jean debernardi - linguistic nationalism. the case of southern min

8/13/2019 Jean DeBernardi - Linguistic Nationalism. the Case of Southern Min

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SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS

Number 25 August, 1991

Linguistic Nationalism: The Case of Southern Min

by

Jean DeBernardi

Victor H. Mair, Editor

Sino-Platonic Papers

Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations

University of Pennsylvania

Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA

[email protected]


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LINGUISTIC NATIONALISM: THE CASE OF SOUTHERN MINI

Jean DeBernardi, Department of Anthropology,The University of Alberta

I. IntroductionSouthern in ) is a Sinitic language spoken by 38,950,000 speakers,

approximately 4 of the 1billion speakers of Sinitic. It is used in parts of Fujianprovince, Northeastern Guangdong, and Hainan, as well as in Taiwan and in SoutheastAsia, where it is spoken by communities in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia, andthe Philippines (Chiu 1931; Ramsey 1987:33). In no contemporary Southern Mincommunity is the language a national language or a language of education, but in manySouthern Min-speaking communities the language has high social value as a marker ofin-group status (Oetomo 1988:103). In recent years in Taiwan, it has acquired inaddition a political value, representing the aspirations of the Taiwanese independencemovement in the face of fears of reunification with Mainland China.

In this paper, I will explore aspects of the social value of Southern Min. I drawon data collected in three Southern Min-speaking communities in which I have doneparticipant-observation fieldwork: Penang, Malaysia; Tainan, Taiwan, and Xiamen(Amoy), the People s Republic of China, focusing in particular on the politicalimportance of Southern Min in Tainan. I take as one goal that of drawing attention tothe importance of regional identities and differences in Chinese society, differences alltoo often disregarded by those who seek to relfy Chinese culture as a monolithic entity.

he data in this paper is primarily drawn from interviews conducted in Tainan, Taiwan and Xiamen(Amoy), People's Repu blic of China in summer 1987. The interviews were c med out in co njunc tion with studyof Southern Min, funded y a faculty grant from Bryn Mawr College. I am grateful to Peyton Craighill andProfesso r Yin Binyong for providing me with introduc tions to individuals in Tainan and Xiam en. I was aidedin Tainan by Minister Ted Ellis of the Theological Seminary of Tainan, the Du family, and Professor imKehiong; and in Xiamen, by Professor Huang Diancheng and Assistant Professor Zeng Shaocong, both ofXiamen University. I have benefitted from the comments of Sharon Carstens, Robert L Cheng, John DeF rancis,Joseph Emngton, Paul Friedrich, Victor Mair, Mei Tsulin, Jerry Norman, and S Robert Ramsey.


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Sino-Platonic Pap ers, 5 (August, 1991

JI Litera? and Vernacular Southern MinMany linguists have observed that calling languages like Southern Min 'dialects' is

a misnomer, since the languages of China are in fact as diverse as Romance languages.Northern China is relatively homogeneous linguistically, but in Southern China there aresix major 'dialect' groups, which are in fact mutually incomprehensible tongues? Theselanguages have been termed dialects in response to the fact that there is a unified writtenlanguage for China, and shared cultural tradition (Ramsey 1987:17-18). The situation isnot unlike that of the Arab world, termed by Ferguson 'diglossia,' in which classicalArabic exists side-by-side with dialects of Arabic (1972). The result is a sense of unitydespite the fact that the spoken languages of different regions diverge greatly, not only inpronunciation, but also in lexicon, and to some extent syntax This generation of a senseof cultural unity has been cited as one of the (few) advantages of the difficult Chinesewriting system?

Chinese do not consider a linguistic variety like Southern Min to be a 'dialect,' butrather consider it a fanwan (jj ), which may be translated s 'regional language' or'topolect.' Before the language reforms which established rm nhu ( & ) as the basis

),for the standardized national language known as 'Mandarin' or 'Putonghua'literacy had a different place vis- -vis he topolects of c h a m 4 ntil Mandarin was

Recent data sugg sts that the homogeneity of Northern Chinese h s been exaggerated, and Normanobserves that manyvarieties of Mandarin in Shanxi and the Northwest are totally incomprehen sible to a Beijingspeaker (Jerry Norman, personal communication).

John &Francis, in he Chinese L a n p a ~ e : Fact and Fantasy, expresses skepticism regarding the'indispensibility' and success of Chinese characters, offering arguments in favor bf 'digraphia,' the use of bothcharacters and romanization (1984a and 1984b).For an in-depth history of these reforms, see DeFrancis (1972).


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eanDeBernardi, LinguisticNationalism: he ase of Southern Min

adopted widely r the language of education in the mid-twentieth century, literatepersons learned to read characters in the 'literary' form of their topolect. Evidence frommy fieldwork suggests that Literary SouthernMin was a register with social connotationsof education and style, and the virtual loss of this register has become a source ofconcern to some contemporary speakers of Southern Mine

The Southern Min literary register is quite distinct from vernacular language.According to Chiu Bienming, In Mandarin, the difference between the two readings[literary and vernacular] is quite insignificant; in Hagu [Southern Min] the difference isvery marked so that under certain conditions only one of the two readings may becorrectly employed (1931:8). He gives as an analogy the stylistic difference in Englishbetween the expressions 'think over' (vernacular) and 'deliberate' (literary), and gives thefollowing examples of divergent terms and pronunciations:

VERN CUL R LITER RY ENGLISHlang ( ) zin A) personkhau 0) kho mouthhi ( T I nzi ear( ) tso sit

In the first example, different words are used in the vernacular and literary registers toexpress the same meaning; in the other three examples, divergent pronunciations areused for what in origin is the same word. The SouthernMin reading pronunciation ofcharacters had important social uses which have persisted in contemporary Min-speakingcommunities, but have been marginalized greatly. I will explore below certainconsequences of this marginalization.

In the course of ethnographic fieldwork on Chinese popular religion in Malaysia,encountered this register of Southern Min in the language of trance performers, whoexpressed the high status of the gods that possessed them by using an often debasedversion of the literary register, known in Malaysia as 'deep Hokkien (Southern Min).'


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Speakers of deep Hokkien, in this case the gods, were distinguished from more ordinaryspeakers of the language by their avoidance of loanwords from Malay and Enghsh, andby a pronunciation and vocabulary which appeared to owe a great deal to literaryChinese (DeBemardi 1986). In other contexts, however, the language of Chinese literacyand education was Mandarin, and little remained of the literary register of Southern Min.

In Southern Taiwan, too, literary Southern Min has largely been replaced byMandarin, though it still enjoys high prestige in certain circles. It is used, for example, ina Christian Church and Seminary of Tainan, where literacy in Southern Min known as

3 : h =Taiwanese h . '% is highly regarded and promoted. This register is used forteaching classes in the seminary, for giving sermons, for reading the Bible, and singinghymns. number of texts have been published in versions which include both Chinesecharacters and an alphabetic transcription system first developed in Penang9 Malaysia in1839-42 by missionaries, and now used widely to transcribe Southern Min (DeFrancis1972:20). For many years, the Guornindang government banned the teaching ofromanization and the printing of new romanized texts (Cheng 1979:552), only allowingthe publication of romanized texts associated with Christianity such as the Bible andhymns ~ 4 6 ) ~ ~

On the other side of the narrow strait that separates Taiwan rom the People sRepublic of China, such romanized materials were unavailable, but the literary registerhad not been wholly marginalized. It was reported in Xiamen for example that the localtelevision station had begun to broadcast news announcements in the literary register ofSouthern Min though apparently the news announcer frequently had to consult a seniorlinguist at the University in order to learn the correct literary Southern Minpronunciation of characters.

In addition to religious texts, the Church-allied bookstore in Tainan offers for sale a roman ized dictionaryof Southern Min (Embree 1973 ,and a text and tapewhich teaches Southern Min speakers to read the alphabeticsystem 1958).


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JII. On Taiwanese and MandarinIn general, however, this register of Southern Min, dependent as it is on literacy,

has been replaced as the language of education by Mandarin. Young Taiwanese orFujianese or Malaysian Chinese do not know the literary register of Southern Min, andolder Taiwanese complain bitterly that their mother tongue has been socially degraded inthe last generation. The fear is expressed that the younger generation will only speak avery commonplace Southern Min, and they predict that, deprived of the literary register,Southern Min will degenerate into a lower-class language. Their concern draws attentionto the fact that loss of the literary register is not simply loss of a reading pronunciation ofcharacters, but also entails loss of the literary vocabulary which once enriched spokenSouthern Min.

For many in the older generation in Southern Taiwan, the adoption of Mandarinis subjectively associated not with social progress and unification, but rather with theestablishment of Guomindang control n 1949. According to one informant, when theGuomindang amved, they were welcomed by the Taiwanese as liberators, and Taiwaneserejoiced at the end of Japanese colonial era, and hoped for reunification with MainlandChina However, their hopes were soon disappointed: the Guomindang troops seemedto their eyes more like tattered criminals than liberators, and memories of their looting,and the abduction and rape of Taiwanese girls brought tears to the eyes of thosereminiscing. The brutal repression of Taiwanese n 1947 now called the 2-28Massacrewas remembered and commemorated by the Christian community in Tainan with amemorial service in 1987. hisviolent repression was described as a holocaust againstthe old Taiwanese elite, in which many students were captured, accused of beingcommunists, and shot.

One person interviewed had been active in organizing a study group of middleschool students to study Taiwanese language and culture during World War 11 an activity


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Sino-Platonic Paoers, 25 (August, 1991)

which was according to his report illegal under Japanese colonial rule. The groupdeveloped a new transcription system for Southern in using the roman alphabet andsucceeded in writing a grammar of Taiwanese, His circle of student fiends wasdecimated in the early years of Guomindang rule and he observed that after the 2-28event,' 'Taiwanese were &aid to be Taiwanese ' This man now a science professor inTainan, had returned to his studies of Taiwanese in 1987, and had devoted his energy topromoting the transcription system he and his friends had developed.

This professor explained in an interview setting that he had taken up teaching hiswriting method only after he had been diagnosed as having an inoperable cancer. Hefelt his decision to teach openly to be a challenge to the government and argued in anewspaper article that Taiwanese must speak Southern Min if they are'reunited with themainland. He reported both skeptically and bitterly that the government response was topublish a brief statement claiming that the use and teaching of Taiwanese was notrestricted.

The new freedom to promote use of Southern Min does in fact represent a majorchange in Taiwan, and a recent news article reports that:

Taiwanese is rapidly becoming a status language with strong sentimental-andsometimes political-appeal. People have become more concerned over theprospect that their children might go through life with just one dialect, andperhaps even end up more fluent in English than Taiwanese (Chung 1990:6).

However, for many years Mandarin has been encouraged at the expense of Taiwanese,and Taiwanese, though spoken by an estimated 80% of the population (Cheng1985a:352), has been regarded as a substandard language with no grammar and nowritten form, "inadequate and unsuitable for cultivated discussion" (Cheng 1979:555).6

The Guomindang established Mandarin as the language of education in Taiwan ina program of 'resinification' when they moved to Taiwan in 1945, ending the fifty-year

t I am grateful to John DeFrancis for bringing t is article (publication of which in his view 'fvould havebeen impossible just a few years ago ) to my at tent on.


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eanDeBernardi Linguistic Nationalism: The Case of Southern Min'

Japanese occupation. s DeFrancis points out, an efficient education system made iteasy to shift the medium of instruction from one foreign-imposed language [Japanese] toanother form of speech imposed by the dominant group of Mandarin speakers(1984:218-19). The promotion of Mandarin as a language of education in a program of'assimilative monolingualism' (Cheng 1979543) had a political dimension, expressing theGuomindang desire to recover the Mainland and rejoin the larger Chinese polity. Jordansums up the linguistic politics of the post-war situation thus:

The use of Mandarin by people who knew it was a sign of Nationalist loyalty. Theuse of Hokkien by people who knew Mandarin suggested separatist leanings.Both schooling and publishing in Hokkien were out of the question (1985:338).It was reported that, during this period, school children were punished for

speaking Southern Min, known commonly as 'Taiwanese,' or in an emphaticallypossessive form s 'our Taiwanese language.' According to one seminarian, the youngwere told that Taiwanese was the language of 'bad people,' and that they themselveswere 'bad' if they spoke this language. This led to a disruption in the relations betweengenerations, since the elder generation was by this interpretation of linguistic value also'bad.' It was widely reported that young people who had adopted Mandarinwhole-heartedly, in particular in Northern Taiwan, where Mandarin tends to be thelanguage of choice in public venues, scorned their grandparents, and criticized the oldergeneration as 'old fashioned.'

Many older Southern Min speakers in both Tainan and Xiamen expressed theview that Southern Min was superior to Mandarin which was viewed as a recentlyinvented language lacking the historical roots of Southern Min. A linguist interviewed inXiamen observed was in agreement with a Taiwanese newspaper article that I showedhim which interpreted the current second-class situation of Southern Min in Taiwan inlight of social linguistics theories regarding the stigmatization of social dialects XiKaicheng, July 1987). He observed that the promotion of Mandarin in both Taiwan and


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the PRC was a means of promoting the political dominance of Northern China, andspeculated that politicians feared the strength of Min people, whom he suggested hadbeen economically successful everywhere they have lived and worked.

At the same time, he d e m i e d them as a people who had repeatedly sufferedcolonial domination. Fujian resisted the establishment of the ing dyasty and Manchurule unsuccessfully, and the port city Amoy [Xlamen] was taken by the British as a FreePort as a result of the signing of the Nanjing Treaty in 1842. Taiwan too has beenrepeatedly occupied, though the Fujian admiral Koxinga succeeded in evicting the Dutchfrom Taiwan when he fled there with his followers after defeat in his battle against theQing forces. Taiwan was later colonized by the Japanese, and then by the largelynorthern Chinese Guomindang, while the Southern Min speakers in Southeast Asia havelived as minorities in European colonies. However politically disadvantaged thesecommunities may have been, their members have frequently enjoyed economic successunder colonial rule, and in particular in Southeast Asia have flourished as a mercantileclass.

The use of Southern Min has persisted in a variety of communities in whichnational languages--En@h, Mandarin, Indonesian, Malay--have had greater value aslinguistic capital in the society at large. Loyalty to this topolect has its source in avariety of cultural values, and n the next section of the paper w ll further exploresubjective attitudes towards Southern Min which have contributed towards thispersistence.

IV On the Su~erioritv of a TopolectThe recent promotion of Southern Min by the Taiwan independence movement

represents an effort to revalue that language and restore its social prestige. At the sametime, Taiwanese is a powerful symbol of Southern Min resistance to the assimilationistpolicies of the Guomindang. The defense of Southern Min and the desire to attain legal


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Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The Case of Southern Min'

status for Taiwanese as well as Hakka) are expressions of language loyalty, but alsoassert and create a sense of identity and cultural value.

Taiwanese defend Southern Min by stressing the uniqueness indeed superiority)of their language, and in conversation will extol the historical depth and linguisticconservatism, the unusual linguistic features, and the unique packaging of a world viewfound in Southern Min. The relative uniqueness of the Min dialects is easilydemonstrated. Norman, for example, in his monograph on Chinese, observes that:

The region is a peripheral area in the classic sense of the term: the absence ofmajor rivers and a wildly mountainous terrain have always made access difficult,and it is not surprising that the dialects spoken here lie outside the mainstream ofChinese linguistic development. On the one hand, we h d here numerousarchaisms not preserved elsewhere, and, on the other hand, a whole series of localinnovations which are peculiarly Min Tlhis group is, next to Mandarin, themost distinctive and easily characterized group of Chinese dialects 1988:228)?

Several waves of migration to South China shaped the development of Southern Minwhich has several distinct lexical strata. The Min topolects have retained significanttraces of Han influence, and were also influenced by migrations at the end of theWestern Jin dynasty, and by a prestigious Tang dynasty standard set by the language ofChangan Norman 1979:268270). Norman speculates that the pronunciation system atthe foundation of literary Southern Min was introduced during the late Tang dynasty1979:272).

allard observes that Southern Chinese dialects display very extensive layer phenom ena with distinctlayers that are often characterized s literary' and 'vernacular.' There is evidence that Min has an Austro-Asiaticor Austronesian substrate as one o f its layers, and Ballard concludes that one can imagine a long-term situationof diglossia, with the low form preserving the non-Chinese indigenous language--purely during the early colonialperiod, more mixed later, and finally just s a very different kind of Chinese 1985:66-67; see also Norman andMei, 1976 .


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In light of this proud cultural conservatism, it is interesting to note that FujianChinese call themselves people of the an^. According to one educated informantinterviewed in Xiamen, Fujian was settled after the fall of the Tang dynasty byimmigrants who moved South, and the Southern Chinese were thus linked directly to thiscosmopolitan golden age of Chinese commerce, poetry, and art n the view of thistraditionally educated scholar, Southern Min was older and more beautiful thanMandarin: it was the language of ancient China and had more legitimate claim to bethe national language of China than Mandarin

Ramsey confirms the general outlines of this history, observing that:The most important wave of migration ccurred around the turn of the tenthcentury, when, in the wake of the social upheavals that accompanied the collapseof the Tang government, large numbers of Northern Chinese refugees fled south.Among these immigrants were elite families who were protected by well-organizedarmies and followed by dispossessed peasants. Such groups formed the social andadministrative core of the kingdoms that were subsequently established in theSouth, and these Sinitic kingdoms in turn provided the base for the completeassimilation of the South into Inner China when China was reunified by the Songa half century or so later [AD. 9601 (1987:33).

Many Southern Min speakers in Taiwan noted that as a result of the preservation of theentering tone and final consonants, Tang dyn sty poetry rhymed in the Miman language(but not in Mandarin). However, of the informants whom questioned during the twomonth visit to Taiwan and the PRC nly the linguist w s able to sing these poems inliterary Southern Min and demonstrate the accuracy of this assertion.

One eloquent spokesperson for the uniqueness of Taiwanese was Lim Kehiong,the American-trained science professor mentioned above. In April 1987, Professor Lirnestablished a Taiwanese Language Research Association in Tainan, and sought to

In Chiu Bienming's analysis of the Minnan di ls of the Xiamen area (which he terms 'Hagu'), he arguesthat contemporary 'Hagu' is closest in pronunciation of all Chinese dialects to the Changan dialect recorded nthe Qieyun in 6 AD. 1931). By contrast, Ballard reports that many Chinese historians tend to regard Minnot as a variant of Tang speech but rather as somesort of Han relic 1985:58).


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promote the transcription system for Taiwanese that he and his friends had developedduring World War 11.

An essay which accompanied the announcement of a lecture that he planned todeliver in the United States describes his goals:

wing to the century-long suppression by both the Japanese and the Chinesegovernments, Taiwanese language could only remain in the lower society ofTaiwan and has been neglected by most Taiwanese elites for their sociopoliticalsecurity. In the midst of these circumstances, Professor Lim and his friendsendeavored consistently to retain the original tones and style of the high-societyTaiwanese language. In 1958, he successfully translated many European poemsinto Taiwanese. Among those are poems by Goethe, Schiller, Luebeck, Mueller,etc. as familiarized through those songs by Schubert and other musicians Lim1987).

The essayist (undoubtedly Professor Lim) argued further that characters do not do justiceto the mother tongue of the Taiwanese:

But people live in their own mother language, with which their mental world isprimarily constructed. It is not possible to expect a person to grow normallydepending on the artificial language of hieroglyphs but the mother tone of hischildhood.Forty years ago, Professor Lim and his friends already recognized the inadequacyof expressing Taiwanese language with Chinese hieroglyphs. It is primarilybecause this is not the character proper for Taiwanese. To use it in writing,people must always translate their thought and feeling into the-form it requiresFor this reason, Taiwanese should be expressed by the sound and accent of wordsjust like European languages (Lim 1987).

I will discuss below Professor Em s effort to promote his writin system for SouthernMin.

Other contemporary non-linguists in Tainan also offered arguments in defense ofthe special nature of Southern Min. One common observation was that while there weremany vocabulary items which were cognate between Mandarin and Southern Min, therewere also areas of the vocabulary which were much more fully developed in Southern


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Min. n Taiwan, the argument was frequently made that Taiwanese was more expressivethan Mandarin, and descriptive intensifiers (which consist of an adjective and a uniquereduplicated intensifier) were commonly cited in support of this claim. A partial list ofsuch expressions, which were readily elicited in Tain an, includes:

an g di diang gong gongng giu giuo seu seulu luo ma mao sim simgim si signg nia niaPang gong gongti but butgiam dok doksng giu giuko te tetia dieu dieuswi dang dangdeu gi gi

very redvery redvery yellowvery blackvery blackvery blackvery black (said of hair)very lightvery lightvery fragrantvery sweetvery saltyvery sourvery bittervery painfulvery beautifulvery dirty (said of water)

Huang Diancheng has observed that these intensifiers are also to be found in an cientChinese, and analogues may be found in Han dynasty texts?

Speakers of Southern Min also offered mo re speculative explanations of thedifferences between Chinese dialects. Professo r Lim argued in an interview that thelanguages of Northern and Southern China had developed different expressions andelaborated different areas of the vocabulary because of the differing environments andoccupations of Northern an d Southern Chinese. H e proposed that in the North, C hineserode horses and gave orders to comm and others. Southern ers by contrast were seafarers,

Acmrding to Mei Tsulin, these descriptive intensifiers also resemble and may have their sour e in)Austroasiatic linguistic forms personal mrnmunicalion).


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and used physical force to subordinate others.1 s a result, he argued, in Mandarinthere is only one verb meaning to hit, ( J , while in Southern Min there are manyterms for different kinds of hitting. Examples of these terms offered by him include:

phaq [phah] to hit (most commonly used, transcribed with the character ( J ))s xm [sam] strike with the hand to the head0harm [ham] hit the top of the head with a fist @)long [long] hit with arm/hand gsiexn [sian] slap cheek T )zehg [cheng] hit sidewayskoxng [kong] hit with a rod0

He suggested that when such expressions were written using characters, loan characterswhich approximated the sound rather than the meaning were used, and that this led toconfusion and problems with written communication. On this basis he promoted the useof a phonetically based writing system for Taiwanese.

The uniqueness of the Southern Min spoken in Taiwan was also given specialstatus by some, and several speakers of Taiwanese claimed that their language haddiverged markedly from the Southern Min spoken across the Strait on the Mainland. Itis true that a number of Sino-Japanese words were borrowed into Taiwanese during thefifty-year period of Japanese mle (Cheng 1985b:185), and these lend the Tainan topolecta special flavor. Nonetheless, I discovered on amval in Xiamen that the divergence wasmuch smaller than I had been led to believe. I would speculate that the exaggeration ofthe difference between the two communities was the result of the political goals ofpersons making these claims, who placed language central to an act of identity formationfor Taiwanese.

oRamsey cites a Chinese catchword which typifies the contrast between North and South: Nan chuan beima--in the South the boat, in the North the horse 22).l1 The terms are given using Professor Tan's transcription system, followed by the equivalent in the

missionary transcription system. The speculative character equivalents are taken from Embree sPictionarv ofSouthern M in.


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V. e Taiwanese Cultural Association: n Fxperimental MovementThe importance of 'Taiwanese' as a potential symbol for Taiwanese nationalists

cannot be underestimated, but at the same time the attempt to make Southern Min moreprestigious and central to the lives of Taiwanese s not without problems. In the courseof my 1987visit to Tainan, I was invited to a meeting to organize a Taiwanese CulturalAssociation, and the debates at this small meeting highlight the hopes and difficulties ofthose who seek to affirm Taiwanese identity.

The meeting was organized by a small group of highly educated, and in someinstances highly affluent, Taiwanese, one of whom was politically active in the oppositionparty in Taipei, though he had been unsuccessful in previous bids for public office.Participants included this politican, who had taught Southern Min for the TaiwanLanguage Institute for a number of years before the United States recognized MainlandChina primarily to foreign embassy officials who wanted to communicate with non-eliteTaiwanese; a wealthy European-trained classical musician and entrepreneur; ProfessorLim (the science professor cited above) and his wife; a history professor who had studiedTaiwanese literature, a poet, and the publisher of a magazine which promoted Taiwaneseculture and opposition politics.

The participants discussed the future of the Southern Min language in Taiwan inlight of their perception that it would be necessary to develop a Taiwanese identity whichcould form the basis for an independent Taiwan. In the opening speeches, the politicalr sks of this move were dramatically acknowledged. One participant declaimed that hehad devoted his life to the promotion of Taiwanese culture, and if necessary would giveup his life in defense of his culture. My interpreter observed at this point that when youtalk about culture in Taiwan, it always means politics. The fear was expressed thatreunion with the mainland would create hardships for Taiwan, and that in this event, theinfluential Guomindang elite would flee. Thus it was felt that the case for Taiwanesenationhood had to be made.


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Th e use in Taiwan of a national language shared with th e People's Republic ofChina clearly does not support th e creation of an indepe nden t Taiwan as effectively asthe use of a 'Taiwanese' w hose distinctiveness is stressed. Participants in the meetingidentified a specific problem in the fact that children did not speak Taiwanese (i.e.Southern Min well, and interp reted the use of M andarin in school s a threat to thecontinuation of 'Taiwanese culture.'

Widespread knowledge of M andarin has also changed ~ a iw a n e se . ' ~n adifferent context, anothe r informant noted that young people frequently borrowed idiomsfrom Mandarin, and that the Taiwanese used in television shows was filled with suchexpressions. s a result, older speakers of Taiwanese needed to read the charactersubtitles in order to follow the dialog. In response to this reported impoverishment ofSouthern Min, one speaker observed that language is used to communicate, and that ifyou can't com municate well in your language, the cu lture will be lost. Th e group decidedto form a committee to coordinate a range of activities, including a 'Miss Taiwan' contest,an d proceeded to discuss priorities.

Th e group identified loss of the literary register of Sou thern Min and the resultantimpoverishment of vocabulary s a key problem, and suggested ways to reenrich spokenSouthern Min. It was proposed that old vocabulary be recovered by collecting termsfrom storytellers, puppeteers, and singers, and that these stories in turn be disseminatedin published versions. An obstacle was recognized in the fact that a t present the re is nostandard way of writing Sou thern Min.

Th ere a re two aspects to this difficulty. First, classical texts were studied a nd r eadin the literary register, but there does not appear to be any genuine vernacular literature

l The flow of influence is not however on e way. Jordan es tirn ata that for many Hakka o r Southern Minspeake rs, their ability in Ma ndarin ex eeds heir ability in their native language, but observes that the M and arinspoken in Taiwan has been considerably influenced by Southern Min phonology (1985). Chen g analyzes anumber of respects in which Mandarin syntax has been transformed under the influence of Southern in tocrea te a Ta iwa n Mandarin' (1985a), and notes that mastery of this form of Mandarin was necessary for thechildren of M ainlanders as a prerequisite for their acceptance by their Taiwanese peers in school 1979).


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Sino-Platonic Pamrs 5 August, 1991

written in Southern Min, aside from recent experiments in Taiwan which will discussbelow. Characters appeared to be associated too strongly with Mandarin to be widelyuseful, and it was noted that many Southern Min vocabulary items have no written form.Cheng estimates that 70 of the lexical items of Taiwanese are shared with Mandarin(1985a:353), and could thus presumably be written with the same characters; this leaves30 non-shared lexical items for which characters would have to be coined. In the past,special characters were created to transcni Southern Min words, but it was reportedthat many of these characters were abolished when the written language wasstandardized by the Guomindang.

One alternative to the use of characters is, of course, an alphabetic transcriptionsystem. The science professor proposed that romanization be used, and asked forsupport to train children to read a romanization system which he and his college fiendshad developed prior to the Japanese occupation [Figure 11. He had already published aseries of textbooks using this romanization system, which he was teaching primarily toadults in an evening class at a church in Tainan. In those classes, he invited participantsto compose and read stories and anecdotes in Taiwanese, and to write down old songs,which were performed at class and greatly enjoyed.

Use of the missionary romanization system [Figure 2 was also suggested, andmention was also made of the publications of a Taiwanese linguist teaching in the UnitedStates who wrote Biblical commentary using a combination of characters and themissionary transcription system [Figure 31. However, a second problem arises here. Thegoals of the participants in this planning meeting involved the creation of a writtenlanguage which both preserved the literary register, and could be used to record andshare the words of ordinary people. The participants raised the question of thelimitations of a writing system based on the close transcription of speech, recognizing thatdoing so would involve chosing a spoken standard: Southern Min has three regional


19/46

Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase of Sou hem Min

variants in Taiwan, and the participants feared that s soon as one was chosen s astandard, the others would by definition become substandard.

Conclusionn Taiwan, Southern Min has acquired social and political value as a symbol of the

desires of Taiwanese--in particular Southern Taiwanese--for political independence. Thisis true despite the fact that Mandarin is firmly established as the national language ofTaiwan, a situation which is unlikely to change even in the event that an independentTaiwan is established. Subjective attitudes towards Southern Min, expressed in apreference for use of that topolect in Southern Taiwan, and the desire to create a writtenform of the language, can be interpreted as acts of resistance to the political dominanceof the North over the South, a dominance concretely symbolized during this last centuryby the adoption of a Northern Chinese language as the national language for both thePeoples Republic of China and Taiwan.

n Malaysia, by contrast, speakers of Southern in esteem Mandarin educationhighly, and do not share the negative political associations which inform the Taiwaneseexperience with that language Borthwick 1988; Tan 1988). For Malaysian Chinese,Mandarin has a pragmatic value in providing a shared language for communities in whichmany Chinese topolects including Southern Min) are spoken. It is the national languageof Malaysia, Malay, which is viewed as a language of political dominance, and whoseadoption is resisted. Southern Min is spoken widely, and is used on occasion as alanguage of social exclusivity, but it has no particular value as a symbol of political unity.Chinese in Malaysia, rather, rally around political symbols which identify them as ChineseCarstens 1983), and have expended a great deal of energy in the defense ofMandarin-medium education.

Social linguists have argued that there are no significant objective differencesbetween stigmatized linguistic forms and those which c rry connotations of prestige


20/46

Sino-Platonic Pa~ er s, 5 August, 1991)

(Hudson 1980, Chapter ; Labov 1972). The Southern Taiwanese desire to recover theliterary register of Southern Min suggests to the contrary that linguistic prestige may havean objective base. The literary register is not merely an index of political power or socialclass identity, though it has links with both. Rather, the literary register makes it possibleto discuss in SouthernMin the spectrum of topics that would interest an educatedperson. In contemporary Southern Min communities, speakers must now switch to (orborrow from) their language of education and literacy for the deep vocabulary neededto discuss these topics. In Taiwan and the PR his language is Mandarin; in Malaysia itwas once Mandarin or English, but is now increasingly Malay. The Taiwanese desire topromote Southern Min and to give it a written form represents a wish to restorelinguistic fullness to that language; the Malaysian Chinese desire to protect Mandarineducation draws from a similar source.

At the same time, it is also clear that subjective attitudes towards linguisticvarieties are colored by the historical experiences of speakers of those varieties, as wellas by contemporary social and political goals. In particular, the experience of socialdiscrimination, towards a dialect group in the Taiwanese case, or towards an ethnic groupin the Malaysian case, would appear to be the catalyst for group self-awareness. Thechoice of symbolic system and level of identification differs: however the response ineach case has been to make language a key symbol of identity for the invention ofcommunity.


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Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase of Southern Min

BIBLIOGRAPHYBallard, W 1985. 'The Linguistic History of South China: Miao-Yao and Southern

Dialects, -istics of the SineTibetan Area: The State of the Art. Pa~ersPresented to Paul K Renedict for his 71st Birthday9 edited by Graham Thurgood,James Matisoff, and David Bradley. Pacific Linwistics Series C No. 87.Canberra: The Australian National University.

Borthwick, Sally. 1988. Chinese Education and Identity in Singapore, inIdentities of the Southeast Asian Chinese since World War 11 edited by JenniferCushman and Wang Gungwu. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

Carstens, Sharon. 1983. PPai Hakka Chinese Malaysian: A Labrynth of CulturalIdentities, in The Chinese In Southeast Asia, Volume 2 Identity. Culture. andPoliticsSedited by A Peter Gosling and Linda Y. C Lim. Singapore: MaruzenAsia.

Cheng, Robert L [Zheng Liangwei]. 1979. 'language Unification in Taiwan: Presentand Future, in Lanrmage and Society Anthropological Issues, edited by WilliamC. McComack and Stephen A Wurm. The Hague: Mouton Publishers.

1985a. A Comparison of Taiwanese, Taiwan Mandarin, and PekingMandarin, in b n m a e e Vol 61 No. 2:352-377.

1985b. 'Group Interest in Treating Words Borrowed into Mandarin andTaiwanese, in Anthro oloPical Linrmistics Vol. 27, No 2:177-189.

1987. Saint Luke in a Mixed Scr i~ t : Studv of Written Taiwanese.Taiwan: Renguang Press.

Chiu, Bienming. 1931. 'The Phonetic Structure and Tone Behavior in Hagu (commonlyknown as the Amoy Dialect) and their Relation to Certain Questions in ChineseLinguistics, T'oun~Pao Vol. XXVIII No. 3-5:245-342.

Chung, Karen S. 1990. Spreading the Taiwanese Word: Two New Language BooksSign of Changing Times, in The Free China Journal, July 26, 1990, p. 6.

DeBernardi, Jean. 1986. Heaven. Earth. and Man: A Studv of Chinese Spirit Mediums.Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Chicago.


22/46

Sino-Platonic Papers 5 August, 1991

DeFrancis, John. 1972 [1950]. Nationalism and Lanmaee Reform in China. New York:Octagon Books.

1984a. m m e s e m e : act and Fanta Honolulu: Universityof Hawaii Press.

1984b. 'Digraphia ' Word, Vol. 34 No. 159-66.Ferguson, C. A 1972 [1959]. "Diglossia," in LanPaolo Gigliuli. New York: Penguin Books.Hudson, R. A. 1980. Sociolinrmistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Jordan, David IS 1985. 'Transplant and Transforms: Public Schools and Mandarin

Chinese in Taiwan," in Serta Gratulatoria in Honorem Juan Rewlo I FiloloPia.La Laguna: Universidad de la Laguna.

Labov, William. 1972. 'The Logic of Non-standard English," in Laneuaee in the Inneritv: Studies n the Black Enelish Vernacular. Philadelphia: University of

Pennsylvania Press.Liim Keahioong. 1987. "Professor Liim Keahioong and the Modem Taiwanese

Literature ' Tainan, Taiwan: privately circulated.Norman, Jerry. 1979. "Chronological Strata in the Min Dialects," in No

4:26&274.1988. Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Norman, Jerry and Mei Tsulin. 1976. 'The Austroasiatics in Ancient South China:Some Lexical Evidence," in Monumenta Serica XXXII:274-301.

Oetomo, Dede. 1988. "Multilingualism and Chinese Identities in Indonesia," in GhanaIdentities of the Southeast Asian Chinese Since World War edited by JenniferCushman and Wang Gungwu. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

Ramsey, S. Robert. 1987. The Lanrma~es f China. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress.


23/46

Jean DeBernardi, Linguistic Nationalism: The ase o Southern Mian

Tan Liokee. 1988. Chinese Independent Schools in West Malaysia: Varying Responsesto Changing Demands, in Cha- Identities of the Southeast Asian ChineseSince World War I 1 edited by Jennifer Cushman and Wang Gungwu. HongKong: Hong Kong University Press.

Xi Kaicheng July 1987 P# l.fig+ ~ f 3 5 j @Cong Shehuixue Tan Guoyu Yu Fangyan ~ e n t i & k $ ~ 9 LZili Wanbao: Taipei, Taiwan.RESOURCES FOR STUDY OF SOUTHERN MINI DictionariesCampbell, Rev. W. 1987 [1913]. A Dictionam of the Amov Vernacular S~oken

rougho out the Prefectures of Chin-Chiu. Chiane-Chiu and Formosa (Taiwan).Tainan, Taiwan: The Taiwan Church Press.Chiang Ker Chiu. n.d. A Practical Enaish-Hoklden Dictiona~.Singapore: The hinFen Book Store.Embree, Bernard L M. 1973. Dictiona of Southern Min. Hong Kong: Hong Kong

Language Institute.MacGowan, Rev. J. 1978 [1883]. Endish and Chinese Dictionarv of the Amov Dialect.

Taipei, Republic of China: Southern Materials Center, Inc.Tan, K. T. 1978. A Chinese-English Dictiona Taiwan Dialect. Taipei, Republic of

China: Southern Materials Center, Inc.Xiamen Daxue Zhongguo Yuyan Wenxue Yanjiusuo Hanyu Fangyan Yanjiushi/ f lf iq @ ~ z & a R % + k ; u r i %; R j ~ gig i IK3

1982. Putunghua Minnan Fangyan C idian.%&i% iQj qXiamen: Xiamen Renrnin Press.


24/46

Sino-Platonic Pa~ e r s 5 August, 1991

II Textbooks of Southern MiqBodman, Nicholas Cleaveland. 1955-58. S~okenAmov Hokkien. Kuala Lumpur:

Published by the authority of the Government Federation of Malaya. [Text andtapes available through: Spoken Language Services, Inc, P.O. Box 783, Ithaca,Y 148511.

Cheng, Robert i [Zheng Liangwei] with Fang Nanchiang, Chao Hsunwen and WuHsiuli. 1990. Evervdav Taiwanese; Taiwanese For Parents and Children [tapesavailable]. [These two romanized texts are aimed at Mandarin speakers who wantto learn Taiwanese; these and other texts are available from Professor Cheng at:Department of Linguistics, University of Hawaii, Honolulu HI 968221.

Chiang Ker Chiu. n.d. Hokkien Am \ for Bepinners, Books 1-3. Singapore: ChinFen Book Store.

n.d. Proeressive Hokkien Amov) Reade~.Singapore: Chin Fen BookStore.

Liim Keahioong Phoksu. 1987. Taioaan-oe. Tainan, Taiwan: Taioaan Iogteg ZusiwKongsy [Taiwan Edutech Company].

Maryknoll Language Service Center. 1984. Taiwanese, Books 1 2 [tapes available].Taichung, Taiwan.

Taipei Language Institute. 1980. Speak Taiwanese Hokkien [tapes available]. Taipei,Taiwan.

Tao Chungdao. 1958. Chene-soan Peh-oe i [ Explanation of MissionarvRomanization]. Tainan, Taiwan: he Taiwan Church Press.


25/46

S i ~ f m o e hvoarkvix c i d e etoasee phnepaw.

S i ~ f t i hvoarkvix nngxciaqsnerzciaq kawar

A'Goat C i e kht?oarkuixlagciaq s~eaciaq iauar

kofn khvoarkvf x chi tciaqsneaciaq ke'afkuiar.Gear kh~~o a r k v ppaehci aqc i awa r .

sneabnea hi ar.

FigureA lesson from Professor Lim s text of Taiwanese, Taioaan-O e, published in Tainan, TaiwanLiim, 1987 .


26/46

45 REPPEE%*FA I TH OF OUR FATHERSm. CATHERINE Henn F. Hemy, 1818-1888L. M. and Reflain Ad.prd by James C Y' lcoq 1621-190)

M) im-hiin r i a - g i h g g-kiat tiocrg-cbtngoin beh tiarg- g chin iu it-seq,

3. Sim-hiSn n-g ibe c h b c 4 n g e h h h 16oLn oi -sib kho'an-tb bin-b in;h g - k 2 She-t e thin-fi m-~hh6~,

Ki u goin bong-rbb' ping-iit A-chh;h

I Sian-hiin dn-gi6ng G t is hi-seng,Coin tibh am \ i t'ui-t k +ng-ii~ i h h ng un-jiS sih-li6ng sene ,Som-khng bt un, W in Gng dL

5. Sian-hiin d n - g i b e M - c h i j;t-chi,Tbi g a i n bi - s i m ihg-Urn k h g k ;L&-tli i-lii kap g o b t b g - c h i i ,Tbi mn goin tC kap i chbhbc.

Figure 2Faith of Our Fathers in Southern Min written both in characters and in missionary

romanization.


27/46

la % teh fi@ Wp ti h i aBWM n r9kABBE -&?

Figure 3

i )

ka chiohm i

C t k ll

Ck3Cpeh3

sutI C I

chi-c i i i

Transcription system of Southern Min developed by Robert L. Cheng [Zheng Liangwei] asused in Saint Luke in a Mixed Script: Stu of Written Taiwanese (1987).


28/46

Previous Issues

Number Date Author Title Pages

1 Nov.

1986

Victor H. Mair


The Need for an Alphabetically

Arranged General Usage

Dictionary of Mandarin Chinese: A

Review Article of Some Recent

Dictionaries and Current

Lexicographical Projects

31

2 Dec.

1986

Andrew Jones

Hiroshima

The Poetics of Uncertainty in Early

Chinese Literature

45

3 March1987

Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania

A Partial Bibliography for theStudy of Indian Influence on

Chinese Popular Literature

iv, 214

4 Nov.

1987

Robert M. Sanders

University of Hawaii

The Four Languages of

Mandarin

14

5 Dec.

1987

Eric A. Havelock

Vassar College

Chinese Characters and the Greek

Alphabet

4

6 Jan.

1988

J. Marshall Unger

University of Hawaii

Computers and Japanese Literacy:

Nihonzin no Yomikaki Nryoku toKonpyuta

13

7 Jan.

1988

Chang Tsung-tung

Goethe-Universitt

Indo-European Vocabulary in Old

Chinese

i, 56

8 Feb.

1988

various Reviews (I) ii, 39

9 Dec.

1988

Soho Machida

Daitoku-ji, Kyoto

Life and Light, the Infinite: A

Historical and Philological

Analysis of the Amida Cult

46

10 June

1989

Pratoom Angurarohita

Chulalongkorn University

Bangkok

Buddhist Influence on the

Neo-Confucian Concept of the

Sage

31

11 July

1989

Edward Shaughnessy

University of Chicago

Western Cultural Innovations in

China, 1200 BC

8
http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp004_mandarin_chinese.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp004_mandarin_chinese.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp005_chinese_greek.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp005_chinese_greek.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp006_japanese_literacy.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp006_japanese_literacy.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp006_japanese_literacy.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp008_chinese_book_reviews.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp010_buddhist_confucian_sage.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp010_buddhist_confucian_sage.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp010_buddhist_confucian_sage.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp011_shang_china.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp011_shang_china.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp011_shang_china.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp011_shang_china.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp010_buddhist_confucian_sage.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp010_buddhist_confucian_sage.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp010_buddhist_confucian_sage.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp008_chinese_book_reviews.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp006_japanese_literacy.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp006_japanese_literacy.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp006_japanese_literacy.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp005_chinese_greek.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp005_chinese_greek.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp004_mandarin_chinese.pdfhttp://www.sino-platonic.org/complete/spp004_mandarin_chinese.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp001_chinese_dictionary.pdf


29/46

Previous Issues,cont.


12 Aug.1989


The Contributions of Tang andFive Dynasties TransformationTexts (pien-wen) to Later ChinesePopular Literature

71

13 Oct.1989

Jiaosheng WangShanghai

The Complete Ci-Poems of LiQingzhao: A New EnglishTranslation

xii,122

14 Dec.

1989

various Reviews (II) 69

15 Jan.1990

George CardonaUniversity of Pennsylvania

On Attitudes Toward Language inAncient India

19

16 March1990


Three Brief Essays ConcerningChinese Tocharistan

16

17 April1990

Heather PetersUniversity Museum of

Philadelphia

Tattooed Faces and Stilt Houses:Who Were the Ancient Yue?

28

18 May1990


Two Non-Tetragraphic NorthernSinitic Languages

a. Implications of theSoviet Dungan Script forChinese LanguageReform

b. Who Were the Gymi?

28

19 June1990 Bosat ManNalanda Backhill/Peking/Beijing 6

20 Oct.1990


Introduction and Notes for aTranslation of the Ma-wang-tuiMSS of theLao Tzu

68
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21 Dec.1990

Philippa Jane BensonCarnegie Mellon

University

Two Cross-Cultural Studies onReading Theory

9, 13

22 March1991

David MoserUniversity of Michigan

Slips of the Tongue and Pen inChinese

45

23 April1991


Tracks of the Tao, Semantics ofZen

10

24 Aug.1991 David A. UtzUniversity of Pennsylvania Language, Writing, and Traditionin Iran 24

25 Aug.1991

Jean DeBernardiUniversity of Alberta

Linguistic Nationalism: The Caseof Southern Min

22 + 3figs.

26 Sept.1991

JAO Tsung-iChinese University of

Hong Kong

Questions on the Origins of WritingRaised by the Silk Road

10

27 Aug.

1991

Victor H. Mair, ed.


Schriftfestschrift: Essays in Honor

of John DeFrancis on His EightiethBirthday

ix, 245

28 Sept.1991

ZHOU YouguangState Language

Commission, Peking

The Family of ChineseCharacter-Type Scripts (TwentyMembers and Four Stages ofDevelopment)

11

29 Sept.1991


What Is a ChineseDialect/Topolect? Reflections onSome Key Sino-English Linguistic

Terms

31

30 Oct.1991

M. V. SofronovInstitute of Far Eastern

Studies, Academy of

Sciences, Moscow

Chinese Philology and the Scriptsof Central Asia

10
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31 Oct.1991

various Reviews (III) 68

32 Aug.1992

David McCrawUniversity of Hawaii

How the Chinawoman Lost HerVoice

27

33 Sept.1992

FENG Lide and KevinStuartChuankou No. 1 Middle

School and Qinghai

Education College

Interethnic Contact on the InnerAsian Frontier: The Gangou Peopleof Minhe County, Qinghai

34

34 Oct.1992


Two Papers on Sinolinguistics

1. A HypothesisConcerning the Originof the Termfanqie(Countertomy)

2. East Asian Round-TripWords

13

35 Nov.1992


with an added note byEdwin G. Pulleyblank

Reviews (IV) 37

36 Feb.1993

XU WenkanHanyu Da Cidian editorial

offices, Shanghai

Hanyu Wailaici de YuyuanKaozheng he Cidian Bianzuan(Philological Research on theEtymology of Loanwords in Siniticand Dictionary Compilation)

13

37 March1993

Tanya StorchUniversity of New Mexico

Chinese Buddhist Historiographyand Orality

16

38 April1993


The Linguistic and TextualAntecedents of The Sutra of theWise and the Foolish

95


32/46



39 Aug.1993

Jordan PaperYork University

A Material Case for a Late BeringStrait Crossing Coincident withPre-Columbian Trans-PacificCrossings

17

40 Sept.1993

Michael CarrCenter for Language

Studies, Otaru University

of Commerce

Tiao-Fish through ChineseDictionaries

68

41 Oct.1993 Paul GoldinHarvard University Miching Mallecho: TheZhanguoceand Classical Rhetoric 27

42 Nov.1993

Renchin-Jashe YulshulTibetan Autonomous

Prefecture, Kokonor

(Qinghai)

and Kevin StuartInstitute of Foreign

Languages, Ulaanbaatar,

Mongolia

Kham Tibetan Language Materials 39

43 Dec.1993

MA Quanlin, MAWanxiang, and MAZhichengXining

Edited by Kevin StuartKokonor

Salar Language Materials 72

44 Jan.1994

Dolkun KamberiColumbia University

The Three Thousand Year OldCharchan Man Preserved atZaghunluq

15

45 May1994

Mark HansellCarleton College

The Sino-Alphabet: TheAssimilation of Roman Letters intothe Chinese Writing System

28

46 July1994

various Reviews (V) 2, 155


33/46



47 Aug.1994

Robert S. BauerMahidol University Salaya

Nakornpathom, Thailand

Sino-Tibetan *kolo Wheel 11

48 Sept.1994


Introduction and Notes for aComplete Translation of theChuang Tzu

xxxiv,110

49 Oct.1994

Ludo RocherUniversity of Pennsylvania

Orality and Textuality in the IndianContext

28

50 Nov.1994

YIN BinyongState Language

Commission and Institute

for Applied Linguistics

(Chinese Academy of

Social Sciences)

Diyi ge Lading Zimu de HanyuPinyin Fangan Shi ZenyangChansheng de? [How Was the FirstRomanized Spelling System forSinitic Produced?]

7

51 Nov.1994

HAN KangxinInstitute of Archeology

Chinese Academy of

Social Sciences

The Study of Ancient HumanSkeletons from Xinjiang, China

9 + 4figs.

52 Nov.1994

Warren A. ShiblesUniversity of Wisconsin

Whitewater

Chinese Romanization Systems:IPA Transliteration

20

53 Nov.1994

XU WenkanEditorial Offices of the

Hanyu Da Cidian

Shanghai

Guanyu Tuhuoluoren de Qiyuan heQianxi Wenti [On the Problem ofthe Origins and Migrations of theTocharians]

11

54 Nov.1994 jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)University of Toronto

Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Jegn Yogur 34

55 Nov.1994

jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)University of Toronto

Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Dongxiang

34
http://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdfhttp://sino-platonic.org/complete/spp052_chinese_ipa.pdf


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56 Nov.1994


Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Dagur

36

57 Nov.1994


Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Monguor

31

58 Nov.1994

jiyediin Chuluu(Chaolu Wu)

University of Toronto

Introduction, Grammar, andSample Sentences for Baoan

28

59 Dec.1994

Kevin StuartQinghai Junior Teachers

College;

LimusishidenQinghai Medical College

Attached Hospital, Xining,

Kokonor (Qinghai)

Chinas Monguor Minority:Ethnography and Folktales

i, I,193

60 Dec.

1994

Kevin Stuart, Li

Xuewei, and ShelearQinghai Junior TeachersCollege, Xining, Kokonor

(Qinghai)

Chinas Dagur Minority: Society,

Shamanism, and Folklore

vii,

167

61 Dec.1994

Kevin Stuart and LiXueweiQinghai Junior Teachers

College, Xining, Kokonor

(Qinghai)

Tales from Chinas Forest Hunters:Oroqen Folktales

iv, 59

62 Dec.1994 William C. HannasGeorgetown University Reflections on the Unity ofSpoken and Written Chinese andAcademic Learning in China

5

63 Dec.1994

Sarah M. NelsonUniversity of Denver

The Development of Complexity inPrehistoric North China

17


35/46



64 Jan.1995

Arne stmoeBangkok, Thailand, and

Drbak, Norway

A Germanic-Tai Linguistic Puzzle 81, 6

65 Feb.1995

Penglin WangChinese University of

Hong Kong

Indo-European Loanwords inAltaic

28

66 March1995

ZHU QingzhiSichuan University and

Peking University

Some Linguistic Evidence forEarly Cultural Exchange Between

China and India

7

67 April1995

David McCrawUniversity of Hawaii

Pursuing Zhuangzi as aRhymemaster: A Snark-Hunt inEight Fits

38

68 May1995

Ke Peng, Yanshi ZhuUniversity of Chicago and

Tokyo, Japan

New Research on the Origin ofCowries Used in Ancient China

i, 26

69 Jan.

1996

Dpal-ldan-bkra-shis,

Keith Slater, et al.Qinghai, Santa Barbara,etc.

Language Materials of Chinas

Monguor Minority: HuzhuMongghul and Minhe Mangghuer

xi, 266

70 Feb.1996

David Utz, Xinru Liu,Taylor Carman, Bryan Van

Norden, and the Editor

Philadelphia, Vassar, etc.

Reviews VI 93

71 March1996

Erik ZrcherLeiden University

Seishi KarashimaSoka UniversityHuanming QinTang Studies Hotline

Vernacularisms in MedievalChinese Texts

31 +11 + 8

72 May1996

E. Bruce BrooksUniversity of

Massachusetts

The Life and Mentorship ofConfucius

44


36/46



73 June1996

ZHANG Juan, et al.,and Kevin StuartQinghai, Inner Mongolia,

Shanxi, Henan, Liaoning

Blue Cloth and Pearl Deer; YogurFolklore

iii, 76

74 Jan.1997

David MoserUniversity of Michigan &

Beijing Foreign Studies

University

Covert Sexism in MandarinChinese

23

75 Feb.1997 Haun SaussyStanford University The Prestige of Writing: Wen2

,Letter, Picture, Image, Ideography 40

76 Feb.1997

Patricia EichenbaumKaretzkyBard College

The Evolution of the Symbolism ofthe Paradise of the Buddha ofInfinite Life and Its WesternOrigins

28

77 Jan.1998

Daniel HsiehPurdue University

The Origin and Nature of theNineteen Old Poems

49

78 Feb.1998 NarsuInner Mongolia College ofAgriculture & Animal

Husbandry

Kevin StuartQinghai Junior Teachers

College

Practical Mongolian Sentences(With English Translation) iii +49 + ii+ 66

79 March1998

Dennis GrafflinBates College

A Southeast Asian Voice in theDaodejing?

8

80 July1998 Taishan YuChinese Academy ofSocial Sciences

A Study of Saka History ii +225

81 Sept.1998

Hera S. WalkerUrsinus College

(Philadelphia)

Indigenous or Foreign?: A Look atthe Origins of the Monkey HeroSun Wukong

iv +110


37/46



82 Sept.1998

I. S. GurevichRussian Academy of

Sciences

A Fragment of a pien-wen(?)Related to the Cycle On BuddhasLife

15

83 Oct.1998

Minglang ZhouUniversity of Colorado at

Boulder

Tense/Aspect markers in Mandarinand Xiang dialects, and theircontact

20

84 Oct.1998

Ulf JgerGronau/Westfalen,

Germany

The New Old Mummies fromEastern Central Asia: Ancestors of

the Tocharian Knights Depicted onthe Buddhist Wallpaintings ofKucha and Turfan? SomeCircumstantial Evidence

9

85 Oct.1998

Mariko Namba WalterUniversity of New

England

Tokharian Buddhism in Kucha:Buddhism of Indo-EuropeanCentum Speakers in ChineseTurkestan before the 10th CenturyC.E.

30

86 Oct.1998 Jidong YangUniversity of Pennsylvania Siba: Bronze Age Culture of theGansu Corridor 18

87 Nov.1998


Canine Conundrums: Eurasian DogAncestor Myths in Historical andEthnic Perspective

74

88 Dec.1998

Saroj Kumar ChaudhuriAichi Gakusen University

Siddham in China and Japan 9, 124

89 Jan.

1999

Alvin Lin

Yale University

Writing Taiwanese: The

Development of Modern WrittenTaiwanese

4 + 41

+ 4

90 Jan.1999

Victor H. Mair et al Reviews VII [including review ofThe Original Analects]

2, 38

91 Jan.1999


Phonosymbolism or Etymology:The Case of the Verb Cop

28


38/46



92 Jan.1999

Christine Louise LinDartmouth College

The Presbyterian Church in Taiwanand the Advocacy of LocalAutonomy

xiii +136

93 Jan.1999

David S. NivisonStanford University

The Key to the Chronology of theThree Dynasties: The ModernText Bamboo Annals

iv + 68

94 March1999

Julie Lee WeiHoover Institute

Correspondence Between theChinese Calendar Signs and the

Phoenician Alphabet

65 + 6

95 May1999


A Medieval, Central AsianBuddhist Theme in a Late MingTaoist Tale by Feng Meng-lung

27

96 June1999

E. Bruce BrooksUniversity of

Massachusetts

Alexandrian Motifs in ChineseTexts

14

97 Dec.

1999

LI Shuicheng

Peking University

Sino-Western Contact in the

Second Millennium BC

iv, 29

98 Jan.2000

Peter Daniels, DanielBoucher, and otherauthors

Reviews VIII 108

99 Feb.2000

Anthony Barbieri-LowPrinceton University

Wheeled Vehicles in the ChineseBronze Age (c. 2000-741 BC)

v, 98 +5 colorplates

100 Feb.

2000

Wayne Alt

Community College ofBaltimore County (Essex)

Zhuangzi, Mysticism, and the

Rejection of Distinctions

29

101 March2000

C. Michele ThompsonSouth Connecticut State

University

The Vit Peoples and the Origins ofNom

71, 1


39/46



102 March2000

Theresa JenBryn Mawr College

Ping XuBaruch College

Penless Chinese CharacterReproduction

15

103 June2000

Carrie E. ReidMiddlebury College

Early Chinese Tattoo 52

104 July2000

David W. PankenierLehigh University

Popular Astrology and BorderAffairs in Early China

19 + 1color

plate

105 Aug.2000

Anne BirrellCambridge University

Postmodernist Theory in RecentStudies of Chinese Literature

31

106 Sept.2000

Yu TaishanChinese Academy of

Social Sciences

A Hypothesis about the Sources ofthe Sai Tribes

i, 3,200

107 Sept.2000

Jacques deLisle,Adelheid E. Krohne,

and the editor

Reviews IX 148 +map

108 Sept.2000

Ruth H. ChangUniversity of Pennsylvania

UnderstandingDiand Tian: Deityand Heaven From Shang to Tang

vii, 54

109 Oct.2000

Conn Dean CareyStanford University

In Hell the One without Sin is Lord ii, 60

110 Oct.2000

Toh Hoong TeikHarvard University

Shaykh 'Alam: The Emperor ofEarly Sixteenth-Century China

20

111 Nov.2000 Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania The Need for a New Era 10

112 July2001


Notes on the Anau Inscription xi, 93


40/46



113 Aug.2001

Ray CollinsChepachet, RI

David KerrMelbourne, FL

Etymology of the WordMacrobiotic:s and Its Use inModern Chinese Scholarship

18

114 March2002

Ramnath SubbaramanUniversity of Chicago

Beyond the Question of theMonkey Imposter: Indian Influenceon the Chinese Novel, The Journeyto the West

35

115 April2002 ZHOU JixuSichuan NormalUniversity

Correspondences of Basic WordsBetween Old Chinese andProto-Indo-European

8

116 May2002

LIU YongquanInstitute of Linguistics,

Chinese Academy of

Social Sciences

On the Problem of ChineseLettered Words

13

117 May2002

SHANG WeiColumbia University

Baihua, Guanhua, Fangyanand theMay Fourth Reading ofRulin

Waishi

10

118 June2002

Justine T. SnowPort Townsend, WA

Evidence for the Indo-EuropeanOrigin of Two Ancient ChineseDeities

ii, 75,1

color,1 b-wprint

119 July2002

WU ZhenXinjiang Museum,

rmchi

Hu Non-Chinese as They Appearin the Materials from the AstanaGraveyard at Turfan

21, 5figs.

120 July2002

Anne BirrellUniversity of Cambridge,

Clare Hall

Female-Gendered Myth in theClassic of Mountains and Seas

47

121 July2002

Mark Edward LewisStanford University

Dicing and Divination in EarlyChina

22, 7figs.


41/46



122 July2002

Julie WilenskyYale Univesity

The Magical Kunlunand DevilSlaves: Chinese Perceptions ofDark-skinned People and Africabefore 1500

51, 3figs.

123 Aug.2002

Paul R. Goldin and theeditor

Reviews X 30

124 August2002

Fredrik T. HiebertUniversity of Pennsylvania

John ColarussoMcMaster University

The Context of the Anau Seal

Remarks on the Anau and NiySeals

1-34

35-47

125 July2003

ZHOU JixuSichuan Normal

University

Shanghai Normal

University

Correspondences of Cultural Wordsbetween Old Chinese andProto-Indo-European

19

126 Aug.

2003

Tim Miller

University of Washington

A Southern Min Word in the

Tsu-tang chi

14

127 Oct.2003

Sundeep S. JhuttiPetaluma, California

The Getes 125, 8color

plates

128 Nov.2003

Yinpo TschangNew York City

On Proto-Shang 18

129 Dec.2003

Michael WitzelHarvard University

Linguistic Evidence for CulturalExchange in Prehistoric Western

Central Asia

70

130 Feb.2004

Bede FaheyFort St. John, British

Columbia

Mayan: A Sino-Tibetan Language?A Comparative Study

61


42/46



131 March2004

Taishan YuChinese Academy of

Social Sciences

A History of the Relationshipbetween the Western and EasternHan, Wei, Jin, Northern andSouthern Dynasties and theWestern Regions

1, 3,352

132 April2004

Kim HayesSydney

On the Presence of Non-Chinese atAnyang

11

133 April

2004

John L. Sorenson

Brigham Young UniversityCarl L. JohannessenUniversity of Oregon

Scientific Evidence for

Pre-Columbian TransoceanicVoyagesCD-ROM

48,

166,19, 15plates

134 May2004

Xieyan HinchaNeumdewitz, Germany

Two Steps Toward Digraphia inChina

i, 22

135 May2004

John J. EmersonPortland, Oregon

The Secret History of the Mongolsand Western Literature

21

136 May

2004

Serge Papillon

Mouvaux, France andUlaanbaatar, Mongolia

Influences tokhariennes sur la

mythologie chinoise

47

137 June2004

Hoong Teik TohHarvard University

Some Classical Malay Materialsfor the Study of the Chinese NovelJourney to the West

64

138 June2004

Julie Lee WeiSan Jose and London

Dogs and Cats: Lessons fromLearning Chinese

17

139 June

2004

Taishan Yu

Chinese Academy ofSocial Sciences

A Hypothesis on the Origin of the

Yu State

20

140 June2004


Shih and Zong: Social Organizationin Bronze Age China

28

141 July2004


Chaos in Heaven: On the Calendarsof Preclassical China

30


43/46



142 July2004

Katheryn Linduff, ed.University of Pittsburgh

Silk Road Exchange in China 64

143 July2004


Sleep inDream: SoporificResponses to Depression in Storyof the Stone

99

144 July2004

RONG XinjiangPeking University

Land Route or Sea Route?Commentary on the Study of thePaths of Transmission and Areas in

which Buddhism WasDisseminated during the HanPeriod

32

145 Aug.2004

the editor Reviews XI 2, 41

146 Feb.2005

Hoong Teik TohAcademia Sinica

The -yuEnding in Xiongnu,Xianbei, and Gaoju Onomastica

24

147 March

2005

Hoong Teik Toh

Academia Sinica

Ch. Qiong~ Tib. Khyung; Taoism

~ Bonpo -- Some QuestionsRelated to Early Ethno-ReligiousHistory in Sichuan

18

148 April2005

Lucas ChristopoulosBeijing Sports University

Le grco-bouddhisme et lart dupoing en Chine

52

149 May2005

Kimberly S. Te WinkleUniversity College,

London

A Sacred Trinity: God, Mountain,and Bird: Cultic Practices of theBronze Age Chengdu Plain

ii, 103(41 incolor)

150 May2005 Dolkun KamberiWashington, DC Uyghurs and Uyghur Identity 44

151 June2005

Jane Jia SIUniversity of Pennsylvania

The Genealogy of Dictionaries:Producers, Literary Audience, andthe Circulation of English Texts inthe Treaty Port of Shanghai

44, 4tables


44/46



152 June2005

Denis MairSeattle

The Dance of Qian and Kun in theZhouyi

13, 2figs.

153 July2005

Alan PiperLondon (UK)

The Mysterious Origins of theWord Marihuana

17

154 July2005

Serge PapillonBelfort, France

Mythologie sino-europenne 174, 1plate

155 July

2005

Denis Mair

Seattle

Janus-Like Concepts in theLiand

KunTrigrams

8

156 July2005

Abolqasem EsmailpourShahid Beheshti

University, Tehran

Manichean Gnosis and Creation 157

157 Aug.2005

Ralph D. SawyerIndependent Scholar

Paradoxical Coexistence ofPrognostication and Warfare

13

158 Aug.2005

Mark Edward LewisStanford University

Writings on Warfare Found inAncient Chinese Tombs

15

159 Aug.2005

Jens stergaardPetersenUniversity of Copenhagen

TheZuozhuanAccount of theDeath of King Zhao of Chu and ItsSources

47

160 Sept.2005

Matteo ComparetiVenice

Literary Evidence for theIdentification of Some CommonScenes in Han Funerary Art

14

161 Sept.2005

Julie Lee WeiLondon

The Names of the Yi JingTrigrams:An Inquiry into Their Linguistic

Origins

18

162 Sept.2005

Julie Lee WeiLondon

Counting and Knotting:Correspondences between OldChinese and Indo-European

71,map


45/46



163 Oct.2005

Julie Lee WeiLondon

Huangdi and Huntun (the YellowEmperor and Wonton): A NewHypothesis on Some Figures inChinese Mythology

44

164 Oct.2005

Julie Lee WeiLondon

Shang and Zhou: An Inquiry intothe Linguistic Origins of TwoDynastic Names

62

165 Oct.

2005

Julie Lee Wei

London

DAO and DE: An Inquiry into the

Linguistic Origins of Some Termsin Chinese Philosophy andMorality

51

166 Nov.2005

Julie Lee WeiLondon

Hodong KimSeoul National University

and David Selvia andthe Editorboth of the University of

Pennsylvania

Reviews XII i, 63

167 Dec.2005

ZHOU JixuSichuan Normal

University

Old Chinese '*tees' andProto-Indo-European *deus:Similarity in Religious Ideas and aCommon Source in Linguistics

17

168 Dec.2005

Judith A. LernerNew York City

Aspects of Assimilation: theFunerary Practices and Furnishingsof Central Asians in China

51, v,9

plates

169 Jan.2006 Victor H. MairUniversity of Pennsylvania Conversion Tables for theThree-Volume Edition of theHanyu Da Cidian

i, 284

170 Feb.2006

Amber R. WoodwardUniversity of Pennsylvania

Learning English, Losing Face, andTaking Over: The Method (orMadness) of Li Yang and His CrazyEnglish

18


46/46



Beginning with issue no. 171, Sino-Platonic Paperswill be published electronically on the Web.

Issues from no. 1 to no. 170, however, will continue to be sold as paper copies until our stock runs out,

after which they too will be made available on the Web. For prices of paper copies, see the catalog at

www.sino-platonic.org

171 June2006

John DeFrancisUniversity of Hawaii

The Prospects for Chinese WritingReform

26, 3figs.

172 Aug.2006

Deborah Beaser The Outlook for TaiwaneseLanguage Preservation

18

173 Oct.2006

Taishan YuChinese Academy of

Social Sciences

A Study of the History of theRelationship Between the Westernand Eastern Han, Wei, Jin,Northern and Southern Dynastiesand the Western Regions

167

174 Nov.2006

Mariko Namba Walter Sogdians and Buddhism 65

175 Dec.

2006

Zhou Jixu

Center for East AsianStudies, University of

Pennsylvania; Chinese

Department, Sichuan

Normal University

The Rise of Agricultural

Civilization in China: TheDisparity between ArcheologicalDiscovery and the DocumentaryRecord and Its Explanation

38

176 May2007

Eric HenryUniversity of North

Carolina

The Submerged History of Yu 36
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