japan' s "burma road;" reflections on japanese military

JAPAN'S "BURMA ROAD"; Reflections on Japanese Military Activities in Northern Thailand.

JAPAN' S "BURMA ROAD;" Reflections on Japanese Military Activities in Northern Thailand.

David Boggett

I remember vividly events when I was a young girl. We were living at a house overlooking the Klong

Toey railroad tracks. The Japanese military regularly parked tanker goods wagons there on the railroad

sidings full of gasolene. Thais would come at night and try to syphon off the gasolene, sucking it out of

the tankers with long plastic tubes. They had to; nobody had any money then. If they were caught by the

Japanese soldiers, they would be forced to drink gasolene through the same plastic tubes until they died.

I saw many such "executions". Imagine what an impression that left on a young, innocent girl. You tell

that to your Japanese students.

�

KHUNYUAM, Thailand. (Kyodo). A museum displaying some 500 Japanese items from World War II

has opened in this North-west Thailand town....Pakdee Chompooming, governor of Mae Hong Son

Province who presided over the ceremony, explained that many Thais in Khunyuam District were forced

under brutal circumstances by the Japanese army to construct a road into Myanmar. "Tens of thousands

were forced to construct the road aiming to link Thailand and Myanmar from the northern capital of

Chiangmai," the Governor said. "They couldn' t complete the construction before the surrender of the

Japanese Imperial Army, but thousands of people died of malaria."

- Japan Times; 12th. November 1996

- remarks by elderly Sino-Thai

owner of the SR Mini-Mart,

Saranjay Mansions, Bangkok.

January, 1999.

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京都精華大学紀要　第十八号

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Khun Yuam Museum

Photo exhibits of Japan's

"Burma Road".

（1）Poster warns, "Mosquitoes are

More Dangerous than Tigers."

（2）Mrs. Kaew Chantasima.

Abandonned after the war.

（1）

（2）


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（3）Khun Yuam "Airport",

built by the Japanese

army, now disused.

（4）Pha Bong Hot Spring, near

Mae Hong Son town, was

built and used by the

Japanese army.

（5）The Chiangmai-Mae Hong

Son "Loop", showing

National Routes 108 and

1095.

（6）Kilometer marker on

Route 1095 near Pai. The

1095 follows the route of

Japan's old "Burma Road."

（3）

（4）

（5）（6）


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（7）Bridge over the

River Pai.

（8）Steel plate in the middle of the

River Pai Bridge.

（9）Bridge-building on Japan's

"Burma Road."（10）Monument to bones of deceased

Japanese soldiers, Ban Kat Techinical

School, near Chiangmai.


　　Thai attitudes to the brief Japanese invasion and occupation of Southeast Asia in World War II are

perhaps more ambivalent and reactions rather more muted than other peoples of the area. Not

surprisingly, for the Thai government of Prime Minister Luang Phibunsongkhram had eventually

concluded a military alliance and treaty of friendship with Japan on December 12th. 1941. Phibun' s

government was evidently convinced Japan could win the war and was perhaps appreciative of Japan' s

apparent support for his efforts to foster a new "Thai nationalism". (1) Subsequently, on January 25th,

1942, Thailand declared war against the USA and Great Britain. (2) That strong feelings and complex

emotions exist underneath the subdued exterior is suggested by the unsolicited remarks quoted in the

first extract. When in Bangkok, I regularly shop at the small SR Mini-Mart and the owner' s remarks

were offered quite casually on hearing that I was about to accompany our 1998 Thai Field Work

Programme students to the site of the Thai-Burma Railroad in Kanchanaburi. Such remarks are not

uncommon and suggest that the activities of the Japanese military in "friendly" Thailand were

accompanied by the same needless cruelty and unwarranted barbarity which we are accustomed to hear

from Koreans, Chinese and others when narrating the Japanese occupation of their respective countries.

　　It is not the purpose of this article, however, to attempt to ascertain the degree of brutality exercised

by the Japanese military in Thailand, nor to attempt any analysis of Thai attitudes to that event. Rather,

it is to introduce some aspects of Japanese activity in Thailand that have been long forgotten or

overlooked (except, of course, by the Japanese military and Thai civilian participants themselves); the

Japanese attempt to build their own supply road linking occupied (and later allegedly "independent")

Burma with Chiangmai, the capital of North Thailand. (3) My journey following the path of Japan' s

"Burma Road" and related military activities took me to remote areas on the Thai-Burma borderlands of

Mae Hong Son province and was prompted, in part, by curious feelings reported to me by Seika' s 1998

Thai Field Work students following their visit to some hill-tribe villages, also in Mae Hong Son

province. In one of the hilltribe villages where they stayed, the students were apparently struck by the

distinct unfriendliness of one particular elderly woman and seemed to have related this to experiences

during the war (perhaps through the remarks of some Thai interpreter?). Although this was related or

hinted at by more than one student when I was later with them in Bangkok, I was rather curious to find

that by the time the group had returned to Japan, all such recollections had been totally expunged from

memory! (perhaps Japan' s war activities were not exactly on the top of student priorities that year!). I

had been aware of Japan' s attempts to construct a "Burma Road" and had been carrying around in my

files for a couple of years the Japan Times article of 12th. Noventber 1996 quoted at the beginning of

this article. The chance comments of the Seika students about their Mae Hong Son hilltribe village stay

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determined my resolve to visit the area myself and see what I could discover about Japanese activity

there during World War II.

　　The town of Mae Hong Son is a remote mountain resort for Bangkok' s elite (and, of course, not-so-

elite foreign tourists, both Western and Japanese) being connected by air with daily flights to both

Bangkok and Chiangmai. Apart from the air links, however, the province is remote and considered

somewhat "exotic" by most Thais. Only about 2% of the province' s population is "central Thai" (mostly

concentrated in Mae Hong Son town), whereas around 50% are Tai Yai (or ethnic "Burmese" Shan), the

remainder of the figure (somewhat over 40%) being made up of numerous hilltribe groupings. (4). The

local Tai Yai "dialect" appears fairly unintelligible to Northern (Tai Yuan) speakers. To the West and

North the province borders on Burma, the lower western border being marked by the Salween River.

Mae Hong Son was relatively inaccessible by road until the opening of the Mae Sariang "loop" road in

the late 1960s. This Mae Sariang "loop", Highway 108, proceeds due west from Chiangmai to Mae

Sariang, near the Salween River border with Burma, and thereafter turns due North to Mae Hong Son. It

takes about 10 hours' constant driving and passes through some of the most spectacular mountain

scenery in Thailand (resembling northern or central European scenery, and occasionally that of Japan).

Morning mists cloud the valleys for part of the year. In the early 1990s, however, a shorter Highway

1095 was constructed from Chiang Dao (north of Chiangmai) to Mae Hong Son through the town of

Pai. Highway 1095 follows precisely the original route of the old Japanese military supply road. The

Thai section of Japan' s "Burma Road" was thus finally completed some fifty years after the end of

World War II.

　　"The 1095 was originally laid out by the Japanese in World War II as a way of supporting their war

effort in Burma. It was to take another fifty years before this tortuous dirt track through the mountains

and jungle was to become properly serviceable." (5)

　　A little before the town of Pai (now a favourite haunt of foreign back-pack travellers), Highway

1095 crosses "the bridge over the River Pai". Like its more famous counterpart on the Kwae River

(somewhat inappropriately misnamed in David Lean' s famous movie, "The Bridge Over the River

Kwai") , the Pai river bridge seems to have been a pivotal part of Japan' s road-building efforts (at least

on the Thai section of the road). The old iron bridge is now disused, its wooden planking deteriorated to

such an extent that walking by foot is perilous, the bridge having been superceeded by a modern road

bridge to its side. As with the well-known Kwae Bridge in Kanchanaburi (whose central steel spans

were physically transferred from Japanese-occupied Java), the resource-hungry Imperial Army appears

to have relocated the central steel portion of the bridge from elsewhere in Southeast Asia; a plaque in

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the middle of the bridge reads, "United States Steel Products Company. USA. 1930."

　　Pai itself boasts few visible remains of the Japanese period, although the (now disused) aeroplane

landing-strip appears to have been created by the Japanese army to support its road-building efforts and

the Amphoe (District) Office building also dates from that time. Highway 1095 meanders on to Mae

Hong Son town and then turns South (following the course of today' s Highway 108) as far as

Khunyuam. A few kilometers beyong Mae Hong Son, in Pha Bong village, is an extensive hot spring,

advertised as having curative powers over a wide-range of diseases. The official explanatory notice

board (in Thai language only) states that the hot springs were found and developed "by the Japanese

soldiers during the era of World War II". As we were visiting, three young Japanese students turned up

on hired motor-cycles to partake of the spring' s blessings, presumably blissfully unaware - and perhaps

uncaring - of the history of the spring' s development.

　　Khunyuam was an important center for the road-building project. From here the road turned due

west and crossed over the Burmese border. The museum of exhibits connected with Japan' s "Burma

Road" was the personal creation of Police Lt. Col. Cherdchai Chomtavat, a local police officer who

spent some three years trekking along the old road to the Burmese border, gathering artefacts and

remains of the construction work. Old rusted Japanese military vehicles and carts lie around the

museum grounds. The exhibits include around 1,000 items of tools, military equipment, guns and

personal belongings of Japanese soldiers involved in the road' s construction. An impressive array of

contemporary photographs record the road' s progression, including the construction of the Pai River

bridge, Japanese soldiers drilling in the nearby Shan (Tai Yai) temple grounds of Wat To Phae (6), and

Japanese soldiers tending elephants (allegedly treated better than human labourers, in that they were

permitted alternate days of rest!). More ominously, a contemporary notice (in Thai) reads, "Mosquitoes

are more dangerous than tigers", continuing in small print to depict the dangers posed by malaria

(bearing witness to the remarks quoted by Mae Hong Son' s Governor at the beginning of the article). A

further leaflet, evidently dropped from allied aircraft bears the US flag and exhorts the local populace to

assist any parachuters in distress in order to aid the Seri Thai (Free Thai) Movement. (7) Owing to the

absence of Pol. Lt. Col. Cherdchai, the museum' s founder, on the day of our visit, I had to collect the

keys from the local Khunyuam police station myself. Other police officers mentioned that very few

young people were interested in the museum but that most of the visitors were elderly Japanese who had

probably been involved themselves or had relatives involved in the area at the time. They expressed

regret that more young Japanese did not come to the museum. Over lunch at a local "khaw soi" shop (8),

I was surprised to hear from the shop' s proprietor that an elderly local woman, formerly married to a

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Japanese soldier, still lived near the Japanese-built (and now disused) air strip (rather grandly referred to

by the locals as "Khunyuam Airport") at the top end of town. The lady in question , Mrs. Kaew

Chantasima is now aged 75. Although there had been many casual liaisons with the Japanese troops,

Mrs. Kaew believed that hers was the only official marriage to a Japanese soldier. Her husband, a

certain Fukuda (given name forgotten) from Tottori Prefecture, had been well-thought of in the town.

This Fukuda had not himself worked on road construction, but had evidently been attached to a

technical division which had set up the first electricity-generating station in Khunyuam. Their son,

Bunat is today - she explained - a teacher in the local school. At the end of the war, the husband,

Fukuda, being married to a Thai, had chosen to try to remain in Khunyuam, but had been arrested while

working in the rice-fields and taken to Thonburi (the twin city of Bangkok and then, evidently, an

assembly point for defeated Japanese personnel). Fukuda had been interned there awaiting repatriation

to Japan. Mrs. Kaew had been unsuccessful in her attempts to contact her husband during his

confinement and was subsequently verbally informed by the Thai police that her husband had died

during captivity. Mrs. Kaew was indignant that, as the legal wife of a Japanese citizen, her attempts to

find information about her (late) husband had led nowhere and that she had received no aid whatsoever

from the postwar Japanese authorities to support their son (who was one year old at the time of the

war' s end). Insult had been added to injury she hastened to explain - when a Japanese television crew

came to interview her at the time of Khun Yuam Museum' s opening. The Japanese - she claimed - had

shown no interest whatsoever in trying to determine the fate of her husband and had given her an

honorarium of a mere 2,000 Baht (at that time worth about l0,000 yen or less) for her televised interview.

　　"That' s all I ever got from Japan," she retorted "2,000 Baht to bring up my child of a Japanese

father!"

　　One cannot help but wonder, however, whether the truth might have been even less palatable for, as

no written evidence confirming Fukuda' s death was ever presented, the possibility remains that the said

Fukuda might - after all - have returned alive and well to Japan. (9)

　　The Chiangmai-Burma road apparently became a serious issue of contention between the Japanese

and Thai governments in 1943,

　　"In September the Japanese had to return (to the Thai Government) with a request for an additional

20.4 million baht. This money was to be used mainly for the construction of a military road connecting

Thailand and Burma through the Thai border town of Mae Hong Son, a route considered vital to the

support of a planned Japanese offensive. Although (Japanese ambassador) Tsubokami appealed for

prompt action when he met Phibun on 23rd. September, in early October the two sides remained at

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loggerheads."(10)

　　Japan' s "Burma Road" was still incomplete at the war' s end. But it did serve one totally

unintended function . As with the better-known and completed Thai-Burma Railroad (on which Western

prisoners-of-war as well as Asian conscripted labour had been used), the Chiangmai-Burma road had

been intended not only to back up Japan' s wartime occupation of Burma, but also to supply the

Japanese army in its disastrous Imphal Campaign, an attack into North-East British-occupied India

overland from Burma. The fiasco and defeat of the Imperial Army at Imphal and the hardships and loss

of life in the disorderly retreat from first India and then later Burma are well-documented. (They form

the background to Takeyama Michio' s famous - but totally fictitious - novel, "Harp of Burma").

Paradoxically, the Thai-Burma Railroad and the Chiangmai-Burma Road, rather than supplying

victorious Japanese campaigns, became the chief routes of retreat or escape for the badly-battered

Japanese soldiery. (11)

"In the north, small groups of soldiers in tattered rags stumbled eastward via the Thai border town

of Mae Hong Son, along the supply road that the Japanese had improved from the latter half of

1943. The retreating troops sometimes were forced to trade their equipment or personal belongings

for food, or simply to beg for it." (12)

　　Many of the Japanese military returnees struggled through Mae Hong Son to Chiangmai, where

they were eventually impounded by the Allies at the end of the war. The plight of the hapless Japanese

soldiers occasioned some sympathy from the locals: several informants in Chiangmai have related how

they were sent by their families to take scraps of food to Japanese soldiers impounded in one of

Chiangmai' s temples.

　　In Mae Hong Son, there is a temple monument written in both Thai and Japanese to the defeated

returnees. Wat Phra Nong (Temple of the Sleeping Buddha) is now a modern structure lying at the

bottom of the Mae Hong Son hill, topped with the town' s better-known and landmark temple, Wat

Prathat Doi Kong Mu. Wat Phra Nong, itself the site of an early Shan (Tai Yai) temple is sandwiched

between two other Shan temples with earlier structures still intact, Wat Muay Kho and Wat Kam Ko, all

nestling together at the bottom of the hill. The temple has opened a small museum on Mae Hong Son' s

history in which can be found several Japanese military and other luxury items related to the war .

　　Despite providing a means of escape for the Imperial Army' s disillusioned soldiery, at the end of

hostilities Japan' s "Burma Road" was still unfinished; it would remain an abandoned dirt-track until the

construction of Highway 1095 nearly fifty years later. So much for the road; but the fate of those

involved in its contruction or those who had used it as an escape route from Burma was somewhat less

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fortuitous. Between the townships of Pai and Wiang Haeng - today still connected only by a dirt track -

lies the small village of Sala Muang Noi, nestling on a bend in the River Pai. (13).

"When the (Sala Muang Noi) health center had been built a year or two earlier workers had

unearthed the mass grave of Japanese soldiers who had been massacred in World War II. They

were probably killed by Karens as the Japanese withdrew from Burma back into Thailand at the

end of the war. In 1945 Karen and Karenni underground forces, organised and armed by the

British, killed an estimated 12,500 troops of the Japanese 15th. Army, as it retreated in disarray

through Burma' s eastern hills and back across the Thai-Burmese border." (14).

　　This information was recorded in Christian Goodden' s guidebook to the area (mentioned in the

notes) . Goodden' s informant was a young Karen from Mae Haat hamlet of Wiang Haeng, Witit Terkae.

He had been an employee of Wiang Haeng' s small hospital, usually working in the Mae Haat village

clinic, but frequently travelling around the area when involved in various hill tribe development schemes.

"Witit recounted details his mother had told him about the Japanese in Wiang Haeng during World

War II. They had pressganged local people to act as porters in their invasion of Burma from

Thailand. But they could not have had things all their own way in this isolated area. Recently a

mass grave of Japanese soldiers had been unearthed at nearby Sala Muang Noi....It was a Karen

village halfway between Wiang Haeng and Pai" (15).

　　The brief account serves to focus attention on a poorly researched area of Japanese activities in this

part of Southeast Asia - namely, the relations of the hilltribes and other minority groups to Japanese

control, both in Thailand and in Burma. Documentation is scarce, but (as with relations between other

imperial powers and the minorities under their control) could have important implications modifying

our understanding of not only wartime Southeast Asia but also affecting subsequent postwar

independence struggles.

　　These larger issues must await further research, but on a smaller and more localised level, it might

be no exaggeration to suggest that the vague unfriendliness and uncooperative attitude of the elderly

lady in the Mae Hong Son hilltribe village, reported by the Seika 1998 Thai Field Work students in

Bangkok in January, could be directly related to the experiences of hilltribe and minority groups under

the Japanese in the last war. The extent and complexity of the problems involved can only be barely

outlined in an article of this scope but the issues can be glimpsed through the confusing details of

Burma' s many minority peoples' attitudes to the war and Japanese-promoted "independent" Burma. The

minorities' postwar struggles against majority Burmese rule and substantial armed "rebellions" (a term

used from a Burmese perspective!) continue today and, needless to say, have serious repercussions on

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Northern Thailand, with its long land borders with Burma and where most minority peoples dwell on

both sides of the dividing lines. It is not clear at the present time to what extent the Burmese military

government has been able to batter the minority peoples into submission. But, returning to World War II

and Japanese activity, some comments recorded in the diaries of the Burmese prime-minister of

Japanese-promoted "independent Burma", Ba Maw, may help to indicate the difficulties surrounding the

minority peoples' situation. Regarding the Karen people, Ba Maw records,

"In fact, a large number of (Karens) believe that a Burmese-dominated nation to which they are

indissolubly tied will mean their gradual extinction as a community....(The British) consequently

decided to give such protection to the Karens as they did to the minority races in India...They also

gave the Karens military training in the British army in Burma, whereas the Burmese...were kept

out altogether....When the war came, the Karens as a community remained loyal to the British, and

Karen troops in the British army remained loyal to the end." (16)

　　In the Irrawaddy delta areas full-scale racial wars broke out, accompanied by the now customary

horrific massacres and continued unabated until Japanese troops finally took control of the area from the

Burmese Independence Army after May 1942. One elderly Karen leader reported to Ba Maw,

　　"(The Japanese officer) questioned me about Karen loyalty to the British. He wanted to know the

reason for it. I told him quite simply. The British had always protected the Karens against the

Burmese as well as the other communities who were pushing them out of everything, and treated

them fairly. The Japanese could win Karen loyalty in the same way. There was nothing more to it

than that, I told him." (17)

　　These comments perhaps serve to shed some light on the background against which the alleged

Karen attack on the retreating Japanese army occurred in Ban Sala Mae Noi. Ba Maw' s remarks on

other minority peoples are somewhat less lucid, but two other groups, the Shans (the same people as the

Tai Yai of Mae Hong Son province) and the Kachins, deserve some mention, if only due to the curious

allegations with which they came to be associated at the end of the war. Ba Maw correctly identifies as a

major concern of the northern minorities, the activities of other Allied troops, namely the Chinese

Kuomintang (KMT) troops loyal to the Chiang Kai Shek government in China. Following the British

defeat in Burma, these Allied Chinese troops tried to return through the Shan (Tai Yai) states to Yunnan

in Southwest China. Cut off by the British defeat and the Japanese army' s activities in North Burma,

Chinese troops captured Lashio, a town straddling the road to China where "the panic-stricken Chinese

forces became an undisciplined rabble." (18) . A British government intelligence report states,

　　"The Chinese troops seem to have made themselves thoroughly unpopular with Burmans wherever

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they went. From the Kachin Hills and the Shan States also come tales of looting, murder, forced

labour , and failure to give payment or compensation, all of which will take the Chinese some time

to live down." (19).

This Chinese "factor" complicated the situation in the Shan States;

"As soon as the Japanese army moved into the Shan States, the sawbwas or chiefs formally

submitted to it and requested that all other armies, the Chinese and the Burmese in particular,

should be kept out of their territories. By then the friction between the Japanese and the Burma

Independence Army (BIA) had increased, and so had the rumours of the BIA terror. The Chinese

forces were in full flight to Yunnan. In consequence, the Japanese readily complied with the Shan

request, which suited their plans perfectly. A small platoon of the Burmese army that had just

entered the Shan States was ordered to leave at once. That unit had lost no time in looting the

Shans, and upon its return to Burmese territory Bo Let Ya had its commanding officer summarily

shot for the crimes he had committed. Another Burmese unit that had attempted to follow the

Japanese into those states was also turned back." (20)

With regard to the Kachin people, Ba Maw sums up their situation;

"It was in many essential ways the same in the Kachin Hills further north and west. The Kachins

shared with the other tribes living around them the same memories of the Chinese and now the

havoc spread by the Chinese troops passing through the region brought these memories back most

grimly. According to a British intelligence report, large numbers of the Kachins acted as the Shans

did: they sought the protection of the Japanese against these Chinese bandits who, after their defeat

in the Mandalay area, were making their way to Myitkyina and the Kachin Hills in order to escape

into China. For instance, a British report mentions that the Japanese were invited by the Kachins

into the heart of their country near Bhamo ' to protect them against the looting of Chinese troops.'

These experiences left the Kachin leadership split and confused for the rest of the war; while some

continued to be loyal to the British, many of their tribal chiefs worked with the Japanese and

Burmese....In these circumstances the Japanese succeeded in getting all the collaboration they

needed from these people. They also kept the Burmese army out of the Kachin country; the few

Burmese troops who reached Myitkyina were soon made to go back to Burma proper. Even after

Burmese independence was recognised in 1943 that part of Burma remained under Japanese

military administration as an emergency measure against the British threat from India. The Kachins

willingly agreed to remain under theJapanese." (Emphasis added) (21)

This curious picture of Kachin cooperation with Japan is distinctly at odds with the postwar (Japanese)

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image of the Kachins written by the late Takeyama Michio in "Harp of Burma". Here the Kachins are

described (incorrectly) as eaters of human flesh and are fictionally claimed to have fattened-up a

wandering Japanese army soldier in order to sport their gastronomic delights! (22). "Harp of Burma"

does, however, present a vivid picture of the chaos, desperation and despondency of the Japanese

Imperial Army' s retreat from Burma;

"However, the tide of war had begun to turn against us and at last it was obvious to everyone that

our situation was hopeless. We were reduced to fleeing from mountain to mountain through

unknown territory, trying somehow to get over the eastern border range into Siam (Thailand)....One

by one our trucks had broken down, so that we finally had to pull our equipment in oxcarts, or

carry it on our backs. We lived by foraging everywhere we went. It was a wretched time for us, and

one of great danger....We tramped on and on, over mountains, through valleys and forests. We were

like the fugitives in the tales of old, frightened even by the sound of the wind. British forces would

parachute down into the villages along our route to block our advance. One village would send

word to another about us, and hide their food. Sometimes when we put up in a village for a much-

needed rest we would find that the natives had informed the enemy and that we were under attack."

(23)

　　Merely fiction? Perhaps. Takeyama Michio' s novel makes no claims to historical accuracy; the

novel' s main story is a complete fiction. But more historical records paint the same gloomy picture.

One account mentions the fate of retreating Japanese civillans;

"In the wake of the Japanese defeats in Burma, a stream of bedraggled refugees began pouring

across the border into Thailand. Japanese civilians in Rangoon had been left to their own devices in

the face of the British advance. After ordering reservists to carry out a suicidal defense, regular

army officers had left the city, some of them by plane. Nonreservist male civilians were mobilised,

too, and given responsibility for evacuation of the Japanese community. One Mitsubishi employee

recalled that 40 of his group of 140 had died in the retreat, and survivors reached Bangkok half-

alive' ." (24)

　　At the risk of repitition, the point here is that much of this retreat occurred over the (unfinished)

"Burma Road" to Thailand, and that villages such as Ban Sala Mae Noi lie close to the road' s original

track. The road ended in Chiangmai, and it can be assumed that the bones of the Japanese dead were left

where they died throughout Burma and Northern Thailand, just as Takeyama Michio' s novel describes.

Dramatic corroboration of this was provided just outside Chiangmai City some four years ago. At that

time, staff and students of the Ban Kat Technical School, some 20 kilometres outside Chiangmai in the

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direction of Lamphun, were horrified to hear that human bones had been discovered in their school well.

Further investigation revealed that the bones were those of Japanese soldiers who had died there at the

end of the war (the circumstances of the deaths remain unknown). After confirmation of the findings,

the Japanese Ministry of Health & Welfare arranged for a memorial to be erected on the well-site. The

memorial was formally opened in June 1995 with a number of Japanese priests and an elderly army

veteran from Saga Prefecture in attendance. (25). The monument can still be seen today behind the

classrooms of the Technical School in Ban Kat, a grim reminder of Japan' s wartime activities in

Northern Thailand.

FOOTNOTES

(1)　In late 1940 Japanese diplomatic efforts succeeded in forcing a settlement following a local war between

Thailand and France whereby Lao Sayaboury, Western-bank Champassak and the Cambodian provinces of

Battambang and Siem Reap were annexed by Thailand. Thailand' s 1942 conquest of the Shan (Tai Yai) areas of

Kengtung (Chiangtung) in Northeastern Burma was confirmed by a treaty with Japan in August 1943. The

Japanese also turned over to Thailand at the same time the administration of the four Malay states (taken by

Japan from Britain) of Kelantan, Trengganu, Perlis and Kedah. (David Wyatt; "Thailand: A Short History"

1982. Silkworm Books).

　　 The Japanese landing in South Thailand in the early hours of the morning of December 8th. 1941 had initially

been opposed by the Thai military and several military casualties were reported from Peninsular Thailand

around Chumphon and Nakhorn Sri Thammarat. The Japanese attack had been intended to secure Songkhla

airport to provide air support for the conquest of British Malaya and Singapore. Phibun ordered a cease-fire at

7:30a.m. (Charnvit Kasetsiri; "The First Phibun Government & Its Involvement in World War II" , Journal of

the Siam Society, Vol.62, part 2, July 1974).

(2)　Fuller details on Japan and Thailand during World War II can be found in E. Bruce Reynolds; "Thailand and

Japan' s Southern Advance, 1940-45". MacMillan, 1994.

(3)　"Burma" is the old name for today' s "Myanmar". It was used until Aung San Suu Kyi won the landslide 1990

election over the ruling military junta. Despite the (new) military government' s claims that the word "Burma"

was coined by the British Imperial authorities to denote their colony, political considerations lead me to

continue to use the name "Burma". The Thai name for Burma, "Pamaa" is presumably of much longer vintage

than British imperialism!

(4)　These population percentages were approximations valid as of 1994. There may have been subsequent shifts,

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especially in the number of central Thais resident in the province, which could have increased.

(5)　Christian Goodden; "Three Pagodas: A Journey Down the Thai-Burmese Border". Jungle Books. Halsworth.

1996. p.63.

(6)　Wat To Phae, an elegant Shan (Tai Yai) style temple is chiefly noted today for its possession of a rare nineteenth

century Shan Buddhist tapestry from Burma and two excellently-preserved carved teak toilets.

(7)　Although the Phibun government was officially allied with Japan, a Seri Thai (Free Thai) anti-Japanese guerilla

movement had grown up under the support of the then Regent Pridi Phanomyong, and with the knowledge of

both the USA and Britain. (See David Wyatt; op. cit. and Wimon Wiriyawit, "Free Thai: Personal Recollections

and Official Documents", White Lotus Press. Also John B. Haseman; "The Thai Resistance Movement During

the Second World War", Northern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Special Report

No.17, 1978).

(8)　"Khaw soi" - often referred to as "curried noodles" - is a noodle dish originally from the Islamic Chinese Haw

traders who migrated from Southwest China with the various hilltribe groups. They still usually act as

intermediaries between the hill tribes and lowland Thai communities. (See Andrew Forbes, "The Haw Chinese:

Traders of the Golden Trlangle" , Teakwood Press, 1997).

(9)　Mrs. Kaew Chantasima' s memory was not too good, presumably due to her 75 years' age. She had never had

any photo of her husband, Fukuda, and she clearly did not use his given name, though she remembered that he

was from Tottori Prefecture. It is also unclear how many children she had with him. She subsequently had

married again but her second husband (by whom she also had children) was something of a "playboy" (her

words) and again left her after a year or so. (She thinks this may not have been unrelated to her having a child

by her previous marriage). Although it is clear - and widely known in the town - that her first child, Bunat, was

with her first (Japanese) husband, she occasionally talked as if she had other offspring by the same husband.

　　The possibility that Fukuda, if not indeed dead, may have abandonned his wife and child is a purely subjective

hypothesis, offered in the absence of any written corroboration of Fukuda' s death to his (legal) wife. The case

of Mr. Seto Masao (now a Thai citizen, Mr. Viwat Sritrakul) suggests that such a practice may not have been

uncommon, and covenient. Mr. Viwat (who guided the Seika 1998 Thai Fieldwork students on their tour of the

Thai-Burma railroad remains around Kanchanaburi) was abandonned by his Japanese father in Bangkok as a

youth. Although his father had continued with his regular life in Japan after the war' s end, he never

acknowledged his son before his death. Unlike Mrs. Kaew Chantasima' s son, Mr. Viwat had attended Japanese

school and ultimately became bilingually fluent in both Thai and Japanese. Mr. Viwat eventually received Thai

nationality and subsequently gained recognition as a photographer in the Japan Asahi Shimbun (newspaper)

Bangkok office. See Seto Masao; "Chichi to Nihon ni Suterarete" (Abandonned by Father & Japan): Kano

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Shobo, 1995.

(l0) E. Bruce Reynolds; op.cit. p.212.

(ll) Takeyama Michio; "Harp of Burma". Translated by Howard Hibbert. Tuttle. 1966. (Japanese original, "Biruma

no Tattegoto", Kaiseisha Tokyo).

(12) E. Bruce Reynolds; op.cit. p.212.

(13) Sala Muang Noi is approachable, even in the dry season, only by four-wheel drive vehicles. As my own

transport is a saloon car, I was unable to visit the village personally. Information on Sala Muang Noi is taken

from Christian Goodden; "Three Pagodas; A Journey Down the Thai-Burmese Border", Jungle Books,

Halsworth, 1996.

(14) Christian Goodden; op.cit. p.60.

(15) Christian Goodden; op.cit. p.54.

(16) Ba Maw; "Breakthrough in Burma; Memoirs of a Revolution, 1939-46," Yale University Press, 1968. p.187. A

slightly different emphasis is provided by many British accounts of the time . For example,

　　 "The (British) army disappeared over the Assam border (to India) but the Hill peoples fought on - not only the

Kachins but also the Chins, the Karens and the Nagas. Those Hill peoples were the rocks against which the tide

of invasion by the ' Invincible Japanese Army' broke. Without them, their bravery and devotion to killing Japs

and making life terribly difficult for them, they, the Japanese, might well have been able, as their radio never

ceased to tell us, to ' march on to Delhi' ."By the Rt. Hon. Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith G.B.E., Governor of

Burma, 1941-46 in the Foreword to "The Battle for Naw Seng' s Kingdom" by lan Fellowes-Gordon: Leo

Cooper, London, 1971.

(17) Ba Maw; op.cit.p.194.

(18) John F. Cady; "History of Modern Burma", Cornell University Press, 1958.

(19) Quoted in Ba Maw; op.cit. p.202.

(20) Ba Maw; op.cit. p.200. The Shan (Tai Yai) reaction to the Japanese was probably far less clear than Ba Maw

chose to indicate. Not only had the Shan (Tai Yai) territory of Mae Hong Son traditionally been regarded as

Thai territory, the two easternmost Shan territories of Kengtung (Chiangtung) and Mongpan were ceded to

Thailand. (See Note I above). Ba Maw was summoned to meet Japanese leaders in Singapore in July, 1943

where he was informed by Japanese premier Tojo Hideki that Japan was confirming the cessation of Kengtung

and Mongpan to Thailand. He was also told,

　　 "As for the Kachin States, the Japanese army would continue to administer them meanwhile because a British

assault was expected there soon." Ba Maw claims, "I received the information with mixed feelings, but my

happiness certainly exceeded my disappointment, for, apart from everything else, the Japanese action solved for

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us a problem with the Shans which, if left to us alone, could even have led to communal conflict and violence.

I thanked Tojo deeply, but at the same time told him that neither the Burmese nor the Shans would be

completely happy about the dismemberment of the Shan territory and its people." (op.cit. p.324).

　　 The suspicion remains that the Shans and the Burmese might have had somewhat different views of the matter!

At any rate, the Shan (Tai Yai) appear - whatever the reasons - to have been less violently opposed to the

Japanese than were the Karens.

(21) Ba Maw; op.cit. p.202.

(22) Takeyama Michio; "Harp of Burma" English translation by H.Hibbert, Tuttle, 1966 (Japanese original, "Biruma

no Tattegoto", Kaiseisha Tokyo). Considering the endless debates about the existence of "tribes" who are or

were human-flesh eaters, it is possible that Takeyama Michio merely hit on the wrong "tribe" (there is evidence

of the existence of such hilltribes who have had such habits at certain points in their history in Northern Burma,

but such debate is beyond the scope of this article). The allegations about the Kachins, coming from a Japanese

author writing in the context of war, is rather disturbing in view of contrary assertions that Japanese military

stragglers indulged in such acts within living memory. (See Ooka Shohei' s novel, "Fire on the Plains" (Nobi),

english translation by Ivan Morris, Tuttle, 1957 and, for the most recent report, an article entitled, "Ex-Soldier

Atones for postwar Cannibalism; Philippine Tribe Stages Ritual to Forgive Hold-out Unit for Preying on Kin",

datelined Kisolon, Philippines, in the Japan Times edition of 8th. April, 1999).

(23) Takeyama Michio; op.cit. Chapters 2 & 3.

(24) E. Bruce Reynolds; op.cit. p.211

(25) Photographs of the event are still kept in the Ban Kat Technical School, together with lists of participants and

relevant newspaper articles.

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