Kingi et al, Achieving Effective Outcomes in youth Justice, 2004, MSD, Wellington, NZ pp xiii 26 Ibid pp 298


Increasing the number and intensity of school based programmes could provide the greatest

and earliest positive impact. However, that will not occur by simply adding another job to the

already enormous job teachers in school have. Instead, Iwi will have to work with agencies and

schools to build and provide the capacity for new trainers - social trainers, kaumatua and kuia,

mentors, tuakana-teina programmes, etc, programmes that build social and moral character in

children. Programmes that build pride and knowledge in tamariki Māori, to walk confidently

with their heads held high beaming with their own academic, social, sports and cultural

successes.

The integrated structural change recommended throughout this plan will take longer and is

harder to do, but has a greater likelihood of long term success and wellbeing for mokopuna

Māori. That will change the direction of the traffic, from plunging headlong over the cliff face

of anti-social behaviours that lead to lifelong engagement with corrective services. A shift in

the horizon, from gangs and crime to self-fulfilled lives that celebrate oranga whānau and

oranga Māori as a plausible substitute. The schools merely create the space for enlightenment.

5.4 A Restorative Justice Approach to Crime Prevention

The current three-strikes policy “does little to reduce the drivers of crime”, says Kelvin Davis,

Labour MP. He says that “if we are really serious about reducing crime, we have to address the

causes of crime – we need to improve the social and economic situation for people”27

Another way might be redefining crime. It does not change the event, but provides

compassion and understanding in some instances of offending. It is not intended as an across-

the-board response to all offending, but rather to identify the small number of people who in

other circumstances, will probably never offend again.

. There

are several systemic ways to reduce crime, including reducing poverty by providing real,

fulfilling employment, as has been mentioned already.

Some crime is committed in the context of social dysfunction and high stress, such as some

incidents of domestic violence. If the level of seriousness of any violence and previous history

is used as criteria for inclusion in a diversionary response, and is used only once, or in unique

circumstances, by the same perpetrator, it might work. Our justice system already

27 Whangarei Leader, May 4, 2010, pp15


acknowledges that approach with the adoption of DV Courts and the opportunity for

restorative settings that enable perpetrators and victims to confront and sometimes reconcile

the offending with each other. Reconciling the diminishing of mana and tapu to get to

hohourongo is an extension of the same intention. Similarly for gambling related theft, where

the length of time offending, the victims vulnerability, etc and amount stolen might dictate the

opportunity for diversionary considerations.

This acknowledges that some offending occurs in reaction to certain social circumstances. It

does not excuse it, it simply provides empathy to understand that people sometimes make

mistakes, which can be life changing. If diminished mana and tapu is acknowledged and

addressed, by individuals and their whānau in a carefully structured setting, on a marae or

home with skilled kaimahi and kaumatua to awhi the process towards hohourongo, while

ensuring safety and a pathway to murua te hē, or murua te hara while showing genuine

remorse, in the course of the process, humanity could be restored and tikanga applied.

Many whānau and marae have a memory of marae committee’s undertaking hui to discipline

individual whānau members who had committed a hara (violation) against someone else.

Traditionally, Maori communities responded to their own issues and managed the process with

a clear outcome in mind. Whānau acknowledged the authority of the hapū to manage

behaviour within the context of tikanga and applying what was right, honest and fair, utilising

the framework of te tika, te pono me te aroha. While this process might be a distant memory,

the objective of reclaiming mana Māori in our homes, on our marae; and within our whānau

hapū and Iwi, is not a distant vision.

The extension of the Family Group Conference (FGC) concept to marae-based Kooti Rangatahi

is an example of a contemporary tikanga based approach to deter youth from a pathway of

crime and the life that pathway dictates. We must be careful, however, to ensure that marae

do not become places that whānau associate with Government agencies that become quasi-

courts. These kinds of programmes, if they are to be adopted must be developed with the

integrity of tikanga and the mana of whānau, hapū and Iwi driving them, not simply because of

the enforcement of Police and Courts.


It is critical to see these actions as only effective where they are done under the leadership of

the mana of the marae, the hapū and Iwi. Young people become accountable not just to an

unrecognisable Court authority which they have little regard for, but to the whakamā of

whānau and murua hara or murua hē28

In these instances, shame or whakamā becomes a strong deterrent to pause or prevent future

recurrence. However, appropriate community service and counselling should also be

undertaken by those diverted from conviction, to ensure any addiction or other issues are also

identified and addressed. These programmes could be provided alongside whānau wananga

on tikanga, aroha ki te tangata, mana and tapu etc but whānau must attend together, learn

together and resolve hē and hara together.

which must be carried out to achieve hohourongo.

Located within this context of tikanga, young people are taught the relationship between

themselves, their whānau and their marae, hapū and Iwi and the reciprocal balance between

rights and responsibilities.

The restorative pathway and alternatives to arrest and sentencing are several. The philosophy

and processes of restorative practice removes the “objective distance of strangers confronting

and being accountable to each other” as happens in the current Police and Courts system.

Instead restorative practice puts the personal face of whānau shame and accountability in front

of the victims of those same crimes.

Our judicial system is based on the Westminster system we inherited from Britain. Under that

system a perpetrator offends against society, rather than a specific person, so there is societal

harm rather than personal harm and account; and the offender faces a Court adjudged by

people personally disconnected from their criminal actions. This system perpetuates the lack

of personal accountability that tikanga requires. We must reintroduce personal, whānau, hapū

and Iwi responsibility and accountability. Shame must be acknowledged and used to manage

and deter anti-social behaviour. But there can be no shame where there is no pride in self or

respect for self. A long programme of education is required so young Māori come to know they

are special and tapu, as is everyone else they love or might harm.

28 ADHB Tikanga Best Practice, pp 20/22


SECTION 6 – ILCPP STRATEGIC OUTCOMES FRAMEWORK

6.1 Introduction

By default, an Iwi led approach to crime prevention must be strategic in nature, such is the role

of Iwi, particularly when operating at a waka level engaged with other Iwi. The conversion

from strategy into practice occurs at the service delivery level, whether through government

agencies, community, the not for profit sector, or hapū and whānau. This critical stage of the

process will impact the likelihood of success, therefore it is crucial to establish a strategic

outcomes framework that provides clear guidance and direction as to the expected application

of the strategy.

In developing a strategic outcomes framework, it is necessary to consider the following factors:

• The strategy must be Iwi led;

• A reconnection to traditional Māori values and social structures is at the heart of

reducing Māori participation in crime;

• A comprehensive community change initiative requires a multi-faceted approach to

effecting change at multiple levels of society from policy creation through to service

delivery;

• A strong and relevant strategic outcomes framework must be able to provide clear

direction to subsequent programmes of action and work plans across multiple

stakeholders associated with addressing a large and complex societal issue;

• Positive outcomes will only be generated through the associated delivery of actions

which are specific, measureable, attainable, relevant and timely;

• What has worked in the past?


6.2 ILCPP AS A COMPREHENSIVE COMMUNITY INITIATIVE

‘Comprehensive Community Initiatives’ is a term “used to describe the full range of initiatives

that take a comprehensive approach to change communities, in order to improve the well-

being of their residents”29

As a comprehensive community initiative, the ILCPP requires a multi-faceted approach to

generating targeted strategic outcomes. Hence the ILCPP outcomes framework prescribes a

set of strategic interventions designed to strengthen Iwi leadership, improve community

knowledge and cohesiveness, build service delivery sector capacity, and most importantly

increase the ability of whānau to develop and lead their own solutions.

. Ngāti Whātua and the Taitokerau Iwi CE Consortium successfully

applied this methodology to the Amokura Family Violence Prevention programme. The ILCPP is

a comprehensive community initiative designed to generate transformative social change in

relation to the high prevalence of Māori participation in criminal activities in Tāmaki Makaurau.

The Outcomes Framework vision, mission, strategic interventions and targeted outcomes are

closely aligned with the successful Taitokerau Iwi’s Family Violence Prevention Strategy. Each

of the four strategic intervention areas is focussed on generating a high level outcome,

supporting transformational social change at the scale required to support whānau through the

phases of the Mauri Ora Framework.

6.3 SUMMARY TABLE OF STRATEGIC INTERVENTIONS

Strategic Intervention

Activity Focus Area

Targeted Outcome

Advocacy and Leadership

Relationships, policy input, networking support, Iwi participation in crime prevention leadership

Informed coordinated communities advocating zero tolerance to crime

Education and Promotion

Social marketing, supporting extended service provider reach and influence to target populations,

evidence based resource development

Strong stakeholder relationships & knowledgeable whānau able to

address criminal behaviours

Professional Development and

Training

Supporting the crime prevention service sector and community / whānau champions to be excellent

Access to range, level and mix of competent and skilled crime

prevention services

Research and Evaluation

Developing best practice and addressing deficit of evidence based Māori crime prevention research.

Solid research base to inform best practice Iwi led crime prevention

solutions

Figure 13 – Summary Table of Strategic Interventions

29 Principles for evaluating comprehensive community initiatives, 2001, p.1


6.4 ILCPP STRATEGIC OUTCOMES FRAMEWORK DIAGRAM

Figure 14 – Outcomes Framework for the ILCPP


SECTION 7 – IWI LEADERSHIP OF CRIME PREVENTION

7.1 Introduction

This section describes and defines the leadership role of Iwi in relation to crime prevention and

explores the relationship of Iwi to themselves and to other key stakeholders including Crown

Agencies and Urban Māori Authorities.

The notion of Iwi taking a lead role in crime prevention is supported by the principle that

solutions for Māori must be led by Iwi and premised on the hypothesis that a reconnection to

traditional Māori values and social structures is at the heart of reducing Māori participation in

crime.

Iwi leadership in crime prevention represents an old approach to a new problem and posits a

traditional tikanga Māori based imperative that mana-whenua Iwi must exercise tino

rangatiratanga over their physical dominion while concurrently exercising manākitanga in

relation to those who are resident within that locale. In the case of crime being perpetuated by

Māori who do not affiliate to the mana-whenua Iwi of the area, the exercise of kotahitanga

(unity of purpose) represents an opportunity to engage with the affiliating, non mana-whenua

Iwi to jointly address the behaviours of their descendants’ resident in Tāmaki Makaurau. As

such, the Iwi leadership component of the Crime Prevention Strategy includes mana-whenua

Iwi working with non-mana-whenua Iwi at a governance level as shown in the implementation

structure.

The key to an Iwi led crime prevention plan is that it must be led by Iwi. This sounds like a

simple concept to grasp, however in reality the application of the concept is often difficult for

non-Iwi to accept, let alone embrace. Iwi leadership does not simply infer the requirement for

a robust consultation process. Rather it requires the total acceptance that the strategy is

underpinned by an Iwi pathology inclusive of associated tikanga, values, beliefs, methodologies

and concepts exercised through an Iwi world-view. Where these concepts contradict

alternative perspectives, whether those are of Government or other stakeholders, it is

important that any process towards achieving resolution be undertaken within an Iwi values

based construct. This does not diminish the important role of Government, Community and

Service Delivery Sectors in supporting a comprehensive response to this issue. It merely


emphasises the importance of Iwi Leadership as the critical component of effecting meaningful

change to the high prevalence of Maori participation in crime.

7.2 What is Iwi?

Angela Ballara states that “iwi and hapū are two of the categories of decent groups – groups of

kin linked primarily by their direct descent from a common ancestor – through which Māori

organised and organise their lives”. She goes on to say that “the development of successively

improved forms of government is (was) not the last step any of the modern tribes took in

political self-organisation or in the assertion of identity.”30 Indeed, that is an ongoing

metamorphosis which continues evermore today. The Family Violence Prevention Consortium

state that “Iwi are the enduring base for social organisation (in Taitokerau) and the consistent

advocate for the well-being of the people”31

More and more Iwi authorities have sought to “control their lands and membership and take

their affairs out of the hands of government”

32

It has been advocated that the initiatives aimed at the prevention of Māori family violence

need to: “incorporate Māori values and concepts” (Leahy, 1999); “recognise and provide for

the diverse and specific needs of whānau, hapū and iwi” (Ministry of Social Development, 2002,

p.15); and “build the capacity of whānau, hapū and iwi to resolve family violence issues within

their own communities”

, particularly as Māori see that the lives and

circumstances of Māori do not in any measure match the positive economic, social or health

outcomes of non-Māori. It has been clear for some time that if Māori want to change and

improve their lives, they must do it themselves as there is no other champion with a sustained

interest in doing what is best for Māori, but Māori themselves.

33

The greatest number of marae in Auckland are located in Counties Manukau District where

there are 29 Iwi marae, 9 pan tribal marae, 5 school based marae and 2 urban marae (both

. While the authors are talking specifically about family violence, the

same can also be said of all criminal behaviour perpetrated by Māori.

30 Ibid pp332 31 Family Violence Prevention Consortium, 2004, p 3 32 Ballara, A, Iwi, the Dynamics of Maori Tribal Organisation from c 1769 to c1945, (1998) Victoria University Press, NZ pp 33 Di Grennell and Fiona Cram Evaluation of Amokura: An indigenous family violence prevention strategy, MAI Review, 2008, 2

Article 4, p3


based in Mangere)34. There are 10 marae in Auckland District, 6 Iwi marae, 2 university marae

and 1 church marae35

.

7.3 Iwi Led Relationships

In 2007, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) noted, “The

committee believes New Zealand is not taking sufficient account of offenders' community and

cultural backgrounds”36

Iwi are at various stages of advancement in revitalising the power and strength of the

fundamental Maori social structures represented by whānau, hapū and Iwi. Tainui are very

successful with their pokai, koroneihana and other celebrations of Kingitanga and Tainuitanga.

They retain strong ahi kaa on urban marae such as Te Puea, at Ihumatao, in

Te Kauwhata, Pukekohe, etc. Ngāti Whātua has strong urban presence and recent history with

Bastion Point and Ngāti Whātua ki Orakei developments, Ruapotaka, etc. Both Iwi have strong

corporate profiles in Auckland. However, we are not talking here about the confident, well

connected Māori who know their Māoritanga and reo. We are talking about the

disempowered, disillusioned and disconnected Māori, in most instances, who are more likely to

be involved in crime in Tāmaki Makaurau.

Unlike Government agencies, such as the Police, Iwi do not possess dedicated resources to

develop the necessary capacity to engage in crime prevention and early intervention activities

with whānau, hapū and marae. Nevertheless, while there may be fiscal barriers, Iwi do possess

tikanga and customary knowledge upon which to frame the crime prevention kaupapa in a way

that will resonate with and strengthen whānau, hapū and Iwi.

Iwi may also need to engage with local communities and service providers in new and

innovative ways. A mana-whenua Iwi engagement with service providers may require time and

long conversations to establish and navigate. However, it is not without precedent. Many

agencies and providers acknowledge mana-whenua Iwi, but have not ventured beyond the

34 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008,pp 34-35 35 Ibid pp 8 36 TVNZ, UN Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD), 19 Aug, 2007


powhiri to embed the rangatiratanga relationship into service delivery and reporting. This

situation is often hampered by a lack of dedicated Iwi resources or prioritisation of the crime

prevention kaupapa as well as a traditional resistance of the Crown to acknowledge the role of

hapū and Iwi in relation to crime prevention.

Any relationship with Iwi must be based on the common outcomes and aspirations for whānau,

hapū and Iwi. The logical first step is to build upon those existing working relationships with

local marae, kohanga reo, kura kaupapa, kura wananga, Māori Wardens, local schools; Māori

service providers, etc. Iwi will need to establish relationships with crime prevention service

providers within their rohe. In general, those manawhenua relationships do not currently exist

in communities outside of the traditional Iwi structures. While there are some manawhenua

social and health services, such as Raukura Hauora o Tainui and Orakei Marae health services,

the majority of service providers do not fully engage with local Iwi. Some Iwi have entered into

formal agreements with Māori providers within their rohe, such as the Ngāti Whātua MOU with

Waipareira, however, more needs to be done to build stronger, collaborative relationships

between the provider sector and Iwi.

Iwi will need to organise themselves well to be successful. Iwi led relationships with hapū,

marae and whānau working with government agencies, community groups including urban

Māori providers, etc can bring a powerful working alliance to change the future for Māori.

7.4 Waka Framework

The Iwi led approach to crime prevention recognises Iwi with manawhenua in the Auckland

metropolitan region. These are Ngāti Whātua and Tainui. There are a number of other

traditional groupings i.e. hapū, that affiliate to these principal Iwi, however, the responsibility

and obligation to engage with those groupings is the domain of the identified manawhenua Iwi

themselves.

The Iwi led crime prevention plan will be led by Ngāti Whātua and Tainui operating at the

‘waka level’ of the traditional Maori social order. The waka level of the traditional Maori social

order represents a strategic engagement between Iwi for the purpose of addressing mutual

areas of concern, towards creating shared positive outcomes, encapsulated in the tikanga of

kotahitanga and incorporating other shared tikanga.


Figure 15: Traditional Maori Social Order

Engagement at the correct levels of authority is critical to operating effectively within the

auspices of the traditional Maori social order. Parallel engagement requires Iwi rangatira to

engage with other Iwi rangatira at the waka level; hapū rangatira to engage with other hapu

rangatira at the Iwi level; and whānau rangatira to engage with other whānau rangatira at the

hapū level. The vertical lines of engagement within the traditional Māori social order assign

hapū with the responsibility to engage with their affiliating whānau; and Iwi with the

responsibility to engage with their affiliating hapū. One Iwi should not engage directly with the

hapū of another Iwi, for that would represent an incorrect engagement within the traditional

Māori social order. This model is clearly demonstrated through existing leadership

engagements ie National Iwi Chairs Group; Te Waka a Taonui; and Te Taitokerau Iwi CE

Consortium. The Iwi led crime prevention plan seeks to ensure that the correct levels of

engagement occur at the iwi leadership end of the model. Other parties feature as key

stakeholders, funders and / or crime prevention provider sector. The interface between the Iwi

and stakeholder parties occurs within the Management Group.

While the ‘rangatira ki rangatira’ approach to engagement is specific to the Iwi leadership

operating within the auspices of the traditional Māori social order, the opportunity exists to

replicate this type of engagement with the other stakeholders involved in the plan. Hence Iwi

political-leaders engage with stakeholder political leaders (Govt. Ministers, Board Chairs etc);


Iwi Chief Executives engage with stakeholder Chief Executives; and, Iwi technicians engage with

stakeholder technicians. Engaging at these parallel levels of authority will ensure that any

dialogue and decision making is more effectively undertaken within the domain of authority

possessed by the parties involved in the engagement.

7.5 Non-Manawhenua Iwi Interests

There have always been non-manawhenua Iwi interests in Tāmaki Makaurau. In 1996 it was

reported that one third of all Māori living in Auckland were from Auckland or Northland. A

further 25% were unaware of their Iwi.37

The 2006 census identified 122,214 people affiliated to Ngāpuhi and over 50,000 people of

Ngāpuhi descent living in the Auckland region

The proportion of Māori displaced from Iwi and hapū

and living in urban centres has increased since then. Various marae in Tāmaki Makaurau align

to some of those non-manawhenua Iwi interests, including Te Tira Hou in Panmure, Piringatahi

in Massey, etc. Others like Papakura Marae and Hoani Waititi have developed in response to

displaced urban Māori whānau.

38

The reality for manawhenua Iwi of Tāmaki Makaurau is that non-manawhenua Iwi resident

populations feature highly in the Māori crime statistics. As the Taitokerau Iwi CE Consortium

recognised, “the cultural obligation of manākitanga extends the responsibility of care to all

through a collective tribal response.”

. Police crime statistics show Ngāpuhi as the

largest group of Maori offenders (who identified their Iwi affiliation) in Auckland.

39

Manawhenua leaders have already canvassed rangatira from non-manawhenua Iwi to signal

development of the Iwi led crime prevention plan for Tāmaki Makaurau. There has been a

positive response from those rangatira, agreeing to come to the table when the

manawhenua Iwi are ready to engage.

It is reasonable, therefore to expect that

manawhenua Iwi will exercise manākitanga by inviting non-manawhenua Iwi to participate in

the Iwi led crime prevention plan.

37 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 7 38 NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Maori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8, Sept 2008, pp 9 39 Family Violence Prevention Consortium, 2004, p4


Addressing the needs of non-manawhenua Iwi resident populations may involve interventions

delivered by their own Iwi social services located in Tāmaki Makaurau. Alternatively they may

determine that it is appropriate for Urban Māori or mainstream service providers to address

the needs of their populations. Either way, the participation of Iwi at a leadership level ensures

that any potentially conflicting or complementary interests are able to be articulated and

addressed at the waka level of the traditional Māori social order.

7.6 Urban Māori Authorities

Post World War II saw the mass migration of rural Māori into the urban centres of the country.

By 1945, 26% of the Māori population lived in the towns and cities. By 1956 this had increased

to 35%. Mass migration continued into the early 1960s. The urban population grew to 62% in

1966, and reached nearly 80% by 1986. Today, 84% of Māori live in urban areas. Most are in

the main metropolitan centres with a quarter living in the Auckland region, New Zealand’s

largest city. Many continue to affiliate with their Iwi ‘back home’. However, in 2001, one in

five Māori did not know their Iwi affiliation, and many have come to regard themselves as

‘urban Māori’.

Despite being alienated from their traditional homelands, ‘urban Māori’ still required

mechanisms to support their ongoing customary and cultural practices of tangihanga and other

collective gatherings. By the 1980s, the proliferation of Māori committees, clubs, and urban

marae complexes had created a new kind of community life for city Māori, and stimulated a

growing sense of being Māori in a pan-tribal and urban context.

The Waipareira trust was formed by the first Maori immigrants to Auckland, who

arrived in the city during and just after the Second World War. A comprehensive welfare

organization, it was established to aid those "who had lost their traditional support

networks" due to urban migration (Waitangi Tribunal 1998: xxiii). In addition to

providing a wide range of outreach services to the Maori population of West Auckland,

Te Whānau o Waipareira Trust constructed an urban marae in the 1970s that still serves

as a focus for social and cultural performances and other activities40

40 Levine, 2001 p163

.


In 1994 the Whānau O Waipareira Trust made claim to the Waitangi Tribunal for recognition as

a legitimate representative of urban Māori with the same Article Two Treaty rights that had up

to that stage been reserved for traditional kin based Iwi groupings. The claim was upheld and

subsequently there were law changes allowing the Trust to assume welfare responsibilities

from Government agencies.

In the 1990’s urban Māori authorities challenged the Māori Fisheries Settlement, claiming that

the settlement distribution model favoured traditional tribes and would not distribute benefits

to Māori affiliated with ‘pan-tribal’ urban Māori authorities, which they attested were akin to

contemporary Iwi. This claim was not supported by the government which proceeded to settle

the fisheries assets with traditional Iwi.

Urban Māori Authorities such as Manukau Urban Māori Authority and Te Whānau O

Waipareira are affiliated nationally with other Urban Māori Authorities. In many cases they

possess significant assets and operational infrastructure. They also deliver comprehensive

support services to urban Māori communities. They are recognised nationally as effective

providers of services to Māori whānau, with expertise in servicing their specific communities.

With the advent of Whānau Ora, the Urban Māori authorities such as Te Whānau O Waipareira

Trust are extending their influence into rural communities by providing support with

developing service delivery models. As leaders in the provider sector, the role of Urban Māori

Authorities in impacting Māori criminal behaviour could be significant.


SECTION 8 – STRUCTURAL IMPLEMENTATION OF THE ILCPP

8.1 Introduction

Having established the strategic outcomes framework for the Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan;

and the appropriate role of Iwi leadership, this section proposes a structure for the

governance, management oversight and operational implementation of the plan.

8.2 Governance of the ILCPP

The Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan must be governed by Iwi. Tikanga dictates that the

manawhenua Iwi of Tamaki Makaurau have a sacred obligation of manākitanga to their own

hapū and whānau, and to the non-manawhenua whānau that reside within their rohe. This

expression of manākitanga extends (through the principle of kotahitanga) to involving the

legitimate Iwi representatives of the non-manawhenua resident Māori populations, to be

involved in the governance of this Iwi led plan and subsequently the drive to address criminal

offending being perpetrated by their own affiliated whānau and uri. Accordingly the

governance structure shown in the following diagram incorporates primary representation

from Tāmaki Makaurau manawhenua Iwi, Ngāti Whātua and Tainui. It also incorporates

representation from non-manawhenua Iwi relative to the level of participation of their Iwi

descendants in criminal activities in Tāmaki Makaurau. This part of the structure gives effect to

the Iwi Leadership component of the ILCPP.

Figure 16: Iwi Leadership Governance Model


8.3 Crime Prevention Stakeholder Participation

Participation of key crime prevention stakeholders including Police, other government

agencies, Urban Maori Authorities, the wider service delivery sector, and hapū and whānau will

occur at the delivery level. At this level of the structure, the provision of support from

stakeholders through funding and influence will sustain the practical implementation of the

strategy. Furthermore, the alignment of stakeholder plans and action programmes with the

ILCPP outcomes framework will result in a synergising of efforts across multiple delivery impact

areas.

Figure 17: ILCPP Delivery Level

8.4 Management and Operational Level

Management oversight of the ILCPP will be undertaken by a Management Group consisting of

representatives appointed from the governance group and representatives nominated from

the stakeholder group.

The Management Group will provide oversight and support to an ILCPP project team which will

drive the implementation of the ILCPP through targeted engagements and defined projects.

This level of the proposed structure will represent the collective influence of Iwi leadership and

the key crime prevention stakeholders through the implementation of the strategic outcomes

framework and subsequent impact on crime prevention service delivery.


Figure 18: ILCPP Management and Operational Level

8.5 ILCPP Implementation Structure

The following diagram brings together the different levels of engagement within the ILCPP

implementation structure and demonstrates the alignment of Iwi Leadership at a governance

level combined with key stakeholder input, support and participation at a Management Group

level, with the support of the ILCPP Project team generating collective influence and impact at

the service delivery level, where the rubber hits the road and whānau are directly engaged in

crime prevention.

Figure 19: ILCPP Leadership Structure


SECTION 9 – OPERATIONALISING THE ILCPP STRATEGIC OUTCOMES FRAMEWORK

9.1 Introduction

Operationalising the ILCPP Strategic Outcomes Framework will occur at two levels within the

implementation structure. Initially, at the management level, the ILCPP Project Team will

undertake strategic engagements with key stakeholders to develop and implement ILCPP

projects. At the delivery level, key stakeholders will be supported to develop and align their

own plans and action programmes with the identified ILCPP strategic outcomes. Effective Iwi

leadership at the governance level will ensure the strategic focus is maintained while the

necessary impacts take place at a delivery level.

This section describes a range of operational imperatives that will be generated through the

ILCPP, both at the management level of the structure as well as the delivery level. These are by

no means exhaustive and simply indicate the type of delivery level activities that are expected

to occur.

9.2 Developing Best Practice

There is history of some success in crime prevention drawing from a wide pool of initiatives,

including building pride and mana-Māori within whānau through kohanga reo and

kura kaupapa, Police youth mentoring programmes, tikanga programmes within Corrections,

Family Group Conferences, marae based restorative justice initiatives etc. In the 1980’s the

Mātua Whāngai programme was the foundation for similar outcomes through the Department

of Social Welfare. Iwi will need to consider all of these past and present initiatives; and more,

in order to develop best practice guidelines to achieve the desired outcomes of the Iwi Led

Crime Prevention Plan.

Maxwell, Kingi et al (2004) state that we ought to “implement best practice to limit the future

offending of children and young people who attend family group conferences; and to increase

understanding of effective practice for girls compared to boys and for the different ethnic

groups within New Zealand, principally Mäori, Päkeha and Pacific young people”41

41 Gabrielle Maxwell, Venezia Kingi et al, Achieving Effective Outcomes in Youth Justice, 2004 for MSD, Wellington, pp xv

.


Best practice in community action programmes that reduce and prevent criminal behaviours

has yet to be widely evidenced through research and evaluation of such programmes.

However, there is an increasing amount of research being undertaken by Māori to inform best

practice across a wide range of outcomes. Iwi will need to work with agencies to review and

evaluate existing and future programmes to determine best practice.

9.3 Forging Relationships

The Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan could inform the Auckland City, Māori Statutory Board’s

crime prevention strategies and actions and be a model for effective working relationships with

Iwi in Tāmaki Makaurau.

To be successful, this model will require high level agreements with Government Ministers and

Ministry CEO’s to create governance partnerships across all government agencies who engage

with whānau in Tāmaki Makaurau, not just with the Police. Those governance relationships

will align and reinforce Iwi led crime prevention outcomes with government agency KPI’s. Iwi

should be involved in the development of outcomes, action plans, local area results, monitoring

and reporting against those outcomes. Achievement of ILCPP outcomes should be measured

against Iwi determined KRA’s that government agencies work collaboratively with to achieve.

9.4 Social Change Marketing

Intensive social marketing campaigns are expensive, but also very effective when done well.

Ref: smokefree - auahi kore; drink driving; “It’s not OK”; social marketing campaigns. Iwi must

ensure that any ILCPP campaign is well integrated to support the same messages in multiple

applications, with promotions that are interesting and engaging and reflect the target

audiences. Messaging should be strength based incorporating a tikanga based “crime

prevention” message pitched within a range of whānau focussed formats and mediums. The

ultimate goal of social marketing is for the target group to develop a sense of ownership over

the branding and messaging. Consideration of individual community, Iwi, hapū and marae

requirements should feature in the design process.

Sustainability of the ILCPP rests in the fact that whānau ora is an everlasting principle for Māori

and good synergy with the Whānau Ora national framework will be important to its survival

and performance. Good planning and management will round off a well-pitched campaign of


messages, merchandise, promotions and events. These campaigns could be pilots for possible

future delivery on a national scale.

As marketing is a specialist skill and incorporates a range of activities, it will be best to tender

for this activity and develop a fully integrated marketing plan.

9.5 Stakeholder Participation - What Can Police Do?

Although crime is typically seen as a Police problem, for the Police to fix, addressing the high

prevalence of crime amongst Māori requires Māori solutions. The most critical opportunities

for intervention and prevention are external to the police organisation42. The Police

document, Manukau Knowledge Profile 2008 correctly suggests that “a combination of

proactive and reactive approaches incorporating a holistic, multi-agency (including community

service providers) approach is still assessed as having the best potential for success”43

The bold strategic direction of the Police must continue and with it a focus on proactive and

reactive service delivery

. We

need a broad spectrum approach that is not limited to crime related action. This approach

requires an understanding of the causal relationships between historically identified issues,

including good housing, employment, access to good health services, quality education, etc; as

well as building pride in being Māori and a willingness to trust that Iwi can lead the change.

44

By the time Māori enter the Police offenders data base it is often too late for some. However,

it is still very important that the practice of optional collection of information which identifies

not just ethnicity as Māori, but also Iwi and hapū and / or marae, needs to be mandatory for all

Police interactions with Māori, where individual information is appropriately collected and

recorded. That information must then be made available to Iwi Māori to inform shared action

and measure shared outcomes.

The Manukau Knowledge Profile 2008, also says “further

information is required to establish whether or not a culture based approach to addressing

offending would be the most effective means of minimising criminal offending by Māori”. The

Report rightly suggests that improved data collection to identify Māori offenders and their Iwi,

is required before decisions about Iwi crime prevention and intervention plans can be

contemplated.

42 Hartley, J, Northland Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan, 2010 43 Ibid pp 25 44 Collinson, CA Environmental Scan, Macro Environment, (2009) pp2/30


Issues around information sharing are currently being investigated by the Police, to provide Iwi

with data for future crime prevention strategies.

There are many responses to spiralling crime statistics. Māori and others have promoted many

options over time to reduce Māori offending. While some programmes and initiatives have

been ‘successful’, few survive the political shifts of time.

Many recent Police initiatives have demonstrated a willingness to step outside the boundaries

of typical Police work and engage in preventive activities which have a direct impact on

reducing criminal behaviour amongst target groups. Police mentoring programmes with at-risk

youth, Police education programmes in schools etc are all positive steps for Police and

community partnerships. Another is the relationship with the Māori Wardens. Māori Wardens

continue to be an effective preventive response to anti-social behaviours, particularly for youth

in many towns and cities. Māori Wardens groups in Māori communities such as in Manurewa,

Otara, Papakura, Glen Innes etc. are perfect partners for crime prevention work with Police.

Police must continue to work closely with Iwi and community partners to continue to develop

and maintain successful prevention and early intervention programmes.

“This Plan provides systemic, integrated, intense and targeted commitment to the children,

young people, families and communities of Counties Manukau and Otahuhu. Evidence shows

that if Government works in partnership with non-Government agencies, communities, and

local Government, we will achieve much better results”.45

Of course this is not the single response to reducing crime, but a wider application of wisdom

and restraint in the use of discretionary powers to arrest could have measurable impacts on

reducing crime over time.

There are a number of initiatives

which the Police can undertake with Iwi and community engagement. They include the

application of “discretionary powers” to arrest. While Police have always had the power to

exercise discretion in arrests, it is suggested that a wider application in the early interactions

with Māori could have a more far-reaching impact on reducing the recidivism and seriousness

of crime committed by Māori. Initial interactions between Police and young Māori could

change long term involvement in crime.

45 NZ Police, Maori Knowledge profile Counties Manukau District


Police involvement and commitment to the ILCPP will be demonstrated through the

establishment and implementation of an action plan that sets out the Police actions that will

align with and support the implementation of the ILCPP. This relationship will be managed

through the ILCPP Management Group with the support of the Project Team. The Police

annual action plan will be submitted to the Management Group for input during the planning

development phase.

9.6 Tu Tika Matrix - Describing Delivery Level Interventions

The Tu Tika Matrix has been developed as a guide for the implementation of delivery level

interventions which would align with the broader ILCPP strategic outcomes framework. The

tikanga based interventions are intended to stimulate crime prevention values, activities and

kaupapa within whānau, marae and communities - the broader the integration of

interventions, the greater the likelihood of new norms being adopted by whānau. The matrix

extends to communities and sports clubs because that is often the extent to which whānau are

recognisable in rural and urban locations, other than Iwi. Whānau may have little inter-

personal connection in a city, but often extend the same connectedness and protection

afforded to whānau, to those within their own communities. They are ‘whānau as neighbours’

and in urban dwellings46

Cram says that “the communities asked to lead change are also the

public spaces where the attitudes, beliefs and systems that normalize violence flourish and

reproduce”.

46 Durie M, Mauri Ora, The Dynamics of Maori Health, 2001, Oxford University Press, UK


Tu Tika Matrix Delivery level interventions

HOME SCHOOL MARAE COMMUNITY SPORTS CLUB

Wha

nau

Tupu

a

Develop and apply tikanga

based whanau values in the

home

Reinforce and validate whanau

values in the school

Link whanau values to marae tikanga through activities, linked messaging etc.

Promote community support and ownership of tikanga based whanau values

Expose whanau to values based language and

messaging through sports medium

Iwi

Koki

ri

Leverage Iwi identity and affiliation to align whanau

values specifically to mana-whenua and matāwaka

tikanga

Reinforce Iwi and Hapu

relationship with schools to

support the uptake of

tikanga based whanau values i.e. tika, pono &

aroha

Iwi support to marae to define,

practice and promote tikanga through strength based events i.e.

wananga

Iwi lead & support strength based community

events that promote crime

prevention, Maori pride,

connectivity etc.

Iwi led and sponsored sports

activities promoting healthy participation with a

crime prevention focus i.e. fair play

etc.

Com

mun

ity

Taut

oko

Visible presence in communities of local tikanga

and positive affirmations of

whanau

Integrate community and whanau norms into schools i.e. zero tolerance

to bullying, drugs etc.

Link community with marae based

activities to extend

understanding and uptake of tikanga Maori

Support local communities networks to

develop community led

solutions to criminal

behaviour

Support sports clubs to reduce

negative impact on communities i.e.

host responsibility at after match

functions

NG

O’s

Ta

utok

o

Incorporate whanau tikanga

based values into best

practice delivery models

Support service delivery in schools i.e.

SWIS with crime prevention

resources and expertise

Link marae based service provision

with tikanga based marketing and promotional

support

Link community based service provision with tikanga based marketing and promotional

support

Develop support and referral

mechanisms to empower sports clubs to address

issues when and as they arise

Gov

t. Ag

enci

es T

auto

ko Consider

dynamics of whanaungatanga when setting

policies that impact whanau

ability to maintain &

exercise tikanga based whanau

values

Make provision for education

and promotion of tikanga based

crime prevention messaging

Support activities designed to

re-establish the role of marae in the maintenance

and dissemination of tikanga based

values to whanau Maori

Support activities in the community

designed to promote greater

community cohesion and

ownership of the crime prevention

kaupapa

Support fitness related activities

designed to engage ‘hard-to-reach’ communities in strength based

messaging about crime prevention

through sports

Figure 20: Tu Tika Matrix of delivery level interventions


SECTION 10 – NEXT STEPS FOR IMPLEMENTATION

10.1 Introduction

The intention is that once formed, the ILCPP Project Team will develop and implement a

programme of action for achieving the short, medium and long term goals described in the

strategic outcomes framework.

Initially, however, the ILCPP Project Team will need to develop a start-up implementation plan,

with timeframes and budget estimates and a reporting schedule that is aligned to the funder

and stakeholder expectations.

10.2 Implementation Plan

Key tasks in the implementation plan will include:

1. Project Manage implementation of the next stage of the project

a. Tasks to include oversight of the implementation plan;

b. Consultation strategy to be implemented and monitored;

c. Information management, preparation of briefing papers; and

d. Reporting and Evaluation - co-ordination of accountability requirements and

best practice reporting and evaluation.

2. Suggest each Organisation appoint a ‘champion’ to the Management Group.

a. Each champion to be a senior member of the organisation;

b. Schedule regular monthly meetings

c. Specific actions / tasks etc. as agreed set and reported against; and

d. Timeframes set in place and agreed to accordingly.

3. Sponsorship for the Project / Phase 2.

a. Confirm sponsor: One or multiple funding sources?

b. A budget of $180k is recommended for the implementation phase.


10.3 Resourcing

As a new initiative, the Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan will require resourcing. The first steps

would require two project workers and would focus on:

• Consultation on the ILCPP, with manawhenua within Tāmaki Makaurau

• Confirm the model and components of the plan

• Establish clear structure for governance and operational engagement

• Identify early adopter services and agencies to work with

• Engage with existing Māori and marae based providers

• Engage with Whānau Ora centres in Tāmaki Makaurau.

• Identify potential agencies for Police referrals from alternative solutions

• Set up a project team

• Identify key projects and activities and formulate into a business plan

The ILCPP Team could comprise a small group of fixed term contractors, including

Project Manager and project workers. All administrative duties could be integrated with the

contract holder’s existing operations. The Project Manager would be responsible for contract

compliance and keeping the programme of projects on track.

10.4 Reporting

The Project Team will work with the funder/s, to develop a reporting framework to satisfy the

internal and external reporting requirements of all key stakeholders. The reporting framework

will also seek to establish clear and consistent lines of reporting from Police and other key

stakeholders evidencing the integration of the ILCPP objectives into their own operational

activities and outcomes, as well as evidence of the impact of the ILCPP activities, within their

Districts. Importantly Police will need to ensure the mandatory capture of all ethnicity data to

inform the plan on an ongoing basis.

In the first instance the Project Team will apply simple analysis tools to interpret the reported

information, to show any trends and early results from the implementation of the ILCPP. A

cyclical process of robust evaluation will also be incorporated into the operation.


10.5 Budget

These estimates are based on a 6 month intensive process of developing and implementing the

ILCPP phase one business plan, including the negotiation and formalisation of future funding

streams for the ongoing implementation of the ILCPP.

Iwi Led Crime Prevention Plan – Implementation Phase: business planning,

consultation & provider engagement

Project Management Project Manager 60,000

Project Worker 40,000 Project Management Expenses Office 5,000 Travel 6,000 Lease equipment 20,000 Expertise (Evaluation, Marketing etc) 16,000 Governance Meetings

Venue Hire 1,000 Catering 1,000

Management Group Meetings Venue hire 1,000

Catering 1,000

Consultation Venues 3,000

Catering 3,000

Provider Consultation Venue 4,000

Catering 1,000

Contingencies 18,000

TOTAL 180,000

Figure 21: Implementation Budget


SECTION 11 - REFERENCES

11.1 Glossary

Iwi A nation or people with a shared identity and genealogy. An aggregation of

hapū.

Hapū Sub tribe of an Iwi. An aggregation of whānau.

Whā𝐧𝐚𝐮 Grouping of nuclear and extended family.

Marae Place of Māori cultural practices. Often comprising of a carved meeting

house, marae ātea (sacred space in front of the meeting house), dining room

and ablution facilities.

Mana Spiritual power and authority to enhance and restore tapu. Health Services

must empower tängata mäuiui and their whänau. In doing so the service’s

own mana is enhanced.

Whānaungatanga Interconnectedness of whānau with hapū and Iwi

Ahi Kaa Rights of ownership of lands by continuous occupation

Whakamā Shame and embarrassment.

Murua hara To restore tapu by addressing and repairing violation

Murua hē To restore and heal a wrong

Tika That which is right and has integrity

Pono That which is honest, truthful and fair

Aroha Filial and romantic love, compassion

Hohourongo Holistic balance of all dimensions in one’s life i.e. spiritual, emotional,

physical (incl. social)

Take Issue or matter to be dealt with at that time

Tiketiketanga Work carried out with the highest integrity


11.2 Bibliography

• ADHB, Tikanga Best Practice,

• Ballara, A, Iwi, the Dynamics of Māori Tribal Organisation from c 1769 to c1945

• Durie M

, (1998) Victoria University Press, NZ

Mauri Ora, The Dynamics of Māori Health

• Gabrielle Maxwell, Venezia Kingi, et al,

, 2001, Oxford Press UK

Achieving Effective Outcomes in Youth Justice, Final report

• Centre for Social Research & Evaluation,

February 2004, Ministry of Social Development ISBN: 0-478-25142-4

Campaign for Action on Family Violence: Reach and retention of the “It’s not OK” television advertisements

• Collinson, CA,

, Prepared by Fleur McLaren for Te Pokapū Rangahau Arotake Hapori, March 2010, (ISBN 978-0-478-32388-7 (Online)

Auckland Regional Environmental Scan, Macro Environment

• Corrections Department,

(2009)

Policy, Strategy and Research Group Department of Corrections Over-representation of Māori in the criminal justice system An exploratory report

• Di Grennell and Fiona Cram

, 2007, Wellington, NZ

Evaluation of Amokura: An indigenous family violence prevention strategy, MAI Review, 2008, 2 Article4, http://www.review.mai.ac.nz

• Grennell, D. (2006). Amokura – indigenous innovation

• M Peri, Dept. Courts, Restorative Justice Training, 2001

Paper presented at the 10th

Australasian Conference on Child Abuse and Neglect (ACCAN), 14-16 February 2006, Wellington.

• NZ Herald 1 April, 2010

• NZ Police & Cherie Lang, Māori Knowledge Profile Auckland Metro Districts 2007/8

• NZ Police,

, Sept 2008

Māori Knowledge profile Counties Manukau District -

• NZ Police

2008

• Lang et al

Auckland Regional Control Strategy, 2009/10

• Pa Henare Tate and Malcolm Peri,

Māori Knowledge Profile Waitemata - 2008

Dynamics of Whānaungatanga

• Penketh, Laura,

(DOW), 1996

Tackling Institutional Racism, Anti-Racist Policies and Social Work, 2000

• Principles for evaluating comprehensive community initiatives, 2001, p.1

, The Policy Press, Bristol UK

• Statistics NZ, NZ National Census, 2006,

• TPK, Quality of Life Indicators for Māori, A Discussion Document for the Māori Potential Forecast Report , 2007, Wellington

• TVNZ, UN committee on Elimination of Discrimination, 19 Aug, 2007

http://www.review.mai.ac.nz/�


11.3 Appendix 1 – Waka Level Guiding Principles Framework

The Taitokerau Iwi CE Consortium developed a framework of guiding principles to underpin the actions, decisions and engagements of the waka level collective of Iwi authorities. The framework incorporated ‘values based principles’ utilising common principles from tikanga Māori; and ‘rules based principles’ utilising best practice business principles.

The provision of the two different sets of principles reflects the dual nature of Iwi engagements i.e:

• Engagement with other Iwi is based on tikanga Māori – values based principles;

Whereas,

• Engagement with the Crown and other mainstream sectors tends to rely upon rules based principles (i.e. legislation).

The following tables are provided as an example

Values Based Principles

of a set of values based principles and rules based principles that could be used to support the implementation of the ILCPP.

Kotahitanga Leadership exercised and engaged at the appropriate levels of the traditional Maori social order

Manākitanga Sacred obligation to care for people

Kaitiakitanga Sacred obligation to care for Papatuanuku

Whānaungatanga Promote Iwi sense of identity, connectedness & responsibility

Tiketiketanga Work carried out to the highest integrity Figure 22: Values based principles

Rules Based Principles

Partnership Good working relationships through upholding appropriate levels of engagement based on Te Tiriti O Waitangi

Iwi led outcomes Strength based outcomes that align with our strategic goals and values

Sustainability Solutions that sustain the Māori resource base, cultural capability and freedom of expression in an enduring manner.

Accountability Reciprocal disclosure, monitoring and reporting on key milestones and performance assessment

Decision-making Iwi taking responsibility for their own solutions and making sound decisions based on good research

Effective communications

Good faith disclosure, early warnings and no surprises

Protection of Matauranga Maori

Cultural and intellectual property will be shared internally but any external use, ownership and promotion rights of Iwi material and cultural intelligence will remain with Iwi

Figure 23: Rules based principles


11.4 Appendix 2 – Maori Social Order Definitions

The following descriptions are provided for clarity about the various groupings within the Maori

social order as referred to in the ILCPP.

Whānau Defining whānau, hapū, and Iwi, Henare (1988: 12) states that this was a form of kinship

extended family into which a person is born and socialised. The organisational structure of

these groups provided their own authority and decision making forms of governance and day to

day management for the expressed purpose of the people. This structure is still in existence

into the 21st Century.

Hapū The hapū comprises a closer kinship group than Iwi and is primarily made up of a number of

whānau groups. Each hapū physically occupies land recognised by the Iwi. Henare (1998:12)

refers to this concept as Ahi Kaa where one maintain’s a claim to hapū membership through

whakapapa. As the hapū grows, as seen within present Māori society, members have had to

relocate to other areas such as the city to find employment and / or further their training.

Current Māori land tenure does not extingusih their rights legally but for Māori living away

from their respective lands this does pose a new set of challenges. Therefore, the development

of their Taura Here in the city is the key for them to maintain their hapū and whānau

connections away from their hapū lands.

Iwi The Iwi or main tribe is the larger traditional grouping of several hapū with an eponymous

ancestor. It is the largest socio-political organisation that exists in Māori society, with

territorial boundaries. Even though many Māori people identify themselves solely as Māori , or

tangata whenua, many also prefer to use their tribal name as a finer distinction (Rangihau,

1975:22; Durie, 1945:5). In cities, groups of Māori created a social grouping – Taura Here, that

continues to bind them together as a whānau , hapū and Iwi.

Waka The waka leve of engagement is premised on whakapapa connections of acknowledged tribal

ancestral waka. For example some, ancestral waka are Mahuhu ki te Rangi,

Ngatokimatawhaorua, Tainui, Te Arawa, Tokomaru, Tamatea, Aotea. The waka level of the

Maori social order makes provision for different Iwi with shared lineage to individual or

associated waka to work together for strategic purposes.

iwi led crime prevention plan - iwi chairs...

Documents