jacek wankowski harappan figurines - the ancient indus ... · the indus valley civilisation existed...

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1 The distribution and role of Harappan ‘headdress’ figurines and Harappan socio-political organisation. Jacek Wankowski The University of Sydney, Department of Archaeology, School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry, A14 Quadrangle, NSW 2006, Australia. Abstract This discussion paper summarises the known geographic distribution of the small anthropomorphic terracotta female figurines which were previously misleadingly often described as ‘Mother Goddesses’. It reviews published information on the distribution of these ‘headdress’ figurines, concluding that they are characteristic of a core Indus Valley Civilisation around the major Indus River urban centres of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro, and are absent at the fringes and rare to absent in between. A review of published information on site distribution and possible roles attributed to these and other figurines concludes that rather than being fertility symbols or images of deities, their most likely use was as initiation figurines to socialise, train and educate children and young adults: a method of exercising power and social control by a ruling elite which was absent from the cities and towns. It is proposed that the socio-political structure for the Indus Valley Civilisation was similar to 1 st millennium CE Saxon England: artisanal/mercantile cities from which the ruling and religious elites were absent, living at dispersed, smaller sites analogous to Saxon aristocratic estates and monasteries. Further work should be undertaken to find and identify such sites. Finally, the evidence suggests that the ruling classes were dominated by a powerful female (or female-gender) elite. Introduction The Indus Valley Civilisation existed approximately contemporaneously with the three other great riverine civilisations of the ‘ancient’ world: Mesopotamia along the Euphrates and Tigris Rivers, Egypt along the Nile, and Xia and Shang Dynasty China on the Yellow River. By its mature phase (2600-1900 BCE) it was by far the largest of these and covered an area of 1.3 million km 2 (Fig. 1) and possible as much as 3.1 million km 2 , centred on the alluvial Indus and (the now dry) Ghaggar- Hakra-Saraswati River valley, with a wide-ranging trade network, both maritime to the Mesopotamian civilisations of the Persian Gulf and overland to Afghanistan in the west and Gujarat in the east, integrating this huge area (Coningham and Young 2015, p. 177-178, 211, fig. 6.27; Scarre and Fagan 2016, p. 135-145). The mature phase Indus Civilisation (Fig. 1) comprised five significant sites: the two large cities of Mohenjo-daro and Harappa and three smaller cities, some 100 small towns and more than 1000 possible small village settlements (Coningham and Young 2015, p. 183-4, fig. 6.2, p. 200). Total population size was probably around 5 million (Gelderloos 2017, p. 93).

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Page 1: Jacek Wankowski Harappan figurines - The Ancient Indus ... · The Indus Valley Civilisation existed approximately contemporaneously with the three other great riverine civilisations

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ThedistributionandroleofHarappan‘headdress’figurinesandHarappansocio-politicalorganisation.

JacekWankowski

TheUniversityofSydney,DepartmentofArchaeology,SchoolofPhilosophicalandHistoricalInquiry,A14Quadrangle,NSW2006,Australia.

Abstract

Thisdiscussionpapersummarisestheknowngeographicdistributionofthesmallanthropomorphicterracottafemalefigurineswhichwerepreviouslymisleadinglyoftendescribedas‘MotherGoddesses’.Itreviewspublishedinformationonthedistributionofthese‘headdress’figurines,concludingthattheyarecharacteristicofacoreIndusValleyCivilisationaroundthemajorIndusRiverurbancentresofHarappaandMohenjo-daro,andareabsentatthefringesandraretoabsentinbetween.Areviewofpublishedinformationonsitedistributionandpossiblerolesattributedtotheseandotherfigurinesconcludesthatratherthanbeingfertilitysymbolsorimagesofdeities,theirmostlikelyusewasasinitiationfigurinestosocialise,trainandeducatechildrenandyoungadults:amethodofexercisingpowerandsocialcontrolbyarulingelitewhichwasabsentfromthecitiesandtowns.Itisproposedthatthesocio-politicalstructurefortheIndusValleyCivilisationwassimilarto1stmillenniumCESaxonEngland:artisanal/mercantilecitiesfromwhichtherulingandreligiouseliteswereabsent,livingatdispersed,smallersitesanalogoustoSaxonaristocraticestatesandmonasteries.Furtherworkshouldbeundertakentofindandidentifysuchsites.Finally,theevidencesuggeststhattherulingclassesweredominatedbyapowerfulfemale(orfemale-gender)elite.

Introduction

TheIndusValleyCivilisationexistedapproximatelycontemporaneouslywiththethreeothergreatriverinecivilisationsofthe‘ancient’world:MesopotamiaalongtheEuphratesandTigrisRivers,EgyptalongtheNile,andXiaandShangDynastyChinaontheYellowRiver.Byitsmaturephase(2600-1900BCE)itwasbyfarthelargestoftheseandcoveredanareaof1.3millionkm2(Fig.1)andpossibleasmuchas3.1millionkm2,centredonthealluvialIndusand(thenowdry)Ghaggar-Hakra-SaraswatiRivervalley,withawide-rangingtradenetwork,bothmaritimetotheMesopotamiancivilisationsofthePersianGulfandoverlandtoAfghanistaninthewestandGujaratintheeast,integratingthishugearea(ConinghamandYoung2015,p.177-178,211,fig.6.27;ScarreandFagan2016,p.135-145).

ThematurephaseIndusCivilisation(Fig.1)comprisedfivesignificantsites:thetwolargecitiesofMohenjo-daroandHarappaandthreesmallercities,some100smalltownsandmorethan1000possiblesmallvillagesettlements(ConinghamandYoung2015,p.183-4,fig.6.2,p.200).Totalpopulationsizewasprobablyaround5million(Gelderloos2017,p.93).

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Kenoyer(2006,p.31-33),ConinghamandYoung(2015,p.182-183,204,238-9)andScarre&Fagan(2016,p.145-148)reviewthecurrentstateofknowledgeaboutthematurephaseIndus.Nothingisknownaboutsocial,politicalorreligiousorganisationandbeliefsasthescriptremainsundecipheredandtherearenoimagescommemoratingrulers,leadersorpriests,andnoevidenceofamilitary.Whileeverythingpointstoacommonideologyandasharedsetofnormsandvalues,therearenoidentifiabletemplesorpalaces,nomonuments,noelitedwellings,no‘royal’graves;citydwellingsareunpretentious‘middleclass’standardisedbuildings.Citydwellersappeartohavebeentradersandartisans.

Recentresearchandre-analysisofpreviouswork(ConinghamandYoung2015,p.235-7;Gelderoos2017,p.94,135;Kenoyer1997,p.263:2006,p.31-32)hasnotledtoanyonemodelofsocio-political-religiousorganisation,withvarioushypotheticalalternativesproposed:

1. onesinglestate,2. multiple‘domains’orcitystates,3. adecentralisedegalitariansociety,4. asocietyrunbychangingassembliesof(possiblycompeting)inhabitants,5. astatelesspurelymercantilesociety.

ThishasledtorecentproposalsthattheIndusdoesnotfitmodelsdevelopedfortheNearEastandeasternMediterranean,andthereforeanewmodelandexplanationfortheIndusneedstobedeveloped(Coningham&Young2015:237;ShafferinWenke&Olszewski2007:425).

Indusfigurines

IndusterracottafigurinesvaryinsizeandappearanceandhavebeenfoundindifferentcontextsandlocationsthroughouttheIndusregion.Awidevarietyofzoomorphic,anthropomorphic,

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Figure1.MaturephaseIndusValleyCivilisation,showingsitelocationsandregions1-5aspertheTable.BasemapfromWikimediaCommons.

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compositeand,toalesserextent,male-formfigurines1havebeencommonlyfound(ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.491-519;Kenoyer1998,p.127-137)andfigurinescomprisethe‘mostvariedandnumerousclassofartisticsubjectsoftheIndusCivilisation’(Ardeleneanu-Jansen2002,p.205).WhilezoomorphicfigurinesdominatetheInduscorpus(Insoll2017,p.4),thesubjectofthispaperarethesmall(generallyunder20cmhigh)anthropomorphicterracottafigurinesofthefemaleforminthepastmisleadinglydescribedas‘MotherGoddess’fertility-deities(ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.510).Theideathattheyareafertilitydeityorsymbol(Kenoyer1998,p.132)or‘MotherGoddess’hasbeenextensivelychallengedbyClark(2005;2007a;2007b,p.533-44)andmoregenerallydiscredited2.Ardeleneanu-Jansen(1992,p.6)andBiagi(2004,p.24)notethat‘headdress’figurinesarerelativelyrare,butofgreatinterestbecauseoftheinsightstheyprovide.

Whiletheapproachoffocussingononlyonetypeoffigurinehasitscritics(Meskell2017,p.20-21),ithasthemeritofeliminatingthedistractionofoverwhelmingandoftenextraneousinformationandallowsforsubstantivecomparison,lookingforapatterning,ratherthannarrowcontextualisation(Lesure2017,p.37).Lesure(2011,p.44,208)notesthatbothcontextualistanduniversalistprinciplescanbeappliedtogetherina‘holistic’archaeology.

AgoodexampleofthistypeoffigurineistheNicholsonMuseumfigure(Fig.2)dated2500-1750BCE.Ithasafan-shapedheaddressstylecommonfromthelatematureHarappanperiod,2200-1900BCE(AruzandWallenfels2003,p.391-2).Thereisaprominentpairofcupseithersideofthehead.Theheaddresswasprobablyoriginallypaintedblackorsmudgedwithburningoilsmoke.Thereisatriple-strandchokerwithpendantbeadsandatriple-strandnecklacewithadisk-shapedpendant.Otherthantheseadornments,thefigureisnaked.Thefigurinecomprisesonlytheheadanduppertorso.

Marshall(inClarkandKenoyer2017,p.494)reportsthatthese‘headdress’figurinesareverydifferenttothoseofadjacentcontemporaneouscivilisationsinMesopotamia,Iran,EgyptandAfghanistan,andproposesthatthisimpliesaverydifferentsocietalorganisationandculturetothoseadjacentcivilisations.Clark(2007b,p.522,537,539-40)andClarkandKenoyer(2017,p.499)considerthatthisuniquestyleoffigurinemostlikelydevelopedindigenouslyandindependentlyofcontemporaneouscivilisations,althoughDuringCaspers(1994,p.186-190)suggeststhe3-flowerheaddressstylemayhaveoriginatedinancientSumerinsouthernMesopotamia.ThisissupportedbySuter’sobservation(2007,p.317,331-32)thatstatuesofpowerfulMesopotamian‘highpriestesses’ofthissameperiodalsodisplayuniqueandelaborateheaddresses.

Ofthe1000orsoidentifiedIndussites,only97havebeenexcavatedtoanyextent(Singh2008,p.137)andmostexcavationhasoccurredinthefivecities.Ofthese,onlyHarappaandMohenjo-darohaveyieldedsignificantnumbersof‘headdress’figurines(ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.493,511),i.e.thevastmajorityoffigurineshavebeenfoundfromthesetwocoresitesoftheIndusRiveralluvialplain(ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.511).Apartfromthesestandingformal‘headdress’figurines,otherfemale-formfigurinesfromsomesitesengageindomesticorotheractivitiesandholding/breastfeedingchildren(seebelow).

1Thisisageneralpattern:Hamilton(1996,p.285)andUcko(1962,p.40),amongstothers,notethewidespreadsmallnumberofmalefigurinesworldwide.2Whilethewidespread‘MotherGoddess’fertility-deitycharacterisationhasbeenwidelydiscredited(e.g.Meskell2017,p.21;Lesure2011,p.11-12,158,204-5;Lesure2017,p.37;Ucko1962,p.47),thereremainstheviewthatworshipofthe‘MotherGoddess’continuedaftertheIndusCivilisationwassupposedlysubsumedbyinvadingAryanpeoples,manifestingitselfinpopularworshipofthatdeityintheHindureligiouspantheon(Gelderloos2017,p.117;Lesure2011,p.12).

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These‘headdress’figurinesappeartohaveoriginatedfromcrudely-modelled7thmillenniumBCEunbackedclayfigurinesfoundintheNeolithicsettlementofMehrgarhinBaluchistan(Indasubunmeiten2000,p.36-7;Jarrige1997,fig.1).Lesure(2011,p.20-21,fig.6)notesa‘halo’ofNeolithicandChalcolithicfemale-formfigurinesaroundtheFertileCrescentwhichshowcommonformats,traitsandthemes,ofwhichMehrgarhisattheeasternextremity.SimilaritiestothefigurinesfromIranandTurkmenistanarestriking.

Biagi(2004,p.24-5)referstoevidenceofthealmostcontinuoustypologicalevolutionfromtheseoldesttypesthroughcomposite,seatedfigurinesataround4000BCEwhichshowstylisedfaces,jewelleryandbreaststothe‘headdress’-typefemale-formatfigurinesseeninFig.2.

Byaround3000BCE,figurinesinBronzeAgeMehrgarh(Ardeleneanu-Jansen2002,p.206-7)hadevolvedintodelicately-modelled,coiffured,sittingfemale-formfiguresinfired

terracotta(Indasubunmeiten2000,p.39).Ardeleneanu-Jansen(2002,p.206-7)alsonotesthatjustbeforetheHarappanInduscultureappearsinthe3rdmillenniumBCE,thesefigureschangetoastandingstylewithmorediversejewelleryandheaddressassemblages(Indasubunmeiten2000,p.40;Jarrige1997,fig.2),andthatthisstyleandceramictechnologyisthenadoptedbytheIndus.

ThefollowingTablereviewsfindsfrommaturephaseIndussitesatwhichsignificantexcavationshavebeenundertaken(e.g.ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.510-11).SeeFig.1forlocations.

1.IndusRiveralluvialplain

Harappa Figurinesaregenerallycomplexwithvariousadornments(flowers,jewellery,belts)andfan-shapedheaddresses,usuallystandingorsitting;mostwithbreasts,somewithobviousgenitalia.Thesearetheclassic‘headdress’figurinespreviouslydescribedasthe‘MotherGoddess’.

Clark2005,figs.2and4;ClarkandKenoyer2017,figs.22.4,22.5;Indasubunmeiten2000,p.114,116;Kenoyer1998,figs.7.20,7.23;Clark2005;Clark2007a.

Figure2.TerracottafemalefigurefromHarappa,Pakistan,2500-1750BC.NicholsonMuseumUniversityofSydney.NM48.46.8.0cmHx5.6cmWx3.5cmD.

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Mohenjo-daro Verysimilarto,butmorevariedanddiversethanHarappa,withavarietyofcoiffuresandforms;slimstandingfiguresandpot-belliedmatronsandtall,shapelynursingmothers.

Ardeleneanu-Jansen2002,p.207-11,figs.1-3;Indasubunmeiten2000,p.118;Kenoyer1998,fig.7.14.

Chanhu-daro Mckayreportsthatfigurinesweresimilartothe‘MotherGoddess’figuresfromHarappa,withdifferencesattributedbyClarkandKenoyertochronology.ButDuringCaspersreportstheyweresomewhatdifferent.

Mckay1936,p.89;1938,p.475;ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.510;DuringCaspers1994,p.186.

2.WesternIndusValleyperiphery

Nausharo Whiletherearesimilaritieswiththeabovesites,Nausharo(whichisinthesameareaasMehrgarhontheedgeoftheBaluchistanhighlands)figurinesarequitedifferentinappearance,morenaturalisticwithslimwaists,heavybreasts,genitalia,‘natural’hairstylesandturbans.

Indasubunmeiten2000,p.42,115;Jarrige1997figs.3-11;Kenoyer1998,figs.7.21,7.22.

3.UppereasternGhaggar-Hakra-SaraswatiRiver

Rakhigarhi AnthropomorphicfigurinesdonotappeartofeaturefromthisIndusmetropolisalthoughotherfigurinessimilartoHarappanonesareplentiful.

Nath1998.p.39,45;NathcitedinClarkandKenoyer2017,p.510.

Banawali OnlyahandfuloffigurineshavebeenfoundatthissiteclosetoRakhigarhi,andthesearequitedifferentfromanyothers:acylindrical-bodyfemalewithpoorly-definedfeatures,shortlegswitharmsorheaddressloopscoveringitsface.

Bisht1982,p.119,plate10.20;Indasubunmeiten2000,p.117.

BagasaraandShikarpur Onlytwo(possibly3)partialfigurineshavebeenfoundatthesetwonearbysites,one

BhanandAjithprasad2008,p.5andfig.4;2009,p.5andfig.6.

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maleonefemale;bothshowsimple,roundmodelling,remainsofabrightredslipwithgraphicmodellingofthegenitaliainthefemale.

4.Easternplains

GujaratandDholavira Fewfemalefigurines,surprisinggiventheextentofexcavationsinthisregion,andthesearequitesimpleanddifferenttothosefromHarappa.

ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.511;Indasubunmeiten2000,p.116.

5.Coastaleasternplain

Lothal ExcavationsinthisHarappanporttownyieldedfewfemalefigurines,andthesearecompletelydifferenttoothers:crude,unornamentedrepresentationsofthenakedbody,coveredwithalightchocolateslipnotseenfromanyothersite.

Rao1985,p.477-78,fig.98.

Kuntasi Onlyonefemalefigurinewithasimple,unadornedstar-shapedbodyquitedifferenttotheHarappanstylehasbeenfoundfromthissubstantialIndusCivilisationemporiumtown.

Dhavilkaretal.1996,p.246,figs.7.44item9and7.45item9.

Rojdi Nofemalefigurinesfound.

PossehlandRaval1989,p.158.

Whatisclearfromthepublishedmaterialisthatfindsof‘headdress’-typeandotherterracottafemale-formatfigurinesarequiterareoverthelengthandbreadthoftheIndusCivilisation:thetotalisinthe100snot1000s,althoughmanythousandsofothertypesofterracottafigurineshavebeenfound.‘Headdress’female-formatfigurinesarefoundalmostexclusivelyinthecoreIndusareasofHarappainthenorth,atMohenjo-daroandatChanhu-darointhesouth.Adifferentstyle(seeTable)offemale-formfigurinesisfoundintheMehrgarhandNausharoareaswestoftheIndusRiverattheedgeoftheBaluchistanhighlands.OtherareasoftheIndusCivilisationtotheeast(fromtheupperreachesoftheGhaggar-Hakra-SaraswatiRivervalleydowntothesea)donotappeartohavemuchaffinitywiththecoreasfarasfemale-form(or,indeedanthropomorphic)figurinesareconcerned;anycommonalitymaybeattributedtothesamesubjectmatter(thehumanbody)andthesamematerial(clay).

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Discussion

Giventherarityof‘headdress’figurinesinareasoutsideofthecoreIndusValley,it’sreasonabletoconcludethattheydidnotplaymuchofasocietalroleintheeasternIndusarea.Thisassumesthatthepaucityoffindsisnotduetolimitedexcavation,howeverthesesitesintheeasternareashavebeenwellinvestigated.ThisdiscussionthereforeconcentratesonthesocietyofthecoreIndusregion.

These‘headdress’figurineshaveexclusivelybeenfoundbrokenanddepositedinwastemiddens,domesticrubbishpitsandhousefloorswithnonefoundinanyprimary-usecontext(Biagi2004,p.24;ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.500;Insoll2017,p.6),implyingthattheywerewidelyavailable,usedephemerally,possiblyusedorre-usedastoysthendiscardedafteruse(ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.500;Insoll2017,p.5)i.e.‘discardedattheendoftheirsociallives’(Clark2003,p.309).Deliberatefragmentationoffigurinesattheendoftheir‘life’isconsideredsignificantinawiderangeofNeolithicandBronzeAgecultures:inancientMesopotamia,Europe,theAegean,NorthAmericaandMesoamerica(Insoll2017,p.10)primarilyorexclusivelyinsecondarycontextssuchasmiddens(Meskell2017,p.22;Ucko1962,p.41).Voigt(2007,p.167)arguesthat6thmillenniumAnatolianfigurinesweredeliberatelybroken,thatis‘killed’,aspartofthedisposalprocess.Marcus(inHamilton1996,p.286-91)reportsthatvirtuallyallbrokenfigurinesinearlyOaxaca,Mexicoaroundthe1stmillenniumBCEwerefoundinhouseholdmiddens.UsinginformationfromearlySpanishColonialdocuments,sheconcludesthatfemale-formfigurineswereusedbywomenininclusivehouseholdrituals(vsexclusivemale-genderorsingle-grouppublicrituals).Explanationsfortheremovalfromactiveuseincludetheconceptoffigurineagency,wherefragmentationismetaphoricallyusedtoreleasetheir‘force’or‘energy’wherethefigurinemayhavefunctionedasasurrogateusedto‘enchain’peoplewithpowerfulpersons,placesorspirits(Insoll2017,p.10).

Indus‘headdress’figurineshaveneverbeenfoundinanyburialcontext(seeaboveandBiagi2004,p.24;Clark2003,p.309).DespitesuggestionssuchasMckay(1936,p.89)thattheywerelikelykeptinwall-niche‘shrinestothegreat‘MotherGoddess’’ineveryhouseandassociatedwithvotiveofferings,therehasnotbeenanypublishedevidencesupportingsuchause.Insoll(2017,p.5-7)arguesthatfigurinesingeneralwerepartof‘muchwidermaterialworlds’andofa‘broaderworldofrepresentation’:theymayhavearitualroleinsomecontextswhileinothersfunctionvariedandchangedovertime;somewerealsousedastoys.Lesure’s(2011,p.30-31,62)‘windowonsociety’conceptofdepictionsofarangeofpeoplemayalsoberelevantsinceboth‘workingwomen’(seebelow)and‘headdress’figurineshavebeenfoundtogether(Kenoyer1998,p.135andfig.7.23).

Thefactthatnonehavebeenfoundinanyprimaryusecontextobviouslycreatesasignificantinterpretativeproblem(e.g.Lesure2011,p.28).

Further,thelackofreadableIndustextleadstoambiguityofinterpretation(Hamilton1996,p.281;Suter2007,p.317)andallowsonlyconjectureastotheroleplayedbythesefigurines(Clark2003,p.308).ClarkandKenoyer(2017,p.513-15)reviewarangeofpossibilities,manyofwhicharediscussedlaterinthispaper.

Difficultyininterpretingfigurinescanbeaproblemevenwhereareadabletextisavailable.NakamuraandYoshizawa(1997)reportasynthesisedstudyof‘Astarte’figurinesfoundin1stmillenniumBCELevant,SyriaandsouthernMesopotamia.Althoughmadefrommoulds(nothand-madeastheIndus‘headdress’figurines),‘Astarte’figurinesarefemale-form,nakedorclothed,ofsimilarsize(10-15cmheight)toIndus’headdress’figurinesandexhibitcomplexandindividualheaddresses/hairstylesandjewelleryandnecklaces(NakamuraandYoshizawa1997,p.74-82).Theyarefounddiscardedinmiddensetcandwithoutthepresenceofanyreligiousorcultobjects;mostarebrokeninaparticularway(NakamuraandYoshizawa1997,p.82-84).Textualevidence

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initiallypointedtowardsa‘fertilitygoddess’interpretation,howeverasthisisatoddswiththecontextualevidencetheirroleremainsunclear(NakamuraandYoshizawa1997,p.84).

The‘constructionofhistories’inearlyurbansocietieswasessentialtodefineandmaintainthesocialstructuresrequiredforlong-termsurvivaloftownsandvillagesinearlysocieties(HodderandMeskell2011,p.250-51,253),theyarguethatcontrarytopriorassessments,thereislittleevidencethatritualsrelatedto‘femalefertility’figurineswereinvolved,insteadarguingforthedominanceofphallocentricorzoocentricfigurinesintheseprocesses(atleastinsomepartsoftheAnatolianNeolithic).Ozdogan(inHodderandMeskell2011,p.256)arguesthatthisisinconsistentwithearlierinterpretationsanditisnownecessarytoreconsiderallpreviousassumptionsandexplanationsregardingfigurines.

DuringCaspers(1989,p.232-35)andClark(2003,p.320;2007b,p.525)havesuggestedashamanistic/magicdimension.Butmagiccanbedifficulttodistinguishfromtheeverydayandinanycaseanysuchdivisionmaybeirrelevant.

Nakamura(2008)discussestheroleoffigurinesinearly1stmillenniumBCEMesopotamianmagic.Sheproposesthatmagic‘movesalongsideintandem’to‘arationalmodeofknowing’,‘groundsthepossibilityofadistinctsocio-religiousworldview’(Nakamura2008,p.22-3);amagicalworkproducesmeaningbothfromthecontextofitsproductionbutalsoproducesamaterialinterventionintheworld.Thecopy(thefigurine)assumesthepoweroftheoriginal(thepersonorsupernaturalbeingrepresented)andis‘maderealinthematerialfabricoftheworld’(Nakamura2008,p.28).Thecommunalprocessofmaking(transforming)capturestheforceoftheoriginalintheprimordialclay,a‘humanmastery’oftheoriginalthroughsimulacraproduction,subsequentplayandfantasy(Nakamura2008,p.30-34).AdeliberateblurringofthesupernaturalandhumansphereshasbeenproposedbySuter(2007,p.326)incontemporaneousMesopotamia.

Insoll(2017,p.13-14)reportsageneralabsenceofmagicalinterpretationsforfigurines,whilesuggestingthatwhilepejorativeinthecurrentwesterncontext,itisconceivablethatfigurineshadamagicalrole.However,asalsoarguedbyNakamura(2008,seeabove)andMeskell(2017,p.19),thereisnoreasontobelievethattherewasanystrictdivisionbetweentheeverydayandthemagical,andforthepurposesofthepresentdiscussionthereisnoneedtomakeanysuchdistinctionandprobablyit’snotonethattheInduspeopleswouldhavemade.

Thereissomeevidence(seeClarkandKenoyer2017,p.514forareview)othertypesoffigurines,butnotthesefemale-formones,mayplayaroleinIndusmagic,ritualandculturalmythology.TheonlyexamplesofIndusfemale-formimagesrelatedtoculticritualormagicareveryraretwo-dimensionalimagesincisedonafewsteatitesealsofIndusorigin:theseappeartoshowafemaledeityorpriestesswithaMesopotamian-stylehornedheaddresssurroundedbyanimalsortrees(Biagi2004,p.25).Isuggestthattheirrarity,styleandformatbearlittlerelevancetothepresentdiscussion.

Tosummarise,asClarke(2007b,p.536-37)pointsout,withnotemplesorritualisticbuildingsandconsideringtheabovediscussion,Indussociety’sworldviewwouldhavebeencomplex,withoutasingledominantdeityandthefigurinesdonotrepresentdeitiesorserveculticormagicalfunctions.

Thisraisesthequestionofwhatroledidthesefigurinesplay,whatweretheyusedfor,andmostimportantlywhatdidtheymeantotheirmakers?I.e.theirrelationtohierarchyandsocialidentityofpeopleofdifferentageandgender(Lesure2011,p.60).

Theymayhavebeensimplyimages(possibly‘portraits’,seebelow)ofpeoplewholivedintheIndus(Kenoyer1998,p.131)asthereisevidencethattheywerehand-modelledinthelikenessofindividualsandcreatedinthepresenceoftheuseroranaudience,asasharedsocialactivity(Clark2009,p.232,255-56).Therefore,procurementandcraftingwouldhavebeenanideologicaland

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process-focussedactivityratherthanapracticalorfunctionalone(Clark2007b,p.110-115,181,523-24;2009,p.255-56;ClarkandKenoyer2017,p.512).‘Portraits’donotneedtobelikenessesinthemodernwesternartisticsense,asMarcus(citedinHamilton1996,p.288)explains,thevarietyofuniqueheaddressesin1stmillenniumOaxacafemale-formfigurinesmayhavebeenusedtoindicateidentities.

Worldwide,figurineshavebeen‘massmanufactured’,producedfrommoulds,assembledfrompre-madecomponents,orindividuallycreated;referencingissuesofcreativityanduniqueness(Insoll2017,p.11).TheseIndusfigurineswereindividuallycreatedfromtwohalvesjoinedverticallyfromheadtofootwiththebreastsmadeaspartofthesamehalvesbeforeadornmentswereadded(Biagi2004,p.24).ClarkandKenoyer(2017,p.512)suggestthesefigurinesre-enactedthebirthorcreationofhumanbeingsfromclay.Meskell(2017,p.23)arguesthatfigurine-makingwasalmostalwaysapublic,social,communalprocessinvolvingmanyindividuals;figurinesshouldnotbeinterpretedasa‘finishedandcontained’product.

Amorenuancedandfluidgender-identityandsexualitythancurrentwesternstandardsisindicatedbythelackoferotizationinIndusfigurines(thebreastsgenerallylacknipples,femalegenitaliaareveryrare),cross-dressing,androgynyandhybridmale/female/animalfigurinesindicateacomplexinteractionofsexwithother‘axesofdifference’.Theseaspectsallindicateanimportantsymbolicroleinsocial/sexualidentityandwithworldlyengagement(Clark2003,p.319-23;2007b,p.525-28)andthereforeapossible‘educational’or‘socialisation’roleforchildrenasmodelsforadultrolesinsociety(Voigt2007,p.168).Similardidactic,socialisationandgender-formationroleshavebeenascribedtofigurinesinAfrica,IranandtheArcticwheredollsareusedforplaybutalsototeachchildrenaboutadultactivities(Insoll2017,p.8).

Gelderloos(2017,footnote186p.143-4)arguesthatpatriarchalsocietiesrequirebinarygenderdifferentiation(male/female)asaprerequisite,asdomatriarchalones,whiletheantithesisisacomplementarygenderedsociety,asproposedabovefortheIndus,wheremenandwomenhaveequalaccesstopowerandwheregenderismutable.Mutable(oftenage-related)gender(thatisseveralculturalgendersasdistinctfrombinarybiologicalsex)hasbeenidentifiedinsomesocietiesbutcontinuestobesubjecttointerpretationandcontext(Lesure2011,p.27-28).

Figurinescanbeliteral‘powerobjects’,bothincontemporaryandprehistoriccontextsandusedfortheconstructionandlegitimatisationofpowerasintheMayancivilisation,playingacentralroleinpoliticsasinprehistoricSardinia,andinNorthAmericabytheirstructuring,production,curationanduse(Insoll2017,p.9-10).

ThesefigurinesmaythereforebeimagesofpowerfulwomeninIndussociety(Clark2007a,p.237),suggestingthatwomenmayhavehadimportantsocialorritualpositions,theirimagesplayinganimportantroleinlegitimisingpoliticalpower(Kenoyer1998,p.133).Kenoyer(1998,p.134)furthersuggeststhatapatternofmatri-localburial(relatedwomenburiedinthesamegrave,menburiedwithhiswife’sancestorsnothisown)showsthepowerfulpositionofwomen,asdoesthepreponderanceoffemalefigurinesvsmale(Kenoyer1998,p.134).Suter(2007,p.319-21)notesthatincontemporaneousMesopotamiawomen(oftendescribedas‘highpriestesses’)heldpowerfulpositionsinSumerian,AkkadianandIsin/Larsasocietiesbetween2900and1800BCE,theirpowercomparabletothatofkings.

Kenoyer(1998,p.134-5andfig.7.20)pointstotheimportanceoffemalecoiffureasindicatedbythehugesize,ornamentationandrangeofstylesoftheheaddressesofthefigurines.Suter(2007,p.338-39)notesthatincontemporaneousMesopotamiauniqueandelaborateheaddresseswereakeyidentifyinginsigniaofpowerful(‘highpriestess’)womenwhichunambiguouslydistinguishedthemfrom‘goddesses’.Isuggestthatthehugeheaddressesandjewelleryadornments,large

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hoardsofwhich3havebeenexcavatedatthesesites(Kenoyer1998,p.135),maybeindicatorsofthepowerandwealthofthoseindividualwomendepictedinformalstandingposition,sincefigurinesofwomennursinginfants,seatedordoingfarmingordomestictasksdonotappeartohaveelaborateheaddressesormuchadornment(e.g.figs.7.14and7.22inKenoyer1998;figs.22.4and22.5inClarkandKenoyer2017)andaregenerallysmallerinsize(Kenoyer1998,p.135andfig.7.23).Isuggestthatboththe‘headdress’andthe’workingwoman’figurinesmayhavebeenusedtosocialiseandeducatechildrenandyoungadultsastotheirrespectiverolesinIndussociety.

Concludingfromtheabovecontext,Iproposethatthe‘headdress’figurinesareinitiationfigurineswhichconformtoUcko’sfive‘initiationfigure’criteria(1962,p.47-48):(1)useofclay,(2)technicalachievement,(3)habitationdebris/rubbishprovenance,(4)non-conformistrepresentationand(5)lackofanysignsofdivinity.

Theyidentifypowerful(andpossiblywealthy)womenand/orfemale-genderelites.Likemanyfigurines,theylackfeet,cannotstandorsitandsoaredesignedtobehandledandcirculated(Meskell2017,p.24).Viewingwhilebeingheldinthehandisacharacteristicofinitiationfigurines,asopposedtocultfigurineswhichtendtobelarger,sotheycanbedisplayedinsitu(Voigt2007,p.165).AsisthecontextintheIndus,thefindsofinitiationfigurinesinEastAfricaandAnatoliaarerarelyassociatedwithdwellings(Voigt2007,p.167).

Initiationfigurinesareusedtomarktransitionsandasameansofinstillingvaluesandproperbehaviourandmayalsobeusedastoyswiththeirownnarrative(Voigt2007,p.156-7).Figurines‘embodylives’andcanbesourcesofidealsagainstwhichanindividual’sownperformancecanbemeasured,embodyingunderstanding,socialconcernsandpractices,floodingcommunitieswithspecificimagesandwhose‘continuedpresencemusthavebeenformativeindevelopingnotionsofembodimentandbeing’(Meskell2107,p.25-6).Theyaresmall,soofuseinintimate,inclusive,domesticsettings(Lesure2011,p.62);theycirculate,enablingimmediate,intenseandfamiliarconnectiontoarangeofsocial,culturalandmaterialpreoccupations(Meskell2017,p.28).Bailey(inHamilton1996,p.295)concludesthatSEEuropeanfigurinesofthe5thmillenniumBCEwereauthoritativeandactivelyengagedandinfluencedhumanreality,especiallyrelationshipsbetweenindividuals.Theywerenarrativeandfunctionedtomakepeopleunderstand,interpretingtherelationshipsbetweenpeopleandtheworld;andtheywereamajormechanismofsocialmanipulationandcontrol.HaarlandandHaarland(inHamilton1996,p.295-300)concludethatfemale-formfigurinesplayedamajorroleinmaintainingtrustbetweenpeoplelivingtogetherincomplexurbanenvironments.

TheaboveargumentfitswellwithMiller’sview(citedinConinghamandYoung2015,p.237)that‘theuniformityoftheIndusmaterialculturewasadirectreflectionandresultoftheparticularcontrollingideologywhereextremenormativeorderwasvaluedandcombinedcontrolovertheworld’.Vidale(citedinConinghamandYoung2015,p.237-8)suggeststhat‘inter-siteeconomicandsocialpatterningofthelabourforceemployedincraftproduction’wascommonplacewithinInduscities.Theuseofinitiationfigurinesandritualssurroundingthesewouldhavebeenaneffectivetoolfordevelopingandretainingsuchsocialpatterning.

ThissystemofsocialcontrolisevidentonlyinthecoreareasoftheIndus,decliningtotheeast,possiblyduetoremotenessfromthecoreand/ortheinfluenceofwesternIndianculturesfoundfurthertotheeast.AnexampleisLothal,wherethefewfoundfigurineswerecrudeandofacompletelydifferentstyle;LothalwasatradingpostontheborderoftheIndusandcontemporaneouswesternIndianhunter-gathererswhichwereoutsideoftheprehistoric

3IndusjewellerymayhavebeentradedasfarasthecityofUrinMesopotamia(Kenoyer1997,p.270),anindicationofitsvalue.

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worldwideclusteroffigurine-makingcivilisations(ConinghamandYoung2015,p.221;Lesure2011,p.18-19,fig.4).

Asdiscussedabove,Induscitiesandtownswerecharacterisedbyalackofpalacesandtemplesandnoevidenceofarulingorpriestelite,whichsuggeststhatitsrulersdidnotinhabitthecitiesortowns,thesebeingpurelymercantileinnature,butlivedelsewhere.ThisisasimilarsituationtothatinSaxonEngland(Dark1994).Rissman(citedinConinghamandYoung2015,p.237)arguesthatbyconcealingaccumulatedwealth,differentialwealthandstatusweredeliberatelymaskedtosupportanideologybasedonapparentequality:aformofideologicalmanipulation.FairservisandSchaffer&Lichtenstein(citedinConinghamandYoung2015,p.238)suggestthat(possiblybecauseofvenerationforzebucattle)wealthandprestige(andpresumablypower)wasbasedonpastoralismandthesizeofcattleherdsbeyondcitywalls,asituationremarkablysimilartoSaxonEngland.However,analternativeargumentproposedbyConinghamandYoung(2015,p.239)andGelderloos(2017,p.93-4)isthatauthoritylaywiththecontroloftradeandcraftproductionandthusnorulingeliteorreligiousorganisationwerenecessary(urbanorextra-urban)andcontrolwasexertedonlybytheinhabitantsofthecitiesandtowns.

Conclusions

TheIndusisnotableforthecompleteabsenceofanyevidenceofarulingorpriestlyelite.Anpoliticalelitewasthereforeeitherentirelyabsent,orabsentfromthearchaeologicalrecordofexcavatedsites.Thefivemajorurbansites,andmanyothersmallerones,haveallbeenexcavatedtoasignificantextentwhichleadstotheconclusionthatiftherewasanelite,itwasnotpresentinurbanlandscapes,andruledinabsentia.

Itisproposedthatthesocialityofcreationandsubsequentuseof‘headdress’initiationfigurineswasamethodofexertingpowerandsocialcontrol,atadistance,overthegeneralpopulationbythisunknownrulingorpriestlyelite.Thesefigurineswereeffectivelyusedas‘standins’forpowerfulindividualsorgroups.

Iftheelitesdidnotliveinthecitiesandotherurbanareas,thentheirresidencesmusthavebeenextra-urban.Agoodmodelofsuchasocio-politicalorganisationandsettlementpatternisprovidedbySaxonEnglandwheretheeliteslivedindispersedaristocraticestatesandmonasteriesandthepopulationsofcitiesandtownswereartisansandmerchants.

Isuggestalsothattherulingelitemayhavehadapredominantlyfemalecomposition:thestrongly‘female-looking’formatofthefigurinesleadstotheconclusionthatthiselitewaseitherfemaleorfemale-gender,orthatparticularformatwasusedasapropagandadevice.

Clearlysubstantialworkwouldberequiredtolocateandidentifyextra-urbanaristocraticorreligioussitesbutifthiswereundertakenandsuchsiteslocatedthenthatwouldsolveoneofthegreatenigmasofIndussociety.Thearchaeologicalrecordatsuchsitesmayalsoprovideevidenceregardingthefunctionofthe‘headdress’figurines.

Acknowledgements

IwishtothanktheUniversityofSydney,itslibraryandArchaeologyDepartment,ProfessorRolandFletcher,andProfessorBarbaraHelwingforhersupport,adviceandreviewofthemanuscript.

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