jean debernardi - linguistic nationalism. the case of southern min
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SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS
Number 25 August, 1991
Linguistic Nationalism: The Case of Southern Min
by
Jean DeBernardi
Victor H. Mair, Editor
Sino-Platonic Papers
Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA
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LINGUISTIC NATIONALISM: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN MINI
Jean DeBernardi, Department of Anthropology,The University of Alberta
I. IntroductionSouthern in ) is a Sinitic language spoken by 38,950,000 speakers,
approximately 4 of the 1billion speakers of Sinitic. It is used in parts of Fujianprovince, Northeastern Guangdong, and Hainan, as well as in Taiwan and in SoutheastAsia, where it is spoken by communities in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, andthe Philippines (Chiu 1931; Ramsey 1987:33). In no contemporary Southern Mincommunity is the language a national language or a language of education, but in manySouthern Min-speaking communities the language has high social value as a marker ofin-group status (Oetomo 1988:103). In recent years in Taiwan, it has acquired inaddition a political value, representing the aspirations of the Taiwanese independencemovement in the face of fears of reunification with Mainland China.
In this paper, I will explore aspects of the social value of Southern Min. I drawon data collected in three Southern Min-speaking communities in which I have doneparticipant-observation fieldwork: Penang, Malaysia; Tainan, Taiwan, and Xiamen(Amoy), the People s Republic of China, focusing in particular on the politicalimportance of Southern Min in Tainan. I take as one goal that of drawing attention tothe importance of regional identities and differences in Chinese society, differences alltoo often disregarded by those who seek to relfy Chinese culture as a monolithic entity.
he data in this paper is primarily drawn from interviews conducted in Tainan, Taiwan and Xiamen(Amoy), People's Repu blic of China in summer 1987. The interviews were c med out in co njunc tion with studyof Southern Min, funded y a faculty grant from Bryn Mawr College. I am grateful to Peyton Craighill andProfesso r Yin Binyong for providing me with introduc tions to individuals in Tainan and Xiam en. I was aidedin Tainan by Minister Ted Ellis of the Theological Seminary of Tainan, the Du family, and Professor imKehiong; and in Xiamen, by Professor Huang Diancheng and Assistant Professor Zeng Shaocong, both ofXiamen University. I have benefitted from the comments of Sharon Carstens, Robert L Cheng, John DeF rancis,Joseph Emngton, Paul Friedrich, Victor Mair, Mei Tsulin, Jerry Norman, and S Robert Ramsey.
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Sino-Platonic Pap ers, 5 (August, 1991
JI Litera? and Vernacular Southern MinMany linguists have observed that calling languages like Southern Min 'dialects' is
a misnomer, since the languages of China are in fact as diverse as Romance languages.Northern China is relatively homogeneous linguistically, but in Southern China there aresix major 'dialect' groups, which are in fact mutually incomprehensible tongues? Theselanguages have been termed dialects in response to the fact that there is a unified writtenlanguage for China, and shared cultural tradition (Ramsey 1987:17-18). The situation isnot unlike that of the Arab world, termed by Ferguson 'diglossia,' in which classicalArabic exists side-by-side with dialects of Arabic (1972). The result is a sense of unitydespite the fact that the spoken languages of different regions diverge greatly, not only inpronunciation, but also in lexicon, and to some extent syntax This generation of a senseof cultural unity has been cited as one of the (few) advantages of the difficult Chinesewriting system?
Chinese do not consider a linguistic variety like Southern Min to be a 'dialect,' butrather consider it a fanwan (jj ), which may be translated s 'regional language' or'topolect.' Before the language reforms which established rm nhu ( & ) as the basis
),for the standardized national language known as 'Mandarin' or 'Putonghua'literacy had a different place vis- -vis he topolects of c h a m 4 ntil Mandarin was
Recent data sugg sts that the homogeneity of Northern Chinese h s been exaggerated, and Normanobserves that manyvarieties of Mandarin in Shanxi and the Northwest are totally incomprehen sible to a Beijingspeaker (Jerry Norman, personal communication).
John &Francis, in he Chinese L a n p a ~ e : Fact and Fantasy, expresses skepticism regarding the'indispensibility' and success of Chinese characters, offering arguments in favor bf 'digraphia,' the use of bothcharacters and romanization (1984a and 1984b).For an in-depth history of these reforms, see DeFrancis (1972).
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adopted widely r the language of education in the mid-twentieth century, literatepersons learned to read characters in the 'literary' form of their topolect. Evidence frommy fieldwork suggests that Literary SouthernMin was a register with social connotationsof education and style, and the virtual loss of this register has become a source ofconcern to some contemporary speakers of Southern Mine
The Southern Min literary register is quite distinct from vernacular language.According to Chiu Bienming, In Mandarin, the difference between the two readings[literary and vernacular] is quite insignificant; in Hagu [Southern Min] the difference isvery marked so that under certain conditions only one of the two readings may becorrectly employed (1931:8). He gives as an analogy the stylistic difference in Englishbetween the expressions 'think over' (vernacular) and 'deliberate' (literary), and gives thefollowing examples of divergent terms and pronunciations:
VERN CUL R LITER RY ENGLISHlang ( ) zin A) personkhau 0) kho mouthhi ( T I nzi ear( ) tso sit
In the first example, different words are used in the vernacular and literary registers toexpress the same meaning; in the other three examples, divergent pronunciations areused for what in origin is the same word. The SouthernMin reading pronunciation ofcharacters had important social uses which have persisted in contemporary Min-speakingcommunities, but have been marginalized greatly. I will explore below certainconsequences of this marginalization.
In the course of ethnographic fieldwork on Chinese popular religion in Malaysia,encountered this register of Southern Min in the language of trance performers, whoexpressed the high status of the gods that possessed them by using an often debasedversion of the literary register, known in Malaysia as 'deep Hokkien (Southern Min).'
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Speakers of deep Hokkien, in this case the gods, were distinguished from more ordinaryspeakers of the language by their avoidance of loanwords from Malay and Enghsh, andby a pronunciation and vocabulary which appeared to owe a great deal to literaryChinese (DeBemardi 1986). In other contexts, however, the language of Chinese literacyand education was Mandarin, and little remained of the literary register of Southern Min.
In Southern Taiwan, too, literary Southern Min has largely been replaced byMandarin, though it still enjoys high prestige in certain circles. It is used, for example, ina Christian Church and Seminary of Tainan, where literacy in Southern Min known as
3 : h =Taiwanese h . '% is highly regarded and promoted. This register is used forteaching classes in the seminary, for giving sermons, for reading the Bible, and singinghymns. number of texts have been published in versions which include both Chinesecharacters and an alphabetic transcription system first developed in Penang9 Malaysia in1839-42 by missionaries, and now used widely to transcribe Southern Min (DeFrancis1972:20). For many years, the Guornindang government banned the teaching ofromanization and the printing of new romanized texts (Cheng 1979:552), only allowingthe publication of romanized texts associated with Christianity such as the Bible andhymns ~ 4 6 ) ~ ~
On the other side of the narrow strait that separates Taiwan rom the People sRepublic of China, such romanized materials were unavailable, but the literary registerhad not been wholly marginalized. It was reported in Xiamen for example that the localtelevision station had begun to broadcast news announcements in the literary register ofSouthern Min though apparently the news announcer frequently had to consult a seniorlinguist at the University in order to learn the correct literary Southern Minpronunciation of characters.
In addition to religious texts, the Church-allied bookstore in Tainan offers for sale a roman ized dictionaryof Southern Min (Embree 1973 ,and a text and tapewhich teaches Southern Min speakers to read the alphabeticsystem 1958).
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JII. On Taiwanese and MandarinIn general, however, this register of Southern Min, dependent as it is on literacy,
has been replaced as the language of education by Mandarin. Young Taiwanese orFujianese or Malaysian Chinese do not know the literary register of Southern Min, andolder Taiwanese complain bitterly that their mother tongue has been socially degraded inthe last generation. The fear is expressed that the younger generation will only speak avery commonplace Southern Min, and they predict that, deprived of the literary register,Southern Min will degenerate into a lower-class language. Their concern draws attentionto the fact that loss of the literary register is not simply loss of a reading pronunciation ofcharacters, but also entails loss of the literary vocabulary which once enriched spokenSouthern Min.
For many in the older generation in Southern Taiwan, the adoption of Mandarinis subjectively associated not with social progress and unification, but rather with theestablishment of Guomindang control n 1949. According to one informant, when theGuomindang amved, they were welcomed by the Taiwanese as liberators, and Taiwaneserejoiced at the end of Japanese colonial era, and hoped for reunification with MainlandChina However, their hopes were soon disappointed: the Guomindang troops seemedto their eyes more like tattered criminals than liberators, and memories of their looting,and the abduction and rape of Taiwanese girls brought tears to the eyes of thosereminiscing. The brutal repression of Taiwanese n 1947 now called the 2-28Massacrewas remembered and commemorated by the Christian community in Tainan with amemorial service in 1987. hisviolent repression was described as a holocaust againstthe old Taiwanese elite, in which many students were captured, accused of beingcommunists, and shot.
One person interviewed had been active in organizing a study group of middleschool students to study Taiwanese language and culture during World War 11 an activity
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which was according to his report illegal under Japanese colonial rule. The groupdeveloped a new transcription system for Southern in using the roman alphabet andsucceeded in writing a grammar of Taiwanese, His circle of student fiends wasdecimated in the early years of Guomindang rule and he observed that after the 2-28event,' 'Taiwanese were &aid to be Taiwanese ' This man now a science professor inTainan, had returned to his studies of Taiwanese in 1987, and had devoted his energy topromoting the transcription system he and his friends had developed.
This professor explained in an interview setting that he had taken up teaching hiswriting method only after he had been diagnosed as having an inoperable cancer. Hefelt his decision to teach openly to be a challenge to the government and argued in anewspaper article that Taiwanese must speak Southern Min if they are'reunited with themainland. He reported both skeptically and bitterly that the government response was topublish a brief statement claiming that the use and teaching of Taiwanese was notrestricted.
The new freedom to promote use of Southern Min does in fact represent a majorchange in Taiwan, and a recent news article reports that:
Taiwanese is rapidly becoming a status language with strong sentimental-andsometimes political-appeal. People have become more concerned over theprospect that their children might go through life with just one dialect, andperhaps even end up more fluent in English than Taiwanese (Chung 1990:6).
However, for many years Mandarin has been encouraged at the expense of Taiwanese,and Taiwanese, though spoken by an estimated 80% of the population (Cheng1985a:352), has been regarded as a substandard language with no grammar and nowritten form, "inadequate and unsuitable for cultivated discussion" (Cheng 1979:555).6
The Guomindang established Mandarin as the language of education in Taiwan ina program of 'resinification' when they moved to Taiwan in 1945, ending the fifty-year
t I am grateful to John DeFrancis for bringing t is article (publication of which in his view 'fvould havebeen impossible just a few years ago ) to my at tent on.
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Japanese occupation. s DeFrancis points out, an efficient education system made iteasy to shift the medium of instruction from one foreign-imposed language [Japanese] toanother form of speech imposed by the dominant group of Mandarin speakers(1984:218-19). The promotion of Mandarin as a language of education in a program of'assimilative monolingualism' (Cheng 1979543) had a political dimension, expressing theGuomindang desire to recover the Mainland and rejoin the larger Chinese polity. Jordansums up the linguistic politics of the post-war situation thus:
The use of Mandarin by people who knew it was a sign of Nationalist loyalty. Theuse of Hokkien by people who knew Mandarin suggested separatist leanings.Both schooling and publishing in Hokkien were out of the question (1985:338).It was reported that, during this period, school children were punished for
speaking Southern Min, known commonly as 'Taiwanese,' or in an emphaticallypossessive form s 'our Taiwanese language.' According to one seminarian, the youngwere told that Taiwanese was the language of 'bad people,' and that they themselveswere 'bad' if they spoke this language. This led to a disruption in the relations betweengenerations, since the elder generation was by this interpretation of linguistic value also'bad.' It was widely reported that young people who had adopted Mandarinwhole-heartedly, in particular in Northern Taiwan, where Mandarin tends to be thelanguage of choice in public venues, scorned their grandparents, and criticized the oldergeneration as 'old fashioned.'
Many older Southern Min speakers in both Tainan and Xiamen expressed theview that Southern Min was superior to Mandarin which was viewed as a recentlyinvented language lacking the historical roots of Southern Min. A linguist interviewed inXiamen observed was in agreement with a Taiwanese newspaper article that I showedhim which interpreted the current second-class situation of Southern Min in Taiwan inlight of social linguistics theories regarding the stigmatization of social dialects XiKaicheng, July 1987). He observed that the promotion of Mandarin in both Taiwan and
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the PRC was a means of promoting the political dominance of Northern China, andspeculated that politicians feared the strength of Min people, whom he suggested hadbeen economically successful everywhere they have lived and worked.
At the same time, he d e m i e d them as a people who had repeatedly sufferedcolonial domination. Fujian resisted the establishment of the ing dyasty and Manchurule unsuccessfully, and the port city Amoy [Xlamen] was taken by the British as a FreePort as a result of the signing of the Nanjing Treaty in 1842. Taiwan too has beenrepeatedly occupied, though the Fujian admiral Koxinga succeeded in evicting the Dutchfrom Taiwan when he fled there with his followers after defeat in his battle against theQing forces. Taiwan was later colonized by the Japanese, and then by the largelynorthern Chinese Guomindang, while the Southern Min speakers in Southeast Asia havelived as minorities in European colonies. However politically disadvantaged thesecommunities may have been, their members have frequently enjoyed economic successunder colonial rule, and in particular in Southeast Asia have flourished as a mercantileclass.
The use of Southern Min has persisted in a variety of communities in whichnational languages--En@h, Mandarin, Indonesian, Malay--have had greater value aslinguistic capital in the society at large. Loyalty to this topolect has its source in avariety of cultural values, and n the next section of the paper w ll further exploresubjective attitudes towards Southern Min which have contributed towards thispersistence.
IV On the Su~erioritv of a TopolectThe recent promotion of Southern Min by the Taiwan independence movement
represents an effort to revalue that language and restore its social prestige. At the sametime, Taiwanese is a powerful symbol of Southern Min resistance to the assimilationistpolicies of the Guomindang. The defense of Southern Min and the desire to attain legal
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status for Taiwanese as well as Hakka) are expressions of language loyalty, but alsoassert and create a sense of identity and cultural value.
Taiwanese defend Southern Min by stressing the uniqueness indeed superiority)of their language, and in conversation will extol the historical depth and linguisticconservatism, the unusual linguistic features, and the unique packaging of a world viewfound in Southern Min. The relative uniqueness of the Min dialects is easilydemonstrated. Norman, for example, in his monograph on Chinese, observes that:
The region is a peripheral area in the classic sense of the term: the absence ofmajor rivers and a wildly mountainous terrain have always made access difficult,and it is not surprising that the dialects spoken here lie outside the mainstream ofChinese linguistic development. On the one hand, we h d here numerousarchaisms not preserved elsewhere, and, on the other hand, a whole series of localinnovations which are peculiarly Min Tlhis group is, next to Mandarin, themost distinctive and easily characterized group of Chinese dialects 1988:228)?
Several waves of migration to South China shaped the development of Southern Minwhich has several distinct lexical strata. The Min topolects have retained significanttraces of Han influence, and were also influenced by migrations at the end of theWestern Jin dynasty, and by a prestigious Tang dynasty standard set by the language ofChangan Norman 1979:268270). Norman speculates that the pronunciation system atthe foundation of literary Southern Min was introduced during the late Tang dynasty1979:272).
allard observes that Southern Chinese dialects display very extensive layer phenom ena with distinctlayers that are often characterized s literary' and 'vernacular.' There is evidence that Min has an Austro-Asiaticor Austronesian substrate as one o f its layers, and Ballard concludes that one can imagine a long-term situationof diglossia, with the low form preserving the non-Chinese indigenous language--purely during the early colonialperiod, more mixed later, and finally just s a very different kind of Chinese 1985:66-67; see also Norman andMei, 1976 .
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In light of this proud cultural conservatism, it is interesting to note that FujianChinese call themselves people of the an^. According to one educated informantinterviewed in Xiamen, Fujian was settled after the fall of the Tang dynasty byimmigrants who moved South, and the Southern Chinese were thus linked directly to thiscosmopolitan golden age of Chinese commerce, poetry, and art n the view of thistraditionally educated scholar, Southern Min was older and more beautiful thanMandarin: it was the language of ancient China and had more legitimate claim to bethe national language of China than Mandarin
Ramsey confirms the general outlines of this history, observing that:The most important wave of migration ccurred around the turn of the tenthcentury, when, in the wake of the social upheavals that accompanied the collapseof the Tang government, large numbers of Northern Chinese refugees fled south.Among these immigrants were elite families who were protected by well-organizedarmies and followed by dispossessed peasants. Such groups formed the social andadministrative core of the kingdoms that were subsequently established in theSouth, and these Sinitic kingdoms in turn provided the base for the completeassimilation of the South into Inner China when China was reunified by the Songa half century or so later [AD. 9601 (1987:33).
Many Southern Min speakers in Taiwan noted that as a result of the preservation of theentering tone and final consonants, Tang dyn sty poetry rhymed in the Miman language(but not in Mandarin). However, of the informants whom questioned during the twomonth visit to Taiwan and the PRC nly the linguist w s able to sing these poems inliterary Southern Min and demonstrate the accuracy of this assertion.
One eloquent spokesperson for the uniqueness of Taiwanese was Lim Kehiong,the American-trained science professor mentioned above. In April 1987, Professor Lirnestablished a Taiwanese Language Research Association in Tainan, and sought to
In Chiu Bienming's analysis of the Minnan di ls of the Xiamen area (which he terms 'Hagu'), he arguesthat contemporary 'Hagu' is closest in pronunciation of all Chinese dialects to the Changan dialect recorded nthe Qieyun in 6 AD. 1931). By contrast, Ballard reports that many Chinese historians tend to regard Minnot as a variant of Tang speech but rather as somesort of Han relic 1985:58).
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promote the transcription system for Taiwanese that he and his friends had developedduring World War 11.
An essay which accompanied the announcement of a lecture that he planned todeliver in the United States describes his goals:
wing to the century-long suppression by both the Japanese and the Chinesegovernments, Taiwanese language could only remain in the lower society ofTaiwan and has been neglected by most Taiwanese elites for their sociopoliticalsecurity. In the midst of these circumstances, Professor Lim and his friendsendeavored consistently to retain the original tones and style of the high-societyTaiwanese language. In 1958, he successfully translated many European poemsinto Taiwanese. Among those are poems by Goethe, Schiller, Luebeck, Mueller,etc. as familiarized through those songs by Schubert and other musicians Lim1987).
The essayist (undoubtedly Professor Lim) argued further that characters do not do justiceto the mother tongue of the Taiwanese:
But people live in their own mother language, with which their mental world isprimarily constructed. It is not possible to expect a person to grow normallydepending on the artificial language of hieroglyphs but the mother tone of hischildhood.Forty years ago, Professor Lim and his friends already recognized the inadequacyof expressing Taiwanese language with Chinese hieroglyphs. It is primarilybecause this is not the character proper for Taiwanese. To use it in writing,people must always translate their thought and feeling into the-form it requiresFor this reason, Taiwanese should be expressed by the sound and accent of wordsjust like European languages (Lim 1987).
I will discuss below Professor Em s effort to promote his writin system for SouthernMin.
Other contemporary non-linguists in Tainan also offered arguments in defense ofthe special nature of Southern Min. One common observation was that while there weremany vocabulary items which were cognate between Mandarin and Southern Min, therewere also areas of the vocabulary which were much more fully developed in Southern
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Min. n Taiwan, the argument was frequently made that Taiwanese was more expressivethan Mandarin, and descriptive intensifiers (which consist of an adjective and a uniquereduplicated intensifier) were commonly cited in support of this claim. A partial list ofsuch expressions, which were readily elicited in Tain an, includes:
an g di diang gong gongng giu giuo seu seulu luo ma mao sim simgim si signg nia niaPang gong gongti but butgiam dok doksng giu giuko te tetia dieu dieuswi dang dangdeu gi gi
very redvery redvery yellowvery blackvery blackvery blackvery black (said of hair)very lightvery lightvery fragrantvery sweetvery saltyvery sourvery bittervery painfulvery beautifulvery dirty (said of water)
Huang Diancheng has observed that these intensifiers are also to be found in an cientChinese, and analogues may be found in Han dynasty texts?
Speakers of Southern Min also offered mo re speculative explanations of thedifferences between Chinese dialects. Professo r Lim argued in an interview that thelanguages of Northern and Southern China had developed different expressions andelaborated different areas of the vocabulary because of the differing environments andoccupations of Northern an d Southern Chinese. H e proposed that in the North, C hineserode horses and gave orders to comm and others. Southern ers by contrast were seafarers,
Acmrding to Mei Tsulin, these descriptive intensifiers also resemble and may have their sour e in)Austroasiatic linguistic forms personal mrnmunicalion).
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and used physical force to subordinate others.1 s a result, he argued, in Mandarinthere is only one verb meaning to hit, ( J , while in Southern Min there are manyterms for different kinds of hitting. Examples of these terms offered by him include:
phaq [phah] to hit (most commonly used, transcribed with the character ( J ))s xm [sam] strike with the hand to the head0harm [ham] hit the top of the head with a fist @)long [long] hit with arm/hand gsiexn [sian] slap cheek T )zehg [cheng] hit sidewayskoxng [kong] hit with a rod0
He suggested that when such expressions were written using characters, loan characterswhich approximated the sound rather than the meaning were used, and that this led toconfusion and problems with written communication. On this basis he promoted the useof a phonetically based writing system for Taiwanese.
The uniqueness of the Southern Min spoken in Taiwan was also given specialstatus by some, and several speakers of Taiwanese claimed that their language haddiverged markedly from the Southern Min spoken across the Strait on the Mainland. Itis true that a number of Sino-Japanese words were borrowed into Taiwanese during thefifty-year period of Japanese mle (Cheng 1985b:185), and these lend the Tainan topolecta special flavor. Nonetheless, I discovered on amval in Xiamen that the divergence wasmuch smaller than I had been led to believe. I would speculate that the exaggeration ofthe difference between the two communities was the result of the political goals ofpersons making these claims, who placed language central to an act of identity formationfor Taiwanese.
oRamsey cites a Chinese catchword which typifies the contrast between North and South: Nan chuan beima--in the South the boat, in the North the horse 22).l1 The terms are given using Professor Tan's transcription system, followed by the equivalent in the
missionary transcription system. The speculative character equivalents are taken from Embree sPictionarv ofSouthern M in.
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V. e Taiwanese Cultural Association: n Fxperimental MovementThe importance of 'Taiwanese' as a potential symbol for Taiwanese nationalists
cannot be underestimated, but at the same time the attempt to make Southern Min moreprestigious and central to the lives of Taiwanese s not without problems. In the courseof my 1987visit to Tainan, I was invited to a meeting to organize a Taiwanese CulturalAssociation, and the debates at this small meeting highlight the hopes and difficulties ofthose who seek to affirm Taiwanese identity.
The meeting was organized by a small group of highly educated, and in someinstances highly affluent, Taiwanese, one of whom was politically active in the oppositionparty in Taipei, though he had been unsuccessful in previous bids for public office.Participants included this politican, who had taught Southern Min for the TaiwanLanguage Institute for a number of years before the United States recognized MainlandChina primarily to foreign embassy officials who wanted to communicate with non-eliteTaiwanese; a wealthy European-trained classical musician and entrepreneur; ProfessorLim (the science professor cited above) and his wife; a history professor who had studiedTaiwanese literature, a poet, and the publisher of a magazine which promoted Taiwaneseculture and opposition politics.
The participants discussed the future of the Southern Min language in Taiwan inlight of their perception that it would be necessary to develop a Taiwanese identity whichcould form the basis for an independent Taiwan. In the opening speeches, the politicalr sks of this move were dramatically acknowledged. One participant declaimed that hehad devoted his life to the promotion of Taiwanese culture, and if necessary would giveup his life in defense of his culture. My interpreter observed at this point that when youtalk about culture in Taiwan, it always means politics. The fear was expressed thatreunion with the mainland would create hardships for Taiwan, and that in this event, theinfluential Guomindang elite would flee. Thus it was felt that the case for Taiwanesenationhood had to be made.
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Jea n DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase of Sou hem Minn
Th e use in Taiwan of a national language shared with th e People's Republic ofChina clearly does not support th e creation of an indepe nden t Taiwan as effectively asthe use of a 'Taiwanese' w hose distinctiveness is stressed. Participants in the meetingidentified a specific problem in the fact that children did not speak Taiwanese (i.e.Southern Min well, and interp reted the use of M andarin in school s a threat to thecontinuation of 'Taiwanese culture.'
Widespread knowledge of M andarin has also changed ~ a iw a n e se . ' ~n adifferent context, anothe r informant noted that young people frequently borrowed idiomsfrom Mandarin, and that the Taiwanese used in television shows was filled with suchexpressions. s a result, older speakers of Taiwanese needed to read the charactersubtitles in order to follow the dialog. In response to this reported impoverishment ofSouthern Min, one speaker observed that language is used to communicate, and that ifyou can't com municate well in your language, the cu lture will be lost. Th e group decidedto form a committee to coordinate a range of activities, including a 'Miss Taiwan' contest,an d proceeded to discuss priorities.
Th e group identified loss of the literary register of Sou thern Min and the resultantimpoverishment of vocabulary s a key problem, and suggested ways to reenrich spokenSouthern Min. It was proposed that old vocabulary be recovered by collecting termsfrom storytellers, puppeteers, and singers, and that these stories in turn be disseminatedin published versions. An obstacle was recognized in the fact that a t present the re is nostandard way of writing Sou thern Min.
Th ere a re two aspects to this difficulty. First, classical texts were studied a nd r eadin the literary register, but there does not appear to be any genuine vernacular literature
l The flow of influence is not however on e way. Jordan es tirn ata that for many Hakka o r Southern Minspeake rs, their ability in Ma ndarin ex eeds heir ability in their native language, but observes that the M and arinspoken in Taiwan has been considerably influenced by Southern Min phonology (1985). Chen g analyzes anumber of respects in which Mandarin syntax has been transformed under the influence of Southern in tocrea te a Ta iwa n Mandarin' (1985a), and notes that mastery of this form of Mandarin was necessary for thechildren of M ainlanders as a prerequisite for their acceptance by their Taiwanese peers in school 1979).
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Sino-Platonic Pamrs 5 August, 1991
written in Southern Min, aside from recent experiments in Taiwan which will discussbelow. Characters appeared to be associated too strongly with Mandarin to be widelyuseful, and it was noted that many Southern Min vocabulary items have no written form.Cheng estimates that 70 of the lexical items of Taiwanese are shared with Mandarin(1985a:353), and could thus presumably be written with the same characters; this leaves30 non-shared lexical items for which characters would have to be coined. In the past,special characters were created to transcni Southern Min words, but it was reportedthat many of these characters were abolished when the written language wasstandardized by the Guomindang.
One alternative to the use of characters is, of course, an alphabetic transcriptionsystem. The science professor proposed that romanization be used, and asked forsupport to train children to read a romanization system which he and his college fiendshad developed prior to the Japanese occupation [Figure 11. He had already published aseries of textbooks using this romanization system, which he was teaching primarily toadults in an evening class at a church in Tainan. In those classes, he invited participantsto compose and read stories and anecdotes in Taiwanese, and to write down old songs,which were performed at class and greatly enjoyed.
Use of the missionary romanization system [Figure 2 was also suggested, andmention was also made of the publications of a Taiwanese linguist teaching in the UnitedStates who wrote Biblical commentary using a combination of characters and themissionary transcription system [Figure 31. However, a second problem arises here. Thegoals of the participants in this planning meeting involved the creation of a writtenlanguage which both preserved the literary register, and could be used to record andshare the words of ordinary people. The participants raised the question of thelimitations of a writing system based on the close transcription of speech, recognizing thatdoing so would involve chosing a spoken standard: Southern Min has three regional
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Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase of Sou hem Min
variants in Taiwan, and the participants feared that s soon as one was chosen s astandard, the others would by definition become substandard.
Conclusionn Taiwan, Southern Min has acquired social and political value as a symbol of the
desires of Taiwanese--in particular Southern Taiwanese--for political independence. Thisis true despite the fact that Mandarin is firmly established as the national language ofTaiwan, a situation which is unlikely to change even in the event that an independentTaiwan is established. Subjective attitudes towards Southern Min, expressed in apreference for use of that topolect in Southern Taiwan, and the desire to create a writtenform of the language, can be interpreted as acts of resistance to the political dominanceof the North over the South, a dominance concretely symbolized during this last centuryby the adoption of a Northern Chinese language as the national language for both thePeoples Republic of China and Taiwan.
n Malaysia, by contrast, speakers of Southern in esteem Mandarin educationhighly, and do not share the negative political associations which inform the Taiwaneseexperience with that language Borthwick 1988; Tan 1988). For Malaysian Chinese,Mandarin has a pragmatic value in providing a shared language for communities in whichmany Chinese topolects including Southern Min) are spoken. It is the national languageof Malaysia, Malay, which is viewed as a language of political dominance, and whoseadoption is resisted. Southern Min is spoken widely, and is used on occasion as alanguage of social exclusivity, but it has no particular value as a symbol of political unity.Chinese in Malaysia, rather, rally around political symbols which identify them as ChineseCarstens 1983), and have expended a great deal of energy in the defense ofMandarin-medium education.
Social linguists have argued that there are no significant objective differencesbetween stigmatized linguistic forms and those which c rry connotations of prestige
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Sino-Platonic Pa~ er s, 5 August, 1991)
(Hudson 1980, Chapter ; Labov 1972). The Southern Taiwanese desire to recover theliterary register of Southern Min suggests to the contrary that linguistic prestige may havean objective base. The literary register is not merely an index of political power or socialclass identity, though it has links with both. Rather, the literary register makes it possibleto discuss in SouthernMin the spectrum of topics that would interest an educatedperson. In contemporary Southern Min communities, speakers must now switch to (orborrow from) their language of education and literacy for the deep vocabulary neededto discuss these topics. In Taiwan and the PR his language is Mandarin; in Malaysia itwas once Mandarin or English, but is now increasingly Malay. The Taiwanese desire topromote Southern Min and to give it a written form represents a wish to restorelinguistic fullness to that language; the Malaysian Chinese desire to protect Mandarineducation draws from a similar source.
At the same time, it is also clear that subjective attitudes towards linguisticvarieties are colored by the historical experiences of speakers of those varieties, as wellas by contemporary social and political goals. In particular, the experience of socialdiscrimination, towards a dialect group in the Taiwanese case, or towards an ethnic groupin the Malaysian case, would appear to be the catalyst for group self-awareness. Thechoice of symbolic system and level of identification differs: however the response ineach case has been to make language a key symbol of identity for the invention ofcommunity.
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Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase of Southern Min
BIBLIOGRAPHYBallard, W 1985. 'The Linguistic History of South China: Miao-Yao and Southern
Dialects, -istics of the SineTibetan Area: The State of the Art. Pa~ersPresented to Paul K Renedict for his 71st Birthday9 edited by Graham Thurgood,James Matisoff, and David Bradley. Pacific Linwistics Series C No. 87.Canberra: The Australian National University.
Borthwick, Sally. 1988. Chinese Education and Identity in Singapore, inIdentities of the Southeast Asian Chinese since World War 11 edited by JenniferCushman and Wang Gungwu. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Carstens, Sharon. 1983. PPai Hakka Chinese Malaysian: A Labrynth of CulturalIdentities, in The Chinese In Southeast Asia, Volume 2 Identity. Culture. andPoliticsSedited by A Peter Gosling and Linda Y. C Lim. Singapore: MaruzenAsia.
Cheng, Robert L [Zheng Liangwei]. 1979. 'language Unification in Taiwan: Presentand Future, in Lanrmage and Society Anthropological Issues, edited by WilliamC. McComack and Stephen A Wurm. The Hague: Mouton Publishers.
1985a. A Comparison of Taiwanese, Taiwan Mandarin, and PekingMandarin, in b n m a e e Vol 61 No. 2:352-377.
1985b. 'Group Interest in Treating Words Borrowed into Mandarin andTaiwanese, in Anthro oloPical Linrmistics Vol. 27, No 2:177-189.
1987. Saint Luke in a Mixed Scr i~ t : Studv of Written Taiwanese.Taiwan: Renguang Press.
Chiu, Bienming. 1931. 'The Phonetic Structure and Tone Behavior in Hagu (commonlyknown as the Amoy Dialect) and their Relation to Certain Questions in ChineseLinguistics, T'oun~Pao Vol. XXVIII No. 3-5:245-342.
Chung, Karen S. 1990. Spreading the Taiwanese Word: Two New Language BooksSign of Changing Times, in The Free China Journal, July 26, 1990, p. 6.
DeBernardi, Jean. 1986. Heaven. Earth. and Man: A Studv of Chinese Spirit Mediums.Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Chicago.
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Sino-Platonic Papers 5 August, 1991
DeFrancis, John. 1972 [1950]. Nationalism and Lanmaee Reform in China. New York:Octagon Books.
1984a. m m e s e m e : act and Fanta Honolulu: Universityof Hawaii Press.
1984b. 'Digraphia ' Word, Vol. 34 No. 159-66.Ferguson, C. A 1972 [1959]. "Diglossia," in LanPaolo Gigliuli. New York: Penguin Books.Hudson, R. A. 1980. Sociolinrmistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Jordan, David IS 1985. 'Transplant and Transforms: Public Schools and Mandarin
Chinese in Taiwan," in Serta Gratulatoria in Honorem Juan Rewlo I FiloloPia.La Laguna: Universidad de la Laguna.
Labov, William. 1972. 'The Logic of Non-standard English," in Laneuaee in the Inneritv: Studies n the Black Enelish Vernacular. Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press.Liim Keahioong. 1987. "Professor Liim Keahioong and the Modem Taiwanese
Literature ' Tainan, Taiwan: privately circulated.Norman, Jerry. 1979. "Chronological Strata in the Min Dialects," in No
4:26&274.1988. Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Norman, Jerry and Mei Tsulin. 1976. 'The Austroasiatics in Ancient South China:Some Lexical Evidence," in Monumenta Serica XXXII:274-301.
Oetomo, Dede. 1988. "Multilingualism and Chinese Identities in Indonesia," in GhanaIdentities of the Southeast Asian Chinese Since World War edited by JenniferCushman and Wang Gungwu. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Ramsey, S. Robert. 1987. The Lanrma~es f China. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress.
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Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase o Southern Mian
Tan Liokee. 1988. Chinese Independent Schools in West Malaysia: Varying Responsesto Changing Demands, in Cha- Identities of the Southeast Asian ChineseSince World War I 1 edited by Jennifer Cushman and Wang Gungwu. HongKong: Hong Kong University Press.
Xi Kaicheng July 1987 P# l.fig+ ~ f 3 5 j @Cong Shehuixue Tan Guoyu Yu Fangyan ~ e n t i & k $ ~ 9 LZili Wanbao: Taipei, Taiwan.RESOURCES FOR STUDY OF SOUTHERN MINI DictionariesCampbell, Rev. W. 1987 [1913]. A Dictionam of the Amov Vernacular S~oken
rougho out the Prefectures of Chin-Chiu. Chiane-Chiu and Formosa (Taiwan).Tainan, Taiwan: The Taiwan Church Press.Chiang Ker Chiu. n.d. A Practical Enaish-Hoklden Dictiona~.Singapore: The hinFen Book Store.Embree, Bernard L M. 1973. Dictiona of Southern Min. Hong Kong: Hong Kong
Language Institute.MacGowan, Rev. J. 1978 [1883]. Endish and Chinese Dictionarv of the Amov Dialect.
Taipei, Republic of China: Southern Materials Center, Inc.Tan, K. T. 1978. A Chinese-English Dictiona Taiwan Dialect. Taipei, Republic of
China: Southern Materials Center, Inc.Xiamen Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxue Yanjiusuo Hanyu Fangyan Yanjiushi/ f lf iq @ ~ z & a R % + k ; u r i %; R j ~ gig i IK3
1982. Putunghua Minnan Fangyan C idian.%&i% iQj qXiamen: Xiamen Renrnin Press.
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Sino-Platonic Pa~ e r s 5 August, 1991
II Textbooks of Southern MiqBodman, Nicholas Cleaveland. 1955-58. S~okenAmov Hokkien. Kuala Lumpur:
Published by the authority of the Government Federation of Malaya. [Text andtapes available through: Spoken Language Services, Inc, P.O. Box 783, Ithaca,Y 148511.
Cheng, Robert i [Zheng Liangwei] with Fang Nanchiang, Chao Hsunwen and WuHsiuli. 1990. Evervdav Taiwanese; Taiwanese For Parents and Children [tapesavailable]. [These two romanized texts are aimed at Mandarin speakers who wantto learn Taiwanese; these and other texts are available from Professor Cheng at:Department of Linguistics, University of Hawaii, Honolulu HI 968221.
Chiang Ker Chiu. n.d. Hokkien Am \ for Bepinners, Books 1-3. Singapore: ChinFen Book Store.
n.d. Proeressive Hokkien Amov) Reade~.Singapore: Chin Fen BookStore.
Liim Keahioong Phoksu. 1987. Taioaan-oe. Tainan, Taiwan: Taioaan Iogteg ZusiwKongsy [Taiwan Edutech Company].
Maryknoll Language Service Center. 1984. Taiwanese, Books 1 2 [tapes available].Taichung, Taiwan.
Taipei Language Institute. 1980. Speak Taiwanese Hokkien [tapes available]. Taipei,Taiwan.
Tao Chungdao. 1958. Chene-soan Peh-oe i [ Explanation of MissionarvRomanization]. Tainan, Taiwan: he Taiwan Church Press.
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S i ~ f m o e hvoarkvix c i d e etoasee phnepaw.
S i ~ f t i hvoarkvix nngxciaqsnerzciaq kawar
A'Goat C i e kht?oarkuixlagciaq s~eaciaq iauar
kofn khvoarkvf x chi tciaqsneaciaq ke'afkuiar.Gear kh~~o a r k v ppaehci aqc i awa r .
sneabnea hi ar.
FigureA lesson from Professor Lim s text of Taiwanese, Taioaan-O e, published in Tainan, TaiwanLiim, 1987 .
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45 REPPEE%*FA I TH OF OUR FATHERSm. CATHERINE Henn F. Hemy, 1818-1888L. M. and Reflain Ad.prd by James C Y' lcoq 1621-190)
M) im-hiin r i a - g i h g g-kiat tiocrg-cbtngoin beh tiarg- g chin iu it-seq,
3. Sim-hiSn n-g ibe c h b c 4 n g e h h h 16oLn oi -sib kho'an-tb bin-b in;h g - k 2 She-t e thin-fi m-~hh6~,
Ki u goin bong-rbb' ping-iit A-chh;h
I Sian-hiin dn-gi6ng G t is hi-seng,Coin tibh am \ i t'ui-t k +ng-ii~ i h h ng un-jiS sih-li6ng sene ,Som-khng bt un, W in Gng dL
5. Sian-hiin d n - g i b e M - c h i j;t-chi,Tbi g a i n bi - s i m ihg-Urn k h g k ;L&-tli i-lii kap g o b t b g - c h i i ,Tbi mn goin tC kap i chbhbc.
Figure 2Faith of Our Fathers in Southern Min written both in characters and in missionary
romanization.
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la % teh fi@ Wp ti h i aBWM n r9kABBE -&?
Figure 3
i )
ka chiohm i
C t k ll
Ck3Cpeh3
sutI C I
chi-c i i i
Transcription system of Southern Min developed by Robert L. Cheng [Zheng Liangwei] asused in Saint Luke in a Mixed Script: Stu of Written Taiwanese (1987).
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Previous Issues
Number Date Author Title Pages
1 Nov.
1986
Victor H. Mair
University of Pennsylvania
The Need for an Alphabetically
Arranged General Usage
Dictionary of Mandarin Chinese: A
Review Article of Some Recent
Dictionaries and Current
Lexicographical Projects
31
2 Dec.
1986
Andrew Jones
Hiroshima
The Poetics of Uncertainty in Early
Chinese Literature
45
3 March1987
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
A Partial Bibliography for theStudy of Indian Influence on
Chinese Popular Literature
iv, 214
4 Nov.
1987
Robert M. Sanders
University of Hawaii
The Four Languages of
Mandarin
14
5 Dec.
1987
Eric A. Havelock
Vassar College
Chinese Characters and the Greek
Alphabet
4
6 Jan.
1988
J. Marshall Unger
University of Hawaii
Computers and Japanese Literacy:
Nihonzin no Yomikaki Nryoku toKonpyuta
13
7 Jan.
1988
Chang Tsung-tung
Goethe-Universitt
Indo-European Vocabulary in Old
Chinese
i, 56
8 Feb.
1988
various Reviews (I) ii, 39
9 Dec.
1988
Soho Machida
Daitoku-ji, Kyoto
Life and Light, the Infinite: A
Historical and Philological
Analysis of the Amida Cult
46
10 June
1989
Pratoom Angurarohita
Chulalongkorn University
Bangkok
Buddhist Influence on the
Neo-Confucian Concept of the
Sage
31
11 July
1989
Edward Shaughnessy
University of Chicago
Western Cultural Innovations in
China, 1200 BC
8
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Number Date Author Title Pages
12 Aug.1989
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
The Contributions of Tang andFive Dynasties TransformationTexts (pien-wen) to Later ChinesePopular Literature
71
13 Oct.1989
Jiaosheng WangShanghai
The Complete Ci-Poems of LiQingzhao: A New EnglishTranslation
xii,122
14 Dec.
1989
various Reviews (II) 69
15 Jan.1990
George CardonaUniversity of Pennsylvania
On Attitudes Toward Language inAncient India
19
16 March1990
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Three Brief Essays ConcerningChinese Tocharistan
16
17 April1990
Heather PetersUniversity Museum of
Philadelphia
Tattooed Faces and Stilt Houses:Who Were the Ancient Yue?
28
18 May1990
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Two Non-Tetragraphic NorthernSinitic Languages
a. Implications of theSoviet Dungan Script forChinese LanguageReform
b. Who Were the Gymi?
28
19 June1990 Bosat ManNalanda Backhill/Peking/Beijing 6
20 Oct.1990
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Introduction and Notes for aTranslation of the Ma-wang-tuiMSS of theLao Tzu
68
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Number Date Author Title Pages
21 Dec.1990
Philippa Jane BensonCarnegie Mellon
University
Two Cross-Cultural Studies onReading Theory
9, 13
22 March1991
David MoserUniversity of Michigan
Slips of the Tongue and Pen inChinese
45
23 April1991
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Tracks of the Tao, Semantics ofZen
10
24 Aug.1991 David A. UtzUniversity of Pennsylvania Language, Writing, and Traditionin Iran 24
25 Aug.1991
Jean DeBernardiUniversity of Alberta
Linguistic Nationalism: The Caseof Southern Min
22 + 3figs.
26 Sept.1991
JAO Tsung-iChinese University of
Hong Kong
Questions on the Origins of WritingRaised by the Silk Road
10
27 Aug.
1991
Victor H. Mair, ed.
University of Pennsylvania
Schriftfestschrift: Essays in Honor
of John DeFrancis on His EightiethBirthday
ix, 245
28 Sept.1991
ZHOU YouguangState Language
Commission, Peking
The Family of ChineseCharacter-Type Scripts (TwentyMembers and Four Stages ofDevelopment)
11
29 Sept.1991
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
What Is a ChineseDialect/Topolect? Reflections onSome Key Sino-English Linguistic
Terms
31
30 Oct.1991
M. V. SofronovInstitute of Far Eastern
Studies, Academy of
Sciences, Moscow
Chinese Philology and the Scriptsof Central Asia
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Number Date Author Title Pages
31 Oct.1991
various Reviews (III) 68
32 Aug.1992
David McCrawUniversity of Hawaii
How the Chinawoman Lost HerVoice
27
33 Sept.1992
FENG Lide and KevinStuartChuankou No. 1 Middle
School and Qinghai
Education College
Interethnic Contact on the InnerAsian Frontier: The Gangou Peopleof Minhe County, Qinghai
34
34 Oct.1992
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Two Papers on Sinolinguistics
1. A HypothesisConcerning the Originof the Termfanqie(Countertomy)
2. East Asian Round-TripWords
13
35 Nov.1992
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
with an added note byEdwin G. Pulleyblank
Reviews (IV) 37
36 Feb.1993
XU WenkanHanyu Da Cidian editorial
offices, Shanghai
Hanyu Wailaici de YuyuanKaozheng he Cidian Bianzuan(Philological Research on theEtymology of Loanwords in Siniticand Dictionary Compilation)
13
37 March1993
Tanya StorchUniversity of New Mexico
Chinese Buddhist Historiographyand Orality
16
38 April1993
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
The Linguistic and TextualAntecedents of The Sutra of theWise and the Foolish
95
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Previous Issues,cont.
Number Date Author Title Pages
39 Aug.1993
Jordan PaperYork University
A Material Case for a Late BeringStrait Crossing Coincident withPre-Columbian Trans-PacificCrossings
17
40 Sept.1993
Michael CarrCenter for Language
Studies, Otaru University
of Commerce
Tiao-Fish through ChineseDictionaries
68
41 Oct.1993 Paul GoldinHarvard University Miching Mallecho: TheZhanguoceand Classical Rhetoric 27
42 Nov.1993
Renchin-Jashe YulshulTibetan Autonomous
Prefecture, Kokonor
(Qinghai)
and Kevin StuartInstitute of Foreign
Languages, Ulaanbaatar,
Mongolia
Kham Tibetan Language Materials 39
43 Dec.1993
MA Quanlin, MAWanxiang, and MAZhichengXining
Edited by Kevin StuartKokonor
Salar Language Materials 72
44 Jan.1994
Dolkun KamberiColumbia University
The Three Thousand Year OldCharchan Man Preserved atZaghunluq
15
45 May1994
Mark HansellCarleton College
The Sino-Alphabet: TheAssimilation of Roman Letters intothe Chinese Writing System
28
46 July1994
various Reviews (V) 2, 155
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Number Date Author Title Pages
47 Aug.1994
Robert S. BauerMahidol University Salaya
Nakornpathom, Thailand
Sino-Tibetan *kolo Wheel 11
48 Sept.1994
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Introduction and Notes for aComplete Translation of theChuang Tzu
xxxiv,110
49 Oct.1994
Ludo RocherUniversity of Pennsylvania
Orality and Textuality in the IndianContext
28
50 Nov.1994
YIN BinyongState Language
Commission and Institute
for Applied Linguistics
(Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences)
Diyi ge Lading Zimu de HanyuPinyin Fangan Shi ZenyangChansheng de? [How Was the FirstRomanized Spelling System forSinitic Produced?]
7
51 Nov.1994
HAN KangxinInstitute of Archeology
Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences
The Study of Ancient HumanSkeletons from Xinjiang, China
9 + 4figs.
52 Nov.1994
Warren A. ShiblesUniversity of Wisconsin
Whitewater
Chinese Romanization Systems:IPA Transliteration
20
53 Nov.1994
XU WenkanEditorial Offices of the
Hanyu Da Cidian
Shanghai
Guanyu Tuhuoluoren de Qiyuan heQianxi Wenti [On the Problem ofthe Origins and Migrations of theTocharians]
11
54 Nov.1994 jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)University of Toronto
Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Jegn Yogur 34
55 Nov.1994
jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)University of Toronto
Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Dongxiang
34
http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdf -
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Number Date Author Title Pages
56 Nov.1994
jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)University of Toronto
Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Dagur
36
57 Nov.1994
jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)University of Toronto
Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Monguor
31
58 Nov.1994
jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)
University of Toronto
Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Baoan
28
59 Dec.1994
Kevin StuartQinghai Junior Teachers
College;
LimusishidenQinghai Medical College
Attached Hospital, Xining,
Kokonor (Qinghai)
Chinas Monguor Minority:Ethnography and Folktales
i, I,193
60 Dec.
1994
Kevin Stuart, Li
Xuewei, and ShelearQinghai Junior TeachersCollege, Xining, Kokonor
(Qinghai)
Chinas Dagur Minority: Society,
Shamanism, and Folklore
vii,
167
61 Dec.1994
Kevin Stuart and LiXueweiQinghai Junior Teachers
College, Xining, Kokonor
(Qinghai)
Tales from Chinas Forest Hunters:Oroqen Folktales
iv, 59
62 Dec.1994 William C. HannasGeorgetown University Reflections on the Unity ofSpoken and Written Chinese andAcademic Learning in China
5
63 Dec.1994
Sarah M. NelsonUniversity of Denver
The Development of Complexity inPrehistoric North China
17
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Previous Issues,cont.
Number Date Author Title Pages
64 Jan.1995
Arne stmoeBangkok, Thailand, and
Drbak, Norway
A Germanic-Tai Linguistic Puzzle 81, 6
65 Feb.1995
Penglin WangChinese University of
Hong Kong
Indo-European Loanwords inAltaic
28
66 March1995
ZHU QingzhiSichuan University and
Peking University
Some Linguistic Evidence forEarly Cultural Exchange Between
China and India
7
67 April1995
David McCrawUniversity of Hawaii
Pursuing Zhuangzi as aRhymemaster: A Snark-Hunt inEight Fits
38
68 May1995
Ke Peng, Yanshi ZhuUniversity of Chicago and
Tokyo, Japan
New Research on the Origin ofCowries Used in Ancient China
i, 26
69 Jan.
1996
Dpal-ldan-bkra-shis,
Keith Slater, et al.Qinghai, Santa Barbara,etc.
Language Materials of Chinas
Monguor Minority: HuzhuMongghul and Minhe Mangghuer
xi, 266
70 Feb.1996
David Utz, Xinru Liu,Taylor Carman, Bryan Van
Norden, and the Editor
Philadelphia, Vassar, etc.
Reviews VI 93
71 March1996
Erik ZrcherLeiden University
Seishi KarashimaSoka UniversityHuanming QinTang Studies Hotline
Vernacularisms in MedievalChinese Texts
31 +11 + 8
72 May1996
E. Bruce BrooksUniversity of
Massachusetts
The Life and Mentorship ofConfucius
44
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Number Date Author Title Pages
73 June1996
ZHANG Juan, et al.,and Kevin StuartQinghai, Inner Mongolia,
Shanxi, Henan, Liaoning
Blue Cloth and Pearl Deer; YogurFolklore
iii, 76
74 Jan.1997
David MoserUniversity of Michigan &
Beijing Foreign Studies
University
Covert Sexism in MandarinChinese
23
75 Feb.1997 Haun SaussyStanford University The Prestige of Writing: Wen2
,Letter, Picture, Image, Ideography 40
76 Feb.1997
Patricia EichenbaumKaretzkyBard College
The Evolution of the Symbolism ofthe Paradise of the Buddha ofInfinite Life and Its WesternOrigins
28
77 Jan.1998
Daniel HsiehPurdue University
The Origin and Nature of theNineteen Old Poems
49
78 Feb.1998 NarsuInner Mongolia College ofAgriculture & Animal
Husbandry
Kevin StuartQinghai Junior Teachers
College
Practical Mongolian Sentences(With English Translation) iii +49 + ii+ 66
79 March1998
Dennis GrafflinBates College
A Southeast Asian Voice in theDaodejing?
8
80 July1998 Taishan YuChinese Academy ofSocial Sciences
A Study of Saka History ii +225
81 Sept.1998
Hera S. WalkerUrsinus College
(Philadelphia)
Indigenous or Foreign?: A Look atthe Origins of the Monkey HeroSun Wukong
iv +110
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Number Date Author Title Pages
82 Sept.1998
I. S. GurevichRussian Academy of
Sciences
A Fragment of a pien-wen(?)Related to the Cycle On BuddhasLife
15
83 Oct.1998
Minglang ZhouUniversity of Colorado at
Boulder
Tense/Aspect markers in Mandarinand Xiang dialects, and theircontact
20
84 Oct.1998
Ulf JgerGronau/Westfalen,
Germany
The New Old Mummies fromEastern Central Asia: Ancestors of
the Tocharian Knights Depicted onthe Buddhist Wallpaintings ofKucha and Turfan? SomeCircumstantial Evidence
9
85 Oct.1998
Mariko Namba WalterUniversity of New
England
Tokharian Buddhism in Kucha:Buddhism of Indo-EuropeanCentum Speakers in ChineseTurkestan before the 10th CenturyC.E.
30
86 Oct.1998 Jidong YangUniversity of Pennsylvania Siba: Bronze Age Culture of theGansu Corridor 18
87 Nov.1998
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Canine Conundrums: Eurasian DogAncestor Myths in Historical andEthnic Perspective
74
88 Dec.1998
Saroj Kumar ChaudhuriAichi Gakusen University
Siddham in China and Japan 9, 124
89 Jan.
1999
Alvin Lin
Yale University
Writing Taiwanese: The
Development of Modern WrittenTaiwanese
4 + 41
+ 4
90 Jan.1999
Victor H. Mair et al Reviews VII [including review ofThe Original Analects]
2, 38
91 Jan.1999
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Phonosymbolism or Etymology:The Case of the Verb Cop
28
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Number Date Author Title Pages
92 Jan.1999
Christine Louise LinDartmouth College
The Presbyterian Church in Taiwanand the Advocacy of LocalAutonomy
xiii +136
93 Jan.1999
David S. NivisonStanford University
The Key to the Chronology of theThree Dynasties: The ModernText Bamboo Annals
iv + 68
94 March1999
Julie Lee WeiHoover Institute
Correspondence Between theChinese Calendar Signs and the
Phoenician Alphabet
65 + 6
95 May1999
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
A Medieval, Central AsianBuddhist Theme in a Late MingTaoist Tale by Feng Meng-lung
27
96 June1999
E. Bruce BrooksUniversity of
Massachusetts
Alexandrian Motifs in ChineseTexts
14
97 Dec.
1999
LI Shuicheng
Peking University
Sino-Western Contact in the
Second Millennium BC
iv, 29
98 Jan.2000
Peter Daniels, DanielBoucher, and otherauthors
Reviews VIII 108
99 Feb.2000
Anthony Barbieri-LowPrinceton University
Wheeled Vehicles in the ChineseBronze Age (c. 2000-741 BC)
v, 98 +5 colorplates
100 Feb.
2000
Wayne Alt
Community College ofBaltimore County (Essex)
Zhuangzi, Mysticism, and the
Rejection of Distinctions
29
101 March2000
C. Michele ThompsonSouth Connecticut State
University
The Vit Peoples and the Origins ofNom
71, 1
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Number Date Author Title Pages
102 March2000
Theresa JenBryn Mawr College
Ping XuBaruch College
Penless Chinese CharacterReproduction
15
103 June2000
Carrie E. ReidMiddlebury College
Early Chinese Tattoo 52
104 July2000
David W. PankenierLehigh University
Popular Astrology and BorderAffairs in Early China
19 + 1color
plate
105 Aug.2000
Anne BirrellCambridge University
Postmodernist Theory in RecentStudies of Chinese Literature
31
106 Sept.2000
Yu TaishanChinese Academy of
Social Sciences
A Hypothesis about the Sources ofthe Sai Tribes
i, 3,200
107 Sept.2000
Jacques deLisle,Adelheid E. Krohne,
and the editor
Reviews IX 148 +map
108 Sept.2000
Ruth H. ChangUniversity of Pennsylvania
UnderstandingDiand Tian: Deityand Heaven From Shang to Tang
vii, 54
109 Oct.2000
Conn Dean CareyStanford University
In Hell the One without Sin is Lord ii, 60
110 Oct.2000
Toh Hoong TeikHarvard University
Shaykh 'Alam: The Emperor ofEarly Sixteenth-Century China
20
111 Nov.2000 Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania The Need for a New Era 10
112 July2001
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Notes on the Anau Inscription xi, 93
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Number Date Author Title Pages
113 Aug.2001
Ray CollinsChepachet, RI
David KerrMelbourne, FL
Etymology of the WordMacrobiotic:s and Its Use inModern Chinese Scholarship
18
114 March2002
Ramnath SubbaramanUniversity of Chicago
Beyond the Question of theMonkey Imposter: Indian Influenceon the Chinese Novel, The Journeyto the West
35
115 April2002 ZHOU JixuSichuan NormalUniversity
Correspondences of Basic WordsBetween Old Chinese andProto-Indo-European
8
116 May2002
LIU YongquanInstitute of Linguistics,
Chinese Academy of
Social Sciences
On the Problem of ChineseLettered Words
13
117 May2002
SHANG WeiColumbia University
Baihua, Guanhua, Fangyanand theMay Fourth Reading ofRulin
Waishi
10
118 June2002
Justine T. SnowPort Townsend, WA
Evidence for the Indo-EuropeanOrigin of Two Ancient ChineseDeities
ii, 75,1
color,1 b-wprint
119 July2002
WU ZhenXinjiang Museum,
rmchi
Hu Non-Chinese as They Appearin the Materials from the AstanaGraveyard at Turfan
21, 5figs.
120 July2002
Anne BirrellUniversity of Cambridge,
Clare Hall
Female-Gendered Myth in theClassic of Mountains and Seas
47
121 July2002
Mark Edward LewisStanford University
Dicing and Divination in EarlyChina
22, 7figs.
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Number Date Author Title Pages
122 July2002
Julie WilenskyYale Univesity
The Magical Kunlunand DevilSlaves: Chinese Perceptions ofDark-skinned People and Africabefore 1500
51, 3figs.
123 Aug.2002
Paul R. Goldin and theeditor
Reviews X 30
124 August2002
Fredrik T. HiebertUniversity of Pennsylvania
John ColarussoMcMaster University
The Context of the Anau Seal
Remarks on the Anau and NiySeals
1-34
35-47
125 July2003
ZHOU JixuSichuan Normal
University
Shanghai Normal
University
Correspondences of Cultural Wordsbetween Old Chinese andProto-Indo-European
19
126 Aug.
2003
Tim Miller
University of Washington
A Southern Min Word in the
Tsu-tang chi
14
127 Oct.2003
Sundeep S. JhuttiPetaluma, California
The Getes 125, 8color
plates
128 Nov.2003
Yinpo TschangNew York City
On Proto-Shang 18
129 Dec.2003
Michael WitzelHarvard University
Linguistic Evidence for CulturalExchange in Prehistoric Western
Central Asia
70
130 Feb.2004
Bede FaheyFort St. John, British
Columbia
Mayan: A Sino-Tibetan Language?A Comparative Study
61
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Number Date Author Title Pages
131 March2004
Taishan YuChinese Academy of
Social Sciences
A History of the Relationshipbetween the Western and EasternHan, Wei, Jin, Northern andSouthern Dynasties and theWestern Regions
1, 3,352
132 April2004
Kim HayesSydney
On the Presence of Non-Chinese atAnyang
11
133 April
2004
John L. Sorenson
Brigham Young UniversityCarl L. JohannessenUniversity of Oregon
Scientific Evidence for
Pre-Columbian TransoceanicVoyagesCD-ROM
48,
166,19, 15plates
134 May2004
Xieyan HinchaNeumdewitz, Germany
Two Steps Toward Digraphia inChina
i, 22
135 May2004
John J. EmersonPortland, Oregon
The Secret History of the Mongolsand Western Literature
21
136 May
2004
Serge Papillon
Mouvaux, France andUlaanbaatar, Mongolia
Influences tokhariennes sur la
mythologie chinoise
47
137 June2004
Hoong Teik TohHarvard University
Some Classical Malay Materialsfor the Study of the Chinese NovelJourney to the West
64
138 June2004
Julie Lee WeiSan Jose and London
Dogs and Cats: Lessons fromLearning Chinese
17
139 June
2004
Taishan Yu
Chinese Academy ofSocial Sciences
A Hypothesis on the Origin of the
Yu State
20
140 June2004
Yinpo TschangNew York City
Shih and Zong: Social Organizationin Bronze Age China
28
141 July2004
Yinpo TschangNew York City
Chaos in Heaven: On the Calendarsof Preclassical China
30
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Number Date Author Title Pages
142 July2004
Katheryn Linduff, ed.University of Pittsburgh
Silk Road Exchange in China 64
143 July2004
Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania
Sleep inDream: SoporificResponses to Depression in Storyof the Stone
99
144 July2004
RONG XinjiangPeking University
Land Route or Sea Route?Commentary on the Study of thePaths of Transmission and Areas in
which Buddhism WasDisseminated during the HanPeriod
32
145 Aug.2004
the editor Reviews XI 2, 41
146 Feb.2005
Hoong Teik TohAcademia Sinica
The -yuEnding in Xiongnu,Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica
24
147 March
2005
Hoong Teik Toh
Academia Sinica
Ch. Qiong~ Tib. Khyung; Taoism
~ Bonpo -- Some QuestionsRelated to Early Ethno-ReligiousHistory in Sichuan
18
148 April2005
Lucas ChristopoulosBeijing Sports University
Le grco-bouddhisme et lart dupoing en Chine
52
149 May2005
Kimberly S. Te WinkleUniversity College,
London
A Sacred Trinity: God, Mountain,and Bird: Cultic Practices of theBronze Age Chengdu Plain
ii, 103(41 incolor)
150 May2005 Dolkun KamberiWashington, DC Uyghurs and Uyghur Identity 44
151 June2005
Jane Jia SIUniversity of Pennsylvania
The Genealogy of Dictionaries:Producers, Literary Audience, andthe Circulation of English Texts inthe Treaty Port of Shanghai
44, 4tables
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Number Date Author Title Pages
152 June2005
Denis MairSeattle
The Dance of Qian and Kun in theZhouyi
13, 2figs.
153 July2005
Alan PiperLondon (UK)
The Mysterious Origins of theWord Marihuana
17
154 July2005
Serge PapillonBelfort, France
Mythologie sino-europenne 174, 1plate
155 July
2005
Denis Mair
Seattle
Janus-Like Concepts in theLiand
KunTrigrams
8
156 July2005
Abolqasem EsmailpourShahid Beheshti
University, Tehran
Manichean Gnosis and Creation 157
157 Aug.2005
Ralph D. SawyerIndependent Scholar
Paradoxical Coexistence ofPrognostication and Warfare
13
158 Aug.2005
Mark Edward LewisStanford University
Writings on Warfare Found inAncient Chinese Tombs
15
159 Aug.2005
Jens stergaardPetersenUniversity of Copenhagen
TheZuozhuanAccount of theDeath of King Zhao of Chu and ItsSources
47
160 Sept.2005
Matteo ComparetiVenice
Literary Evidence for theIdentification of Some CommonScenes in Han Funerary Art
14
161 Sept.2005
Julie Lee WeiLondon
The Names of the Yi JingTrigrams:An Inquiry into Their Linguistic
Origins
18
162 Sept.2005
Julie Lee WeiLondon
Counting and Knotting:Correspondences between OldChinese and Indo-European
71,map
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Previous Issues,cont.
Number Date Author Title Pages
163 Oct.2005
Julie Lee WeiLondon
Huangdi and Huntun (the YellowEmperor and Wonton): A NewHypothesis on Some Figures inChinese Mythology
44
164 Oct.2005
Julie Lee WeiLondon
Shang and Zhou: An Inquiry intothe Linguistic Origins of TwoDynastic Names
62
165 Oct.
2005
Julie Lee Wei
London
DAO and DE: An Inquiry into the
Linguistic Origins of Some Termsin Chinese Philosophy andMorality
51
166 Nov.2005
Julie Lee WeiLondon
Hodong KimSeoul National University
and David Selvia andthe Editorboth of the University of
Pennsylvania
Reviews XII i, 63
167 Dec.2005
ZHOU JixuSichuan Normal
University
Old Chinese '*tees' andProto-Indo-European *deus:Similarity in Religious Ideas and aCommon Source in Linguistics
17
168 Dec.2005
Judith A. LernerNew York City
Aspects of Assimilation: theFunerary Practices and Furnishingsof Central Asians in China
51, v,9
plates
169 Jan.2006 Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania Conversion Tables for theThree-Volume Edition of theHanyu Da Cidian
i, 284
170 Feb.2006
Amber R. WoodwardUniversity of Pennsylvania
Learning English, Losing Face, andTaking Over: The Method (orMadness) of Li Yang and His CrazyEnglish
18
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Number Date Author Title Pages
Beginning with issue no. 171, Sino-Platonic Paperswill be published electronically on the Web.
Issues from no. 1 to no. 170, however, will continue to be sold as paper copies until our stock runs out,
after which they too will be made available on the Web. For prices of paper copies, see the catalog at
www.sino-platonic.org
171 June2006
John DeFrancisUniversity of Hawaii
The Prospects for Chinese WritingReform
26, 3figs.
172 Aug.2006
Deborah Beaser The Outlook for TaiwaneseLanguage Preservation
18
173 Oct.2006
Taishan YuChinese Academy of
Social Sciences
A Study of the History of theRelationship Between the Westernand Eastern Han, Wei, Jin,Northern and Southern Dynastiesand the Western Regions
167
174 Nov.2006
Mariko Namba Walter Sogdians and Buddhism 65
175 Dec.
2006
Zhou Jixu
Center for East AsianStudies, University of
Pennsylvania; Chinese
Department, Sichuan
Normal University
The Rise of Agricultural
Civilization in China: TheDisparity between ArcheologicalDiscovery and the DocumentaryRecord and Its Explanation
38
176 May2007
Eric HenryUniversity of North
Carolina
The Submerged History of Yu 36
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