japanese journal of religious studies 7/2-3 june-

8/10/2019 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 7/2-3 June-

1/28

Furuno Kiyoto :

The Romance of Religion and

the Pursuit of Science

KOG Kazunori

ORIENTATION

Character and importance o f Furuno s wo rk. Among Japa-nese sociologists of religion, the work of Furuno Kiyoto1899-1979) is unique. Morioka 1967, p. 1) once charac-

terized Japanese sociology of religion as distinguished bytwo features: keen interest in keeping up with and intro-ducing the works of first-rate Western scholars, and thepractice of explaining Japanese socioreligious phenomenaby referring to the work of scholars in history, folklore,ethnology, and related disciplines. Furuno is a good ex-ample of both.

Early in his career he translated into Japanese the chief

work of Durkheim, then introduced not only the theoriesof Mauss and other leaders of the neo-Durkheimian school,but also those of Radcliffe-Brown and other members ofthe English school of social anthropology. He also took anactive part in founding and maintaining the Japanese Societyof Ethnology and, taking a step rare for his time, carriedout field research on religious phenomena both inside andoutside Japan. He thus blazed a trail for what later became

widely practiced as empirical sociology of religion research.In these ways he stands out as one of the strongest support-ers of Japanese sociology of religion at an early stage ofits development.

Translated by Aiko Carter and David Reid , with the kind permission o f bo ththe author and the editor, from Furuno Kiyoto: ShOky6 no romanchizumuto kagakuteki tankyii A A Kokusaishtikyo yuzu ia@%$k= 711-2 1979). pp. 42-54.

116 apanese ournal o Religious Studies 7/2-3 June-Septeml er 1980


2/28

F I I C I I N O iiyoto: Romance o eligion m t l I ursuit o Science

Those interested in symbolism, theory of religious com-munit y shamanism, epistemological issues in the sociology

of knowledge, and other areas that have come up for dis-cussion in recent sociology of religion will find that suchconcerns occupy an important place in Furuno's work. Yetwhile it may be said that he anticipated presentday intel-lectual concerns and research methods, it would be a seriouserror to suppose that he merely pursued what was in fashion.His research and writing was carried out on a surprisinglyconsistent basis. One may even describe it as a kind of under-ground stream that runs beneath all subsequent Japanesesociology of religion.

It would be an exaggeration, however, to suggest thatFuruno's position as a scholar was always influential inJapanese sociology or religious studies. n an evaluativereminiscence on his younger days, he put it thus: Whetherin sociology proper or in religious studies, I always felt likean orphan (1973a, p. 478). The road that led to his laterposition of influence was long and steep.

PROMINENT INFLUENCES

Once when he was critically ill and reflecting seriously abouthow he should spend his life, Furuno, then a student at TokyoImperial University, resolved to study more about the cul-tural expressions of the human spirit or inner life (Furunol972d, p. 6 . Though still on his sickbed, he transfered hisenrollment from the Sociology Department to the Depart-ment of Religious Studies. At that time, sociology stoodunder the influence of the unromantic pragmatism of Comteand Spencer, while religious studies, in accordance with apsychology of religion approach, tended to focus on indi-viduals. Furuno, dissatisfied with both of these academicenvironments,' began his study of the cultural expressionsof the human spirit in reliance on the French academictradition. From his student days onward he exposed himself


3/28

t o th e literature expressive of th e religious spirit. He wasalso attracted to LCvy-Bruhl's Les fonctions mentales dans

les sociitCs primitives and his La me nta liti primitive (Furuno19 72 d, p. 6).

Durkheim. Fu run o's graduation thesis was devoted to LathCorie sociologique de la religion chez Emile Durkheim.No sooner had he su bm itted i t , however, than he embarkedon a s tudy o f shamanism. His aim was to analyze th e organicinterrelationships between group organization and individualexperience (Furu no 1974 a, p. 414). In this way the basicperspective th at informed his subsequ ent, many-facetedreligious studies appears to have been decided on early inhis scholarly life.

The year he graduated from universi ty (1926), Furunopublished a Japanese translation of Henri Delacroix's Lareligion et la foi and in 19 30 his translation o f th e firsthalf of Durkheim's Les formes tlim en tai re s d e la vie religieuseappe ared (th e second half appearing in 193 3). During theseyears, he also threw himself into research and writing, pub-lishing a number of articles on religious studies, ethnology,sociology, and psycho logy. In 19 38 he published hisShfiky6shakaigaku: Gakusetsu ken kyii [Sociology of religion Astud y of the orie s], his first substantial writing. T h e sectionof this work dealing with the history of theory was revisedand republished in 19 48 under th e ti t leShfikyb shakaigakusetsu [Sociology of religion theo ries] . In this book F ur un ogives a central place to Durkheim's theory of religion andsociety, describing both the French sociology of religionth at preceded him and how th e intellectual tradition thatstarted w ith him grew to influence in th e Durkheimian school,th e neo-Durkheim ian school, etc. F ur un o, in consideringDurkheim's the or y of religion and soc iety, focuses particu-larly on the highly criticized doctrine of collective representa-tions with its mystical and metaphysical baggage, its insis-


4/28

F I : I ~ I X Oi y o t o : Romance o Religion ant1 Pursuit o Science

tence on the psychological supremacy of group symbols,and its view of the reality of grou p psychology. In suppo rt

of so doing, Furuno maintains that the collective represen-tation hypothe sis stands a t the heart of D urkheim s views,that there is as yet no empirical basis for refuting what heestablished theoretically, and furthermore that this hy-pothesis can even now serve as a useful and effectivesociological tool.

Fu ru no also points ou t th at in Durkheim s writings onecan detect a change in his thinking about collective rep-

resentations. He traces the developm ent of Durkh eim sthe or y of religion from three works of his early period-De la division du travail social (1893) , Les rkgles de lamtthode sociologique (1 895 ) , and Le suicide (1 897)-toDe que lques formes primitives d e classification 903) , anessay written in collab oratio n with Marcel Mauss. Stru ckby Durk heim s repeated insistence tha t religion expressesthe collective way of thinking peculiar t o a people and,conversely, that all collective ways of thinking invariablypossess religious characteristics, Furuno came to the con-clusion that these ideas must in all likelihood constitutethe m atrix of Durkheim s thoug ht ab ou t religion. Butwhereas in early period works Durkheim had advocatedthe view that religious ideas were products of the socialmilieu and had em phasized, in acc orda nce with m orp ho-logical research, that they were expressions of the socialstr uc tu re , later, giving greater weight t o physiologicalaspects, he spoke of religious ideas as representations ofcollective feeling that come to expression in rites andceremonies. This, Fu ru no indicates, am ou nts to a changein Durk heim s perspective o n religious studies. In Fu run o sview the ideas about religion contained in Les formestl t rnentaires built on and extended this changed per-spective even further.

In this same book Furuno shows that he himself is greatly

Jupu ~esr ournul of Religious Studir s 7/2-3 June-Sep tember 198 9


5/28

KOG Kazunori

influenced by the views on rel igion that Durkheim expressedin this later period. This com es o u t clearly in the following

quotat ion:For the field of sociology of religion, the point that col-lective representations are necessarily linked to ritualismis a contribution of th e greatest importance. The fact thatin some situations individuals share socially determinedperceptions, beliefs, and attitudes becomes evident throughthe sociological attitude that sees ritual activities as rep-resentations of the group. Rites are unique means forthe expression of collective feeling. Through them rehgiousfeeling is heightened and refined. In accordance with theserites and their visible symbolism, the spiritual state andritual attitudes that obtain among individuals in a societycome into being. Sociology of religion should move for-ward by taking each of these features as an object ofresearch and investigating it further. I am firmly con-vinced that with the amplification of the sociological wayof thinking, sociology will someday become worthy of thename of a true science of religion (Furuno 1972c, p.15 .

What F ur un o m eans by amplifying the sociological way ofthinking (sociologism) in accordance with the hypothesisof collective representations is set forth in this book in aplan that involves tw o approaches. O ne is th e app roachindicated by Mauss in advocating a new concept of sociology,the other that implied by the structural-functionalism ofEnglish social anthropology since Malinowski and Radcliffe-

Brown.

Mauss. Fu ru no gives high marks to M auss as the one whoeliminated from Durkheim's position its residual m eta-physical elements and made an incomparable contributionto social studies, particularly to religious studies, by faith-fully carrying forward th e appro ach t scientific truth histeacher had pioneered (197 2c, p. 101). In later years Mauss

1 Japanese Journal of Religious tudies 7 2 4 June September 198


6/28

F I : I ~ I N Oi p t o : K o m m c e o cligion and I ursuit o Sr i enc

proposed the view that man in his totality (l 'homme total)lbe considered a synthesis of nature (physiology), individuiality (psychology), and society (sociology). Fu run o to odeclares that only when hum an and social phenom enaare grasped in accordance with the threefold bio-psycho-1sociological approach may we speak of comprehensiveness 1(1 97 2c , pp. 176-177). Even in m or e rece nt writings, the1same idea co mes to expression. We tak e it , therefore, that1this position has been consistently maintained throughout1Furuno's research career. I

English social anthropology The o the r app roach tha t )F u r u n o lo ok ed t o f o r h elp in amplifying the sociologicalway of thinking was the functionalism of Malinowski,Radcliffe-Brown, and others of the English school of so-cial anthropology. Even before graduating from university,Furuno had come into contact with these men's writingsthrou gh his reading of Durkh eim and Mauss. Fu run othoug ht of exposure to and probing analysis of objectively

selected data as a strong basis for the comprehensive sys-tematizing of sociology. He regarded functionalism as aneffective tool to this end, and in his own research function-alist meth od s are employed at every turn .

Against this background, let us take a look at two or threespec ific case studies .

THE TAKASAGO PEOPLEFuruno's first field research was undertaken among theTakasago- peop le o f -Taiwan.- During several -trips th er e, h estudied common Takasago colloquialisms and, in addition,recorded valuable ethnological data relating to Takasagoreligious lif e. T h e result was th e bo ok Takasago zoku nosaigi seikatsu [T he ritual life of th e Takasago people] (1 972a).

~ u p u m s u ourttul of Keligiorrs Studies 7 .,'-:1 unc- Septrmlrer 9Xo 2


7/28

General characteristics. In this book ideas about the spir i tsof th e dea d, ancestral spirits, the spirits of anim ate and in-

animate natural phenomena, god-spirits, souls, and otherreligious ideas, together with the agricultural rites, festivalstructure, age sets, rites of passage, headhunting, etc. ofthe various tr ibes, are considered as concepts and systemsin their relation to t h e social organ ization. Maintainingthat in order to understand Takasago religious life, espe-cially their ritual life, it is essential to have an accurate graspof their religious concepts, particularly their concept ofgod-spirits (shinrei), he presents a detailed depiction of thereligious ideas of each tribe.

Furuno's concise analysis of Takasago religious life laterappeared under the t i t le Takasago zoku n o shhk yb seikatsu[T h e religious l ife of t h e Takasago people] (1 97 l b , pp. 279-295). According to this s tud y, what characterizes th eTakasago way of making a living is that they have fixeddwellings, t i l l unproductive land using crude productiontechniques, and instead of growing rice cultivate deccan

grass and two kinds of millet [awa and kibi, the latterhaving a slightly larger grain and being more glutinous].What characterizes their social life are the male militarysocieties connected with intra- and intertribal strife-societies evidenced by the existence of men's club housesand gr ou p fishing.

Agricultural rituals. Takasag o ritual life is analyzed in

relation t o thes e several characteristics. In Takasa go farmwork there is always the danger of poor crops and famine.At their rudimentary stage of agriculture, the demand forcomplementary or concerted magico-religious ideas andceremonies, characteristic of primitive peoples generally,is therefore inevitable.

Since the traditionally cultivated grains are deccan grassand millet , the predominant agricultural r i tes are those that


8/28


9/28

K O G A K a zu n o ri

volved dream-divination on the night preceding, and againo n the way to , the hun t . Many tribes tabooed sexual inter-

course from the day before the hunt , and r i tes held withthe heads thus taken were performed with scrupulous care.Headhunting was n many cases a major communal ritualthat involved all the village members and was accompaniedby dancing.

Theoretical implications. Furuno's way of understandingthe ritual life of the Takasago people, then, is to grasp itsfunctional relationship to the social structure of tribal so-ciety. Distinctive in this analysis is his m inu te descriptionof their ideas ab o u t spirits. H ere on e can discern som e-thing of the care with which he seeks to comprehendreligious ideas at the ir deepest level.

Th is att itu de comes o u t w ith particular clarity in hisconsideration of the problem of a religious polarity betweenright and left as treated n Hertz 's La prCCm inence de lamain droite. Hertz, for whose work F ur un o has high

regard, claimed that the custom of preferring the right tothe left reflected a religious polarity between sacred andsecular or, at bottom, between pure and impure, and thatthis polarity had given rise t o an absolu te antithesis. Fu run o,disquieted by wha t he perceived as an inadeq uate exp la-nation of why the right hand was the superior, eventuallycame to hold the view that in order to understand the socialconstraints requiring use of the right hand and prohibiting

use of the left , particularly in situation s having t o d o withthe sacred, it was necessary to suppose a background con-cept in which the decisive factor was a polarization betweengood and evil spir it s (Fu run o l9 7 2 b, p . 24 . This ideadoubtless arose from, and found empirical corroborationin, his conscientious description of the religious world viewof th e Takasago peo ple.

24 apanese ournal of Religious Studies 7/ -3 J u n e S e p t e m l ~ e r I W )


10/28

THE LION MASK DANCE

Furuno's studies of Japanese religious folklore fall pri-marily into three areas: the lion-mask dance shishimai) ,the miyaza or lay ritual organization of Munakata Shrinein Chikuzen [a district o f Fu ku ok a Prefecture in northernKyushu] , and the hidden Christians of northwest Kyushu.Th is paper will deal only with th e first and last.

Furuno's writings on the lion-mask dance are based onintensive fieldwork carried o ut between 19 36 and 19 38,and on supplementary field research conducted in lateryears. T h e results app ear in scattered articles an d in hisShish i no minzoku [The lion in Japanese folkways] (1968),now gathered together in his Nihon no shzikyc? minzoku[T he religious folkways of Jap an] ( 19 7 3 ~ ) .

Three lions. The type of l ion-mask dance on which Furunoparticularly focuses is one involving three lions and havinga close relations hip to agricultural rites. His analysis of th elion-mask dance gives comparatively greater weight toritualistic aspe cts than t o ot he r factors. He takes the

lion-mask dance n ot merely a s one m ore S hinto ceremonybu t a s on e in which th e masked dance elem ent is central.He seeks to describe this dance as essentially a group phe-nomenon dominated by a muscular and rhythmical inter-responsiveness and spiritual fusion between dances andspectators.

The festival ceremony at which the lion-mask dance of thethree lions is performed is a kind of coordinated art involvingflutes, drums, songs, etc. For m , soun d, and color combinein vivid expression of an atmosphere quite out of the or-dinary. From time to time dozens of masked dance teamscom e 'toge ther in magn ificent procession . In all this the


11/28

sense of obligation to perform the sacred ceremoniesblends with the desire to enact the ritualsn an aestheticallypleasurable way, thus revealing the exhilaration and dehghtof the play world.

In th e lion-mask dance as performed in farm villages,the spectators play the role of passive directors; they holdto the same magico-religious world view as the membersof the dance teams. Performers and spectators blend to-gether in an in-group feeling and immerse themselvesin the rhythm and pathos of a shared life (Furuno1973,pp. 49-50 .

Furun o's interest in th e thre e l ions, a s in th e agricul turalr i tes de scr ibed ear l ier, der ives from th e percept ion th athere e ffec t ive a r t comes to par t icu lar ly c lear express ion .T he three l ions a re by no means th e sam e a s a single l ionin isolatio n. With great skil l th e pe rfo rm an ce of this male-fema le t r io blend s sacred an d secular.

One remarkable fea ture of th is per formance i s i t s e ro t i -c ism. Fu run o pays specia l a t t en t io n t o the d ramat i c , per-

fo rma t ive f ac to r tha t c reate s exc i t emen t and en joy men tdur ing th e course of th e l ion-mask dan ce .

T h e l ion-mask dan ce i tself is a r i tua l ac t . T h e l ion 's h ead ,;nvariably related t o m agico-rel igious fai th , symbolize s asource of sp i r i tua l power. As in the case o f th e Takasagopeop le , Fu ru no , fo llowing funct ionali s t m eth od s , ana lyzesth e l ion-mask da nce in re la t ion t o agr icu l tura l soc ie ty.

Village heritage T h e fir st t hing F uru no po in t s o u t is t ha tth e lion-mask da nc e manifests a local cha racte r. I t is notassociated with an y part icular sh r ine o r tem ple; it belongsto the v i l lage communi ty, and the v i l lage communi ty con-st i tut es i ts onl y l ife-space. I t is per form ed, there fore, forth e sake of vil lage well-being an d p rosp eri ty .

Inasmuch as the c om mu ni ty tha t ma in tains the l ion-maskda nc e is a farm village, agric ultura l r i tes play a partic ularly


12/28

imp or tan t ro le. This does not me an, however, tha t it isperformed only for abu nda nt harves ts . Depending on the

local ity, th ere is considerable lat i tude in deciding whatpurpose th e da nce will serve . Th roug h compar ing the da tagathered , Furuno f inds , for example , tha t though the l ion-mask dan ce is of ten performed as a k ind of ant ic ipa torycelebrat ion of a good harvest , in some local i t ies there areexam ples of i ts use in conn ect ion with funerals .

Eldest sons T h e second point he emphasizes is th e p lace

o f t h e d a n c e in th e village social s t ructure . Th is dime nsionfea tu res th e cor respondence be tween the dance teams o rgrou ps wi th responsib i li ty for t he l ion-mask danc e an d thesocial organiza tion of th e village.

As a general rule , those w ho bea r the l ions heads tendt o be mem bers of the junior you ng men s associa t ion o rth e you ng men s associat ion. Moreover, th e bearers gro uptends t o be comprised o f e ldest sons .

O n the basis of these fac ts Fu ru no es tabli shes tha t thel ion-dance t eams a re co nnec ted , on the o ne hand , wi th theyou ng men s age-set sys tem an d, on the o the r, wi th th eeldest son inheri tance p at te rn of th e family system, bo thbeing par t of th e village social stru ctur e. Bu t he also find sthis explanat ion insuff icient and, in o r d e r t o r e m e d y t h edeficien cy, tur ns again t o religious conce pts .

Th ose wh o perform the lion-mask dan ce are , as indica ted ,mos t o f t en e ldes t sons , peop le who d o no t mar ry o u t o fthe village as adoptive sons. Th is preference fo r eldest sonsmay have something to d o wi th th e prac tica l d i ff icul ty oftraining new people fo r th e role , but mo re im portan t is amyst ic v i r tue a t t r ibute d to the ar t of the lion-mask dance ,a hidden but powerful magico-religious concept manifestedin the fear of d ivulging t o outs iders the secre ts of th is sacredart . B y t h e same token. males from other vi l lages who be-come res idents y vir tue of adoption or marriage are for


13/28


14/28

U R U N O iyoto: Romance of Religion and Pursuit of Science

cism. Building on the Japanese term for these undergroundChristians, namely, kirishitan, Furuno gives to their par-

ticular type of syncretism th e name kirishitanism. Hisinvestigation of the syncretism of these hidden Christianshas two foci. One is th e dimension of belief, the other thatof ri tual kinship.

Faith. With regard to what they believe, Furuno's studyindicates tha t th e hidden Christians of Amakusa in theearly 1800s held a magico-religious faith characterized byan interest in tangible, this-worldly benefits. Further, hisstudy of the beliefs and ceremonies of the hidden Christiansof Ikitsuki and Urakami reveals the presence of ancestorworship concepts. From this, I infer that in the faith andpractice of hidden Christians, preserved for some four cen-turies, Japanese ethnic ideas about spirits (spirits of animateand inanimate phenomena, spirits of the dead, and ancestralspirits) long on the wane among non-Christian Japanesehave tenaciously persisted 1 973b, p. 3 10).

Ri tual kinship. Furuno analyzes the syncretism of thehidden Christians by comparing their ritual kinship withthat of another area. In order to get at what is distinctivein t he hidden Christians' syncretism, he takes for the pur-pose of comparison a primitive society of Latin Americathat was catholicized not long before Catholic missionwork began in Japan. The object of study, ritual kinship,

has two concrete manifestations: padrinazgo and com-padrazgo. The former refers to the relationship betweenchildren and godparents (those who serve as witnesses atthe time of baptism, being not physical but ritual parents);the latter refers to the relationship between actual parentsand ritual parents, or again to the relationship amongritual parents.

In Mexico, early Spanish cultural influences, particularly

apanese ournal of Religious Studies 7/2 3 June September 198 129


15/28

K O G Kazunori

Catholicism, were assimilated and maintained as a continu-ing bo dy of tradition. T he tend ency was t o regard religious

kinship as more important than the social kinship of bloodo r marriage. Particular emph asis fell o n th e compadrazgorelation. This cons tituted th e supreme bo nd of solidarity.In general th e god paren t institu tion, by providing auxiliaryparents, fulfilled th e purpose of supplying guardians andsponsors t o a godchild; i t functioned as a guarantee ofsecurity. The compadrazgo inst i tut ion, by extending theritually created kinship bon ds, functioned to enlarge th edimensions of t h e in-group.

Blood ties and ancestor worship As a result of comparingri tual kinship in bo th cultures, Fu run o f inds that th e biggestdifference between them is that amon g th e hidd en Chris-tians o f . ~ a p a nhe padrinazgo has been preserved, whereast h e compadrazgo has no t taken roo t at all. In order t o geta t th e underlying reason f or this difference, he turns t o th efamily system in th e tw o areas. His conclusion , in brief,i s that the compadrazgo seems well suited to a society inwhich th e extend ed family is weak, a s in Tepoztlrin, bu tthat the Japanese extended family system, which at tachesgreater importance to blood ties, seems to have stifled it .Under the Asian extended family system, in other words ,there was apparently n o need or desire t o extend r itualkinship beyond thepadrinazgo 197 1b, pp. 336-337).

Syncretism in the form given it by the hidden Christians

he at tr ibuted, then, t o the blood t ie-oriented extended familysystem. Th is system is connected n ot on ly with social re-lationships bu t also with ances tor worship. Th us ances torworship once again emerges as a characteristic of the syn-cretism of th e hidd en Ch ristians.

Complexities Furu no s stud y of hidde n Christian syncre-tism is by n o m eans as narrow as th e preceding description

13 apanese ournal of Religious Studies 7 / 2 4 J u ne S ep te mb er 198


16/28


17/28

KOG Kazunori

tha t th e Japanese extended family system prevented de-velopment of the compadrazgo, where is one to look, then,

for factors that would accou nt f or the Christian ad op tionof the kumikHere again Furuno refers to the magico-religious world

view of the underground Christians.

The hidden Christians of Amakusa believed that when theydied they would go to heaven, but as far as this world wasconcerned, they prayed that they would be blessed withabundant crops and good catches of fish, and that theywould not experience sudden illness or any other calami-tous misfortune For these thingsall they could do wasto pray to God. In their daily life these people were some-how aware of the presence of the supernatural, and fromtime to time would pray fervently to this being in theexpectation of abund ant blessings to come. This wasan expression of intense, earnest, and very human desires1969b, p. 105 .

In this kind of magico-religious world view, it is probablyto be expected that ancestor worship would be included.In the last analysis, however, the decisive factor in thisworld view is not the ancestor worship of the extendedfamily system bu t th e individual. T h e world view m ay beshared by an entire community, but the family group isn o t necessarily th e smallest un it t o ho ld it. As indicatedabove, individual choice in the matter of faith is evidenta t th e level of behavior. It is this elem ent th at would ap-

pear to acco unt f or Christ ian ad op tion of th ekumik6

In his comparative study of hidden Christian syncretism,Furuno points out the embracing inf luence of the extendedfamily system, the tenacity of religious organization, andth e dynam ics of the magico-religious world view. T he re-lationships a m ong these three, however, have yet to beclarified.

132 apanese ournal of Religious Studie s 7/2 3 June-September 198


18/28

F U R U N O iyoto: Romance of eligion and Pursuit of Science

INSTITUTIONAL ANIMISM

The concept . As we have seen, Furuno analyzes religious

phenomena by means of the functionalist approach andthe comparative method. Holding that religion should begrasped as a totality, he seeks a concept of religion thatwill integrate every particular aspect. The work in whichthese intensive theoretical reflections appear most clearlyis his Genshi shkkyd no k6zd to kind [The structure andfunction of primitive religion] 1 97 1 a), a revised versionof a dissertation that he submitted to Tbhoku University

in 1962.The key concept of this book is institutional animism,a term he proposes as fundamental to the analysis of primi-tive religion. Through his study of th e history of compara-tive religion theories dealing with ideas of souls and spirits,Furuno came t o the conclusion tha t since all known prirni-tive religions give evidence of belief in spiritual beings,and since there are no examples of ethnic or tribal groupsthat fail to observe rituals corresponding to this belief, itis altogether suitable to consider institutional or organiza-tional animism as the conceptual basis of primitive religionas it actually exists.

Leaving ro om for the non rational. Animism, manaism,pantheism, and other such theories are at bottom, in Furu-no's view, scholarly attempts to seek ou t, analyze, andexplain th e structures of the world views peculiar to peo-ple of primitive societies through reference t o religion ormagico-religious reality. But when primitive man's panthe-ism, pan-manaism, and the various other isms that scholarsprescribe are studied in concrete detail, it becomes clearthat the distinctive feature they hold in common is certainnon-rational, emotional, and preconscious quality. In thisreligious world view there throbs, in other words, a con-tinuing LCvy-Bruhlian law of mystical participation. Thus

apanese ournal of Religious tudies 7/2 3 June-September 1980 33


19/28

KOG Kazunori

when Furuno speaks of the world view of primitive religion,he has reference to a total system that includes not only

its conceptual but also its emotional dimension, and ofcourse it s organizational or social nature. His idea of in-stitutional animism, then, lays stress on the point tha tthis world view is socially and culturally determined. Itrefers to a religious system that is sensed, thought about,and enacted in a variety of social organizations. It is notso much a matter of what Tylor calls a 'philosophy of life'as of an emotion-engaging world view filled with prospects

for the future (1973a, p. 15 .CONCLUSION

The concept of institutional animism is a distinctive anddensely packed outcome of Furuno's research. In his studyof religion he took as a hypothesis Durkheim's theory ofcollective representations. From Mauss, who eradicatedthe metaphysical tendencies from Durkheim's sociologisme,he borrowed the ideas of l'homme total and faits soci-aux totaux. It is self-evident that he developed his concept ofinstitutional animism on the basis of these ideas.

For Furuno, however, the principal sociological theoryof religion was one oriented to the concept of mana-a pointof view easily overlooked by a sociological outlook thatwas overly inclined toward Cartesian rationalism and thusfell prey to the evils of deductive logicism. Again, LCvy-Bruhlthrew light on the problem of explaining primitive people's

magico-religious world view, but because he took no interestin the social structures that go with this view, his work,according to Furuno, lacks scientific explanatory power.As for Malinowski, Frazer, and Radcliffe-Brown, Furunosaw in them a propensity to give disproportionate weightt o Durkheim's theories.

Fwuno, like other scholars, attached considerable im-portance to studying religion scientifically, that is, with

34 apanese ournal of Religious Studies 7 2 4 June-September 1980


20/28

F U R U N O iyoto: Romance of Religion and Pursuit of Science

due regard to theory and method. The problem of greatestconcern to him, however, was to explain religious phenomena

realistically. This interest in the animistic world view thatfrequently comes out in his case studies implies, I believe,the idea that it is essential to the scientific study of religionth t the analysis include the provinces of meaning of thephenomena themsehes. The att itude evident in Furuno sempirical studies shows that in his efforts to plumb thedepths of religious phenomena and get to their basic struc-ture, he sought above all else to be objective.

A Brief Account of the Careexof Fllruno Kiyoto

Birth in Fukuoka Prefecture in 1899. Enters the Law Departmentof Tokyo Imperial University with the intention of entering the foreignservice. Later changes t o the Sociology Depar tment, but during aserious illness transfers to th e Department of Religious Studies. Aftercompleting graduate work at the same university in 1928, he takesa part-time clerical position with the university library, a year latertaking a similar position with the Imperial Academy.

Before taking employment with the East Asia Economic SurveyDepartment of the Southern Manchurian Railroad in 1940, he makesseveral trips to Taiwan to carry out research among the Takasagopeople; he also studies Japanese agricultural rites and conducts religio-ethnological research among the Ainu and Oroks of Sakhalin. WithTanabe Suketoshi as coeditor, he begins to publish the academic journalShakaigaku [Sociology] in 1932 . (This journal was banned beginning

with issue number 5. In 1935 he participates in the founding of theJapanese Society of Ethnology and becomes editor-inchief of itsjournal inzokugaku kenkyu [Japanese journal of ethnology In1943 he becomes a staff member of the Ministry of Education s Re-search Insti tute on Ethnic Groups; in 194 4 he is sent to conductscientific surveys of peoples in southeast Asia.

In November. 1945, following the end of the war, he accepts thecombined posts of president and professor at t he Tenri School ofLinguistics and moves to the Kansai. In 1948 he becomes a professorof Kyushu University with responsibili ty for religious studies. In 1956

apanese ournal of Religious Studies 7/2 3 June-September 198 35


21/28

KOG Kazunori

he becomes president and professor at North Kyushu University, in1960 professor of sociology at Tokyo Metropolitan University, n 1964professor of anthropology and sociology at Dokkyb University, in1969 professor of social anthropology at Musashino University, andfrom 1973-77 professor of sociology at Komazawa University. Deathfrom pneumonia on March 1979 at age 79.

References and Chief Publications

F U R U N OKiyoto &R AShinpi keiken n o mondai @3&&3 $&mB7@ The problemof mystical experience]. ShiikyB kenkyii @l f% 4/1Kikai bunmei to shiiky6 ftm 2 @ [Machineculture and religion]. Risb BE, 4 January).Marukusu shugi no shiiky6 riron 7 1 k 3 x&%a)%B

a [The Marxist theory of religion]. Hbkai zasso.&% a /2Saikin furansu shiikyb gakkai tenbb 7 7 x

[Prospec ts for religious studies in recentFrench scholarship]. Furansu no shakai kagaku 7 79 7,0&2$ ~.

Shakaiteki shinpishugi no riron $k& &@&=&&~g?$j[Theory of social mysticism]. RisB @%, 4 Novem-ber-December).ShGky6 gensh6 t o keizai genshb t o no kankei z@gl

&& gl& 2 a>MB [The relationship between re-ligious and economic phenomena]. Shii kyb kenkyii %%l fR,no. 7.Gendai shintd gaisetsu gft$f@@B A summary ac-count of modern Shinto]. Tokyo: Sankib6.

Shiiky6 kenkyii ni okeru by6teki na mono %@l f%{L 6 Mt6: 0 [The pathological in t he study ofreligion]. Shiikybgaku kiyb%?&%@%.Genshi keizai ni okeru jujutsu-shiikybteki y6so 1) :Ma run buk e-h a no shakaiteki kin6 setsu o shu to shite

H&&3RCL hj . & J I 9 =- O + & ~ M ~ % B [Magico-religious ele-ments in primitive economies 1: Focus on the socialfunctionalism of the Malinowski school], with TANA-

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies7/23 June-September 1980


22/28

FURUNO iyoto: Romance of Religion and Pursuit of Science

BE Suketoshi BljZ% J. Shakaigaku @t;-k %, no. 1.Genshi keizai ni okeru jujutsu-shiiky6teki y6so (2) :Shin shak aigak u shugi no kenchi ni tsuite

tz % t a% . %BIWSR 2) Y ~ W ~ B O R ~ B I Z\ T [Magico-religious eleme nts in primitive econo-

mies 2 : T h e viewpoint of the neo-Durkheimiansociology], (with TANABE uketoshi 812% 1j).Shakaigaku +*%?, no. 2 .Da dao hui fei to dokubutsu kJJ E L SQ [The Dadao hui fei (a secret society) and poison]. Minzokugaku E q 3/10.Beruguson ni okeru shiiky6 to shakai d r k p Y > I L S

f 5 2&2 $kg [Religion and society in Bergson],with TANABE uketoshi BlZS lJ. Shakaigaku *+j?,110. 3.Shoshi1ky6 no taik6 oyobi gensei %%BylcrA Es@[General features and present situation of various re-ligions]. ShSkyb seikatsu sbsho 2&&@jgsShiiky6 girei ni okeru shakaiteki kosokusei zB{& Ltz f C b kSBf3ficiJxt Social restrictions in religiousceremonies]. ShGkyb kenkyzi %%@% 2/5.

Sekai shiiky6 gakkai no genj6 ~ & W % ~ & + S V I ~ %[Present situation of the world's religious studies as-sociations]. Shisb ,g,@., no. 149.Radin no Minzokug aku no hbhb to gakusetsu ni tsuite9 7.4 >a>WliffWa>k& ~ ~ E - > V \ TRadin's Methodand theory of ethn olo gy ]. Minzokugaku kenkyti jB l / l .Rewi-Buryuru Genshi shinwagaku ni tsuite 1/ 7

ILR @~~+?[: C [LCvy-Bruhl's La mythologie

primitive] .Minzokugaku kenkyzi Eliff??@%/3

Shink6 shoshiikyo hihan %@%%$ &$] [A critiqueof the new rehgious]. Risb BB (June).Shtikyd shakaigaku : Gakusetsu kenkyzi s@ f+ +:%@% [Sociology of religion : A study of theories] .Tpkyo : Kawade Shob6.Ami zoku no n6k6 girei min liff~&$ ;@$L&[Theagricultural ritualists of the Ami people]. Minzokugaku nenpd EfiffqqR 1.

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 7/2 3 June-September 1980 137


23/28

KOCA Kazunori

Shiikyb to minzoku & t: EB Religions and peoples].Risd Be. 3 (October).Minzokugaku no egaku ningen E&90% [Manas depicted in ethnology]. Kagaku pen #+< 10.Chikuzen munakata no miyaza s h i r y i j ~ ~ ~ f & ~ ~ + [Materials on the lay ritual organization ofMunakata Shrine in Chikuzen] . Minzokugaku nenpdEB%+@ 2.Sai shatto zoku no saishi soshiki tf 4 i t. Y t

@ Q [The ritual organization of the Saisiat tribe].Minzokugaku kenkyzi 5/3.ShCkyd shinri no kenkyfi e g & B c n @ R [A study inreligious psychology]. Tokyo : Kawade Shob6.Sai shatto zoku no sui'i girei t t. Y $&a @{&

L [The Saisiat tribe rites of passage]. Minzokugakukenkyzi W y @ f g 6 / 2 .Minzoku mondai : Bunkateki henka no sh0~6 BJ PD7@*(c t ' j t l@(c~g@Th race issue : Some aspects ofcultural change]. Shisd E E no. 234Gerzshi bunka no tankyn J$&*{KaRzjt [An inquiryinto primitive culture]. Tokyo : Hakusuisha.

Nanp6 mondai jukk i.2JkL7g+i j Ten lectures onsouth Asian issues], ed. Tokyo: Dai Ichi Shob6.Dai t6a ky6ei ken no shiiky6 mondai ~&& &%HCOz@PD'fB Th e issue of religion in the Greater Eas tAsia Co-prosperity Sphere]. Kydiku X 10/3.Dai t6a sen to shiiky6 seisaku Agzk@ &&[The Greater East Asia war and religious policy]. InKokumin kdza : Dai tda no bunka kensetsu B E & & -k ~ j j 0 * . 1 ~ ~ ~Addresses to the people : Culture

building in Greater East Asia]. Tokyo : Shakai Ky6-iku Kyijkai.Dai t6a ky6ei ken no sijron ; k j Z i & k % H ~ r, & LAgeneral view of the Greater East Asia Co-ProsperitySphere]. Shdtoku L@f 715.Dai tau no shCkyd bunka kjZIa)e@ *.1t: Religiousculture in Greater East Asia ]. Toky o: MonbushdKyijgakukyoku Shiikybka.Namp6 minzoku shi j+j j?@& [Ethnic documents

38 apanese ournal of eligious Studies 7/2 3 June-September 198


24/28

FUR NO Kiyoto: Romance of Religion and Pursuit of Science

from the south]. KaihB e96f, o. 2Nanp6 shfiky6 seisaku i+j& %@@ Religious policyfor the south]. In Da i Ma no minzoku to shtlkyd

t:@ [The peoples and religions of GreaterEast Asia]. Tokyo : Nihon Seinen Ky6iku Kai.Nanp6 ken no shiiky6 i+jjjBa>t:B Religions in thesouthern sphere]. In NanpB nenkan jZjk+E [SouthAsia yearbook]. Tokyo : Nanp6 Nenkan Kankdkai.G6shG no minzoku &if j+ l~Ej&The people of Aus-tralia]. In Nanpd bunka kBza Minzoku to rninzokuundB hen $ j & f t i L s @ E t E s ;hfl Series oncultures to th e south : Peoples and popular movem ents].Tokyo : Sanseid6.To ba kohan n o seija b / ~ ~ a ) ~ ~The holy one(s)of Lake Toba ]. Shunjtl 1 /3Takasago zoku no saigi seikatsu [Theritual life of th e Tak asa go people]. Toky o: Sanseid6.Genshi bunka no tankye JJ$ f t{k~ * [An inquiryinto primitive culture], rev. ed. To ky o: Nomu raShoten.SlztikyB shakaigaku setsu %B fS%% Sociology ofreligion theory]. Tokyo: Nomura Shoten.Shiiky6 to shakai 2& k k& [Religion and society],with TANABE uetoshi wiZls l]. ShGkyB to shinuva 6.

B k @ i 6 .

Shtikyb shinrigaku setsu sBltlL\@qg Psychology ofreligion theory], rev. ed. Tenri-shi : Yatokusha.Furansu shakaigaku-ha no hitobito 7 z &%+@a A & [F igures of th e Fr ench school of sociology].Sansu -tf 2 2 o. 7.

Genshi n6gy6 no ichi kadai : T6nan ajia no yakibatan6gy6 j j 3 & & ~ O - - 8 ~ - 8 i j 7 7 %*H&% [Onesubject in primitive agriculture : Field-burning insoutheast Asia]. Tenri daigaku nenpd X@k8 @

/ 4

lndoneshia ni okeru yogen shugi teki u n d ~ FZ sfj 3z= &9j@ i Th e prophetic movement

in Indonesia]. Nihon bunka fl$.g/L, no. 30Sha rur u-d o-B uro su to jisshd teki seishin p ~l ?l F

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 7/2 3 June-September 1980 139


25/28

K O G AKazunori

x 2 SiE&%% [Tetsugaku nenpb %%+@ U.Bunka nenkan ni okeru Amakusa no kirishitan *4C

rd ~ ~ f j c f X$m + II > [The hidden Christiansof Am akusa in the early 1800s J. KyPshtl bunka shikenkyPsho kiyd h)l.l*4k&@?P& Z~, o. 2.Ta nk 6 jiigybin no shiikyoteki taid o E ~ H D ~

religious att itud es among coal miners]. Shii-kyc? kenkyii zB@R, no. 133.Shaman no shakaiteki seikaku ?. >a)$&+& $&[T he social character of the sham an]. Tetsugakunenpb Eyq@ 14.Kami naru 6 no ichi kadai : Iwayuru 6goroshi nitsuite 6E~-34%-vli~b9 X @ C Z T I / \ T Onefeature of th e king as go d : Th e killing of th e king].Shakaigaku no shomondai &g+a)sBy@ Problemsfor sociology]. Tokyo : Yiihikaku.

Takasago zoku no shiiky6 seikatsu &@J&~-si&&?&[T he religious life of t he Takasago people]. Minzoku-

gaku kexkyzl E +@iffR 18/1-2.Sekai ni okeru shiikyb no genjb ~ @ C ZG1-f SBo>%J T h e present situ ation of religion in t he wor ld].

Niho~zbunka 4k, no. 35.Amerika no hoshuteki shbkyoha : Amisshu to hatta-

raito f i a)@q Yp]\&m 5 t .\ -1 i- [Conservative small sects in Ame ric a: T h e

Amish and the Hutterites] . Tetsugaku nenpb @17.

Genshijin to shiikyb Zj&A 2 i& [Primitive peopleand their religion]. Rekishi kyBiku @&& ' 3/3.Shiiky6 by6ri %@%@ [Religious pathology]. i j b

Shinrigaku kbza g$&E@ &$Ta nk 6 jiigy6in no shiikybteki taido R g @ E ~ g i &&@\@ [Religious attitudes among coal miners].Tetsug aku nenpd @%+@ 18. joint survey.Gendaijin no meishin to genshijin no shinri g+t,ha)

Bf A ,C\@ [T he superstition of modern manand the psychology of primitive man]. Seinen shinriS IL\@ no. 4 .Ikitsuki no kirishitan buraku : Toku ni sono saishi

140 Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 7/2-3 June-September 198


26/28

F U R U N O iyoto: Romance of Religion and Pursuit of Science

1964a

1964b

Japanese Jou

soshiki ni tsuite &A 9 2 3 g - R IE UIBE@ ~ b \ - c [The hidden Christian community of

Ikitsuki : Their ritual organization]. Kyfishn bunkashi kenkyGho kiyd hlJ.I.I*4ke@f%fi@@, no. 5 .Kirishitan kazoku ni okeru gireiteki shinzoku kankei

9 9 ~g&&k~ t j~ f{ L [The ritual kin-ship relation in the hidden Christian family. Minzoku-gaku kenkyfi E &+@+% 1/4.Kakure kirishitan @, , 9 [Hidden Christians].Tokyo : Shibund6.Religious sociology of today. In Religious studies inJapan. Tokyo Maruzen.Kirishitan o meguru shomondai 9 5 9 @I ('6r s [Problems pertaining to the hidden Christians].In Nishi nihon shi gakkai sdritsu jl s h ln e n kinen ron-bun shfi l * + ~ @ ] ~0 J +~ & * ~. Fukuoka :Nishi Nihon Shi Gakkai.Chikuzen munakata no ichi kaji kiroku g @ s { & m - -%% a A housework record relating to MunakataShrine in Chikuzen]. KyGshl bunka shi kenkyashokiyd j~.l.ll*fC&@f%Pfi Z@, nos. 8-9.Shiiky6 kara mita minzoku shugi %@7)>,AI:B;i+

[Nationalism from the perspective of religion].Seikai drai 28/2.N6k6 girei no kadai @$#{&t.Lmsa[The subject ofagricultural rites]. Kokugakuin nihon bunka kenkyG-sho kiyd [a2 pz**{k@fRFfi ZB, no. 10Sekai no shiiky6 no ugoki @ @ m z B m j [Trendsin the religions of the world]. Tenri seinen kydteiXB @W&, no. 13.Genshi minzoku no shiikyoteki sekaikan R< &Rj&m%?&&@J J [Th e religious world view of primitivepeoples]. In Shakaigaku ni okeru riron to jisshd

3 [Theory and demonstration insociology]. Nishinomiya : Kwansei Gakuin DaigakuShakaigakubu.Genshi shlkyd @j16%$4[Primitive religion]. TokyoKadokawa Shoten.Kakure kirishitan + [Hidden Christians].

:ma of Religious Studies 7/2-3 June-September 198 141


27/28

KO GA Kazunori

Rekishi tokuhon @ &%$ 9/8Okinawa no shakai to shiikyb &uI$~% 2 %% [Re-ligion and society in Okinawa] , ed. Tokyo Heibonsha.

Shiikyogaku [Religious studies ]. In Nihonminzokugaku no kaiko to tenbb B*E&Wa>HmkE

[Japanese ethnology in retrospect and prospect] .Hoya-shi Nihon Minzoku Gakkai. In collaboration.Genshi bunka nbto )j$&*{k - [Notes on primi-tive culture]. Tokyo Kinokuniya Shoten.Shishi no minzoku @+a>E j The lion in Japanesefolkways]. Tokyo Iwasaki Bijutsusha.T6kyii toka no shishimai: Minzoku gein?, ch&a

F C Q ~ + $ $ C - - ~ ~ $ ~ ~Th e lion-mask dance inlarger metropolitan To ky o: A study of folk ar t] .Minkan denshb jT$dfij$X, no. 284.Jujutsu to shiikyo: Kirishi tan shiimon to jujutsu p j 2 gR-@x i 3 PR j [Magic and religionHidden Christian religion and magic]. Dentb to gen-IUL{za $ K 2/7 96-105.

N6kd girel no kenkyii j&$$&&- .,~@~ [A stud y of agri-cultura l rites]. Tokyo Tbkai Daigaku Shuppankai.

Genshi shiikyb no kbzd to kind R Z@a> G &&[The struc ture and function of primitive religion].Tokyo Yiirind6.Shiikyd seikatsu no klhon kbzd: Sotw shakai-bunkatekikenkyii S@&Ida>2&* g - t- 812 it: & $8 3[T he basic structure of the religious life A socio-cultural study]. Tokyo : Shakai Shisosha.Furu no Kiyoto chosaku shii Taka sago zoku no saigiseikatsu &&-@A {+% &B)&o% &$& [Collected

works of Fur uno Kiyoto, vol. The ritual life ofthe Takasago people]. Tokyo San'itsu Shob6.Fu run o Kiyoto chosaku shii 4 Genshi bunka no tankyii-&B~~A j{ g Ef&*4t:a@s Collected works ofFu runo Kiyoto, vol. An inquiry into primitive cul-ture]. Tokyo San'itsu Shobb.Furuno Kiyoto chosaku shi i 7 : Shiikyd no shakaigakushinrigaku &Bf@As{+@ 7 %@a>*k%+ L@y[Collected works of Fur un o Kiyoto, vol. : Religion

42 apanese ournal of Religious Studies 7/2 3 June September 198


28/28

F U R U N OKiyoto: Romance of Religion and Pursuit of Science

in sociology and psychology]. Tokyo : San'itsu Shobo.Shiiky6 no shinrigaku to shakaigaku Bo&@q 2@ + Religion in psychology and sociology]. Furu

no Kiyoto chosaku shzi geppd &R$fA$l+%A 4, no.2 : 6-8.Furuno Kiyoto chosaku shzi : Genshi shCkyd no kdzdto tenkai &R%AQ P?% 2 . BEi .;1 D % 2 I[Collected works of Furuno Kiyoto, vol. 2 : T h estructure and development of primitive religion].Tokyo : San'itsu Shob6.Furum Kiyoto chosaku shii 5 : Kirishitanizumu no hikaku kenkyzi # Ff@AS{+S 5 = 9 = D k@

@% [Collected works of F uruno Kiyoto, vol. 5 :Comparative research on hidden Christian Syncre-tism]. Tokyo : San'itsu Shob6.Furuno Kiyoto chosaku shii 6 : Nihon no shzikyd minzoku &RBAg#$j3 6 a * & # [Collectedworks of Furu no Kiyoto, vol. 6 : T h e religious folk-ways of Japan] . To kyo : San'itsu Shob6.Furuno Kiyoto chosaku shii 3 : Shdrnanizumu no kenk.yC & @jjA%f@j$$3

. - = X A o@ [Collectedworks of Fu ru no Kiyoto, vol. 3 : A study of shaman-ism]. Tokyo : San'itsu Shobc?.Furuno Kiyoto chosaku shzi bekkan : ShCkyd jinruigakusha no kaisd &R A%iT%ElJ%. &A + D

[Collected works of Fu ru no Kiyoto, suppl. vol. :

Memoirs of an anthropologist of religion]. Tokyo :San'itsu Shob6.Ryokuin zuisd [Essays from a shady nook].Tokyo : Kodansha.

M O R I O K A iyomi&FIB%1967 Nihon ni okeru shiikyo shakaigaku no hatta tsu Bt;rt % 3&2+0%& [Development of sociology

of religion in Japan].Shzimu jihd %?&@@ 17 : 1-17. Trans lated as De-velopment of the sociology of religion in Japan, 1900-1967 in MORIOKA Religion in changing Japanesesociety (Tokyo : University of Tokyo Press, 1975), pp.

171-184.

apanese ournal of eligious Studies 7/2-3 June September 198 43

japanese journal of religious studies 7/2-3 june-

Documents