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Vol:1- No. 2 July to December 2010 ISSN: 2221-6804 The Journal of History and Social Sciences (jhss) is published

biannually in June and December, from the Department of History,

University of Karachi, Karachi, Pakistan. All correspondence

should be addressed to the Editor- in- Chief.

Postal address:

Dr. Nasreen Afzal

Editor in Chief

Journal of History and Social Sciences

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University of Karachi

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Published By: Dr. Nasreen Afzal

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Printed At: BCC&T Press, University of Karachi, Karachi-Pakistan Copyright© 2010 Editor in Chief All right reserved

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CONTENTS

Editorial

ARTICLES

Barani’s Evidence on Tughluq Shah's Death (1-10) Dr. Riaz-ul-Islam

Comparing a major American city and its rebellions against itself

Los Angeles of 1965 and 1992 (11-32) James N. Upton & Judson L. Jeffries

Pakistan, Islam and Modernity (33-43) Dr. Tanveer Khalid & Dr. Azra Anjum

The Mamluk Historians and their Accounts on the Economy of

Egypt (44-66) Wan Kamal Mujani

Price Control Policy of Alauddin Khalji (67-84)

Humera Naz

Engravings of Gichi Nala (85-93) Ihsan Ullah Khan

Personhood and the Irrelevance of Determinisim (94-109)

Dr. Zahoor H. Baber

Obituary (110)

EDITORIAL

I am glad to present the second volume of the revived JHSS to its readers. Our primary objective is to provide a medium for the exchange of knowledge on social, political and economic issues of past present and future taking place in different culture, societies and states. JHSS aims to publish original researches on any issue of past present and future. The articles selected for this volume range from past to the present that attract readers of divers interest.

Professor Riazul Islam seminal research on Barani’s Evidence on Tughluq Shah’s Death is republished in this volume with the permission of his family. Professor Islam used original sources both in Persian and Turkish, for making his claim on the death of Tughluq Shah. He asserts that there was a plot to do away with Tughluq Shah. The basis of his assertion is reasonably strong that raise serious questions in Indian historiography of the reign of Tughluq. This research is significant for those who teach Indian medieval history and intends to work on this period.

Ihsan ullah Khan’s original research presents undiscovered inscriptions found in the vicinity of Chilas a city located in Karakorum Range, northern areas of Pakistan. Khan vividly describes images, and attempts to explain through them the social and religious trends of the isolated mountainous society. His research would be source of motivation for archeologists, anthropologists and ethnographers interested to work in the mountain ranges located at the border of Pakistan, China and India

Wan Kamal Mujani discusses the role of Mamluk historians and their narratives on the economy of Egypt. Mujani highlights the difficulties of historians in writing the economic conditions of their period. He gives reasons that why historians restricted to write on the political history and hardly provide the social and economic information of the past. His article leaves pertinent queries for the present historians of not only the Arab World but also of South Asia also where the historiography substantially restricted to political history. After reading Mujani’s article, Humaira Naz’s article gives an interesting surprise to JHSS’s readers as she focused her research on an important theme of economics during Alaudding Khilji period. Her article explains the Price Control Policy of Alaudding Khilji. She uses original sources for the assertions she made in this study. She

offers new dimension to this topic which would be of interests for those working on medieval period of Indian subcontinent. Her paper fall in the discipline of public policy as she offers a comprehensive analysis of how did it affect the public at large and how did it implement evenly in the vast land in the empire. James N. Upton and Judson L. Jeffries chose two uprisings of the recent past of Los Angeles because of their common characters, in authors’ views. Upton and Jeffries examine the uprisings of 1965 and 1992 in Los Angeles. They explore the differences and similarities between the two and attribute them to the changes in racial and class demographics of the city. They make the argument that both events were the political participation in accordance with the ethos of American democracy. Tanveer Khalid and Azra Anjum discuss the role of religion in changing the society and politics in Pakistan. Both authors give ample and plausible arguments for the moderate social norms in Pakistan. They connect regional and international developments with the increase in extremism in Pakistan. The issues of national identity and good governance are also well integrated in their analysis. The article provides a brief, but not trivial, solution to deal with radicalization of Pakistan’s moderate society. I am grateful for those who helped us in the publication of this volume. I hope that this issue will generate further research dimensions on the themes presented in the articles. Dr. S.M. Taha Editor

*Dr. Riaz ul Islam (Late) Prof. Emirates, Department of History (Gen), University of Karachi. 1 Ziya'uddtn Barnni, Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi, Bib. Indica, Calcutta, 1862, pp. 15-16. |

1. The event took place in 725/1325 C.E. The month assigned to the event by various modern authorities ranges from February to July. I prefer the date worked out by Professor Hodivala (see below for fuller reference), namely Jamadi I, corresponding to April, 1325 C.E. The force of this argument was recognized long ago. Nizamuddin Ahmad, a widely respected and judicious chronicler says, "It is evident that the author of Tankh-i-Firoz Shahi which was written in the reign of Sultan Firoz who had great regard for Sultan Muhammad, was reticent about the matter, out of regard for the

BARANI’S EVIDENCE ON TUGHLUQ SHAH'S DEATH

* Dr. Riaz-ul-Islam

In the preface to his Tarikh-z Firoz Shahi, Ziyauddin Barani cites Truth as one of the seven 'excellences' of History. A historian, he says, must be truthful and must write nothing but the truth. "It is an essential to history writing and a religious duty of the historian," observes Barani, "that while narrating the virtues, munificence, justice and generosity of a king or a notable personage, he should not omit to mention his offences and evils. He should not write history as a courtier. If it is safe, he may write (of their evils) openly, otherwise he should communicate his meaning by suggestion and allusion, for (the benefit of) intelligent readers."1 One wonders whether, in narrating the circumstances of Ghiyath-uddin Tughluq Shah's death, Barani was himself confronted with the situation indicated in the concluding sentence of the passage cited above from his preface. The Sultan's death occurred at Afghanpur near Dehli, when a pavilion, freshly built up for his reception, collapsed, trapping him underneath.2 A controversy has ranged since on the question whether or not the old Sultan's son and crown prince, Ulugh Khun, who succeeded to the throne with the title of Muhammad bin Tughluq (1325—51 C.E) was responsible for his father's death. Let us, for argument's sake, suppose that this was a case of parricide: could Barani then have expressly mentioned this in his Tarikh without incurring the wrath of Firoz Shah (1351—88 C.E), the reigning monarch to whom the work was dedicated with hopes of royal favour?3 1 Firoz Shah's regard for his imperial cousin, Muhammad binTughluq, is attested to by several sources, including Firoz's own

Jhss, Vol. 1, No.2 ,July to December 2010

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Futtlhat.4 While he may not have minded the adverse comments with which Barani's account of Muhammad bin Tughluq is dispersed, Firoz could not have stomached an open charge of murder against him. Such a charge would have been in the nature of a calumny against the whole Tughluq house. The only way for Barani (supposing parricide did take place) was to mention it indirectly and circuitously.

The death of Tughluq Shah, after a remarkably successful reign of five years, was an event of obvious importance: its impact was enhanced by its dramatic suddenness. Barani's brevity in the account of the Afghanpur tragedy is, therefore, all the more surprising. He gives no reason why the pavilion unexpectedly collapsed. His famous sentence, sa'iqa-ibala-i asmani bar zaminiyan nazil shud, was for long a centre of controversy,5 but it is now generally agreed that the precedence of sa'iqa before bala6 ensures that sa'iqa was used as a metaphor,

reigning monarch.”nTabaqat-i-Akbari, Bib. Indica, vol. I, text, p. 198, tr., pp. 214-215. Badayuni, Muntakhibut bTawarikh Bib. Indica, vol. I, text, p. 225 follows Nizamuddin Ahmad.

4. Futuhat-i-Firuz Shahi, British Museum 'MS, Or. 2039, f. 304b. Also see the Aligarh edition of the Futuhat-i-Firuz Shahi with translation and notes, ed. Sh. Abdur Rashid (Aligarh. n. d.), pp. 19-20, tr., pp. 27-28. Further evidence on this point has been brought together by the present writer in his thesis on Firoz Shah (unpublished, 'Aligarh 1946). Dr. Agha Mahdi Husain's contention about a reconciliation between Muhammad bin Tughlaq and Firoz 'presumably preceded by an estrangement' (Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, p, 210) is in fact based on a misinterpretation of Barani's words 'Sultan Muhammad az . . . Firuz . . . ba ghayat razi gasht' which only mean that the Sultan was very much pleased with Firoz (for his having devotedly tended the former during his last illness). Barani, p. 532. 5. The better-known discussions of the point are: (i) Sir W. Haig, FiveQuestions in the history of the Tughluq dynasty, JRAS, 1922, p. 331; (ii) Ishwari Prasad. History of tht Qarauna Turks in India, Allahabad, 1936, pp. 45-46 ; (ii i) Agha Mahdi Husain. The Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, London, 1938, pp. 68-69 ; (iv) S. Mo'inul Haq, Was Muhammad bin Tughluq a Parricide ? Muslim University Journal, Aligarh, 1939 ; (v) S. Mo'inul Haq, Barani's History of the Tughluqs, Karachi, 1959, p. 44; (vi) S. H. Hodivala, Studies in Indo-Muslim History, Bombay, 1939, pp. 292-3. 6. Agha Mahdi Husain's contention (pp. 68-69) that the

BARANI’S EVIDENCE ON TUGHaLUQ SHAH'S DEATH

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interchange of the words sa'iqa and bala would make no difference to meaning of the sentence is surprising. So the sentence is to be translated as 'the thunderbolt of calamity [and not 'the calamity of a thunderbolt'] descended from the heavens upon the people of the earth.' The juxtaposition of sky and earth, a Persian figure of speech, further confirms that the sentence is metaphorical. This sentence, however, gives no clue to the circumstances of Tughluq Shah's death. But a few stray passages in Baram's Tarikh, put alongside certain known facts, make one suspect that he had something more to say which he was trying to communicate circuitously to 'intelligent readers.' To make this clear, we will first give our own suggested recon-struction and then discuss the evidence for it. The people in general accepted and welcomed the rule of Tughluq Shah, but there was a small minority of malcontents and detractors who were secretly opposed to his regime. The malcontents comprised mainly two groups: First, those who had received land grants and cash rewards from the usurper Sultan Nasiruddin Khusrau (reigned 1320 C.E); their lands had been resumed and they had been called upon to refund the money they had accepted from Khusrau; some of them readily complied with the demand, but most of them procrastinated or refused to pay, inviting thereby the Sultan's wrath and punishment upon themselves (Barani, Tarikh. pp. 432-33, 439). And, second, those who were dissatisfied with the modest and small rewards which the Sultan was wont to give, and which appeared to them petty and stingy. All these people remained unreconciled to the rule of Tughluq Shah and they desired to have in his place someone inferentially like Muhammad bin Tughluq who would be generous with his money and give extravagant rewards. So they desired his destruction. That is as far as Barani's evidence, direct and indirect, goes. That, perhaps, was as much as he could say 'without getting into trouble. But he said enough to imply that the old Sultan's death occurred by design and not by accident. Now let us turn to the passages which bring out clearly that there were certain groups or cliques (tawa’if) who, for reasons of their own, could not bear to see a just and moderate Sultan like Tughluq Shah on the throne and desired to have someone else in his place.

(A) Baranl's Tdrikh-i Firoz Shahi, printed text, pp. 436-37, British

Museum Ms. Or. 2039,7 ff. 216 b-17 a


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7. For the purpose of this paper, I examined the manuscript of Ziyauddln Barani'i Tarikh-i-Fjroz Shahi in the British Museum, Or. 2039 (see Rieu, Catalogue of Persian MSp at the British Museum, III 919-20) This is one of the oldest manuscripts of the work. Rieu says it was apparently written in the 15th century. The seals of Hamida Bano Begum, Akbar's mother, and of the librarians of Emperor Shah Jahan and prince Dara Shakuh, add to the value of the manuscript. Written


5

in beautiful naskh, it is in an excellent state of preservation. Notwithstanding all this, the MS is a disappointment. Apart from several gaps pointed out by Rieu, there are innumerable instances of words and phrases missing or miswritten in the MS. A close reading of the MS. leaves little doubt that either the scribe was, despite his excellent hand, an extremely ignorant person or he transcribed from a very defective and inaccurate copy of the work. One Instance of the kind of errors with which this imposing MS is replete, is given here by way of illustration: Printed text, p. 437 —

Ms, f 217a—

The many omissions and errors in the manuscript, however, in no way modify the general sense of the passages under discussion. The crucial phrases and sentences (which have been italicized in the translation) are indeed identical in the printed text and the manuscript. It would be futile to note down all the omissions and mis-writings. J have, therefore, contented myself to noting down variants only where (he reading in the manuscript has proved helpful in correcting errors in the printed text.

8- in MS but not in printed text. 9- in printed text ; MS has - which fits in better and also occurs in several parallel passages. 10- in MS, printed text.


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11- MS has which also does not make sense. 12- so in printed text ; Ms has

Translation (A) Those who obtained treasures and wealth without any semblance of right to it, and those avaricious, greedy and treacherous people whose greed is not satiated even with thousands and lakhs, could not tolerate, and did not hesitate to speak ill of a ruler who was so just, moderate and benevolent as Sultan Tughluq Shah. They found fault with him just as they had done with a king like Sultan Jalaluddin Khalji, who was so firm a Mussalman and so fair-minded (lit. cognizant of right or claim) a king, because that (fault finding) is the chief characteristic of avaricious and greedy persons—persons who are inordinately fond of gold and silver and are lovers of tankahs and jltals. They could not tolerate seeing at their head a king who desired to see justice firmly established, who distinguished the rightful from the wrongful and suitable from the unsuitable occasion (for doing a thing), who followed the principle of 'doing a thing at i t s proper occasion,' and did not shower gold and wealth all at once on the greedy ones and the lovers of this world. These cliques (Tawa'if) wanted over them a king who would be a bestower and (at the same time) a spoiler, who would shed blood and give treasures, who would unlawfully take "away from thousands (of men) and give thousands to the undeserving, who would destroy long-established families, who would make paupers prosperous without any reason, who would exalt (the position of) mean, worthless, undeserving, incompetent, cruel and godless persons and give them high ranks and dignities, who would kill, destroy, harass and degrade those worthy of greatness, deserving of power, of virtuous character and possessed of pure morals, and who would immerse one in wealth and make another an object of ridicule before others. Men who hanker after the riches of this world and become i ts slaves, and the mean, the base-born and the wretched ones do not like and favour such a king (as Tughluq Shah) and never open their lips to praise him or his achievements. On the contrary, such men are the friends of a king who exalts the mean, the low-born and the worthless, who does not consider meanness of character a disqualification, and does not object (to it), who is agreeable to infidelity (kufr), atheism, heresy, wickedness and sin and who permits the open practice of grossly sinful deeds, who turns a blind eye on rightful claim and qualification, whose entire energies are spent on the satis-faction of carnal desires and who is, by his very nature, the


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enemy of nobility, high birth and accomplishments. (B) The covetous, the greedy, the irreligious and the dishonest spoke ill of such a well-wishing, fair-minded, right-practicing, just and world-protecting sovereign. And because they had received undeserved wealth without any right from Qutbuddin [Mubarak Khalji] when he was in a state of intoxication and passion, and from the infamous traitor Khusrau Khan [Nasiruddin] during the moments of his desperation and at the time when infidelity and unbelief held sway, these dishonest traitors maligned Tughluq Shah, and grumbled against such a just and fair-minded ruler; they awaited the downfall of his regime and significantly winked at each other ; they uttered words which only ungrateful and unrighteous persons would utter and attributed miserliness to such a kind-hearted and generous man. (C) The greedy, the avaricious, the unrighteous and the ungrateful, the stomachs of whose cupidity and the limits of whose greed would not be satiated even with the wealth of Korah, were tired of the government of such a king and had complaints against him and had an eye on the destruction of such a sovereign. In the first instance, it needs to be pointed out that these passages, especially the first one, stand so awkwardly and so incongruously in Barani's narrative, and the description therein of the qualities of the person whom the cliques (tawa'if) had in mind as an alternative to Tughluq Shah, is so entirely uncalled for that the whole thing demands an explanation. It will be seen that in the first of these passages, the character of the person whom the cliques wanted to supplant Tughluq Shah, is so delineated as to bear n pointed resemblance to the personality of Muhammad bin Tughluq as sketched by Barani himself. With one exception, every trait of character ascribed to the ruler desired by the tawa'if can be found in Barani's description of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The Sultan's propensity for shedding blood, his indiscriminate conferment of rewards on the deserving and the undeserving, the inordinately big size of his rewards, his association with skeptics and heretics, his favours to men of low origin whom he appointed to high and responsible posts, placing them in authority over men of high birth—all find frequent mention in Barani's chapter on Muhammad bin Tughluq (Barani, pp. 459, 460, 461, 465, 472, 499, 505-06). The single exception indicated above relates to moral corruption. Nowhere in his narrative has Barani accused Muhammad bin Tughluq of this; nay, he has positively praised the Sultan for the purity of his moral character (Barani, p. 460). One wonders whether this single variation was introduced by Barani as an


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escape-clause, in case the incriminating passage landed him into trouble. The likening of Tughluq Shah to Jalaluddin Firoz Khalji is also not without significance, for the latter too had a party of opponents and, further, he too fell a victim to a plot organized by his own kith and kin. The conclusions to which one is led by this scrutiny of Barani's evidence can be summed up as follows: first, there was a party or a set of cliques (tawa'if) who desired the destruction of Ghiyilthuddin Tughluq Shah. Secondly, this party wanted to have in his place someone like Muhammad bin Tughluq, inferentially Muhammad bin Tughluq himself. Thirdly, the party was numerous and important enough to receive such extended and repeated mention by Ziyauddin Barani. It is also clear from his account that members of this party were in touch with one another in the pursuit of their objective. Whether this party brought about the old Sultan's death, or whether its wishes were fulfilled providentially, still remains a moot point. The rancour and bitterness with which Barani denounces Tughluq Shah's enemies again and again, makes one suspect that he was speaking out of the anguish of knowing secretly that they had succeeded. This paper is focused on Barani's evidence on Tughluq Shah's death, and in particular on certain passages in the Tarikh-i Firoz Shdhi which have so long been altogether ignored.13 A discussion of the question of Muhammad bin Tughluq's responsibility for the event in the light of evidence drawn from different sources is beyond the scope of this paper. The matter has been discussed in detail by three well-known scholars, Dr. Ishwarl Prasad, Dr. Agha Mahdi Husain and Dr. S. Moinul Haq. Nevertheless some brief comments on the subject may relevantly be made here. Dr. Ishwari Prasad strongly suspects "the prince's complicity in the parricidal plot." According to him the evidence, contemporary and later, 13, A query may here arise as to why these passages in Barani's Tarikh remained unnoticed for so long. The most likely explanation is their non-inclusion in Elliot anb Dowson's History of India (London, 1887), This, in any case, does explain why these passages do not figure in Hodivala's Studies in Iiulo~\Iu$tim History and its Supplement. and the various attendant circumstances "lend support to the theory that the Sultan's death was the result of pre-meditation and conspiracy and not of accident".14 Dr. Prasad's theory, it wil l be seen, comes strikingly close to the inferences arising from Barani's above cited passages, but he too has ignored those


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passages. Dr. Agha Mahdi Husain has forcefully argued Muhammad bin Tughluq's innocence. That his approach is not unbiased is shown by the extent of reliance he has placed15 on the evidence of an ‘arz-dasht in the Insha'-i Mahru, written in the name of Shihnbuddaula. Governor of Badayun, to Muhammad bin Tughluq to condole with him upon the death of the late Sultan and also to felicitate him on his accession. It passes comprehension how a provincial governor, writing an official 'arz-dasht, could at all say anything even remotely suggestive of parricide. Rather, the very emphasis in this document on ' t h e strength and durability of the palace' arouses suspicion. The explanation given in this document should indeed be taken as the official version of the Afghanpur tragedy.

1 also beg to differ from the construction put by Dr. S. Mo'inul Haq on a verse of 'Isami. After describing the collapse of the pavilion that resulted in the Sultan's death, the poet says :

16 [Tr. One who is mature in age and has an eye for the metaphorical meaning), would make a different surmise from the story in the following manner], and then goes on to give an account of the event in a manner as to place the responsibility for it on the prince. This verse has been taken by Dr. Haq to mean that the poet "does not only exonerate the prince of the charge of conspiracy but definitely lays down that the story of the alleged plot is a guess-work of some clever minds",17—an interpretation which in fact would have been the farthest from the poet's own mind. Indeed the poet clearly indicates that he himself shared the surmise of those who suspected a plot behind the event, in the opening verses of his account of Muhammad bin Tughluq's accession. (Tr. When the ill-natured prince was free from his father's burial (rites), outwardly he pretended to mourn, inwardly he started


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making merry.)

To sum up, it seems certain that there was a plot to do away with Tughluq Shah. Whatever may be the final verdict on the extent of his son's connection with the plot, a close look into the foregoing passages in Ziyauddm Barani's Tarikh does raise the question as to why this contemporary chronicler described the qualities of the person whom the opponents of Tughluq Shah wanted to see on the throne in such a way as to evoke the image of Muhammad bin Tughluq. And if he was the plotters' candidate for the throne, as may reasonably be inferred, is it far-fetched to presume that they were acting with his knowledge and consent?18

18. Futiifi in Salatin p. 408.

Comparing a major American city and its rebellions against itself1: Los Angeles of 1965 and 1992

*James N. Upton and Judson L. Jeffries

Abstract

This article compares two of the most devastating uprisings of

the twentieth century. Using two models for social change we

examine and compare the Los Angeles uprisings of 1965 and

1992. While each uprising occurred in very different periods in

American history both have much in common. However, there

were also a number of distinct differences that can be

attributed to changes in racial and class demographics within

the city. Finally, despite the tendency to label these acts of

violence as riots [an outbreak of frivolous violence that lacks a

political purpose] the circumstances around which certain

communities in Los Angeles erupted in 1965 and 1992 show,

among other things, that both rebellions were a legitimate form

of political participation and very much a part of the American

ethos.

Keywords: uprising, revolt, Los Angeles, California, Blacks, police,

political participation.

*Prof. of Ohio State University, USA 1 The words uprising, rebellion and revolt are used interchangeably throughout this article. We do not use the word riot as we argue that a riot is mass violence that is frivolous and lacks a political purpose. Uprisings, rebellions and revolts are politically motivated acts of violence that are directed against those who are perceived to be the oppressor or supporters of the oppressor.

COMPARING A MAJOR AMERICAN CITY AND ITS REBELLIONS AGAINST ITSELF

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Introduction Los Angeles, has historically, been viewed as one of the planet’s most exciting and sophisticated world-class cities. It has long been a center of high finance, entertainment, trade, media, science and technology, education and fashion to name a few. Los Angeles was founded on September 4, 1781 by Spanish governor Felipe de Neve. It became a part of Mexico in 1821 following the Mexican War of Independence. In 1848, at the end of the Mexican American War, Los Angeles and the rest of California were purchased as part of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, thereby becoming part of the United States. Los Angeles was incorporated as a municipality on April 4, 1850, five months before California achieved statehood. Known as the city of Angels, Los Angeles is anything but. In fact, no city has over the years exemplified the contradictions embedded in American Democracy than does Los Angeles, California. W.E. B. DuBois, the Distinguished African American2 sociologist, prophesied in 1903 that the central issue defining race relations in the United States would be the problem of the color line. DuBois observed that the color line racialized America’s rich ethnic-cultural populations by creating two separate and very distinctive worlds, one colored and one white. As a result, people living in these two worlds only see blurred images and distortions of each other, and the color line prevents the best of both races from ever fully appreciating the other. Although the du jure color line was rendered null and void with the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the remnants of it still existed in Los Angeles (LA) between 1965 and 1992. This bifurcated society about which DuBois spoke has to a large degree been maintained and at other times widened by predominantly white police departments throughout the United States. DuBois himself admitted that the police system was created to maintain the color line.3 Although DuBois’s observation is somewhat oversimplified he is not totally off-base. In an American Dilemma, Swedish Sociologist Gunnar Myrdal argued that the U.S. has a history of using law enforcement to keep Blacks subdued and subjugated, dating back to slavery.4 For generations, the formal, officially approved role of the police, both in the South and often in the Northern “free” was that of oppressor: keeping slaves in their place and capturing and returning runaways to their owners and 2 The words African American and Black are used interchangeably according to sound and context. 3 W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Ballantine Books, 2003), 179-80. 4 Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper, 1944).


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later, enforcing Jim Crow-segregation laws.5 Decades later a similar pattern continued to persist. From 1920 to 1932 police officers were responsible for more than half of all the murders of Blacks in the South. White police officers were also responsible for 68 percent of African Americans killed outside of the southern region of the U.S.6 Despite gains made by the modern civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s a similar pattern of police abuses continued unabated. In the 1970s African Americans were seven times more likely than whites to be killed by police.7 A decade later Blacks were nine times more likely than whites to be killed by police.8 Police oppression of Blacks is seemingly no different today than it was decades or centuries ago. For example, in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio fifteen Black males were killed by white police officers from 1995 to 2001. Interestingly, no whites were killed during the same period. From DuBois’ perspective, the color line is a twice-told story that warrants re-telling.9 Democratic Models for Social Change In the social science literature, there are two general competing perspectives (or general models) for social change. One perspective is referred to as a conflict perspective; the other is a consensus perspective. The conflict perspective emphasizes the inherent conflict of interests between different groups in society, while the consensus perspective emphasizes the mutuality of interests. The conflict perspective stresses the role of the state in expressing the interests of a particular group (especially elites), and the consensus perspective presents the state as a value-neutral entity. In the latter setting, interest groups share a more or less equal footing, and balance is reached through a process of bargaining, compromise and negotiations.10 The primary concern in this discussion is the utility of violence (in the form of uprisings) from either a consensus or a conflict perspective. More specifically, each perspective is considered for its ability to achieve certain desired goals (i.e., due process and equal protection under the law), and equity in social and economic justice issues (i.e., employment, income, housing, and education).

5 William Murphy and B. Wood, Slavery in Colonial Georgia (Athens: University of

Georgia Press, 1984). 6 Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper, 1944). 7 Alphonso Pinkney, The Myth of Black Progress (New York: Cambridge

University Press, 1984). 8 Jill Nelson, 1985. “A Special Report on Police Brutality: The Blacks and the

Police”. Essence 16, 91. 9 W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk, p. 7. 10 Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few (New York: Bedford St. Martin’s,

2002), 14-16.


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In order to provide a framework for this discussion, two middle-range models are briefly discussed: the pluralist and elite models. The pluralist model can be subsumed under the consensus perspective, while the elite model can be included in the conflict perspective. The pluralists argue that all groups in society have access to decision making apparatuses and that the ability to be heard (usually through voting) is illustrative that pluralism works. The elite theorists astutely counter that the ability to be heard within the political system is not the same as sharing political and economic power. They argue, for example, that African Americans and other national minorities have fewer resources, compared to other white ethnic groups in American society, and hence are less likely to find participation in conventional political activities rewarding.11 They conclude that subordinate groups merely possess an illusion of access to resources.12 This illusion is demonstrated through conventional political activity, such as voting, running for elected office, giving public testimonies, and letter-writing campaigns.13 The result is that important decisions are made outside of conventional political channels. Thus, without access to levers of power and the financial resources to mobilize minorities, Blacks and other people of color are unable to effect public policy change despite the seriousness of their grievances. Deprived of the opportunity to present their grievance to those with the means to address them, the concerns of minority groups are often ignored or dismissed altogether by those with opposing political interests. Rules, procedures, qualifications, and laws designed from the perspective of the upper-middle class, work against poor people of color and poor whites through institutionalized and complex bureaucracies. Within this structure, which is exclusive and oftentimes stymies conventional means of redress, violence (e.g., the 1965 and 1992 Watts-South Central LA uprisings) becomes the functional equivalent of legitimate political activity. Thus, violence via urban uprisings is viewed as a legitimate form of protest to voice grievances; participants and non-participants within the 1965 Watts “curfew zone” seemingly concurred with this view.14 In their protest, they did not plan to fundamentally change the city’s economic relationships, but rather, they sought to be included in a system that had historically, not only excluded them, but exploited them as well. Their optimism

11 Edward Greenberg, The American Political System: A Radical Approach

(Glenview, IL: Scott, Foreman and Co., 1986). 12 Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few, p. 277. 13 Daniel Hellinger and Dennis R. Judd, The Democracy Façade (Belmont, CA:

Wadsworth Publishing Co, 1994) 125-126. 14 Alphonso Pinkney, Black Americans (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall,

2000) 50.


15

about the feasibility of this may have been a strong factor leading to the 1965 uprising. The implication from these views is that political violence may take place within or without the “pluralism” of American democracy. That is, violence is not in itself revolutionary. According to Donatella della Porta, there is no discontinuity between conventional politics and political violence (similar to diplomacy-war and persuasion-violence).15 Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. made a similar observation when he argued that when civil protest fails to be heard, “it is not transformed into resignation and passivity . . . The cohesive, potentially explosive Negro community . . . has a short-fuse” and will respond violently to gross injustices.16 Both are “collective attacks within a community against a political regime.”17 Elite theorists, therefore, urge social scientists to analyze the decision-making process from the “bottom-up” instead of from the “top-down”.18 This is the perspective from which the 1965 and 1992 LA uprisings are discussed. Anatomy of Two Uprisings: The Social Context of the 1965 and 1992 Los Angeles Rebellions For nearly twenty five years, Watts was the main port of entry for most African American migrating from Louisiana and Texas. No city experienced more of a Black population boom than did Los Angeles after World War II, where the Black population increased eightfold, from 75,000 in 1940 to 600,000 by 1965. The influx was mainly attributed to the employment prospects that existed in Los Angeles’s shipyards, manufacturing economy, and aerospace industry. The aircraft buildup played an especially prominent role in luring southern migrants to the city, as the warm weather and abundance of sprawling, open land attracted the earliest makers of aircraft, and Greater Los Angeles became the most important aircraft production center in the nation. Until the 1930s, most aircraft were built manually. Donald Douglas, the founder of the Douglas Aircraft Company, established his factory on an airfield in Santa Monica. The Lockheed Aircraft Company was established in Hollywood and North American Aviation was established in Inglewood. After Congress authorized a massive defense buildup in 1940 and the Japanese

15 Donatella, della porta, Social Movement, Political Violence, and the State: A

Comparative Analysis of Italy and Germany (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

16 Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967) 21.

17 Donatella, della porta, Social Movement, Political Violence, and the State: A Comparative Analysis of Itlay and Germany, p. 2-3.

18 Michael Parenti, Democracy for the Few (New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2002).


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attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, these factories expanded enormously, creating thousands of jobs. However, by the late 1950s, these opportunities had dried up for Blacks, as employers replaced them with Mexicans, Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Armenians, Chinese, Koreans, Vietnamese, and Filipinos. Illegal immigrants were especially sought-after, because they could be paid less and were offered few if any benefits. Consequently, Blacks felt used and left out. It did not take long before Blacks learned that while they may have escaped the scorching burn of waters and cattle prods that they encountered frequently in the racist American South, Los Angeles was not the land of milk and honey they had envisioned on their long trek from the Southern region of the United States. Many whites, on the other hand, saw Los Angeles as the picture of paradise, the representation of the American dream, one that featured a palatial yet affordable home with an in-ground swimming pool and a glamorous job. For many African Americans, Los Angeles turned out to be a nightmare as whites made plain their feelings toward them. Almost every attempt by Civil Rights groups to expand job and housing opportunities was met with white hostility. One example of this contempt surfaced in November 1964, when California voters repealed the Rumford Fair Housing Act, a measure designed to challenge entrenched patterns of social bias in the housing market, in a constitutional referendum by a 2 to 1 margin. Support for repeal was extraordinarily high in southern California and was in the eighty to ninety percent range among the white population surrounding the Black community in Los Angeles County. The vote was widely viewed as a hardening of white sentiment with respect to integrated housing. Not surprisingly, tensions between Blacks and non-Blacks, but especially Whites rose dramatically. From 1959 to 1965, a period Mike Davis calls the winter of discontent, one begins to see the absolute income gap between Blacks and whites widen significantly. In heavily Black South Central Los Angeles, median incomes declined by almost a tenth, and Black unemployment skyrocketed from 12 percent to 20 percent (30 percent in Watts). Twenty percent of Watts residents were on welfare, compared to 5 percent for the rest of the country. Moreover, the poverty rate in Watts was an astonishing 41 percent, while it was “only” 20 percent in nearby Willowbrook, a predominantly white community. Despite picturesque, palm tree-lined streets, and quaint bungalows with manicured forest-green laws, South Central Los Angeles’s housing stock was dilapidated, the “largest blighted area of any U.S. city” according to the Regional Planning Commission.


17

Given the circumstances, by the early 1960s, Los Angeles was wrought with ethnic and racial tensions, and by 1965, these tensions reached a fever pitch. The range of problems as perceived by Blacks included police brutality, merchant exploitation, inadequate public services, media slandering, poverty, unemployment, discrimination, and poor housing conditions.19 With the exception of racial and demographic changes, the economic divisions that had distinguished racial and ethnic communities in 1965 remained the same (or had worsened) by 1992.20 For example, in 1969 the poverty rate among African Americans was 21.2 percent, significantly lower than the 33.8 percent by 1990. The size of the white population in LA dropped from 60.1% in 1970 to 37.3% in 1990. The Latino population increased from 18.5% in 1970 to 43% in 1990. The African American population declined from 17.3% in 1970 to 13% in 1990, while the Asian population increased from 3.7% in 1970 to 9.2% in 1990 (see Table 1).21 These developments undoubtedly fomented an environment that was conducive to violent upheaval. In 1965, the African American community in Los Angeles earned an infamous place in history by way of the Watts uprising. And, twenty seven years later, within the same curfew zone of the 1965 uprising, the world witnessed the largest and most destructive uprising in the twentieth century America in South Central Los Angeles. Interesting parallels can be drawn between the two rebellions. In both cases, community residents believed they had been, for decades, the victims of police harassment and brutality, not to mention merchant exploitation. Some within the African American community in 1965 perceived police brutality on different levels. Citizens cited such complaints as: … lack of respect, insulting language, rousting and frisking without good reason, stopping and searching of cars for no reason, unnecessary force in arrest, people beaten up in custody, and the searching of homes for no reason.22

According to Horne, there were 65 police shootings of African Americans between January 1, 1962 and July 31, 1965, resulting in only one verdict against the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD), other than justifiable homicide. In response, there were approximately 250 incidents of African American protest demonstrations during this

19 Joe R. Feagin and Clairece B. Feagin, Racial and Ethnic Relations

(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1993) 416. 20 Marcy E. Mullins. 1993. “LA Changes under Bradley,” USA Today, July 1, A9. 21 Los Angeles Times. 1992. “Understanding the Riots”, p. 26. 22 David O. Sears and John B. McConahay, The Politics of Violence: The New

Urban Blacks and the Watts Riot (Boston: Houghton Mifflin) 56.


18

same time period with very few positive results.23 In addition to complaints of police brutality, the passing of Proposition 14 and discrimination in employment opportunities were two other major issues that preceded the 1965 Watts uprising. The passing of Proposition 14 in November 1964 repealed the Rumford Fair Housing Act. This act was designed to challenge entrenched patterns of racial bias in the housing market. Proposition 14 voided California’s fair housing laws (LA Times 1992, 21). Many African Americans in LA viewed Proposition 14 as the new “Berlin Wall,” bolstering residential segregation. The significance of Proposition 14 cannot be overstated. Many African Americans in LA felt locked into a low-income, over-inflated housing market, and consequently resigned to inadequate schools. Moreover, in the weeks preceding the Watts uprising, the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) had staged a series of demonstrations aimed at then-Mayor Sam “Yorty’s blocking the dissemination of antipoverty funds from Washington” (Horne 1995, 49, 52). Indeed, these funds would have provided a temporary softening of unemployment in the Watts area (Yette 1996, 39-40). The 1965 Uprising: Police Brutality The spark of the 1965 rebellion began with the arrest of Marquette Frye in reaction to an altercation with the California Highway Patrol (CHP). Frye was arrested for driving under the influence of alcohol. His brother Ronald had returned from military service duty, and they had celebrated his homecoming. On August 11 at 7:45 pm, after consuming a few drinks, they were stopped by California Highway Patrolman (CHP) Lee Minikus at the cross streets of 116th and Avalon in the heart of Watts. Within minutes a crowd started to form, watching Marquette Frye take a sobriety test and undergo his subsequent arrest. Suddenly, Frye’s mother, Mrs. Rena Frye, appeared. Tempers flared. Rocks and bottles were thrown. The angry crowd grew from 100 to 200 people. The police moved in to disperse the crowd, and as they left, one officer thought someone in the crowd had spat on him. Several officers pulled Marquette’s pregnant girlfriend from the crowd and arrested her also. This final arrest seemed to push the crowd over the edge and violence erupted. At the end of six days [from August 11 to 16] of chaos and destruction, 34 lives were lost, with estimated property damages of

23 Gerald Horne, Fire This Time: The Watts Uprising and the 1960s.

(Charlottesville, VA: The University Press of Virginia, 1995) 46, 68.


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$40 million as a result of looting and arson. A total of 1,000 buildings were destroyed and/or damaged (see Table 2). Nearly 4,000 residents were arrested, of whom most were African Americans. In 1965, the Watts area was over 80 percent African American. Reports claimed that 35,000 adults were “active rioters,” and 72,000 were described as “close spectators”.24 In order to restore order in the Watts area, nearly 14,000 National Guard troops, 934 LA police officers and 719 sheriff’s deputies were summoned.25 When the dust settled much of Watts lay in ruins. The federal government announced a $7.6 million reconstruction project for Watts, even though the damage was estimated at a whopping $40 million.26

In the aftermath of the 1965 upheaval, the LAPD created the Community Resources Against Street Hoodlums (CRASH), a unit designed to rid the streets of “hoodlums” and “riff-raffs,” and by 1979, 58 LA residents had been shot by the LAPD, fourteen of whom had died27. Although every shooting had been challenged, it was in 1976 that the conflict between the Watts community and the LAPD began to escalate. The shooting of an unarmed 17-year-old African American high school youth, Barry Evans, was a turning point. According to Stern and Cohen, two LAPD officers stopped Evans in the walkway of his family’s apartment, “An argument erupted that turned into a fight, and one of the officers fatally shot the unarmed Evans in the back, claiming that the teenager was going for his partner’s gun” (Stern and Cohen 1982, 473). After nine months of protest, the District Attorney agreed to investigate. His conclusion was that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute. More than 100 people organized a group called People United and charged the LAPD with murder and accused them of a cover-up. The Police Protective League (PPL), the city’s powerful police union, retaliated by suing People United for libel. Although the libel case was thrown out of court, the law suit frightened off many People United members who feared for their jobs and homes. Some believe the LAPD’s objective was to create a climate of fear that no opponent would dare challenge (Stern and Cohen 1982). Setting aside all fear, over 20 different community groups joined forces under a new organization called Coalition Against Police Abuse (CAPA), which continued to challenge every killing by

24 Thomas F. Parker, Violence in the U.S.: Vol 1. (New York: Facts on File, Inc,

1974) 104-111. 25 David O. Sears and John B. McConahay, The Politics of Violence: The New

Urban Blacks and the Watts Riot, p. 9. 26 Thomas Parker, Violence in the U.S.: Vol 1, p. 5. 27 Susan Stern and Richard Cohen. 1982. “Killer Cops,” in Crisis in American

Institutions (Boston: Little Brown & Co) 471.


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members of the LAPD. In 1977, CAPA succeeded in pressuring the City Council to hold public hearings on police shootings. Although the City Council took no actions, the hearings did provide a political platform for CAPA to air its grievances and attempt to rein in what CAPA considered to be unbridled police power. CAPA teamed up with the Greater Watts Justice Center in a law suit against the LAPD to gain public access to citizen complaint records. In retaliation in 1978, the PPL pushed through SB 1436, legislation that not only restricted access to police records, but also restricted information that may be obtained in the courtroom (Stern and Cohen 1982, 476). Two killings in 1979 served to undermine the power of PPL. The first was the shooting of a gas station employee, Cornelius Tatum, who was reported to have kept a shot gun in his booth for protection. The gas station attendant was immediately put under surveillance by the LAPD. While Tatum was reaching for a pack of cigarettes, undercover LAPD officers opened fire, severely wounding the attendant. Tatum was paralyzed for life. This incident was played out in an LA courtroom in the summer of 1979 when the District Attorney, for the second time in 14 years, “brought LAPD officers to trial for a civilian shooting.” They were charged with “assault with a deadly weapon.” The PPL staged a protest against the District Attorney John Van de Kamp. The new Police Chief Daryl Gates (who had replaced Ed Davis as Chief of LAPD in 1978) angrily and publicly denounced the District Attorney’s decision. Although the charges were eventually dropped, this marked the second time in fourteen years that local grassroots organizations had succeeded in bringing charges against the LAPD. CAPA and the Greater Watts Justice Center viewed this as a minor victory. Another minor turning point took place in 1979 when Eulia Mae Love was shot eight times by members of the LAPD. Mrs. Love had allegedly struck a gas company employee who had come to turn off her gas. The gas company called the police. When the police arrived, they claimed that Mrs. Love had threatened them with a knife, and that they had fired their weapons in self-defense.28 African Americans were outraged; and found the LAPD’s version unconvincing. Over 200 African American women led by then state assemblywoman Maxine Waters (now Congresswoman Waters) held a vigil on the lawn of the Parker Center, the LAPD headquarters.29 Although the District Attorney did not indict the police officers in the Love case, the Police Commission, for the first time in its history, conducted a major investigation into the shooting, and declared that the police officers in

28 Los Angeles Times. 1992. “Understanding the Riots”. Los Angeles, CA, p. 25. 29 Susan Stern and Richard Cohen, p. 477.


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question were in violation of the LAPD gun policy. The Police Commission later announced that in the future it would review every police shooting. In defense of the LAPD, Police Chief Daryl Gates pledged to restore the department’s national standing, and the PPL immediately launched a $1 million dollar public relations campaign .30 Between 1979 and 1980, 13 more LA residents were shot by the police.31 This was the prelude to the sequence of events that would lead to the 1992 uprising. The 1992 LA Uprising: Merchant Exploitation and Police Brutality In both situations (1965 and 1992), many African Americans communities felt they were being exploited by local business owners. By 1992, however, Korean Americans were the primary merchants in the South Central Los Angeles area.32 For various reasons, some African Americans perceived Korean American merchants as exploitative of them, and a conflict developed around issues of substandard merchandise, inflated prices, and a general lack of respect for African American customers.33 During a five year period (1987-1992), the number of Koreans immigrating to the U.S. rose from 487,000 to 841,500. One manifestation of institutional racism found in some African American neighborhoods is the rate at which banks help non-African American applicants to establish businesses relative to African American applicants. While those figures are difficult to obtain, what is clear is that, in South Central Los Angeles, Korean American shop-owners were more common than African American owners, even in African American neighborhoods.34 This banking policy led to one of the most tragic examples of friction between African American and Korean Americans—the killing of a 15-year-old African-American girl, Latasha Harlins. On March 16, 1991, Harlins was shot in the back of the head by a Korean storeowner, Soon Ja Du at the Empire Liquor Market on 9th and Figueroa Streets (considered the epicenter of the riot zone). The deadly confrontation began when Harlins was accused of trying to

30 Los Angeles, Times. 1992. “Understanding the Riots.” p. 25. 31 Susan Stern and Richard Cohen, p. 486. 32 Y. Lee. 1992. “Can Blacks and Koreans Get Along?” Indianapolis Recorder,

June 6, A5. 33 Nancy Abelman and John Lie, Blue Dreams: Korean Americans and the Los

Angeles Riots (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). 34 Patrick Joyce, Black-Korean Conflicts and the Future of America’s Cities

(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003).


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steal a bottle of orange juice priced at $1.79. Eyewitness accounts and the closed-circuit store video report Harlins showing Du the orange juice in the backpack she was carrying and money ($2.00) to pay for the juice. Inexplicably Du reached across the counter and grabbed Harlins bag. A fight ensued and blows were exchanged. After Du recovered the orange juice, Harlins turned her back to Du and proceeded to walk out of the store. Du then pulled a gun from under the counter and shot the teenager in the back of the head. The surveillance video also shows that when the first two police officers arrived on the scene, they, curiously, did not check Harlins for vital signs. Both officers can be seen walking around the body, without checking whether she could be revived or if she needed medical attention.35 In the trial of Soon Ja Du, Superior Court Judge Joyce Karlin disallowed a charge of first degree murder. Du was found guilty of involuntary manslaughter; even Du’s probation officer admitted that he believed that Du deserved the maximum sentence, 16 years, in part “because Mrs. Du displayed no remorse for her behavior”.36 Karlin, though, sentenced Soon Ja Du to five years probation, 400 hours of community service, reimbursement of the cost of Harlins’ funeral and a $500 fine.37 Judge Karlin defended her decision by “characterizing that Harlins’ attack was brutal, violent and vicious…” and Harlins is described as Du’s assailant and as being much stronger than the shopkeeper. Also, in an interview Karlin stated that “I think there is a fear by the Koreans of African American people.”38 One reporter notes, Judge Karlin had the audacity to lecture Blacks and Koreans on their responsibility to one another. She stated, “Latasha Harlins’ death should be remembered as a catalyst that must force members of the African American and Korean communities to confront an intolerable situation by creating constructive solutions so that a similar tragedy can never be repeated again.”39 What Judge Karlin saw as a move toward “healing” was actually a step in the opposite direction. The community responded to the verdict with protests, letter writing campaigns, and a voter recall effort against Judge Karlin. Once again, the African American community

35 L. J. Hong. 1992. “Harlins Family, Du Settle Negligence Suit,” Asian Week,

July 24, p. 12. 36 Los Angeles Sentinel. 1993, March 3, A1. 37 Los Angeles Sentinel. 1991, December 2, A1. 38 Los Angeles Sentinel. 1993, March 3, A1. 39 Los Angeles Times. 1992. “Understanding the Riots.” P. 40;Wanda Coleman.

1993. Blacks Immigrants and America. Remembering Latasha, Harlins, Nation, February 15, p. 8.


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received a negative message from the legal system about the value placed on African American life. Wanda Coleman, a reporter for The Nation, writes that the problem best exemplified by the Harlins’ tragedy is the “price of entry” for immigrants to be successful in America.40 The “price of entry” is the belief that African American people are inferior. To fail to accept this tenet of American life is to jeopardize what is already a tenuous existence for newly arrived immigrants. Social critics claim that when merchants like Soon Ja Du mimic white fear of African Americans, their behavior is condoned and often rewarded in the U.S. The Harlins’ case was soon overshadowed by another event that gained world-wide attention—the savage public beating of Rodney King, and the subsequent “not guilty” verdict rendered by the Simi Valley jurors on behalf of the perpetrators.41 The upheaval that followed the not-guilty verdict in response to the King beating resulted in a total of 51 deaths, 4,000 injuries, nearly 12,000 arrests, and $1 billion in property damages (see Table 3). Of the 51 reported deaths, 25 were African Americans, 19 were Latinos, and 7 were Anglo Americans. Approximately 60 percent of the arrests for “riot-related” violations in LA were of Latinos.42 In an attempt to restore order, President George H. W. Bush authorized 1,500 Marines, 3,000 Army Infantry Troops, 6,500 National Guards, and 1,000 Federal Officers from the Border Patrol, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms, and other agencies to help quell the violence (see Table 3). In the interest of national security, more than 300 African Americans were arrested in San Francisco on the second day of the LA uprising prior to the imposition of a curfew. San Francisco Mayor Frank Jordan and the Police Chief claimed, incredibly, that, given the state of emergency in LA, the arrest of African American citizens in San Francisco was legal. A class action law suit was filed and those arrested won a $1 million out-of-court settlement to be divided among them and their attorneys.43 Arrests “in the interest of national security” took place all over the country, although on a much smaller scale than what occurred in San Francisco. Protests occurred in such cities as Atlanta, Las Vegas, Miami, Seattle and Tampa, Florida. 40 Wanda Coleman, p. 8. 41 T. Matthews et al. 1992 “The Seige of LA,” Newsweek, May 11, p. 30-37. 42 M. Schubb. 1992. “Race, Lie and Videotape: The LA Upheaval and the Media,”

Extra, July/August, p. 9. 43 Columbus Dispatch. 1998, February 13, 4A.


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The more things change the more they stay the same The conditions under which both uprisings occurred were very similar, yet different. In 1965 Los Angeles, like in 1992, Los Angeles was among the top two largest cities [behind New York and Chicago] in the U.S. According to the 1960 census, in 1960 there were 2,479,015 residents in Los Angeles. In 1990, Los Angeles, California was home to 3,485,398 people, and in 1992, like in 1965 was one of the most substantial economic engines within the United States. Still, it should be noted many of the conditions under which Blacks lived in 1965 also existed in 1992, namely police brutality. No governmental agency attracted more attention from the news media after World War II than did the Los Angeles Police Department. Several television programs portrayed the police department as an impartial and professional guardian of the law. In realty, the police force more closely resembled the movie LA Confidential than it did television’s Adam-12 or Dragnet. Some of the notable differences, however, include the following. In 1965 Los Angeles the city’s mayor was a conservative white by the name of Sam Yorty. In 1992, the city’s mayor was Tom Bradley, a moderate African American. In 1965, Blacks were easily the second largest population in the city. By 1992, Latinos had far surpassed African Americans the city largest minority group. Despite those developments Blacks were in no better shape socially, economically, and politically than they were in 1965. In his book Burn Baby Burn: The Autobiography of the Magnificent Montague, a popular Los Angeles deejay implies that “1965 Los Angeles was no different than the Los Angeles of 1955.”44 It is in the same spirit that the authors of this paper submit that the Los Angeles of 1992 was no different than the Los Angeles of 1965. Analysis of the 1965 and 1992 Uprisings In conformity with the conflict perspective for social change, the 1965 and 1992 uprisings marked the apex of African American militancy in the U.S., as African Americans in Los Angeles challenged the color line. As Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and others have noted, the 1965 Watts uprising was a new form of social protest that emerged as a reaction to the abuse of elite white power (McAdam 1999, 221), and the failure of the Civil Rights Movement to resolve the race question in America.45 As Body-Gendrot notes changes can be made within any political regime based on the realization of resources available and what can

44 Magnificent Montaque with Bob Baker, Burn Baby! Burn! The Autobiography of

the Magnificent Montague (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2003). 45 Martin L. King Jr., Where Do We Go From Here, p. 18, 20, 46.


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be done with those resources, within a confined geo-political space. Body-Gendrot concludes that insurrectionists are both victims and agents of social change, and are, therefore, “not devoid of resources.”46 As this discussion indicates, the uprisings that occurred in 1965 and 1992 in LA were due to conflicts between the African American community in Watts-South Central and the LAPD and the local elites it was sworn to protect. Both were marked by violence and the police in Watts and South Central LA had become an army of occupation. There were charges of daily arrests and beatings over trivial misdemeanors. African American motorists complained of being constantly stopped and harassed, and some African American women complained of being stopped and raped.47 According to Horne “What began as a ‘black riot’ aimed principally at the police quickly became a police riot aimed principally at blacks”48 Therefore, conceiving of urban violence as politically meaningful acts in a struggle between power holding groups and the emergence of minority groups on the urban scene, appears to be a promising and insightful framework for interpreting political violence. This is indeed a significant paradigm shift in the study of racial violence. Few can deny that these outbreaks are inchoate and diffuse, but they are also not totally disorganized. Pinkney and others describe the racial uprisings that occurred in LA and many other US cities as “urban guerrilla warfare”.49 In many uprisings, including Los Angeles of 1965 and 1992, there were various tactical forms of assault employed. The uprisings were viewed by some scholars as relatively successful. Many low-income African Americans did receive government jobs in the aftermath of the revolts, although this trend was temporary.50 As H.L. Nieburg reminds us, meaningful social change requires the capacity to force demands from the dominant power-holders in society.51 While disaffected minorities may suffer the greater casualties (34 deaths in 1965 and 51 deaths in 1992) in a violent confrontation,

… they may also win by testing the cost-risk-benefit constraints of the strong; for both sides risk arises from the loss of ability to limit, control, or predict the dynamics of a confrontation crisis.52

46 Sophie, Body Gendrot, pp. 216-217. 47 Los Angeles Times. 1992. “Understanding the Riots,” p. 15. 48 Gerald Horne, p. 141. 49 Alphonso, Pinkney, Black Americans (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentince-Hall,

2000) 50. 50 Ibid. 51 H. L. Nieburg, Political Violence (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1969). 52 H.L. Nieburg, p. 12.


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Nieburg maintains that “society is inherently composed of competitive individuals and groups, all struggling to maintain or advance their position or advantage of a wide variety of means”53 The uprisings had succeeded in nationalizing race beyond the geo-political boundaries of Watts-South Central LA, thereby insuring that the conflict would no longer be confined to one city or a particular region of the country or ignored altogether. Furthermore, the violence provoked significant disruption of the public order and forced federal intervention in the conflict. Indeed the legally constituted authority in Watts-South Central L.A, was overthrown by the residents. The LAPD and Sheriff’s Department had lost control of the uprising. Consequently, the U.S. Army, Marines, National Guard, and federal officers from the Border Patrol, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms, and other agencies were brought in to help restore order.54 The ties that link the 1965 Watts uprising to the 1992 South Central LA revolt are the alleged abuses of the LAPD. Similar to the 1965 disorder, public commissions (McCone Commission 1965; Kerner Commission 1968; Christopher Commission 1992; and so on) and police advisory boards were formed to study the uprisings. However, by 1994, most of the commissions’ recommendations were still on the drawing board, most notably a police-community advisory board. “Likewise, the plan to retest officers psychologically during the course of their careers was not implemented. Yet, there are other ways that the 1965 and 1992 uprisings are linked. The failure of law enforcement to demonstrate a monopoly of violence gave rise to a proliferation of fire arms sales and a rise in vigilante groups and street gangs in LA. As Body-Gendrot (1994, 214) carefully observes, the lack of state control of violence in the U.S. has led to individuals and groups taking up arms to protect themselves. Indeed, in the days following the 1992 uprising California residents purchased approximately 20, 578 guns (Mullings 1993, 748). Conclusion John Locke, regarded as one of the most influential Enlightenment thinkers, argued that human nature is characterized by tolerance and reason (Locke 2007). In many areas of the country, African Americans have for years, tolerated unchecked repression. However, as some Blacks have experienced, read about and heard about long standing acts of oppression and repression, they have apparently concluded what any reasonable person would—that if something is

53 H.L. Nieburg, p. 16. 54 David O. Sears and John B. McConahay, The Politics of Violence: The New

Urban Blacks and the Watts Riot, p. 13.


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not done to alleviate the conditions to which they have been consigned the only viable resource at their disposal is that of violent upheaval. Discussion of the outbreaks of violence in 1965 and 1992 in Los Angeles is illustrative of the anatomy of urban uprisings. For instance, the 1965 revolt represents perhaps one of the last expressions of violent political protest of the modern civil rights movement. In the words of Derrick Bell, then Harvard University Law Professor, this form of violence is a protest against “the permanence of racism” (racial prejudice). According to Bell, “the permanence of this ‘symbiosis’ ensures that civil rights gains will be temporary and setbacks inevitable.”55 Thus, according to Bell, by 1992 the U.S. had created a permanent underclass (a massive population at the bottom of the social class ladder) afflicted with poor education, poor housing, poor jobs, and existing in a near-hopeless state of stagnation. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. opined that uprisings are the expressions of the muted and muffled voices of citizens-they are African American, poor whites, Latino, and Asian. Manning Marable contends that the 1992 Los Angeles uprising was generated by the permanence of poverty and unemployment in communities of color. He further claims that America’s race/class “fault line” is far more unpredictable than California’s San Andreas Fault line. According to Marable, America’s race/class fault line is “the jagged division of color and income, education and privilege which slashes across the soul of this nation”.56 In the final analysis, the actual test of democracy comes from the lives of people living in a democratic society. Political scientists analyze populations through voting or political efficacy models and sociologists use conflict and consensus models, but traditions, norms, and customs are passed from generation to generation. Society is not static, but the dynamics of change often appear immutable in terms of racial, ethnic, and gender ideologies. Analyses of the permanence of racism in American society can be found as early as the 1800s (e.g., Anna Julia Cooper and W.E.B. Du Bois). Through persistent pressure for civil rights, de jure discrimination and segregation laws have been eradicated, but de facto discrimination and segregation permeates American society. Race and gender segregation in the labor market still exists, as do, segregated neighborhoods, segregated housing patterns, churches, schools, recreation centers, and numerous other

55 Derrick Bell, Faces at the Bottom of the Well: The Permanence of Racism

(New York: Basic Books, 1992) 10. 56 Manning Marable. 1992. “The Race/Class Fault Line,” Extra, n.d.


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public facilities. Although in the twenty first century many public arenas include people of various races and ethnic groups, the problem of the “color line” that W.E.B. Du Bois discussed at the beginning of the 20th century remains immutable at the first decade of the 21st century. These discussions suggest that an ideology of racism in American society is intertwined with a persistent culture of violence, which was vividly presented in Michael Moore’s documentary, Bowling for Columbine.57 The historical background on which American democracy was founded helped to foster these two aspects of contemporary American society. On the one hand, these are two of the most prominent elements of American culture, and yet, on the other hand, they are the least acknowledged. The liberal democracy of the American political system promotes a cycle of denial while maintaining racism and violence directed at poor African Americans.58 This is reinforced through continued beliefs (embedded in language, media, and stereotypes) in slavery myths about the inferiority, bestiality, promiscuity, primitiveness, laziness, and so on, of people of African ancestry. Statistics from the 2000 U.S. Census reports indicate that African American poverty levels were similar (or higher, proportionately) than those recorded in 1960. The standard of living for African Americans in urban centers is equivalent to inhabitants of some Third World nations. The arrest rate and imprisonment of African American males surpasses those of other ethnic/racial groups (in proportion to their percentage of the population). Institutional racism permeates society and can be seen in innumerable examples of overt and covert discrimination. In summary, the claim advanced from this discussion is that, in consideration of the type of democracy that has developed in the U.S., it is not surprising that violence has become a viable option for political expression. Relatively few Americans (of any race) participate in the two most conventional means of political activity, which are voting and political campaigning. Historically: [with the exception of the last few presidential elections], less than 50 percent of registered voters in the U.S. turn out to vote in national elections.59 For African Americans, there are even fewer opportunities for expressing dissatisfaction with political, economic and social community conditions. In fact, African American political activists are confronted with racist hostility from both liberal and conservative Americans, who perceive government services and affirmative action 57 Michael Moore, Bowling for Columbine (DVD). Santa Monica, CA: MGM Home

Entertainment, 2002. 58 Martin L. King Jr., p. 68. 59 Hellinger and Judd, p. 168.


29

programs that cater to unqualified minorities, namely African Americans at the at the expense of white Americans. These and other racialized myths are perpetuated by the media and influence public opinion, thereby reinforcing an entrenched racist ideology that is very much a part of the American ethos.

TABLE 1

RACIAL/ETHNIC COMPOSITION LOS ANGELES: 1970 & 1990

1970 1990 Whites 60.1% Whites 37.3% Latinos 18.5% Latinos 43.0% African Americans 17.3% African Americans 13.0% Asians 3.7% Asians 9.2% Source: Mullins, 1993:9A


30

TABLE 2 LOS ANGELES UPRISING, 1965

Riot Severity Reported: Deaths Injured Arson Date Police Other Police Other # of Bldgs Total Cost August 11 11

12 13 14 2 132 15 16 183 Total 1,032 8004 $40 million5 Police Action Reported: Police ype6

Date Arrests Local State National7 August 11 yes yes 12 yes yes yes 13 yes yes yes yes8 14 yes yes yes 10,0009 15 yes yes yes yes 16 3,95210 719 934 13,90011 1The first death occurred on Friday, August 11, 1965. 2By Saturday, August 14, 1965, 16 people were dead including one fireman and one policeman. 3On Monday, August 16, 1965, 18 more people were killed. A total of 34 people were killed of whom 28 were African American (David Sears and John McConahay, 1973:7-9). 4200 buildings were destroyed and 600 were damaged during the riots. However, the number of buildings damaged, burned, looted or destroyed totaled nearly 1,000 (Sears and McConahay, 1973:9; Pinkney, 1993:204). 5The damages were estimated at 40 million dollars (Sears and McConahay, 1973:9). 6The total amount of troops sent into Watts were: 12,364 National Guards, 1,017 County Sheriffs, 1,430 LA Police Officers, 68 Highway Patrol (Parker, 1974:108). 7Former Lt. Gov. Glenn M. Anderson “…signed a proclamation ordering California National Guard units to assist police in restoring law and order in Los Angeles… it has become clear that local police can no longer control the situation” (Parker, 1974:107).


31

8This was the first evening the National Guard was on patrol, after requesting help. 9As of August 14, 10,000 National Guards had been deployed (Parker, 1974:9). 10Of the 3,952 arrested, 60 percent were later convicted (Sears and McConahay, 1973:9). 11Also, 934 local and state police and 719 sheriff’s deputies were deployed (Parker, 1974:9). By August 16, 13,900 National Guards had been deployed (Sears and McConahay, 1973:9).


32

TABLE 3 LOS ANGELES UPRISING, 1992 Riot Severity Reported:

Deaths Injured Arson Date Police Other Police Other # of Bldgs Total Cost 29 April 41 yes yes 30 April 252 yes yes 1 May yes yes 2 May yes yes 3 May yes yes 4 May 583 26 May 604 12 August 515 Total 4,000 10,0006 $1billion7 Police Action Reported: Police Type Date Arrests Local State National8 29 April yes yes yes yes 30 April yes yes yes yes 1 May yes yes yes yes 2 May yes yes yes yes 3 May 11,9009 yes yes 6,500 1This is the total deaths from the first day of rioting (Parker, 1974:107). 2Total deaths from the second day of rioting (LA Times, 1992:95). 3The total number of deaths given by the LA County Coroner’s Office. 4The total number of deaths was increased by the LA County Coroner’s Office. 5The total number of deaths was lowered because some of those counted would have died even if the riot had not occurred (Lacey, 1992). 610,000 buildings were partially burned during the uprising. 7The total damage was estimated at 1 billion dollars. 8Former President George H.W. Bush authorized 1,500 Marines, 3,000 Army Infantry Troops, 6,500 National Guards, 1,000 Federal Officers from the Border Patrol, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms, including 200 members of the US Marshal’s Special Operations groups, and other agencies to help maintain order (LA Times, 1992:98). 9This was given as the total number of arrests.

Pakistan, Islam and Modernity

*Dr. Tanweer Khalid & Azra Anjum

Abstract

Pakistan has been striving since its inception for an Islamic

identity established on modernity, progress and compatibility.

Despite the various stages of constitutional development,

policy planning, power sharing and law making in its political

history the lines between modernity and Islam have not been

clearly drawn and protracted battles between traditionalists and

modernists continue in Pakistan’s political scene. The younger

generations are estranged from true Islamic values and culture

because of the in clarity of understanding between Modernity

and Islam, State or Islamic polity. The need to profess

concepts of humanism, justice for all, shunning of absolutism of

demi-gods, reinstating of good in place of evils upholding

equality and liberty for all, together with faith in Allah and His

commands, is what needs to be implemented as objectives of

the State.

Key words: Right Focus, Islam and Modernity

*Department of Political Science, University of Karachi.


34

Islam is a complete code of life and its rise is an important event in human history. Its rise resulted in the shattering of great empires, over throwing long established religious, remolding the soul of races and building up a whole new world – the world of Islam. The reason for Islam’s amazing success was the nature of the Arab race and more so, the simple and impressive nature of the teachings of the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) who transformed the small town of Medina into an Islamic state. The word ‘Islam’ holds varied connotations for different people and it must be understood in entirety to be of value to believers and non-believers alike because it is progressive and directed against human failings like immorality, materialism and political and ecclesiastical tyrannies. Thus the world of Islam is very different to the west in religious and intellectual background of the nature of the Islamic state and why Muslims want an Islamic state, should be addressed and understood by all. The educated younger generation of the Muslims all over the world have been estranged from their own cultural and intellectual traditions under the influence of western education and western political concepts and are now thinking of introducing these concepts in the Muslim world without regard to Muslim traditions. Hence a precise presentation of the case of an Islamic state has increased manifold. Muslim countries in the Arab and African world, Turkey and Iran, Malaysia, Indonesia and Bangladesh in Asia and Pakistan being a case of an ideological state are the focus of such attempts. It is therefore necessary that the fundamentals of an Islamic state, as part of traditional thought should be understood and the developments of later centuries of Islamic revivalism in changed circumstances be viewed and a clear objective of the study of Islam and modernity in perspective of its polity and society should be ascertained so that Pakistan can be judged on the basis of ideology in the contemporary perspective. Life is a unity and cannot be divided in watertight compartments. The function of religion is to direct the affairs of life therefore its domain is life in its entirety and not any specific aspect of it. The mission of the prophets in Islam is not merely to cater to spiritual elevation but to purify the beliefs and ideas of man about Reality, to purge his soul of all impurities, to awaken his moral consciousness and to use this moral force for the reconstruction of the society and the remolding of the flux of history.1

1 Mawdudi Abul Àla. The Islamic Law and Constitution- Translated and

Edited by Khurshid Ahmed. Islamic Publications Ltd., Lahore, 7th ed. p.3

PAKISTAN, ISLAM AND MODERNITY

35

Politics is central to Islam if it is defined in its narrow sense to mean the ‘art of government’ and also when defined in realist perspective as a ‘struggle for power’. Politics resulting from western conceptualization has no relevance to politics as conceptualized in Islam. Quranic exhortations of enjoining the good and forbidding the evil, of upholding justice and other divine values and criteria require the participation of al members of the society in the affairs of the government to ends laid down by Allah. To profess faith in Allah and to proclaim Tawhid, to banish Zulm (oppression and injustice), to shatter the absolutism of demi-gods and false deities, to wrest power for the righteous and to reinstate good in place of evil cannot be compromised. One of the major objectives of the hijrah {migration to Medina of the Prophet (SAW)} was to establish political authority in accordance with the Divine Will. Similarly, all other prophets were engaged in conveying the Divine guidance and reminding the faithful to eschew Taghut2. Islam is thus actively concerned with power which can transform the world to benefit humanity Jihad fi sabil Allah (utmost exertion in the way of Allah) is a name to establish Divine Order. The importance of securing power for the righteous is so fundamental that the Quran declares Jihad to be a touchstone of belief. Islam puts power in an active moral framework. It is not an end but a means to serve Allah to earn a blissful eternal life and thus a source of mercy and justice to humanity. Thus fusion of religion and politics is the dictate of Islam and cannot be disregarded. The Sharia’h (Islamic law) incorporates the temporal with the spiritual and sets the tone for politics and the rules of political behaviour. Thus the major concerns of politics i.e. striving to control the state structure, to wrest power for the righteous, to root out evil and bring about the good life are all relevant to and encouraged by Islam. Islam accords centrality to these activities with the difference that the political life has to be situated within the larger frame of the religious and spiritual life. Religion and politics as such are not two sides of a single coin in Islam’3. The truth as Mohammed Iqbal puts it is that ‘Islam is a single, unanalysable reality which is one or the other, as your point of view varies4. The call of the Quran is:

He it is who hath sent His messenger with the Guidance and religion of truth, that He may make it

2 Al Quran, 16:36. 3 Jansen G.H. Militant Islam, Pan Books, London, 1979, p.17 4 Iqbal Muhammad Sir, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in

Islam, Lahore, Sh. Mohammad Ashraf, 1971, p.154


36

supreme over all other ways, however much idolaters may be averse5 (61:9)

Verily, His is the Creation and His is the law6 (7:54)

If any do fail to establish and decide by what God hath revealed, they are the unbelievers … the unjust … the evil doers 7 (5: 44, 45, 47)

This is the approach of Islam and the logical consequence of this approach is that the state must be moulded on Islamic patterns. The ideal Islamic polity is first and foremast a community of believers which is a lawful society. Rulers and ruled alike are governed by the Shariah as interpreted by the learned scholars of Islam, the Ulama, the legists and the Fuqaha. Ideally, the political leader, the Khalifa or Imam is also the spiritual leaders and his legistimacy is confirmed by the Baya (confirmation oath) of the leading members of the community8. Whatever the form of leadership, it is to be guided and limited by the law of God. Shariah or the Law of God symbolizes the supreme authority of God. Shura (counsel) is the basis of democracy in Islam. Islamic law is derived from the Quran and Sunnah as primary sources and Qiyas (analogy) and Ijma (consensus) as secondary sources.9 The failure of war of Independence of 1857 in Indo-Pak sub continent slowly paved the way for the establishment of an Islamic state wherein Islam and modernity, nationhood and ideology could be established. First a desire for Hindu Muslim unity and then an identity on the basis of Islam against the British Rule and a Hindu majority if left in united India, was an unusual Islamic experience. Hence relevant to the creation of Pakistan as a separate homeland to Muslims is the assertion that Islam demands statehood.

5 Al Quran, 61:9. 6 Al Quran, 7:54. 7 Al Quran, 5:44, 45, 47. 8 Esposito John L. Ed., Islam and Development, Syracuse University

Press, 1980, p.3 9 Khan Qamaruddin, Political Concepts in the Quran, Islamic Book

Foundation, An Institute of Islamic Research and Publications, 1982, p.55


37

Originally conservatives like Mawdudi opposed the idea of a separate Islamic state, and this is not surprising since the arguments for Pakistan used by Mohammed Ali Jinnah were largely secular10. Mawdudi was undoubtedly right in his analysis of the situation in Pakistan at the time when he said (1) that there was a great confusion in the national movement because of the diversity of groups and view points that had participated in it (2) there was no clear conception of the nature of the new state; (3) that the leadership of the movement rested in the hands of a highly secularized and westernized portion of the population, (4) that popular sentiment was strongly in favour of an Islamic state11. Although religious ideology and symbols had been utilized to mobilize mass support in the freedom movement there was no clear understanding about the positive content of the ideology and its application in the new state’s structure and policies. Put quite simply the ideological questions the new nation faced were. What does it mean to say that Pakistan is a modern Islamic or Muslim state? How is its Islamic character to be reflected in the ideology and institutions of the state?12 Two major events (drafting the constitution of 1956 and the Anti-Ahmadiya disturbances) during the first decade of Pakistan existence provide an insight into the problems and issues associated with the quest to articulate its Islamic identity. The process of framing the first constitution lasted for nine years. The constitutional debate provided the area for a protracted battle between conservative traditionalist and modernist factions – the former more inclined to revival of the past, the latter of modernization and reform.13 Two general directions before the new state of Pakistan were (1) model of a traditional Islamic state wherein Sovereignty was vested in 10 Cragg Kenneth, Counsels in Contemporary Islam, PP. 21-3, quoted

in Islamic Fundamentalism and modernity by Watt Montgomery, Routledge, London and New York, 1989, p.93

11 Adams Charles J., ‘Maududi and the Islamic State’ in ‘Voices of the Resurgent Islam’ edited by Esposito John L., New York, Oxford University, 1983, p.106

12 Esposito John L. (ed), Islam and Development Syracuse University Press, 1980, p.142

13 Binder Leonard, Religion and Politics in Pakistan, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961;) Rosenthal E. J., Islam in the Modern National State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965), PP. 181-281, cited in Esposito John L. (ed), Islam and Development, Syracuse University Press, 1980, p.142


38

God Almighty and supremacy of SHARIAH was to be mentioned as a comprehensive law governing all aspects of the individual’s life (2) Modern nation state model based on western modes of law. The formidable tasks for the new state was not adoption of either model but an adaptation wherein a blue print of a modern state and society incorporating Islamic ideals and values be created on which the mass support of the freedom movement was based. What complicated matters further was the ill equipped leadership in training and orientation or the mamoth task. The political leadership were western educated and the religious leadership or Ulema were of a traditional orientation and world view. Both had little training for the required standards and while the former had little understanding of basic fundamentals in an Islamic state the latter had little appreciation for the demands of modernity. Hence the constitution of 1956 reflected the long years of debate between traditionalists and modernists. Some of the most intractable problems hindering constitutions making were: 1. The character of the proposed constitution and specially the place

which Islam should occupy in it. 2. Geographical division of the country and the question of quantum

of representation in federal legislature. 3. Distribution or allocation of powers between the federal

government and the provinces. 4. The national language issue. 5. The question of relationship between the executive and the

legislature, that is, whether Pakistan should adopt a parliamentary or presidential form of government.

6. Most important, the provincial and parochial power tussles14. The constitution of 1956 was a compromise of many aspects of a secular state while injecting several Islamic provisions. The chief Islamic provisions were: the title of state was the Islamic Republic of Pakistan; she was to be a democratic state based on Islamic principles; the head of the state was to be a Muslim; a research center would assist in the reconstruction of Muslim society on truly Islamic basic wherein no law, contrary to the Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet could be enacted. Implementation was to be enhanced by a presidential commission which would recommend how existing law might be brought into conformity with Islam. The constitution of 1956 clearly reflected Pskistani’s ideological difficulties for it lacked

14 Mahmood Safdar, Pakistan – Political Roots and Development 1947-

1999, Oxford University Press, 2000, p.36


39

any systematic statement and implementation of a clear Islamic rationale15. In 1958 when Gen. Mohammd Ayub Khan led a military coup d’etat, he sought primarily to rebuild a strong centralized national government to foster rapid socio-economic reforms, Islam continued to be a factor in Pakistan’s political development and the sharp divisions between the highly westernized few and the remaining disparate population continued. Gen. Ayub Khan was himself a modernist Muslim in understanding and approach and stressed the need to liberate the spirit of religion from the cobwebs of superstition and stagnation which surround it and move forward under the forces of modern science and knowledge. His modernist outlook was reflected quite clearly in the new constitution of 1962, the establishment of the Advisory Council on Islamic Ideology and the Islamic Research Institute as well as the reforms in the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance (1961). The operational code of Pakistan’s Establishment has changed over the years but in the Ayub era they included the following percepts:

• India was the chief threat to Pakistan and armed forces was central to the defense of the state

• Military alliances were necessary • Kashmir was an important issue • Moderate Islamic states were Pakistan’s natural allies • Democracy was theoretically desirable and radical or violent

Islamic groups were regarded with disdain • The Establishment made gestures towards Islamic but never

took seriously the idea of imposing a standard Islam16 When the first two decades of Pakistan’s existence are viewed considering the quest to give shape to Islamic aspirations it can be concluded that while there was a general agreement for a Muslim homeland, what that meant was far from clear. Profound differences between modernists and traditionalists in education, outlook and approaches presented formidable obstacles. No systematic attempt to define Pakistan’s Islamic ideology was made and peace meal approaches were taken to reach an acceptable compromise. The Islamicity of the constitutions of 1956 and 1962 was established by the inclusion of a few Islamic provisions and an Advisory Council

15 Rahman CF, “Islam and the Constitutional Problems of Pakistan,”

Studia Islamica, 32, 4 (December 1970) 16 Cohen Stephen P., The idea of Pakistan, Vanguard Books,

Lahore/Karachi/Islamabad, 2005, pp.70-72


40

whose independence and effectiveness was hampered by its dependence on the executive. In 1971 Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power. Islamic sentiments were viewed as a sensibility to be respected but not considered a major factor in political development. Bhutto was a modern, secular politician with an ideological bent towards socialism. He merged the two ideologies that were anathema to the Establishment, socialism and Islam, proclaiming a vision for Pakistan as an Islamic and socialist state17. He sought to align Pakistan with her South West Asian neighbours, the Arab oil producing states in particular and emphasized on Islamic ties. He gave speeches on common Islamic brotherhood and held an Islamic Summit Conference in Lahore in 1974 with representatives of all Muslim countries and further underscored Islamic solidarity. Islam became a prominent part of his governments approach to foreign policy. Despite his appeals to Islam religious groups developed into a potent opposition force. His use of Islam was viewed as exploitation of religion by one whom traditional religious leaders judged as singularly unislamic in personal behavior and attitudes. Bhutto made policy choices between socialist and Islamic symbolism. A constitution was made in 1973 declaring Pakistan an Islamic Republic with Islam as religion of the state. It had more Islamic clauses as compared to the previous constitutions. It carried references to the Islamic way of life, compulsory teaching of the Holy Quran, and encouraged learning of Arabic. Despite all these efforts the politico-religious parties gathered under the banner of PNA for Nazim-e-Islam and ouster of the Bhutto government. All Islamic measures taken later by the government were dismissed as insincere stop gap measures. This momentum for an Islamic system was used as a sentiment by Gen Zia ul Haque to justify his coup d’etat on 5th July 1977. Addressing the nation on the eve of the coup he declared “Pakistan, which was created in the name of Islam, will continue to survive only if it sticks to Islam. That is why I consider the introduction of an Islamic system as an essential prerequisite for the country.”18 Gen Zia quietly established his authority leading the country in a new direction. Islam was at the centre of his vision of a rejuvenated nation. He was the first Pakistan leader to take Islam seriously and believed that Pakistan should be guided by Islamic principles. Preservation of Islamic character of the county was as important as the security of the country’s geographical boundaries. A new Islamic order was built and the Advisory Council of Islamic Ideology was revived, Islamic penal reforms were introduced (Shariah Punishments) and further

17 Ibid p.79 18 Pakistan Times, July 7, 1977, p.8


41

steps were taken for Islamization. This Islamic system, in an expanded and revised version, became law in February 1979 when on the occasion of the celebration of the Prophet Muhammed’s (SAW) birthday, Zia ul Haque formally promulgated the introduction of Islamic Laws19. Gen Zia’s personal piety and cordial relations with the religious leaders and parties and their appointment at cabinet level posts reinforced the expectation that Pakistan would became a more demonstrable example of an Islamic order – politically, economically and legally. But the general criticism on his government has been that he had used Islam to legitimize his coup and introduced a ‘negative Islam’, restrictive and manipulative. Civilian government returned in Pakistan after Zia’s death in an unexplained plane crash in what is known as the ‘decade of democracy’ under the two most important civilian politicians – Banazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif. They neither challenged the consensus that had grown up around the idea of Pakistan as an Islamic state and neither made this the core of their policies. General Pervaiz Musharraf’s October 1999 coup d’etat did not bring many changes in the states posture on Kashmir, an important issue between traditionalists and modernists. Although he spoke of ending religions extremisms in Pakistan from the day he took over power it soon became obvious that he made a distinction between Kashmiri freedom fighters and domestic Islamists. The September 11 terrorist attack on United States in 2001 changed Pakistan’s position and its relationship with the US. Pakistan’s position on Kashmir was not immediately altered and Gen. Musharraf continued to link the end of the militancy to resolution of the Kashmir question. Through his theme of ‘enlightened moderation’ has won him the support of the US and he is described by President Bush as ‘a courageous leader who has risked his life to crackdown on the Al Qaeda terrorist network’20 the whispers of more should be done are still heard. Gen Musharraf has reversed Zia ul Haque’s course of Islamization but only marginally. Controversial Islamic laws such as relating to blasphemy and hudood (Islamic limits) are still generating heated debates. His opinion that Pakistan is safer in the hands of the military

19 ‘Introduction of Islamic Laws’ address to the nation by President

General Zia ul Haq (Islamabad Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, February 1979)

20 Efron Sonni, ‘Bush Lauds the efforts of Pakistani ally’, Los Angeles Times, December 5, 2004


42

than with a civilian democratic government speaks of duality in his approach. Supporting enlightened moderation and justifying military rule to face Islamist opposition has again brought Islam as the central issue in Pakistan’s politics because of a conscious and consistent state policy. The question arises what now? Pakistan is an Islamic state but in which perspective can the interpretation of Islamic ideals be translated into reality to have far reaching changes in the collective life of the people of Pakistan. The change must come gradually. The more sudden the change is the more short-lived it would turn out to be. If we need to promulgate Islamic Law, it would mean a thorough reorientation of our educational system because it has lost contact with practical problems of life and is unable to produce a better lot for a progressive modern state. The Islamic law has not been in force for the last one century or so. Consequently our legal code has became stagnant and lags hehind the time while our urgent need is to bring it in level with the latest developments of the modern age21. Some of the Ulema are beginning to show liberal tendencies and a liberal opinion in Islam can be sought. While most Pakistani Muslims are devout, they are not radical and for much of its history Pakistan’s politics has been dominated by ethnic, linguistic and economic issues, not religious ones. The dominant Islam is strongly influenced by Sufism and has yet not been amenable to radicalism. There are competing visions of an Islamic state and the issue is how the Pakistani state should implement its Islamic identity. Since Pakistan’s Islamist groups have benefited from events across Pakistan’s western border, every increase in religious extremism deters many from actively participating in politics so much so that they could became Pakistan’s second most important political force. Such religio-political groups are not a new phenomenon. They have been playing a role in social and political life since 1947. What is new is their political activism. Pakistan’s difficulties in establishing a national identity have remained the same, while since the 1970’s the country has experienced a shift from official Islam to Islamism22. The solution lies in addressing the core problem – bringing about a social change to determine the extent of Islam’s role in politics on issues like national identity, the state and the economy based on Islamic principles of a fair judicial system, equality and rule of law.

21 Maududi Abul Ala’, The Islamic Law and Constitution, Islamic

Publication Ltd., Lahore, 1980, p.98 22 Jaffrelot Christophe (ed), Pakistan; Nation, Nationalism and the

State, Vanguard Publications, Lahore, 2005, p.13


43

The political leadership must possess administrative skills and an appreciation of the country’s Islamic heritage. A well-educated class of religious leaders, trained both in traditional religions and modern discipline, can bridge the gap between tradition and modernity.

The Mamluk Historians and their Accounts on the

Economy of Egypt for the Period of 872-922H/1468-1517AD

*Wan Kamal Mujani

Abstract

Economics is said to contribute to history itself, to an

understanding of the evolution of human societies in the past. A

discussion concerning economic history necessarily draws on

economic theory since economic history has been well defined as

a part of history which requires certain knowledge of economics

for its full understanding. Research on economic history also

depends on data related to the chosen period. Needless to say,

the discussion of economic history in the medieval period

encounters difficulties such as the lack of relevant data on the

economy. One of the reasons for this is that most of the historians

during this period did not give a complete description of the

economic situation. All data on economics merely appeared in

works on political history and biographies. Information on trade

and commerce, currency and goods pricing were not perfectly

narrated. Therefore, this article endeavours to examine the

Mamluk historians and their narratives on the economy of Egypt

for the period of 872-922H/1468-1517AD. Even though, the

Mamluk historians give scattered and incomplete information on

economy, but the combination of all of these data enlighten us on

a general opinion about the economy of Egypt and its situation

during the period under review.

Keywords: Mamluk, historian, historiography, Economy, Egypt *Department of Arabic and Islamic Civilization, National University, Malaysia


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Introduction

The aim of this article is to discuss about the Mamluk historians and their accounts on the economy of Egypt for the period of 872-922H/1468-1517AD. In order to elaborate these matters, a sketch of biography of each Mamluk historians will be given, and this is then followed by a discussion of the economic data conveyed by them.

Ibn Duqmaq (750-809AH/1349-1407AD) Ibrahim b. Muhammad b. Aydamur b. Duqmaq, known as Ibn Duqmaq, was a famous Egyptian scholar not only of history but also of adab and fiqh. Not much is known about his life except that his great grandfather was one of the amirs in the reign of Sultan Muhammad Qalawun (al-Sakhawi 1935, 1: 145). Ibn Duqmaq was an honest historian and did not criticize or disclose the weaknesses of others in his writing. He served in the Mamluk administration at Dimyat for a time. Ibn Duqmaq’s works cover various fields, especially in history, and these have been referred to by later historians such as Badr al-Din al-‘Ayni and Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani. Among his historical works are al-Jawhar al-Thamin fi Sirat al-Khulafa’ wa al-Salatin, ‘Iqd al-Jawahir fi Sirat al-Malik al-Zahir Barquq, Nuzhat al-Anam fi Tarikh al-Islam and al-Intisar li Wasitat ‘Iqd al-Amsar (Pedersen 1971, 3: 756). al-Jawhar al-Thamin fi Sirat al-Khulafa’ wa al-Salatin relates to this article and deals with the history of Egypt until 808AH/1405AD. It is a continuation of Nuzhat al-Anam fi Tarikh al-Islam which ends the discussion in year 779AH/1377AD. Ibn Duqmaq wrote al-Jawhar al-Thamin after Sultan Barquq encouraged him to continue Nuzhat al-Anam. This fact shows that rulers sometimes played an important role in the development of historiography. al-Jawhar al-Thamin is very important because it provides valuable data on the price of staple crops and food. The fluctuation of prices reflects the economic situation in the early part of the Circassian Mamluk period (Ibn Duqmaq 1982, 275,360).

al-Maqrizi (766-845AH/1364-1442AD) Taqi al-Din Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad b. ‘Ali b. ‘Abd al-Qadir, known as al-Maqrizi, was born in Cairo in 766AH/1364AD. His family came from Ba‘labak which is now situated in Lebanon. They migrated to Egypt

THE MAMLUK HISTORIANS AND THEIR ACCOUNTS ON THE ECONOMY OF EGYPT

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before the reign of Sultan al-Ashraf Sha‘ban (764-778AH/1363-1377AD), the third last of the Turkish Mamluk rulers. al-Maqrizi was brought up in a well known scholarly family. His paternal grandfather, ‘Abd al-Qadir (d. 733AH/1332AD) was a muhaddith and an eminent savant in the fiqh of the Hanbali sect. His maternal grandfather, al-Shaykh Shams al-Din Muhammad (d. 776AH/1375AD) was a jurist at Dar al-‘Adl in 765AH/1364AD and a teacher of the fiqh of the Hanafi sect at the Mosque of Ibn Tulun in 773AH/1373AD. Meanwhile, al-Maqrizi’s father, ‘Ali, served in various posts in the judiciary and also as a katib Diwan al-Insha’ (a secretary in the chancery) (al-Maqrizi 1995, 35-40). Besides his early education from members of his family, al-Maqrizi studied at the University of al-Azhar and was taught various subjects, such as fiqh, hadith, usul al-din, adab, ‘ilm al-qira’at, Arabic and mathematics by prominent Egyptian scholars. Among his masters were al-Burhan al-Amidi, Abu Ishaq al-Tanukhi, Zayn al-Din al-‘Iraqi, Ibn Abi al-Majd and Siraj al-Din al-Bulqini. Nevertheless, al-Maqrizi’s main teacher, who greatly influenced his ideas and way of historical writing, was ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Khaldun. This was conceded by al-Maqrizi himself when he said that he was impressed by Ibn Khaldun and his book, al-‘Ibar wa Diwan al-Mubtada’ wa al-Khabar (al-Jalili 1966, 235). al-Maqrizi was appointed to a variety of posts, involving administrative and scholarly functions, since he possessed wide knowledge and great skill. Among the posts that he held in Egypt were katib Diwan al-Insha’, Shafi‘ite qadi, chief administrator at the Mosque of al-Hakim al-Fatimi, professor of hadith in Madrasa al-Mu’ayyadiyya, preacher at the Mosque of ‘Amr b. al-‘As and muhtasib (market inspector) of Cairo and Lower Egypt (Allouche 1994, 3). When he was in Syria (1408-1418AD), he served as a professor of hadith at Dar al-Hadith al-Ashrafiyya, as chief financial administrator of the Kalansiyya and administrator of waqf at the great Nuri hospital. In the reign of Sultan al-Nasir Faraj, al-Maqrizi was offered the post of qadi of Damascus, but he refused. During his stay in Mecca, he was appointed professor of hadith at Masjid al-Haram. Nevertheless, after the 820s, he never held any position and devoted himself to historical writing. He took this decision as he was dissatisfied with the Mamluk’s official policy. al-Maqrizi (1956, 1: 6) was the most famous Egyptian historian in the period of the Circassian Mamluks. His credibility in the field of history can be seen from his works and his distinguished pupils such as Abu al-Mahasin Yusuf b. Taghri Birdi. He wrote in a frank manner and not


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for the sake of money. Although he had a close relationship with Sultan Barquq, Sultan al-Nasir Faraj, Amir Yashbak al-Dawadar and Sultan Mu’ayyad Shaykh, this did not prevent him from criticising the attitudes and policies of the Circassian Mamluk rulers. His comments can be found in Ighathat al-Umma, al-Khitat and al-Suluk. In fact he stood out as the most vocal critic of Circassian economic policy. al-Maqrizi wrote more than one hundred works, including books, short monographs and encyclopaedia. Most of his works deal with history and can be classified into three areas namely, general Islamic history, the history of Egypt, and sira nabawiyya. The works that relate to the economy of the Circassian Mamluks for the period before 872AH/1468AD are Ighathat al-Umma bi Kashf al-Ghumma, al-Mawa‘iz wa al-I‘tibar fi Dhikr al-Khitat wa al-Athar and al-Suluk li Ma‘rifat Duwal al-Muluk. These three books show his depth of interest in the economy and they were based on his extensive knowledge and broad experience during his service for the Mamluk administration, especially when he was a muhtasib, because this post exposed him to the current situation at that particular time. These works also demonstrate his concern with the social history of Egypt and its people who always faced difficulties in their lives (‘Inan 1991, 86-7). These books are very important because they contain information about the roots of economic decline in the early period of the Circassian Mamluks. Thus they assist in providing an understanding of the Circassian Mamluks’ economic situation from 872AH/1468AD till 922AH/1517AD, especially in relation to agriculture, trade, money, currency, prices, natural disasters, government policies, and so on. al-Maqrizi wrote Ighathat al-Umma bi Kashf al-Ghumma based on the economic crisis in Egypt in 806AH/1403AD. It was completed at the end of that crisis in Muharram 808AH/July 1405AD. The main purpose of al-Maqrizi in composing this book was to describe the factors which led to the economic crisis and how this catastrophe influenced the people at that particular time. According to al-Maqrizi, maladministration, the heavy taxation of the peasantry by fief holders and the unorthodox financial practices of the rulers were the main factors in this crisis. Bribery had resulted in unqualified persons being appointed as higher officials such as muhtasibs. Agricultural production had been decreasing since the cost of plantation activities such as ploughing, sowing and harvesting had increased. Consequently, the majority of the land remained uncultivated. The widespread circulation of copper fulus (copper coins) following the


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cessation of the minting of silver coins in Egypt caused the ghala’ (high prices). This phenomenon had been affecting the society and the economy. In his book, al-Maqrizi mentions in detail the currency, exchange rates, food prices and the measures which had been taken at that time (Allouche 1994, 1-24). This information helps to provide an understanding of economic conditions in the early part of the Circassian Mamluk period and the situation after 872AH/1468AD. al-Mawa‘iz wa al-I‘tibar fi Dhikr al-Khitat wa al-Athar which was composed between 818AH/1415AD and 824AH/1424AD is the most famous of al-Maqrizi’s works. This treatise, which is commonly referred to as Khitat, deals with the topography of some cities in Egypt in the 15th century. al-Maqrizi (1995, 64) discusses not only the geographical history of those cities but combines this material with detailed data on social, economic and politic matters. This method of writing is more profound than that found in earlier treatises such as that of Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam (d. 257AH/870AD), al-Musabbihi (d. 420AH/1029AD) and Ibn al-Tuwayr (d. 617AH/1220AD). Meanwhile, the later writers on Khitat, such as ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Hasan al-Jabarti (d. 1237AH/1822AD) and ‘Ali Mubarak (d. 1311AH/1893AD), do not contribute new information. They only extract material from and summarise the book. al-Mawa‘iz wa al-I‘tibar fi Dhikr al-Khitat wa al-Athar is essential in this article because it contains much economic data especially on agriculture. al-Maqrizi described the irrigation system, the agricultural land, agricultural practices, agricultural techniques, the crops grown in particular seasons, agricultural productivity, kinds of soils and the measurements used in the agriculture system. He also wrote about the exchange rate, the bazaars and market places of that time. However, he did not deal with all the agricultural land and tools which were used by the peasants in their cultivation (al-Sayyad 1971, 95-110). The third book, al-Suluk li Ma‘rifat Duwal al-Muluk, known as al-Suluk, is about the politics, economy and society of the Circassian Mamluks until 845AH/1441AD. It contains abundant information regarding the economy, especially monetary and price data. al-Maqrizi also gave accounts of the depreciation of agriculture and the government policies which depressed the merchants and led to the lessening of trade and commerce. It is worth noting that, in this material we can find an account of how the common people reacted to the economic problems. There were riots and violence each time there were shortages of food, extra taxes, changes in the value of the currency and unpopular decrees issued by sultans. In general, this


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book shows al-Maqrizi’s sharp criticism of the rulers. It also shows his concern for reporting the hardship suffered by the civilians.

Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani (773-852AH ////1372-1449AD) Another Egyptian historian who wrote about the economy of the Circassian Mamluks is Ahmad b. ‘Ali b. Muhammad b. Muhammad, better known as Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani. He was born in Fustat in 773AH/1372AD. His family originated in ‘Asqalan, Palestine, and migrated to Egypt at the end of the sixth century of the Hijra, during the reign of Sultan Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi. Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani (1969, 1: 7-9,14-5) belonged to a wealthy and distinguished scholarly family. His paternal grandfather Muhammad was a cloth manufacturer and a teacher of hadith in Alexandria. Muhammad’s brother, ‘Uthman, was a Shafi‘ite judge in the same place. Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani’s father, ‘Ali was a cotton merchant and adroit in fiqh, adab, Arabic and poetry. After the death of his parents, Ibn Hajar was brought up by Zaki al-Din al-Kharrubi, a magnate and chief of the karimis (spice merchants). He was the person responsible for giving an education to Ibn Hajar by appointing some of the Quranic ‘ulama’ as his personal teachers. After Zaki al-Din passed away in 787AH/1385AD, Shams al-Din Muhammad b. al-Qattan, an eminent Egyptian scholar, took responsibility for looking after Ibn Hajar. From this prominent scholar, Ibn Hajar learned fiqh, lugha and mathematics. He also studied hadith, Arabic, history, qira’at, adab and ‘arud from other ‘ulama’, such as Sulayman b. ‘Abd al-Nasir al-Ishbiti, Burhan al-Din al-Ibnasi, Nur al-Din al-Adami, Shams al-Din al-Ghimari, Nasir al-Din Muhammad b. al-Furat, Abu Ishaq al-Tanukhi and al-Badr al-Bashtaki (al-Sakhawi n.d., 230-33). Nevertheless, from 796AH/1393AD, Ibn Hajar began devoting himself seriously to the study of hadith. Among the muhaddithun who guided him in this subject were ‘Abd al-Rahim al-‘Iraqi, ‘Umar b. Ruslan al-Bulqini and Siraj al-Din b. al-Mulaqqin. Following the usual practice of the scholars at that time, Ibn Hajar travelled to some places to further his study of hadith. Among those places were some provinces of Egypt in 797AH/1394AD, Yemen and the Hijaz in 800AH/1397AD and Damascus and Palestine in 802AH/1399AD. Consequently, he emerged as a distinguished hadith expert not only in Egypt, but in the whole Muslim world in the Middle Ages. This is evidenced by his works and the fact that he had such well known disciples, such as al-


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Sakhawi, al-Burhan al-Biqa‘i, al-Hafiz Taqi al-Din b. Fahd and Zakariya al-Ansari (Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani 1966), 1: 11). In his professional career, Ibn Hajar had various occupations, most of them connected with teaching and the judiciary. Among the teaching posts held by him were professor of hadith at Madrasa Shaykhuniyya, Madrasa Mahmudiyya, Madrasa Jamaliyya al-Jadida, Madrasa Makutimuriyya and Dar al-Hadith al-Kamiliyya. He also gave lectures in fiqh at Madrasa Mu’ayyadiyya al-Jadida and was employed as the head of Madrasa Baybarsiyya. He was appointed imam and preacher at the al-Azhar Mosque and ‘Amr b. al-‘As Mosque. Among the posts he held in jurisprudence was judge of Dar ‘Adl from 811AH/1408-1409AD till his death. He was also appointed as chief Shafi‘ite qadi several times for periods totalling twenty-one years (Rosenthal 1971, 3: 777). These occupations exposed him to the society, economic and political issues at that particular time. Ibn Hajar wrote more than 150 books, most of which focus on hadith and other issues relevant to this subject. However, he wrote three books dealing with the history of Egypt, namely, al-Durar al-Kamina fi A‘yan al-Mi’a al-Thamina, Raf‘ al-Isr ‘an Qudat Misr and Inba’ al-Ghumr bi Anba’ al-‘Umr. The first book contains the biographies of famous individuals in Egypt from 701AH/1301AD till 800AH/1397AD. The second book contains biographies of Egyptian judges from the emergence of Islam till the end of the eighth century of the Hijra. The last book, which relates to this article, deals with the major events which occurred in Egypt from 773AH/1372AD till 850AH/1447AD. Ibn Hajar (1969, 1: 4,22) also briefly mentions notable individuals in Egypt. The events narrated by Ibn Hajar reflect his wide experience regarding the societies and his relationship with the nobles. He cites all of his sources, the same approach he adoptes in hadith writing. Thus his works are regarded as reliable and authoritative by most scholars. Important information that he conveys includes exchange rates, staple crops and food prices. It is based on these accounts that we can understand the position of the economy and business in the reign of Sultan Barquq, Sultan al-Nasir Faraj, Sultan Mu’ayyad Shaykh, Sultan Barsbay and in part of Sultan Jaqmaq’s reign.

al-‘Ayni (762-855AH/1360-1451AD) Mahmud b. Ahmad b. Musa b. Ahmad, known as al-‘Ayni, was born in 762AH/1360AD at ‘Ayntab in northern Syria. Very little is known about his family. His father (725-784AH/1324-1382AD) was a scholar and held the post of qadi at ‘Ayntab. al-‘Ayni was brought up in an erudite family and received his early education in the Qur’an and fiqh from his father. Afterwards, he studied various subjects such as sarf,


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Arabic, mantiq, fara’id, nahw and balagha with local ‘ulama’. Among his masters were al-Shams Muhammad al-Ra’i b. al-Zahid, al-Badr Mahmud b. Muhammad al-‘Antabi, Ibn Salih al-Baghdadi, Khayr al-Din al-Qasir, al-Husam al-Rahawi, and ‘Isa b. al-Khas b. Mahmud al-Sarmawi. al-‘Ayni mastered Islamic sciences, especially fiqh, and he was reported to have replaced his father as a qadi (al-Sakhawi 1935, 10: 131). In 785AH/1383AD, al-‘Ayni made several journeys to places such as Aleppo and Malatya to pursue his studies. In 788AH/1386AD, during his travel on a pilgrimage, he met Shaykh ‘Ala’ al-Din ‘Ali b. Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Sayrami (d. 790AH/1388AD), the head of Madrasa al-Zahir Barquq in Egypt. He was the person who was responsible for introducing and bringing al-‘Ayni to the madrasa. In this college, al-‘Ayni was initiated in the mystical doctrines of Sufism and took the opportunity to further his studies under Egyptian scholars such as Zayn al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahim al-‘Iraqi and Siraj al-Din ‘Umar al-Bulqini (al-Halabi 1923, 6: 256). The intimate relationships between al-‘Ayni and some of the Mamluk officials, such as Amir Jakam b. ‘Iwad, Amir Qalmatay al-‘Uthmani al-Dawadar and Amir Taghri Birdi al-Qurdami, gave him the opportunity to hold the position of muhtasib of Cairo in 801AH/1398AD. However, he did not hold this job permanently, being dismissed and re-appointed several times. This was due to competition from other ‘ulama’, such as al-Maqrizi, and because his enemies’ incitement of the sultans. Other professional positions held by al-‘Ayni were nazir al-ahbas (supervisor of pious endowment), professor of hadith in Madrasa Mu’ayyadiyya and chief Hanafite qadi (al-‘Ayni 1967, 5-6). al-‘Ayni won the favour of Mamluk sultans due to his ability in the Turkish language. He was reported to have close ties with Mu’ayyad Shaykh, al-Zahir Tatar and Barsbay. He wrote some books in Turkish and translated his Arabic works such as kitab al-Quduri and ‘Iqd al-Juman into that language. He also composed some biographies of the sultans namely, al-Sayf al-Muhannad fi Sirat al-Malik al-Mu’ayyad Shaykh al-Mahmudi, al-Rawd al-Zahir fi Sirat al-Malik al-Zahir Tatar and Sirat al-Ashraf Barsbay. His treatise which relates to this article is ‘Iqd al-Juman fi Tarikh Ahl al-Zaman. It is a universal history from the Creation till 850AH/1446AD. The economic information which is preserved in this book includes monetary data, and staple crops and food prices. This material can be found especially in relation to the


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reign of Sultan al-Nasir Faraj, Sultan Mu’ayyad Shaykh and Sultan Barsbay (al-‘Ayni 1987, 1: 375-6). Abu al-Mahasin Jamal al-Din ibn Taghri Birdi (d .... 874AH/1469AD) Ibn Taghri Birdi was born in Cairo in 812AH/1408AD. His family had a close association with the government. His father, Taghri Birdi of Asia Minor origins, was among the higher-ranking officers with a position as atabak (a commander in chief) in the reign of al-Zahir Barquq. He was then appointed as na’ib saltana (a viceroy) of Damascus in the reign of Sultan al-Nasir al-Faraj until his death in 815AH/1412AD. Ibn Taghri Birdi was brought up by his sister Hajar who was first married to Nasir al-Din Muhammad b. al-‘Adim, the Hanafi chief qadi, and later to Jalal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Siraj al-Din al-Bulqini, the Shafi‘i chief qadi from whom Ibn Taghri Birdi obtained his early education. Later, under many noted scholars, he studied the usual learned disciplines, and also music, Turkish and Persian. He learned history from Taqi al-Din Ahmad al-Maqrizi and Badr al-Din al-‘Ayni. These were two prominent Egyptian historians during his epoch. He was said to have an interest in writing narrative history after he heard al-‘Ayni’s works read to the Sultan Barsbay (Ibn Taghri Birdi n.d., 1: 10,24-5). His knowledge of Turkish, his family ties with amirs such as Inal al-Nawruzi (d. 829AH/1425AD) and Aqbugha al-Timrazi (d. 843AH/1439AD) as well as his intimacy with several sultans especially Barsbay, Jaqmaq and Khushqaddam give him an almost unique position as a historian. In his writings, he presents a narrative account of events that occurred in the Mamluk court and civilian society during his lifetime (Ibn Taghri Birdi 1985, 1: 5-10). Based on his personal understanding about the Mamluk state, he amended a few mistakes found in the writings of al-Maqrizi, al-‘Ayni and Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani. It is interesting to note that the close relationship between him and the government does not influence him to favour the Mamluks and in fact he frequently exposes the misdemeanour of the amirs and sultans. Moreover, he expresses his dissatisfaction with their attitude. Even though he was greatly criticised by other historians such as al-Sayrafi (d. 900AH/1495AD) and al-Sakhawi (d. 902AH/1497AD) because of his colloquialisms and inaccuracies, his credibility as a historian remains intact (Darraj 1974, 59-85). Whatever criticism he received was because of his respected position in the community at that time as one of the awlad al-nas and non-Arabs. This undoubtedly caused certain individuals to find out his weaknesses. al-Sayrafi (1970, 175-82), for instance, condemned Ibn


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Taghri Birdi for using the vernacular in his works, but at the same time acknowledged his expertise as the ‘main pillar’ and ‘professor’ in history. On the other hand, al-Sakhawi (1935, 10: 305-8) was famous for his blatant criticism, not only condemning Ibn Taghri Birdi but criticising most of the great historians during the Mamluk period such as Ibn Khaldun (d. 808AH/1406AD), al-Maqrizi and al-Biqa‘i (d. 885AH/1480AD). Only al-Sakhawi’s teacher, Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani escaped his criticism. Such bias was chastised by al-Suyuti (d. 911AH/1505AD) in his book al-Kawi ‘ala Tarikh al-Sakhawi (‘Inan 1991, 124-6). The criticism made by al-Sakhawi towards Ibn Taghri Birdi has also attracted quite a number of modern historians to analyse to what extent the allegation is true and they have tried to maintain Ibn Taghri Birdi’s reputation as the greatest historian of Egypt after al-Maqrizi (Wiet, 1929-30: 89-105; Ziyada, 1954: 26; Popper, 1956: 371-89). The errors found in Ibn Taghri Birdi’s writings occur merely in a few places and he in fact admits this and does not make any attempt to conceal it. Moreover, the mistakes were due to his incapability to recall and cover all the historical events especially when writing an extensive book such as al-Nujum al-Zahira fi Muluk Misr wa al-Qahira. At this juncture it is worth noting that had the writings of Ibn Taghri Birdi contain many inaccuracies, they would not have been regarded as the main reference by later historians such as Ibn Iyas (d. 930AH/1524AD) and others. Thus, it can be said that the writings of Ibn Taghri Birdi are admissible and capable of being one of the primary sources in this article. The work of Ibn Taghri Birdi that contains information about the economy of the period 872-922AH/1468-1517AD is Hawadith al-Duhur fi Waqa‘i al-Duhur. This chronicle covers from 845AH/1441AD to 12 Muharram 874AH/16 July 1469AD and was written with the intention of continuing al-Maqrizi’s al-Suluk li Ma‘rifat al-Duwal wa al-Muluk which ends the discussion on Egypt’s economy in Dhu al-Hijja 844AH/May 1441AD (Popper 1960, 1: 138). Simultaneously, Ibn Taghri Birdi continued his al-Nujum al-Zahira, but omitted from it much of the Hawadith material regarding certain persons and the economic and political conditions. Even though his chronology merely touches on the first year and a half of this period (872-922AH/1468-1517AD), it lays down some of the information about economics at that particular time. However, this is not thoroughly discussed since the book mainly focuses on the Mamluk court and biographies. This information on economics does, however, provide some background


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information regarding the economic situation of the Circassian Mamluks. There are several matters mentioned by Ibn Taghri Birdi. These are the Nile flood levels, kinds of agricultural products, food prices, the exchange rate, government expenses on jamakiyya (the monthly pay) which had to be paid to Mamluks and the expenses allocated by Sultan Qaytbay in his military campaigns to fight against Shah Suwar. In addition, Ibn Taghri Birdi (1932, 3: 628,689,706,712) also mentions the plagues which caused many deaths and the Bedouins who ruined the agricultural activities. However, Hawadith al-Duhur does not deal with some important aspects of the economy of the Circassian Mamluks such as the income of the government and the industrial and commercial sectors domestically or internationally. Moreover, the way of presenting information on economic matters is typically too general without any further explanation and justification in the absence of quantitative data. For instance, merely comments on the decline in the proceeds of wheat and fruits without giving details of the amount of the decline.

Ibn al-Ji‘an (814-885AH/1412-1480AD) Yahya b. Shakir b. ‘Abd al-Ghani b. Majid b. ‘Abd al-Wahhab b. Ya‘qub, known as Ibn al-Ji‘an, was born in Cairo in 814AH/1412AD. His family was renowned in serving the Mamluk administration. His grandfather ‘Abd al-Ghani worked as katib diwan al-jaysh (secretary of the army bureau) while his father Shakir used to serve as a mustawfi diwan al-jaysh (accountant of army bureau). Ibn al-Ji‘an acquired various kinds of knowledge in fiqh, Arabic and hadith from the scholars of Egypt, Mecca and Medina. Among of his masters was Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani, al-Qayati and al-Muhib al-Matari. He also learnt fara’id, mathematics and algebra from Ibn al-Majdi (al-Sakhawi 1935, 3: 291, 4: 248, 10: 226-9). With this educational backgound and training, he occupied the position of mustawfi diwan al-jaysh like his father until his death in 885AH/1480AD. His book on the economy of the Mamluks is al-Tuhfa al-Saniyya bi Asma’ al-Bilad al-Misriyya which was based on his experience in the administration. This book contains information on the provinces in Egypt and the names of villages belonged to these provinces, the area measurements of the villages, the ‘ibra (annual yield) that was obtained by each province, categories of land tenures, categories of agricultural land, the cultivated or uncultivated agricultural land, iqta‘ (fief) holders and so on (Ibn al-Ji‘an 1974, 1-10). This information


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covers the period from Sultan al-Ashraf Sha‘ban until Qaytbay. By means of this book Egypt’s economy can be traced, especially as related to agricultural aspects.

al-Sayrafi (819-900AH/1416-1495AD) ‘Ali b. Dawud b. Ibrahim is more commonly known as al-Sayrafi or al-Jawhari or Ibn al-Sayrafi or Ibn Dawud. Nothing much is known about his life except a little information conveyed by al-Sakhawi and Ibn Iyas and the indirect testimony narrated by himself in his books. al-Sayrafi (1970, 1: 3-9) was born in Cairo into a family of moderate means. His father, Dawud, worked as a money changer in Diwan al-Mufrad (a special bureau for the purchase and maintenance of royal Mamluks) during the reigns of Sultan Mu’ayyad Shaykh, Sultan Barsbay and Sultan Jaqmaq until his death in 853AH/1449AD. Since his father died leaving no property behind, al-Sayrafi had to work in various occupations to support his large family. Thus, he worked as a jewellery trader, a money changer and also as a scribe. He replaced Muhib al-Din b. al-Shahna (d. 890AH/1485AD) in 871AH/1466AD as Hanafi chief qadi for a short while, but the position did not provide enough money for him. Moreover, it failed to bring him close to the state nobles and rulers at that time. Nevertheless, it is to be noted that al-Sayrafi’s background did not prevent him from becoming a scholar. He was reported skilful in the fields of fiqh, tafsir, balagha, qira’at, usul al-din, mantiq and history. Among his teachers in history were Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani, al-Kafiji and al-‘Ayni. Even though he received history education from the prominent scholars, al-Sayrafi failed to establish his name. The main factor which caused this was his lack of ability in the Arabic language which indirectly demonstrated his weakness. This can clearly be seen in his writing which contains many colloquialisms. On this basis, al-Sakhawi harshly criticised him. (al-Sakhawi 1935, 5: 217-19). Nevertheless, the writing of al-Sayrafi (1970, 10-21) is still considered as one of the prime sources on the Circassian Mamluks. This is because of his position as the contemporary historian at that particular time. His teacher al-Kafiji once praised the contents of his writings on sira nabawiyya in Nuzhat al-Nufus wa al-Abdan fi Tawarikh al-Zaman. In fact, using colloquialisms in history writing was not only done by al-Sayrafi. Other historians, such as Ibn Taghri Birdi and Ibn Iyas, also used them. The use of colloquialisms was a common characteristic in the writing of history at that time. Moreover,


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since the beginning of the reign of the Circassian Mamluks, the Arabic language was no longer considered as the medium of instruction. Arabic was ignored and received less attention since the rulers gave priority to the Turkish language. This situation strengthened the position of the Egyptian vernacular and most of the historians were influenced by this usage. In addition, most of the historians in the late Circassian Mamluk period were not purely Arabs. Nevertheless, the use of this vernacular did not affect the information that these historians intended to convey. The work of al-Sayrafi (1970, 28,187,431,476-7) that relates to the economy of the Circassian Mamluks is Inba’ al-Hasr bi Abna’ al-‘Asr which covers only the years 873-877AH/1468-1473AD. Other portions from the end of 877AH/1473AD until 885AH/1481AD have not survived. He wrote this book as a gift to Sultan Qaytbay in the hope that he would win the sultan’s favour. Thus it can be seen that his writings are favourable towards Sultan Qaytbay and he defends the actions taken by that sultan. However, the information concerning economics conveyed by him was not distorted. He not only conveys information that is not given by other historians, but in the year of 875AH/1470AD and 877AH/1472AD, he gives detailed information on food prices. Therefore, he supplies additional information to that of the contemporary historians. Besides, it is also useful to compare him with other historians. al-Sayrafi (1970, 261,362,489) mentions several economic points such as staple crop prices, the Nile flood levels and the natural disasters of plagues, droughts and infestation of locusts. He also states about the exchange rate and the expenses spent by Sultan Qaytbay in the military campaigns and the Franks who pillaged the vessels belonging to the merchants. However, the book written by al-Sayrafi does not give much information regarding the industrial and commercial sectors at that particular time except for a little account of the biography of the tajir khawaja (merchants with official ranking) and a brief explanation of the problems faced by the traders and the factory owners.

‘Abd al-Basit b. Khalil b. Shahin al-Malati (844-92 0AH/1440-1514AD)

‘Abd al-Basit b. Khalil b. Shahin al-Malati was born in Malatya in 844AH/1440AD. His family was from the upper class and members from it held various important posts during the reign of the Circassian Mamluks. His grandfather, Shahin was na’ib (provincial governor) of Jerusalem, while his father Khalil occupied the vizierate in Egypt and


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at several times was a provincial governor in Aleppo, Safad, Kirk, Jerusalem, Malatya and Alexandria. Moreover, Khalil was well known as a learned and knowledgeable person in fields such as fiqh, tafsir, history, Arabic literature, and medicine (al-Sakhawi 1935, 3: 195,295). Khalil also wrote more than thirty books the most famous of which is Zubdat Kashf al-Mamalik wa Bayan al-Turuq wa al-Masalik. As an awlad al-nas (the sons of sultans and amirs who was born as free men), ‘Abd al-Basit (1987, 7-9) had the opportunity to receive a comprehensive and proper education. At an early stage, his father educated him. He later learned various kinds of knowledge from numerous eminent scholars in Damascus, Tripoli, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, Spain and Egypt. Among his masters in fiqh in Damascus were Qawam al-Din al-Hanafi (d. 858AH/1454AD), Hamid al-Din al-Nu‘mani (d. 867AH/1462AD) and al-‘Ala’ al-Rumi. While in north Africa and Spain, he learned nahw, ‘ilm al-kalam and medicine. In Egypt, he learned Arabic, balagha, hikma and other subjects from prominent scholars at that time such as Najm al-Din al-Qirmi (d. 880AH/1455AD), Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Shamni (d. 872AH/1467AD), al-Sharaf Yunus al-Rumi, Ibrahim b. Muhammad al-Dayri, and al-Kafiyaji. With this educational background, ‘Abd al-Basit emerged as one of the most famous scholars in Egypt. According to his student, Ibn Iyas (1960, 4: 374), he was famous in the fiqh of the Hanafi sect, in medicine, history, and other subjects. There are seventeen of his works which discuss these subjects. However, despite his ability in Turkish and his holding a respected position among the umara’, he is reported never to have held any administrative position as had his father and grandfather except as a teacher in the Madrasa Shaykhuniyya. Unlike Ibn Taghri Birdi and al-Sayrafi (d. 900AH/1495AD), ‘Abd al-Basit never received any comments and criticism from al-Sakhawi.

‘Abd al-Basit’s works that relate to the economy of the Circassian Mamluks for the period 872AH/1468AD until 922AH/1517AD are al-Rawd al-Basim fi Hawadith al-‘Umr wa al-Tarajim and Nayl al-Amal fi Dhayl al-Duwal. These two works are to be found in manuscripts form. al-Rawd al-Basim fi Hawadith al-‘Umr wa al-Tarajim is held by the Vatican Library and numbered Vat. Ms. 728 and Vat. Ms. 729. The first covers the introduction and events over a six-year period, from 844AH/1440AD to 850AH/1446AD, and the second covers the years from 865AH/1460AD to 874AH/1469AD. Manuscript no. 729


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contains 260 folios. Each folio measures 27.5 x 18.5 cm and has thirty-three lines. ‘Abd al-Basit wrote these manuscripts himself and the work was completed on 18 Rabi‘ al-Awwal 890AH/5 April 1485AD (Vida 1935, 69). (The writer opines that al-Rawd al-Basim which was written by ‘Abd al-Basit did not end its discussion at the year 874AH/1469AD. Indeed, it extended to several years after. This was because when ‘Abd al-Basit mentions several events that took place in 875AH/1470AD, 876AH/1471AD, 878AH/1473AD in Nayl al-Amal, he stipulates that these events were recorded briefly since they are mentioned in detail in al-Rawd al-Basim. The frequent verse used by him is ‘wa qad bayyannaha fi tarikhina al-Rawd al-Basim’. This shows that the manuscripts of al-Rawd al-Basim that have reached us are not complete and are missing folios that particularly discussed the year of 875AH/1470AD and after). The information on the economy of the Circassian Mamluks that is applicable to this article is merely from 872AH/1468AD till 873-874AH/1469AD. This information is not much different from that given by Ibn Taghri Birdi and al-Sayrafi such as regards the staple crops, food prices and the Nile flood levels (‘Abd al-Basit Vat. Ms.729, ff.104a-251b). Another manuscript, Nayl al-Amal fi Dhayl al-Duwal is held by the Bodleian Library in Oxford and consists of two volumes. The first is numbered Hunt. 285 and comprises the introduction and the period from 744AH/1343AD to 840AH/1436AD. The second that is relevant to this article is numbered Hunt. 610 and consists of 404 folios. Each folio measures 33 x 24 cm and has twenty-one lines. These manuscripts were written in 1045AH/1635AD and cover the years 841AH/1437AD to 896AH/1490AD. Nayl al-Amal fi Dhayl al-Duwal was written by ‘Abd al-Basit with the intention of continuing the book Duwal al-Islam which was written by Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi. The second volume of the Nayl al-Amal (Hunt. 610) is a summary of al-Rawd al-Basim fi Hawadith al-‘Umr wa al-Tarajim. The information that relates to the economy of the Circassian Mamluks (872-922AH/1468-1517AD) in Nayl al-Amal is also similar to that given by other historians. Since this book records the events that occurred until 896AH/1490AD, however it provides information on later years. Among the information given by ‘Abd al-Basit is that concerning staple crops and the prices of such as wheat, barley, broad beans, bread, mutton and beef. ‘Abd al-Basit (Ms. Huntington 610, 237b-46b) also wrote accounts of the expenses that were allocated by Sultan Qaytbay for the military campaigns in fighting Shah Suwar and Hasan al-Tawil until both were defeated. He also mentions the preparations made by Qaytbay in


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fighting the Franks who entered Alexandria and seized trade vessels and market goods. ‘Abd al-Basit (Ms. Huntington 610, 202b-271a) reports in detail about the plagues that took place in 881AH/1476AD and which caused high mortality not only among civilians but also the Mamluk armies. The havoc caused by Bedouins is also reported. Beginning in 878AH/1473AD, ‘Abd al-Basit narrates the story of the rebellions carried out by the Mamluk Julban (the Mamluks of the ruling sultan) who were dissatisfied with their treatment and demanded higher wages. Several points relating to the agricultural sector in Egypt, such as the Nile floods and natural disasters, are also mentioned. Nevertheless, Nayl al-Amal does not convey continuous information from year to year and in fact there are breaks in information for several years. ‘Abd al-Basit also does not refer to the industrial and commercial sectors at that time. On the whole, information given by him sometimes appears exaggerated and needs to be carefully examined.

Abu al-Barakat Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Iyas al-Hanafi (852-930AH/1448-1524AD)

Abu al-Barakat Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Iyas al-Hanafi known as Ibn Iyas was born in Cairo in 852AH/1448AD. Not much is known about him since he held an ordinary position among his contemporaries. Most authors do not mention him in their works. The biographical data regarding him can only be gleaned from his own writings. Like Ibn Taghri Birdi and ‘Abd al-Basit, he was also from the awlad al-nas. A great grandfather of Ibn Iyas, Azdamur al-‘Umari al-Nasiri (d. 771AH/1370AD) once served in various positions during the reign of Hasan and al-Ashraf Sha‘ban. Among the positions held by him was amir silah (grand master of the armoury) in 757AH/1356AD, viceroy of Tripoli in 764AH/1362AD, then viceroy of Aleppo, then again amir silah in 768AH/1366AD. Ibn Iyas’s grandfather who died circa 830AH/1427AD was dawadar thani (second executive secretary) during the reign of Sultan al-Nasir Faraj. His father, Ahmad (824-908AH/1421-1502AD) was ajnad halqa (a free corps) who served under Sultan Qaytbay. He also seems to have had close relations with many amirs and high officials. Ibn Iyas received his education from two prominent scholars, namely the polymath Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti and the Hanafi jurist and historian


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‘Abd al-Basit b. Khalil. Ibn Iyas was regarded as the last distinguished historian of madrasa tarikhiyya misriyya in the medieval ages since after him the madrasa became inactive and passive. After Ibn Iyas, no great historians emerged until the rise of ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti in the eighteenth century. Ibn Iyas was also a worthy successor to the great historians of the Circassian period because of the role he played as an observer and interpreter of the transition from Mamluk to Ottoman rule. His work that concerns the economy of the Circassian Mamluks in the period of 872-922AH/1468-1517AD is Bada‘i al-Zuhur fi Waqa‘i al-Duhur. This book is of great importance because it is the only source written by a historian who was an eyewitness to the decline of the Mamluk state under the Sultans Qaytbay, Qansuh al-Ghawri and al-Ashraf Tumanbay, the defeat of the Mamluks by the Ottomans, and the subsequent occupation of Egypt (‘Inan 1991, 152-68). Despite Ibn Iyas’s close relations with the ruling circles, his writing still contains criticisms towards them. For instance, Ibn Iyas criticises Sultan Qansuh al-Ghawri for the defeat of Circassian Mamluks. According to him, al-Ghawri caused a deficit in the finances of the state, the corruption of the administration, strife among the Mamluks, and negligence of artillery. It is said that the criticisms took place due to al-Ghawri abolishing Ibn Iyas’s iqta‘. Nevertheless, his writings do not always criticise the rulers since there are places where he acknowledges and appreciates their contributions, especially after the Ottoman occupation of Egypt (Brinner 1971, 3: 812-13). The writings of Ibn Iyas resemble those of Ibn Taghri Birdi and al-Sayrafi in that they are written in an almost vernacular style. The main focus in his writings is al-khassa (the social elite) compared to al-‘amma (the common people). After presenting the events that occur in a particular year, he ends with obituaries of famous men. Ibn Iyas took information from the earlier historians on the events that happened before his period. The events that took place in his period are dealt with in more detail and are based on his own observations. The information on economics given by Ibn Iyas (1960, 3: 38,209,304, 4: 66,184,217,379, 5: 52) is not comprehensive since his writings focussed merely on political events. He conveys information on havocs caused by the Bedouins, the immoral attitude of the rulers who wasted a lot of money and the natural disasters such as the plagues and the insect infestation of plants. Besides, he also mentions about the attacks from the external enemies such as the Ottomans and the Portuguese and the military costs. In this book, Ibn Iyas explains that the sultans took various measures to cover the


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expenses such as corrupting the currency and imposed high taxes for trade and commerce.

Ibn Tulun (880-953AH/1475-1546AD) Muhammad b. ‘Ali b. Ahmad b. ‘Ali, commonly known as Ibn Tulun, was born in 880AH/1475AD in Sahiliyya, a suburb of Damascus. He was of Turkish descent and belonged to a family which was famous in business. His grandfather, Ahmad, and Ahmad’s brother, Ibrahim, were among the khawaja merchants and ran their trade in Sahiliyya, Damascus and Mecca. Ibn Tulun received his early education at Madrasa Hajiyya and Madrasa al-Kawafi. He was then educated by famous scholars in the traditional Islamic sciences as well as in secular sciences such as medicine, astronomy, mathematics and engineering. In 899AH/1493AD, he was awarded an ijaza (authorization) which allowed him to teach in the mosques or colleges and in 911AH/1505AD he was awarded an ijaza to give a fatwa (legal opinion) (Ibn Tulun 1973, 54-5,66-9,74). During his lifetime, he occupied numerous teaching and administrative posts of a religious nature. Most of his life was devoted to scholarship and writing and he seems to have avoided any political involvement under the Mamluk and Ottoman regimes. In spite of the fact that Ibn Tulun wrote in various fields such as hadith and fiqh, his writings on history are more conspicuous. His historical writings deal with the end of Mamluk rule and the beginning of the Ottoman occupation of Syria and have become the main sources of the history of the Middle Ages for modern historians. Ibn Tulun was influenced by the works of his teachers and other historians at that time. His topics in historical writing are almost the same as those they wrote about. Furthermore, he summarised their books. Among Ibn Tulun’s teachers in history were Jamal al-Din Yusuf b. ‘Abd al-Hadi al-Hanbali (d. 909AH/1503AD), Abu al-Mafakhir ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Nu‘aymi (d. 927AH/1520AD) and Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti. Other historians who were his contemporaries were al-Burhan al-Biqa‘i and Ibn Iyas (Ibn Tulun 1973, 85-7). Two of Ibn Tulun’s books which touch on the history of the Circassian Mamluks especially in Syria were I‘lam al-Wara bi Man Waliya Na’iban min al-Atrak bi Dimashq and Mufakahat al-Khillan fi Hawadith al-Zaman. The first is about the Mamluk governors who ruled Damascus from the reign of the Turkish Mamluks until the Ottomans took control of that city. Even though the book expanded on politic


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events, it remains important in this article as it contains economic data such as staple crops and food prices. Ibn Tulun (1973, 65,90,199) also gives information about market places and estates belonging to Sultan Qaytbay in Damascus. In this book, we also find information about the Mamluks’ military campaigns against their northern enemies, for instance, Shah Suwar, Hasan al-Tawil and the Ottomans. The second book, Mufakahat al-Khillan, is a chronicle of Egypt and Syria covering the years 884-926AH/1479-1520AD. Despite the lack of specific discussion of the Mamluk economy, it contains a few facts on food prices, khawaja merchants and government policy towards silk industry owners. Information about caliphs, sultans, amirs, governors, and qudats which is useful for this article, can also be found in this book (Ibn Tulun 1962, 1: 8-9).

Ibn al-Hanbali (908-971AH/1502-1563AD) Muhammad b. Ibrahim b. Yusuf b. ‘Abd al-Rahman b. al-Hasan, better known as Ibn al-Hanbali, was born at Aleppo in 908AH/1502AD. He belonged to a family who were scholarly in the sciences of Islamic religion, especially in the fiqh of the Hanbali sect. Some of his family members served as qadi at Aleppo. Ibn al-Hanbali (1972, 1: 7-8) was educated in the early stages by his father, Ibrahim b. Yusuf. Afterwards, he pursued his studies under the local ‘ulama’ and others who visited Aleppo. Among the sciences he learnt were the Qur’an from al-Shaykh Ahmad b. al-Husayn al-Bakizi, fiqh from ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Fakhr al-Nisa’, qira’at from al-Shihab Ahmad al-Hindi, hadith from Muhammad b. Sha‘ban al-Dayruti, mathematics from al-Shaykh Muhammad al-Khanajari and balagha from al-Shaykh Musa al-Rasuli. Ibn al-Hanbali was a prolific writer and wrote more than fifty books on a range of subjects. Durr al-Habab fi Tarikh A‘yan Halab is his biography of famous men and women in the ninth and tenth centuries of the Hijra. It contains a description of 633 individuals who were either from Aleppo or visited that city. Despite the fact that the book focuses on the life of individuals, it reveals information about the social, economic and political situation at that time. For example, Ibn al-Hanbali (1972, 1: 21-9, 2: 45-6) mentions the plagues which occurred in Syria in 897AH/1491AD and the battle between the Circassian Mamluks and their enemies in northern Syria. He also describes in detail Sultan Qansuh al-Ghawri and his government policies, which were brutal and extravagant in spending money.


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Conclusion There were many prolific historians during the Mamluk period and they contributed to the development of Mamluk historiography by documenting information about society, politics and the economy during their times. The works of these historians were, however, focused more on social and political history than economy. Most of the historians during this period did not give a complete description of the economic situation. All data on economics merely appeared in works on political history and biographies. Information on agriculture, industry, commerce and the monetary system was not given in detail. However, the combination of all these data can give us a general idea about the economy of Egypt and its situation during the period under consideration.


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Price Control Policy of Alauddin Khalji:

Achievement or Failure

*Humera Naz

Abstract

The current study is focused on to the introduction and

evaluation of Price Control Policy of Allauddin Khalji. When he

ascended the throne, the kingdom was in complete disorder.

As a consequence of rising powers of the zamindars and the

Mongol threat, trade and agriculture were paralyzed. This

paper covers all these problems and tries to explore the causes

of Allauddin Khalji’s Price Control Policy. The study also

provide a comprehensive account of all steps taken for price

control including fixation of prices of commodities, royal

granaries, strict action on hoarders, strong espionage system,

strict action on complaints, establishment of ‘Diwan-i-Riyasat’,

and elimination of dallal (middleman). It particularly highlights

major steps adopted for the successful implementation of the

policy.

Key Words: Allauddin Khalji, Price Control Policy, India, Sultanate of

Delhi, Administrative Reforms *Department of History (Gen) University of Karachi


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Introduction Allauddin Khalji was the second monarch of the Khalji Dynasty who ruled over India from 1290 to 1320 A.D under the banner of Sultanate of Delhi. He was an able administrator, who surpassed his predecessors. Most of his successors regard his achievements and reputation. He was the first to conquer Hindu states of Deccan and it was he who fought against on slaughter of the Mongols and under who power the Mongols were suppressed and crushed1. He can be attributed as the fore-runner of Sher Shah and Akbar. He laid the foundation of an empire based upon a policy of imperialism, secularization of the state and comprehensive administrative system. Alauddin, however, was the first who introduced price control policy in India. Alauddin Khalji’s Price Control Besides administrative, social and public reforms, the economic reforms of Alauddin are considered as the ‘miracles of history’2. Alauddin was the first person to give the concept of Planned Economy in medieval period which was, later on, adopted by Sher Shah Suri and Akbar the Great. The most significant aspect of his economic reforms was his Price Control Policy which distinguishes him for his acumen and intelligence from all his contemporaries. This policy of Allauddin Khalji has always been admired by all the historians and the scholars of all the ages. Stanley Lanepool opines that “What made Alauddin distinguished from other monarchs of Delhi is his Price Control Policy”3. According to S. M.Ikram, “His policy was the marvel of the age.”4 Lanepool also pays regard to him by saying that, “He is the greatest political economist.”5 Price Control: Its Purposes The historians have different views about the reasons for the Alauddin’s Price Control Policy. Ziauddin Barni in his book ‘Tareekh-i-

1 . M. H. Syed, History of Delhi Sultanate, Vol. I (New Delhi: Anmol Publications

Pvt. Ltd., 2004), p. 84. 2 . Peter Jacson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 156. 3 . Satnley Lane-Poole, Medieval India under Mohammadan Rule (712-1764

A.D.) (London: Book Surge Publishing, 2002), p. 192. 4 . S.M.Ikram, History of Muslim Civilization in India and Pakistan (Lahore:

Education Publishers, 1962), p. 82. 5 . Op. cit., Lane-pool, p. 187.

Jhss, Vol. 1, No.2 , July to December 2010

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Firoz Shahi’ describes that Alauddin had made such a policy because he had to maintain a large army due to the threat of Mongols, to increase the royal grandeur, to achieve the economic stability and to get rid of social injustice.6 Dr. K.S. Lal commented favorably. He writes, “He had to maintain a large army due to the permanent Mongol threat, due to which he had to make an effective price control policy.”7 However, Allauddin needed to maintain a large army to resist Mongols but also to carry on campaigns of conquests as he is regarded as an imperialist too. The political successes during Alauddin’s period were backed by administrative measures. The conjunction of a Mongol raid to the Jumna, a disaster in Waringal and difficult campaigns in Rajputana, made an increase in the standing army seem necessary, and a number of rebellions raised the problem of internal security. Similarly, R.C. Majumdar opines that Alauddin rightly realized that a strong army was an indispensable requisite for the system of government; he had been trying to build up. But its efficient maintenance required a huge expenditure at a time when the influx of wealth from the South had caused a fall in the value of money and augmented the prices of articles8. In order to overcome this inflation, Alauddin introduced the wage and price control policy. On the other hand, L.P. Sharma gives another reason for this inflation. He writes that ‘Alauddin had distributed wealth lavishly among his subjects which reduced the value of the currency in the market. Therefore, it became necessary for Alauddin to reduce the salary of his soldiers and also to reduce the cost of articles in the market’9. He wanted provision of necessities of life to his soldiers and subjects on fixed prices in order to keep state intact.10 Dr. K.S. Lal strengthens this view point when he writes: ‘It was simple arithmetical calculation and simple economic principle; since he had decided to reduce and fix the salary of soldiers, he also decided to reduce and fix the prices of common use”.11 Yet the primary reason of controlling the market by Alauddin was not to reduce the salary of his soldiers but to check the rising prices of different articles in terms of inflation. “As for the amount of salary we

6 . Ibid., pp. 446-447. 7 . K. S. Lal, History of the Khaljis (Bombay: Asian Publishing House, 1967), p.

197. 8 . R. C. Majumdar, An Advanced History of India (Lahore: Aziz Publishers,

1980), p.308. 9 . L. P. Sharma, History of Medieval India, (1000-1740 A.D.) (India: Konark

Publishers Pvt. Ltd., n.d.), p. 90. 10 . Op. cit., Peter Jackson, p. 173. 11 . Op. cit., K.S. Lal, p. 197.


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find that Alauddin gave 234 tankas per year i.e.19½ tankas per month.12 This amount certainly was not a small sum for the first decade of the 14th century when we find that Akbar calculated the salary of a ‘tabinan’ at the rate of Rs. 240/- per annum while during the reign of Shah Jahan it was Rs. 200/= per annum. Thus Alauddin paid to a soldier only Rs. 6/- per annum less than what Akbar paid and Rs. 34/- per annum, more than what Shah Jahan paid. We cannot, therefore, say that Alauddin paid a low salary to his soldiers.”13 Alauddin did not fix the prices of different articles lower than the prevalent prices of those articles in places around Delhi. Besides, the prices fixed by Alauddin were not very different from what we find then afterwards during the reign of Firoz Shah Tughlaq. Barni writes in this regard that “the villagers for their personal benefit used to bring personally as much of the grain as they could from their storage and used to sell them in the ‘mandi’ at the government rates.”14 Certainly there was a margin of profit left to them in the prices fixed by the Sultan. Here question arises that when Alauddin did not fix the prices lower than the country–side and these was certainly not below the normal prices then what was the need of fixing the prices and taking strong measures to see that these were observed? The answer of this question is that Delhi in Alauddin Khalji’s time had become the capital of a mighty empire and a central mart with a rapidly increasing population to which the constant movement of the merchants added a floating population. It also had become a large cantonment. This entire situation not merely intensified the demand for food-grain but also introduced a strong cash nexus and increased the money circulation.15 However, these factors inevitably produced inflationary conditions because the price of a commodity is not merely governed by the intensity of demand but also directly proportion to the amount of money in circulation. This condition offered an opportunity to the business community to increase the prices by creating artificial scarcity. Therefore, it may infer that ‘Alauddin’s motive was to check the rising prices which were due to manipulation of the business community and not to produce the prices to a lower level than the normal.’16 This view point is quite logical, yet, it has also to be

12. The value of a tanka was a little more than that of a rupee. 13 . Dr. U . N. Day, Some Aspects of Medieval Indian History (New Delhi: Kumar

Brothers, 1971), p. 128. 14 . Op. cit., Barni, Sp. 319 15. Op. cit., Dr. Day, p. 135. 16 . Ibid., p. 137.


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accepted that the necessity of his market-policy arose because of the necessity of keeping a huge standing army and paying it in cash. According to some historians, another reason for this policy was humanitarian. Sultan desired that all his subjects should get all necessary articles in sufficient quality and at proper price. Therefore, he fixed the prices of all articles. This opinion is mostly based on the narrative given by Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh in his work, ‘Khairul Majalis’ which he wrote in Feroz’s reign17 and by Amir Khusro who praised the economic measures of Alauddin in his work, Khazain-ul-Futuh.18 But both of these sources are not very much dependable and, therefore, not sufficient to justify this humanitarian motive. On contrary, the rigorous imposition of his economic measures and the resultant effects on his subjects clearly exhibit that Alauddin was guided neither by considerations of public welfare nor by any economic principles. Thus, we can conclude that his primary object in enforcing these measures was purely political. For the political stability and consolidation he needed a permanent standing army at the centre, a large staff of state officials, on civil and military administration and on slaves.19 He curtailed the salaries of his soldiers but desired that the soldiers remain comfortable with this reasonable amount of salary. For this purpose, he tried to check the inflationary prices, and the manipulation of merchants to raise the prices artificially and, thereby, was forced to fix the prices of all articles and enforce them strictly. Steps towards Price Control The Price Control Policy of Alauddin is remarked as one of the wonders of that time. This policy comprises of different steps which are as under: • Fixation of prices of commodities The other rulers of Delhi Sultanate used to fix the prices of only the most important commodities of life to the maximum but neglected the other items. But Alauddin, though illiterate, had made such a thoughtful policy that he fixed prices of all the commodities of life to maximum. Alauddin fixed up the prices of nearly all articles. The

17 . Ref. Op. cit., K.S. Lal, p. 218. 18 . Amir Khusru, Khazain-ul-Futuh (Aligarh: Allahabad University Press, 1927) p.

87. 19 . According to Ferishta, Alauddin had 50,000 slaves.


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prices were fixed not only of all variety of grain, pulses, cloth, slaves, cattle and horse only but even those of necessary articles of daily use as that on meat, fish, dry fruit, sugar-cane, vegetables, needles, colors, betel-leave, silk, horse, shoes etc20. Alauddin fixed the prices between 1.5 to 7.5 jitals. Ferishta mentions in his works that in Alauddin’s times a tanka, whether of gold or silver, was equal to one tola in weight, and that a tanka of silver was equal to fifty jitals. The weight of the jital, a small copper coin which continued to be current in Ferishta’s time also weighed, according to some, one tola and according to some others 1¾ tolas. The tanka of Alauddin, adds ferishta, was equal to one tola consisting of 96 rattis and so also was later found by Babur21. Therefore, the tanka of Alauddin was exactly equal in weight to the rupee. a) Food grain Food grains, the staple food, to which the sultan gave his first and fullest attention. The government fixed the maximum prices for a number of commodities. These comprised basic foodstuffs – wheat (hinta), barley (jaw), rice (shali), pulse(mash, nukhud) and moth; cloth, sugar, sugar-cane (nabat), fruit, animal fat (rawghan-i suture) and wax (rawghan-i chiragh); and slaves horses and live stock.22 The Prices of food articles were fixed as follows: 23 Wheat per man 7 ½ jitals Barley “ 4 “ Gram “ 5 “ Rice “ 5 “ Mash “ 5 “ Nakhud (pulse) “ 5 “ Moth “ 3 “ Sugar per ser 1 1/3 “ Gur (brown Sugar) “ 1/3 Butter or Ghee 2 ½ sers 1 “ Oil of sesame 3 “ 1 “

20 . Op. cit., M. H. Syed, p. 84. 21 . Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Translated by Abdul Hai

Khawaja (Lahore: Book Talk, 1991), p. 356. 22 . Op. cit., Peter Jackson, p. 245. 23 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 448.


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Salt 2 ½ mans 5 “ Now, although the prices fixed by Alauddin were quite low, yet it is difficult to agree with Barni that they were the lowest compared with those that prevailed in the reigns of his predecessors and successors. In the time of Balban, baked bread used to sell at two sers a jital24 and therefore, wheat would have been cheaper still. Price-level went up on the whole in the time of Mohammad bin Tughlaq, but it again dropped to the previous level of Alauddin under Feroz Tughlaq. The following table, given on the basis of Shams Siraj Afif’s 'Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi', would illustrate this point25: Name of Commodity Price Under Alauddin Under Firoz Wheat per man 7½ jital 8 jital Barley “ “ 4 “ 4 “ Paddy and pulses “ “ 5 “ 4 “ However, the real importance in Alauddin’s reign is not so much the fall of prices, as the establishment of a fixed price in the market, which was considered one f the wonders of the age. b) Clothing items Next to food, another important item of price control was cloth. In fact, the Sultan established separate markets for all the commodities needed by the soldiers. Ziauddin Barni gives a long list of Silk and cotton fabrics the prices of which were fixed by the Crown. It is difficult to ascertain the prices of cloth now because the measurement and currency of those days cannot always be proportionally calculated in modern money. The following kinds of cloth and their controlled prices have been given by Barni26: Delhi Khazz Silk 16 tankas Orange color raw Silk 6 “ Half Silks mixed with Hair 3 “ Shirin Baft Fine 5 “

24 . Op. cit., K.S.Lal, p. 198. 25 . Ibid., p. 198. 26 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 455.


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Shirin Baft Middling 3 “ Shirni Baft Coarse 2 “ Silhati Fine 6 “ Silhati Middling 4 “ Silhati Coarse 2 “ Red Striped stuffs 6 jitals Common Stuffs 3 ½ “ Red Lining of Nagor 24 “ Coarse lining 12 “ Long – Cloth Fine 1 tankas for 20 yards Long – Cloth Coarse 1 tankas for 40 yards Chadar 10 jitals It will be interesting to note that in many cases the contemporary chronicles does not give measure of the cloth that price been mentioned. But it will be well-nigh certain that cloth was not cheap in early medieval times. While wheat was sold at 7 ½ jitals per man (one man included 12 sers); a chadar was sold at 10 jitals. Compared with food, therefore, cloth of even ordinary quality was costlier in those days. Barni says that the outside Delhi, the prices of cloth were comparatively four or five times higher still27. c) Horses and cattle Rules were also formed to regulate the sale of horses, and cattle. Cavalry was the most important branch of army and horses were much valued. Horses, considered fit for military service were divided into three grades according to their quality and breed. Their prices were as below:28 Best quality horse 100 – 120 tankas Second form quality horse 80 – 90 “ Third form “ “ 65 – 70 “ Ponies 10 – 25 “ The Prices of cattle were as under:29 Good beast of Burdon 4 – 5 tankas Cow for slaughtering 1½ - 2 “ Milch Cow 3 – 4 “ Buffalo for slaughtering 5 – 6 “

27 . Ibid., p. 456. 28 . Ibid., p. 459. 29 . Ibid., p. 462.


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Milch Buffalo 10 – 12 “ Goat 10 – 14 jitals To maintain these low prices, Alauddin had to treat brokers and middle men in the horse trade very severely. He instituted very harsh measures to put an end to the nefarious activities of the dallals (middle-man). b) Slaves On lines similar to these were fixed the prices of slaves. Those are given as below:30 Working slave girl 5 – 12 tankas Good looking girl 20 – 40 “ Slave boys 20 – 30 “ Ill favored 7 – 8 “ Alauddin fixed the prices of each and every commodity, however trifling. It was as a matter of sound economic policy also. The prices of different commodities were interconnected, though were under control. The prices fixed for once were never altered during his rule of 14 years. Yet a very beautiful girl of a very high price say of 1,000 or 2,000 tankas, was offered for sale in the market, nobody dared to buy her for fear of the Muhiyans (secret police).31 • Royal Granaries Alauddin had made large royal godowns in which the grains were stored and from there were distributed to the dealers in the market, thus making sure that every thing was available to common man and there was no black marketing. No merchant, farmer or dealer was allowed to hoard grain or to sell it at a higher rate,32 so that in times of scarcity the Sultan could supply the market with his own grains. Barni states that, “there was scarcely a Mohalla where two or three royal stores filled with food stuffs did not exist.”33 However, in times of scarcity, everybody was allowed to purchase only that much which was just sufficient for his need. Thus, arrangement was so made that the people might not feel scarcity of any thing any time.34 That is why 30 . Ibid., p. 461. 31 . M. A. Farooqi, The Economic Policy of the Sultans of Delhi (New Delhi:

Konark Publishers, 1991) p. 98. 32 . Op. cit., Majumdar, p. 309. 33 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 499. 34 . Op. cit., L. P. Sharma, p. 92.


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revenue was collected in kind both from Khalsa- land and the lands of feudality chiefs.35 Only store traders who were registered with the state were allowed to purchase grain from the peasants.36 • Strict action on Hoarders Hoarding and regreting was strictly forbidden. The hoarders were dealt with iron hand and were punished severely. Sultan not only controlled the prices and hoarding, but also those of supply and transport of various articles. Traders, who carried goods from one place to other, were registered and every type of facility was provided to them in transportation of goods. All the merchants were required to register themselves in the office of Shahna-i-mandi (Inspector-General of the markets)37 and to bring all goods for sale to the Sarai adl, an open place inside the Badaun gate. They had to furnish sufficient securities for their conduct.38 However, serious punishments were provided against the violation of the Sultan’s regulations. Nobody could dare to sell any commodity underweight as the same amount of flesh was cut off from his body.39 For this reason speculation and black-marketing was totally stopped. All the regulations were strictly enforced and the guilty ones were severely punished. Diwan-i-riyasat and Shahna-i-Mandi assisted by a judge called Sara-i-adl and a host of subordinate officers were held responsible for the enforcement of these laws.40 • Strong Espionage system These regulations were enforced by means of highly organized intelligence system and by drastic punishments for evasion. For this purpose Alauddin Khalji established a very strong espionage system, which kept him aware of the all conditions of the market.41 He took special interest for active implementation of this system. The officials of grain market were the Barid-i-Mandi, who reported on the quality of the wares, and the ‘Munhiyans’ who may be compared to the secret service police of today. There officials were inferior to the Shahna-i-Mandi in status but they submitted their reports separately and

35 . I. H. Qureshi, Short History of Pakistan. (Karachi: Karachi University Press,

1997), p. 288. 36 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 450. 37 . Op. cit., M. H. Syed, p. 84. 38 . Op. cit., Majumdar, p. 309. 39 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 454. 40 . Ibid., p.455. 41 . Op. cit., L.P.Sharma, p. 93.


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directly to the sultan. Thus, the shrewd monarch received reports of the market from these different sources and scrutinized them carefully. This compelled the market officials and traders to be correct in their account and honest in their dealings.42 • Strict action on Complaints The system of accountability against the complaints was very quick and fast. A strict and immediate action was taken on complaint of the general public. The fixation of low prices of the grain was good for almost all the classes except the peasants and others who depended upon land for their livelihood. These people had to sell grain at very low prices but had to pay dearly for other necessities of life.43 • Establishment of ‘ Diwan-i-Riayasat’ Alauddin had established a price control department named ‘Diwan-i-Riayasat’ whose head was Malik Ulugh Khan and the Shahan-i-Mandi (the head of markets was Yaqoob Khan). Thus, a new Government market was established under the Badaun gate and was named ‘Sara-i-Adl’, which was under the control of Diwan-i-Riyasat.44 The purpose of this market was to ensure that the goods supplied to the markets by the traders and were sold on the prices fixed by the Diwan-i-Riayasat. • Elimination of Dallal / Middleman Allauddin’s policy that involved the enforcement of maximum prices for a wide range of commodities and in some cases the elimination of middlemen appears to have been a remarkable piece of government interventionism. Sultan had eliminated Dallali system to ensure the smooth flow of commodities in the market.45 However, Sultan’s policies were reinforced by harsh penalties. To some extent the victims were middlemen: horse traders and horse-brokers, for instance, whose operations tended to inflate prices, were in many cases fined or expelled from the capital and imprisoned in distant forts.46

42 . Op. cit., K.S.Lal, pp. 205-206. 43 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 458. 44. Ibid., p. 467. 45 . Op. cit., Barni, pp. 313-14. 46 . Op. cit., Peter Jackson, p. 246.


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Price Control: Its Implications Success of every plan and policy is hidden in the correct implementation of that plan. Alauddin was lucky enough to have honest and capable five loyal persons named Ulugh Khan, Zafar Khan, Nusrat Khan, Alp Khan and Khwaja Jahan as the heads of different department. For the successful implementation of the policy he adopted two main steps: • Granted concessions and facilities to the traders

The fixation of low prices of the grain was good for almost all the classes except the peasants and others who depended upon land for their livelihood. These people had to sell grain at very low prices but had to pay dearly for other neccessicities of life. The merchants dealing in cloths had to procure manufacture goods from places beyond Alauddin’s control where the prices were higher, but they had to sell them at Delhi at the fixed rate and the king allowed them a margin of profit; this must have caused a considerable lost to the treasury.47 Except the food grain, some of the commodities of daily use were imported from the foreign countries. To ensure this swift import, Sultan gave advances to the Multani traders for purchasing good from abroad. All sort of concessions and facilities were granted for this purpose.48 • Rationing In favorable season, people could buy as much grain as they liked. But in times of scarcity, the consumption of these items was controlled by rationing. During those times each household was given half a man of grain per day49. There were no ration cards nor were people numbered or counted for obtaining grain in fixed quantity. This action prevented grain from smuggling or profit gaining. The system of rationing was a novel idea of Alauddin, and Barni assert that on account of his various regulations, no famine occurred in Delhi even when there was drought and people thought famine to be unavoidable. At least in Delhi the people live a life of contentment,

47 . Ghulam Sarwar Khan Niazi, The Life and Workss of Sultan Alauddin Khalji

(New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers, 1992), p. 95. 48 . Ibid., p. 97. 49 . Op. cit., K.S.Lal, p. 203.


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undisturbed by any fear of scarcity. Areas where the ‘Policy’ practically implemented Now we have to see whether this policy was in practice all over the country or only in the capital and its nearby areas. Only Ferishta and Barni provide account in this regard which are, however, in contrast from each other. Ferishta has mentioned that the prices of articles in other parts of the empire were the same in Delhi. Barni has not written anything specific about it. Yet, what we gather from his account indicates that the system was limited to Delhi and its nearby areas. . Barni forcibly expresses that it was a source of wonder to his contemporaries.50 The majority of historians accepted this view. But the following paragraph of ‘Fatawa-i-Jahandari' leaves the impression that the Sultan’s economic measures were extended to the cities of empire. He states that ‘the King should also know that every arrangement (naqsh) in the matter of buying and selling the price fixation which he makes for his capital will also appear in all provinces. The officers and raiyyat of the country will accept it and follow.51 But in the narrative of the ‘Tarikh-i-Firoz Shahi’, whenever a reference is made to the activities of officers like the Divan-i-Riyasat, Shahna-i-Mandi, etc. the impression gathered is that they were confined to Delhi alone. Not a single name of a Shahna or Gumashta of any other city has come to light.52 Secondly, traders and merchants were forced to register themselves with the Divan-i-Riyasat and give an undertaking individually and collectively, to reside and work in Delhi.53 Here the question arises that why was there a fear of their migration to other place? Obviously because of the prices elsewhere were not controlled and the merchants could hope for better profits outside Delhi. Policy: Achievement or Failure? Barni is emphatic in this regard that so long as Alauddin ruled, price of commodities never rose or fell but ever remained fixed.54 However, other witnesses did not confirm Barni’s testimony and state that the effectiveness of Allauddin’s price control was a ‘byword among later 50 . Op. cit., Barni., p. 317. 51 . Ziauddin Barni, Fatawa-i-Jahandari, Translated by Prof. Dr. Riaz Ahmed

(Islamabad: NIHCR, 2004), p.36. 52 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 312. 53 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 306. 54 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 312.


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generations.’55 Ibn Battuta, visiting the Sultanate in the 1330s and early 1340s, heard Allauddin praised in this connection as one of the best previous sultans, and mentions in particular the price of meat, woven cloth and grain.56 Hamid Qalandar, writing in 1354, likewise pays tribute to the sultan’s achievement in reducing the cost of grain and to the low wages paid in his reign.57 The policy was advantageous to the people of Delhi also as they could get every commodity on reasonable rates. L.P.Sharma praised for it in these words: “Thus, the market system of Alauddin was a novel and successful experiment.”58 According to Dr. I. H. Qurishi, “the price control policy was successful in its implementation.” On the other hand, V.A.Smith criticized Alauddin’s price control policy in these words, “His measures certainly succeeded in preserving an artificial cheapness in the markets of the capital even during years of drought, but at the cost of infinite oppression.”59 K.S. Lal who was pointed out many defects of the policy has written: “What is of real importance in Alauddin’s reign is not so much the cheapness of price, as the establishment of a fixed price in the market which was considered one of the wonders of the age.”60 Majumdar points out another weakness of his policy that “the regulations worked according to the Sultan’s desire so long as he lived, and enable him to maintain a large standing army at a cheap cost”.61 M.H. Syed says that “Bold and original in conception, the new economic policy of Alauddin evokes our admiration; but its defects and shortcomings should not be overlooked or minimized. The control of price and rationing obtained in and near Delhi only, and the regulations adversely affected both the trade as well as agriculture. Only the army and; incidentally and the population of Delhi benefited by these regulations. Judged by the objective which inspired them, they proved highly successful. Opposed as they were to economic laws, they died with their author.”62 Barni remarks that the “unvarying price of grain in the market was looked upon as one of the wonders of

55 . Op. cit., Peter Jackson, p. 246. 56 . Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta 1325-1354 A.D, tr. H. A. R. Gibb, vol. iii (London:Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 184-85. 57 . Hamid Qalandar, Khayr al-Majalis ed. K. A. Nizami (Aligarh, 1959) pp. 240-41. 58 . Op. cit., L.P.Sharma, p. 93. 59 . Vincent A. Smith, The Oxford History of India (Karachi: Oxford University

Press, 1983), p. 246. 60 . Op. cit., K.S.Lal, p. 224. 61 . Op. cit., Majumdar, p. 309. 62 . Op. cit., M. H. Syed, pp. 84-85.


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the time.”63 But he does not definitely state the effects of these devices on the economic conditions of the country as a whole. The success of this system, however, is said to be based upon various reasons such as an extremely efficient intelligence system, severe and exemplary punishments, and the scarcity of money with the people and the absence of other means of loose living such as the drinking and dancing and big feats.64 But I infer that the success of policy mainly depended upon the fact that it was introduced after giving it a proper consideration from every angle by the Sultan and his advisors. The courage and his sincerity of purpose influenced all, high or low, and made them cooperate with him in carrying out his plans. Yet after giving due credit to the success of Alauddin, one has to conclude that the price control policy of Alaudding was neither in the interest of the people nor in the permanent interest of the state. The policy was not conducive to the welfare of the peasants also. How those peasants could be prosperous and happy who, besides other taxes, had to pay half of their produce as revenue,65 and the rest of it on fixed rate to the traders but had to purchase their necessities of life from their local market where the price should have been higher than the fixed price prevalent in Delhi? The workers also could not be happy as they were forced to sell their produce only with the little margin or a little higher cost than the cost of their production. The traders could not be happy as their profit depended on the will of the state. Sultan had forced traders to bring fixed quality of commodities to Delhi and sell them at fixed rates. Therefore, there was no incentive for initiative either in industry or in trade. There is no doubt that the benefits of the price control policy were enjoyed by the civil as well as the military population of Delhi, still the agriculturists of the Doab and the tracts in the vicinity of Delhi, of Jhain and of Bayana, suffered privations for the benefit of the people of the capital.66 Alauddin was not learned enough to philosophize on the benefits of a far distant future and to foster trade, commerce and agriculture. Although Alauddin worked vigorously to pursue the goals of his policy, he sacrificed remote but permanent gains for immediate

63 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 215. 64 . Op. cit., Sherwani, p. 99. 65 . Op. cit., Barni, p. 320. 66 . Op. cit., K.S.Lal, p. 223.


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benefits of the army. Dr. K. S. Lal expresses that ‘the motive of Sultan may not have been to crush the poor peasants against whom he possibly could have no grudge, but the exigencies of the state required him to take such steps under which the interests of commerce and cultivators were sacrificed of those of army.’67 The capital was fed, while the country was at large was bled: so large a quantity of grain was stocked at Delhi that Ibn-i-Batuta, who arrived there in 1334 A.D., consumed the rice stored by Alauddin.68 There is no doubt that in the reign of no other ruler the Mongol invasions were so persistent as in the time of Alauddin and in the reign of no other sultan of Delhi Sultanate period conquests were made on such a large scale. Here question may arise that how many renowned Turkish kings of India could afford to keep the happiness and prosperity of the peasants and traders above those of the army? Necessity, religious zeal and personal ambition rendered the glory of conquest much more appealing to them than the glory of making such laws as would make the peasants rich and traders richer. Besides the above mentioned achievement another remarkable feature of his policy was the appointments of Shahnas for the various markets, Barids and the secret and efficient service of Munhiyans, all independent of one another and all responsible the king improve the tone of administration. Their efficiency, loyalty and vigilance were out of question and in the times of scarcity, there was no damage of famine in the capital city. Conclusion The price control policy of Alauddin khalji brought down the prices of the essential commodities so low that nobody was left in want. People were prosperous and happy. For this achievement, his measures had full support of his subjects is testified to by numerous contemporary references in the ‘Mulfuzat’ of the period.69 Long after his death, people looked to his reign when articles of daily use were to be had in plenty and at moderate prices. There could be no great testimony to the value of his work and the public appreciation of the same than the fact recorded in mulfuzat that Alauddin’s tomb became a place of pilgrimage and people in distress went to his tomb.70 However, the price control policy of Alauddin Khalji died with him. His son Qutubuddin Mubark Shah had no desire to extend his empire and had no fear of Mongol invasions. Therefore, he neither needed a 67 . Ibid., p. 223. 68 . Op. cit., M. H. Syed, p. 85. 69. Op. cit., Ghulam Sarwar Khan Niazi, p. 136. 70. Op. cit., Hamid Qalandar, Khayr al-Majalis, p. 220.


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large standing army not in consequence the price control policy. It was a temporary measure, restored to in a state of exigency. When the emergency was over, the policy was also permitted to fall into disuse. Besides, the policy which could be enforced only by force could not continue for long. Therefore, the price control policy of Alauddin finished with his death.


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Bibliography

1. Bakhshi, S. R. Advanced History of Medieval India Vol-I (New

Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd., 2003) 2. Barni, Ziauddin, Fatawa-i-Jahandari, Translated by Prof. Dr.

Riaz Ahmed (Islamabad: NIHCR, 2004) 3. Barni, Ziauddin, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi (History of Firoz Shah)

Translated by Dr. S. Moin-ul-Haq (Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 1991).

4. Ferishta, Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah, Tarikh-i-Ferishta Vol-I, Translated by Abdul Hai Khawaja and Dr. Abdu r Rehman (Lahore: Book Talk, 1991).

5. Ikram, S. M., History of Muslim Civilization in India and Pakistan (Lahore: Educational Publisher, 1962).

6. Lal, K. S., History of the Khaljis (Bombay: Asian Publishing House, 1967)

7. Lanepool, Stanley, Mediaeval India under Mohammadan Rule (712-1764 A.D.) (London: Book Surge Publishing, 2002)

8. Majumdar, R.C. An Advanced History of India (Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 1980).

9. Niazi, Ghulam Sarwar Khan, Life and Works of Sultan Alauddin Khalji (New Delhi: Atlantic publishers, 1992)

10. Peter Jacson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

11. Qureshi, I.H., The Administration of Sultanate of Delhi (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1958).

12. Sharma, L. P., History of Medieval India (1000-1740 A.D.) (India: Konark Publishers Pvt. Ltd., n.d.)

13. Smith, V.A., The Oxford History of India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1983)

14. Syed, M. H., History of Delhi Sultanate Vol-I (New Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd., 2004)

15. Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta 1325-1354 A.D, tr. H. A. R. Gibb, vol. iii (London:Cambridge

16. Hamid Qalandar, Khayr al-Majalis ed. K. A. Nizami (Aligarh, 1959) University Press, 1994)

17. Farooqi, M. A., The Economic Policy of the Sultans of Delhi (New Delhi: Konark Publishers, 1991)

ENGRAVINGS OF GICHI NALA

IHSAN ULLAH KHAN

ABSTRACT

The historical significance of the ancient engravings and

inscription found from the surroundings of Chilas, including

Chilas, Thalpan, Gichi Nala, Shang Nala, Hoder Nala, Dadam

Das and Shatyal Nala were examined in terms of its contents

and concentration. From the right and left banks of the Indus

River, about fifty thousand engravings and Ten thousand

inscription have been discovered. These engravings and

inscriptions exhibit different religions, gods, Buddha images,

riding archers, discs, stupas, humans, handpalms, footprints,

animals (Markhor, snakes, hounds, horses), hunt scenes,

scenes of social life, inscriptions of various periods (Saka,

Parthian and Kushan periods), in Kharoshti and Brahmi, in

addition to Sogdian and Chinese scripts. These inscription

belong to those traders and preachers who visited Chilas Darel

(ancient name Ta-li-lo)1 that was once famous for the

production of gold and the 'Phuguch' Buddhist Stupa-monastry,

and 'Thalpan'2 sacred area. The religious pilgrims used to visit

these sacred places.

Keywords: Gichi Nala, engravings, Buddha images, Kharoshti & Brahmi Images

� Lecturer, Fed. Govt. Degree College Chilas. Research Scholar Department of General History University of Karachi.

1 Beal, Samuel 1969 Si-yu-ki Buddhist Records of The Western World. Oriental Books Reprint Corporation Book Publishers, 10-B, Subhash Marg, Delhi-6. P-134 2 Dani, A.H. 1983 Chilas The City of Nanga Perbat (Diamer) Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad printed at New Fine Printing Press, 76, Lytton Road Lahore P-20-36


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Introduction Geographically, the Gichi Nala is located to the west of Chilas about eight kilometers away at the end of Bara Das. Administratively, Chilas is under the Centre. Very small quantity of water from Gichi valley falls into the Indus River. Mountain snow melts into springs and reaches the inner fields of the valley. To the left of Gichi valley is Bato Gah, and Thorli, Thor Nala is to its right. This turns Gichi valley into a bowl-like shape. The mountain and forests at its back. Thor Nala and Bato Gah valley meet here. Moreover, there are several dry valleys and small ravines. Barren fields (Das) are located towards the Indus River. There are few forests on the mountains. The area consists of dry and large piece of land where until recent past, a large number of wild animals were inhibited and would approach the Gichi Nala to drink water. These animals would include herds of ibexes (Shrah) and Orend – an animal of sheep family. Ibex carries a special habit of eating snow if water is unavailable. After snow melts in summer, these wild animals move toward streams for drinking water. Until recent past, Gichi Nala was famous for hunters who did their hunting by setting their ambushes at various paths.

Gichi valley, in native language, is also called Gichi Parao (Transit). It might be a transitory place in the old times where travelers could take rest for some time. At the mouth of Gichi valley, ancient remains are found which contain engravings (writings and drawings) of the Buddhist or earlier period. Carved on stones, these could be the work of the local people. Ibex and human drawn on stones could be of the Buddhist period. Let us take a view of thee engravings. In this regard, contributions of Prof. Dr. H. Hauptmann of Heidelberg Academy of Germany, Dr. Martin Biemann, Dr. Nasim Khan, Dr. Ditte Bandini Kunek and Dr. Finn Hanober are admirable. There are about 750 engravings in Gichi Nala. Out of these, 300 are writings and about 450 are drawings.

“The writings of Gichi include Sogdian script excepting which the Baktri, Chinese, Khroshti or Proto Sharda scripts are non-existent. Instead, in the upper region of the Indus River only one Hebrew script is found so far. The Brahmi scripts of this place could resemble to those of Shang Nala dating back to 4th to 6th century A.D. Above some pictures, writings in Brahmi are inscribed revealing their age.”3

3 Hauptmann, Herald Tr. A. M. Tahir n.d. Shing Nala and Gichi Nala Vol-4 (German-Urdu) Heidelberg Academy for the Humanities Science Research Unit. P-36-57


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Details of Engravings 1. Incarnated Creature: About eighty drawings of the incarnated creatures are found in Gichi Nala. “All the pictures of riders are found in the east of the stream whereas prints of hands and feet of the hunters and other human pictures are found in the west of the stream.” Details of carvings and engravings found in the ancient remains of northern Pakistan at Shang Nala and Gichi Nala are as under: “There is a picture of an incarnated creature with horns. Another is a bisexual creature. Three pictures are of hunters. Fourteen pictures of men laced with arms (incarnated creatures: twelve pictures), thirty six pictures of humans, twelve of riders, four pictures of demon, ten pictures of body parts (hands and feet).”4 2. Animals Pictures of animals in the engravings of Gichi Nala count around one hundred which include a bull, caprine (a goat-like animal), animals with hoofs, dogs, two-hump camel, ibex/goat with spiral horns – four pictures, twelve pictures of horses, two pictures of snakes, fifteen pictures of mountain-goat, animals and two pictures of birds. 3. One picture containing signs of resemblance 4. Buildings (33 pictures) 5. , (6) flower-bud and flower (7) Agni, Kund (three pictures of horned altar named as Agni

Kund or altar) (8) three branches (9) Pottery (10) Print of hoof (two pictures) (11) Print of cross (12) Puzzles (13) Seven pictures of carvings (14) Two pictures of imitation writings (15) Sixteen pictures of discs (16) Entwined circle or Medal (17) Two pictures of star (18) Stupa (eighty pictures) (19) Medal (four pictures) (20) Unclear engravings (sixty pictures) (21) Four cornered shapes (22) Forty four pictures of groups (23) Scenes (three scenes of hunting)

4 Ibid.


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General Opinion about the Writings “with more than 300 writings found from the engravings, Gichi Nala, after Shatial, is such place where ratio of writings is the highest. Out of these, about two-third are found in the western part and one-third in the eastern part of the Nala. In the western part, these are found mostly alongside the old path.” 5 “About more than ten writings are with stupas and associated to someone. Only in five cases, these writings start in the common style (Dewa Dharmoyam) which are the words ‘I made it’ included in the writing. This strengthens the assumption that this drawing and writing are engraved by the same person and these have got relevance with each other.” 6 Except one, all the writings (captions) with pictures are found in the eastern part which come to a possible conclusion that these were engraved by the local people. Although names are repeated here, but not as frequently as in Hoder. Moreover, no particular names are seen here. What is extraordinary is that all the Sogdian names appear on a single stone. Perhaps same group of travelers and traders has worked here. Another possible assumption about the Hebrew writing, which is contrary to the assumption of Dani is that as per writings, no names of kings are found here. However, a name ‘Kishatraya’ has been mentioned. Writings engraved on the old path, and not revealing their centre on a particular stone, gives to understand that except for the stone with Hebrew writing on, no other stone was used as a tradition or for an eternal rest-place.

“This gives to conclude that those people responsible for engraving writings on the old path, were definitely travelers, and not the natives. Contrary to this, the writings spread in the entire area of the eastern part reveal once again that these were engraved by none than the local people.” 7

The present population of Gichi Nala lives within the valley. Engravings of Buddhist period are found at the edge of Nala on eastern and western parts, and these are neither accompanied by any buildings, nor any kind of ruins are found which may be mainly due to the flood of 1841, in the Indus River, which wiped out all signs. On the east-side of the Nala, however, signs are found in the form of fields of the ancient time. From these fields it can be guessed that the people were permanently settled here and they might have been 5 Hauptmann, Herald Tr. A. M. Tahir n.d. Shing Nala and Gichi Nala Vol-4 (German-Urdu) Heidelberg Academy for the Humanities Science Research Unit. P-36-40 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid.


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used to hunting besides cultivation. This possibility is supported by the fact that a wide area from Thori Nala to Gichi Nala is a dry land where wild animals were found in abundance. These animals would come to this area to drink water. In Gichi valley, small and large ruins are found indicating localities of old times. Pomegranate of Gichi has been very famous. It could be dried up and its thin skin would protect the fruit.” “The Buddhist pictures attribute extra ordinary importance to the engravings of Gichi Nala. Some of these pictures are better than the average quality. Mostly, these pictures are engraved on a range of rocks which are extremely high and bear cracks. The uneven sort of upper surface of stones appears quite unsuitable for engraving, but surprisingly, exactly at this place relatively beautiful and artistically very fine stupas are carved which are decorated with special writings showing names like ‘Thathagan or Bodhi Satoais’.8 “At the same place presence of pictures of large stupas is also noticeable. Pictures of Mahatma Buddha and the religious guides are also not found here as seen in Thalpan chilas. The Buddhists who lived here, if they were religious guides then it may be assumed that there must have been some tomb here. In this context, important thing is that one of the writings (found in the western part) contains mention of a tomb (Bhada Rajnam Kshatrara Wadihara) which certainly indicates the tomb to have belonged to the ancestors of the engraver.” 9 According to Dr. H. Hauptmann, solid pieces of pottery are found in the western part which resemble with those found in Thalpan, and hence may belong to the Buddhist period. Professor Dani also indicates these to be ancient, and then reports what sort of locality it was. The less area of land for cultivation indicates that it was no large locality. Whether there was a little tomb of the Buddhists or the Buddhist religious guides lived here, is explained by the extremely fine pictures engraved of the Buddhist period. The makers of these pictures, contrary to the engravers of the stupas of Hoder, were either well familiar with the stupa or they were familiar with the art of sculpture from some other source.” 10 In particular, the upper crest of the stupa proves that the details given here were well in the knowledge of the sculptor of this stupa. Here the pictures were engraved with care, and no pictures gives the impression to have remained incomplete from any angle. Rather, these appear to have been engraved as desired.

8 Ibid. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid.


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The number of pictures found in the eastern part indicates that the population here was small. One proof is the very few names ending at ‘Ota’. But, also is guessed that travelers seldom stayed here. This reality is explained also by the fact that Chilas is located at a distance of only eight kilometers, and to reach the Nala, a lot of obstacles are to be crossed because the southern bank of the river at this point is quite wide till this day and the way is convenient, which transpires that there was a locality or a tomb at this place in the old times, and in the modern times it was used as a transit point. Most of the pictures found at Gichi Nala pertain possibly to the fourth to sixth century A.D. As is obvious from the eastern stupas, most of the pictures on the western part may have been drawn by the travelers, like the writing bearing Persian name is indicative that some people must be traders among them.

“Name obtained from a Hebrew writing are possibly of traders only, who may have passed from this place while going to or coming from Chilas.” 11

According to Dr. Karl Jetmar there is another certain indication of ‘trade spreading far and wide’. At the same time, names of several religious guides are mentioned in the writings, and repetition of a number of names is also unusual. The ‘Dera’ name is seen four times at regular distances alongside the ancient pathway. Ten other names have been repeated twice which include ‘Klajaya, Pranra, Chonra adnd Dodha Shara’. Different names number 130 among which Hoder Nala (Wojay, Sholota, Jio Orma) Oshi Batt and Shing Nala are familiar. Names of two women and a player are also legible. Similarly, a dramatic news is also found which says ‘Destroyed forever’. Often the names of relatives were similar. Whether in the prehistoric period any locality existed or not in the western part of Gichi, yet the several pictures prove presence of those people (for perhaps long periods) who could be natives. Whether these people were nomads or the keepers of seasonal flocks or were hunters, is not clear. According to Dr. Karl Jetmar, this is the reason that no remains of any building are found at this place.” 12 “The less number of pictures of special discs pertaining to the other chain of the Buddhist period at this place (unavailability of axes) gives to conclude that a locality, a tomb or whatever existed at the edge of the river during the Buddha period, vanished during the later

11 Ibid. 12 Ibid.


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centuries. But this is also possible that the later people were not used to engrave. Yet, in view of the evidences collected from other valleys, the possibility will have to be rejected that there were localities of several types in Gichi Nala during the Buddha period. An examination of the ancient remains of the building in the western part can reveal this fact.” 13

13 Ibid.


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REFERENCES: Ali, Manzoom. (n.d) “Karakorum Hindu Kash” F.G. Degree College, Gilgit Ali, Manzoom. (1982) Baloristan. (Urdu) F.G. Degree College, Gilgit. Beal, Samuel. (1969) “Si-yu-ki Buddhist Records of The Western World”.Oriental Books Reprint Corporation Book Publishers, 10-B, Subhash Marg, Delhi-6. Biddulph, J. (1977) “Tribes of Hindu Kash”. Indus Publications, Karachi. Caroe, Olaf. (1975) “The Pathans” Oxford University Press. Dani, A. H. (1973) “Alberuni’s Indica” University of Islamabad Press. Dani, A.H. (1983) “Chilas The City of Nanga Perbat (Diamer)”. Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad printed at New Fine Printing Press, 76, Lytton Road Lahore. Dani, A.H. (1989) “History of Northern Areas of Pakistan”.National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Islamabad. Dani, A.H. (1995) “Human Record On Karakarum Highway”. Sang-e-Meel Publication, Lahore. Dani, A.H. (2000) “Guide To Karakorum Khurshid”. Printer Ltd, Lahore. Durand, A. (1977) “the Making of a Frontier”. Indus Publications, Karachi. Fahien (2000) “Fahien Ka Safar Nama”. (Urdu) Takhliqat, Lahore. Fussman, Gerad and Ditte Konig Tr. A.M. Tahir (n.d).”Shatia”l Vol-2 (German-Urdu) Heidelberg Academy for the Humanities and Sciences Research Unit.Rock carving and Inscriptions along the Korakorum Highway Verlag Philipp Vonzabern. Gegrundnt 1785 Mainz. Hauptmann, Herald. Tr. A. M. Tahir (n.d). ‘Shing Nala and Gichi Nala’ Vol-4 (German-Urdu) Heidelberg Academy for the Humanities Science Research Unit. Rock Carvings and Inscriptions along the Karokorum Highway Verlag Philipp Von Zabern-Gegrundet 1785 Mainz. Hauptmann, Herald. Tr. M. Azam Chodry (n.d).’Oshibat’ V-1 (German Urdu) Heidelberg Academy for he Humanities and Sciences Research Unit. Rock carving and Inscriptions along the Korakorum hway Verlag Phillip Von Zabern Gegrundent-1785 Mainz. Jettmar, Karl. (1980) “Balor and Dardistan”. National Institute Folk Heritage Islamabad Pakistan. rinted by Allied Press Lahore. The new ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA in 30 Vol. 1943-1973, 15th Edition. William Benton Publishers, Chicago. Khan, Sartaj. (1992) ‘Ayna Diamer’. (Urdu) Sartaj News Agency Chilas.


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Kulhan, P. Tr. Chand, A. 1968 : ‘Raj Trangni’ (Vol 1&2) (Urdu) Wari Nag Mirpoor, Azad Kashmir.

DISTRICT DIAMER MAP

Personhood and the Irrelevance of Determinism *Dr. Zahoor H. Baber

ABSTRACT

Philosophers and physical scientists find it almost impossible to explain away human consciousness by subsuming it under the causal nexus of physical nature. However, there are questions that keep surfacing as to how consciousness has emerged in the form of human life. It seem quite problematic when our usual way of answering involves reference to some pre existing physical causal factor accounted for the emergence of the mental phenomenon. Our belief that we are free to think and act as we do, often conflicts with our belief that all physical events in nature are caused and therefore determined by other physical events in the spatio-temporal world. However, some philosophers have attempted to resolve this by pointing out certain aspects of our ordinary human attitudes that, for them, are neutral with regard to the causal or deterministic explanations. P. F. Strawson is famous for his thesis that the truth of determinism is irrelevant in so far as our interpersonal attitudes are involved. However, Strawson’s thesis of irrelevance is a form of compatibilism that remains questionable. For, even if we cannot give up our interpersonal attitudes despite determinism being true, still, we are stressed by its implications for human understanding. Though It may be almost impossible to prove that we sometimes think and act freely, still the question of a genuine contra-causal freedom does not seem to be resolved by the compatibilist thesis. Still, this impossibility has lead many philosophers, like Strawson, to seek a middle ground by arguing that determinism poses no threat since human interaction will always involve the language of free will even if determinism is true. Thus the present work is an attempt to explain this thesis and point out its shortcomings. In Strawson’s view determinism is irrelevant in so far as ordinary language cannot be replaced by the causal language of physical sciences. In other words, I have tried to show that where Strawson sees no problem, reconsideration shows the same problem still there! * Associate Professor, Department of Philosophy, University of

Karachi, Pakistan.)

Personhood and the Irrelevance of Determinism

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Personhood and the Irrelevance of Determinism An examination of the Perennial Philosophical problem of Freedom of human action in the 20th Century literature shows the traditional deterministic and libertarian stance replaced by compatibilism. Compatibilism is the thesis that reconciles the belief that we are free to act with the belief that all actions are caused by neuro-physiological brain process causally connected with external physical environment. However reconciliatory the libertarian compatibilist stance may be, still there are certain crucial aspects of human reality that seem to put the compatibilists into irresolvable difficulties. Moreover, the consequence of reconciling determinism with our belief that we are self consciousness individuals having distinct and unique personhood seem to entail a reluctant abandoning of the claims of freedom. In other words, accepting determinism implies giving up claims of freedom by accepting natural causality as the ultimate determining factor of all conscious thought and action. If all conscious reasoning is causally connected with the external physical environment, we have no freedom to think and act otherwise than what the antecedent condition determine us to do so. In this perspective Strawson argues about the irrelevance of determinism in interpersonal relationship.1 He reconciles deterministic and libertarian stance towards human actions. He claims that ordinary level discourse and human attitudes have their own ineradicable form. This form is unaffected by the truth of determinism. In what follows, I will examine Strawson’s argument to assess how much it bears on the main problem. Strawson has raised a very significant and distinctive issue that personhood is an irreducible aspect of human reality in its social interaction. This suggests that self consciousness, associated with the sense of personhood, is a dividing line between determinism and libertarianism. For Strawson determinism is irrelevant in so far as our ordinary human attitudes remain unaffected by causal language of physical sciences. However, his view seems to entail accepting determinism but not accepting its logical consequence. I am going to analyze his argument to bring out the problems that arise by accepting his stance toward the dilemma of freedom and determinism.

1 P.F Strawson. “Freedom and Resentment” in Freedom and Resentment and

other essays, by P.F Strawson, Methuen & Co Ltd. 1974.


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Consequences of Determinism Strawson takes his stand on the question of consequences of taking a deterministic stance towards each other. In contrast, be elaborates upon the ordinary interpersonal stance that involves our reactive attitudes toward each other.2 He draws on this contrast by equating the deterministic stance with objective attitude of persons towards each other. The ordinary stance of persons, involving reactive attitudes is claimed to be indispensable, despite the possible truth of causal determination of all human actions. This is one line of reconciliation between what he calls the pessimists, and the optimists. These terms are coined by Strawson to replace the traditional division amongst incompatibilitists and compatibilists. The pessimists are those incompatibilists, who believe that the truth of determinism entails erosion of all moral accountability. In contrast to this, the Strawsonian optimist believes that morality pre-supposes a deterministic stance. Morality is justifiable only when we take moral accountability as a cause of moral improvement through praise, blame, reward and punishment.3 The optimist believes determinism to be true and compatible with freedom to act as one wants. He considers determinism not a threat to our ordinary moral conceptions based on our caused freedom. Strawson states: Some philosophers say they do not know what the thesis of determinism is. Others say, or imply, that they do know what it is. Of these, some, the pessimists perhaps, hold that if the thesis of determinism is true, then the concepts of moral obligation and responsibility really have no application, and the practices of punishing and blaming of expressing moral condemnation and approval are really unjustified. Others, the optimists perhaps, hold

2 The reactive attitudes of which Strawson speaks, involve, what he calls, ‘non-

detached attitudes and reactions’ towards each other. These are ordinary inter-personal behavioral attitudes of gratitude, resentment, forgiveness, love, hurt, and similar responses. These reactive attitudes are essentially based on the principle or belief that self-conscious persons have control over their behavior. See Strawson. “Freedom and Resentment,” op. cit. p.4.

3 In other words the Strawsonian optimist or compatibilist believes in the Retributive Theory of punishment. This theory is essentially a deterministic theory in that it advocates justification of moral appraisal only on behalf of the effects of punishment on the individual concerned, or on others. It is deterministic in that causation is involved in the form of predictable outcome of moral punishment, just like predictability of natural event.


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that these concepts and practices in no way loose their raison d’ être if the thesis of determinism is true. 4 The above distinction and its implications point towards the kind of attitudes we hold toward each other. Thus the reactive attitudes within our ordinary interpersonal relations are contrary to the “Objective attitude” we adopt toward each other. The former are based on taking each other as persons, in the usual a proper sense, that invokes beliefs in free will, the power to control one’s thought, desires, intensions and action. In general reactive attitudes involve beliefs in the possibility of thinking and acting otherwise than what we actually do. Adopting the objective attitude imply taking the other persons as some how a creature that cannot think or act otherwise than how he actually does. For example the actions of a drug addict or a kleptomaniac. More examples consist of psychological abnormalities of various other kinds, the actions of animals, and small children. The upshot of the objective attitude classification is that the other individual is not treated as a person having free will, but a living object subject to a detached observation and treatment. Strawson clarifies this:

I have mentioned punishing and moral condemnation and approval; and it is in connection with these practices or attitudes that the issue between optimists and pessimists – or if one is a pessimist, the issue between determinist and libertarians is felt to be important… These practices or attitudes permit, when they do not imply a certain detachment from the actions or agents, which are their objects.5

The problem before Strawson is to try to settle the dispute between the pessimists and optimists. He finds the field of ordinary interpersonal relation and behavioral responses involving reactive attitudes as less contentious and open for investigations.6 The ordinary field of reactive attitudes involves common practices of expressing ones moral feeling, irrespective of the philosophically arguable truth of freedom or determinism. No one seems to care much, including the libertarians and determinists, whether in expressing the feelings of resentment, love, hurt, forgiveness, gratitude, the doctrine of Freedom or determinism is true or false.

4 P.F Strawson, Freedom and Resentment, op. cit. p.1. 5 P.F. Strawson, Freedom and Resentment op. cit., p.4. 6 Ibid.


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These practices are indispensable and constitute the ordinary social framework. Strawson states: We should think of the many different kinds of relationships which we can have with other people- as sharers of common interest; as members of the same family; as colleagues; as friends; as lovers; as chance parties to an enormous range of transactions and encounters. Then we should think, in each of these connections in turn, and in others, of the kind of importance we attach to the attitudes and intentions towards us of those who stand in these relationships to us, and of the kinds of reactive attitudes and feelings to which we ourselves are prone… The object of these common places is to try to keep before our kind something it is easy to forget when we are engaged in philosophy, especially in our cool, contemporary style, viz, what it is actually like to be involved in ordinary interpersonal relationships, ranging from the most common to the most casual.7 Further, Strawson claims that, within the interpersonal relations, these attitudes are often suspended, or held back. These suspended attitudes are the objective attitudes that we adopt towards each other in case we discover that the agent was somehow constrained, compelled, psychologically abnormal, and incapable of interpersonal transactions. These are cases where the agent could not have thought or acted otherwise. He had no power to do so in contrast to the normal individual. Strawson states: What I want to contrast is the attitude (or range of attitudes) of involvement or participation in a human relationship, on the one hand, and what might be called the objective attitude ( or range of attitudes) to another human being, on the other.. To adopt the objective attitude to another human being is to see him, perhaps, as an object of social policy; or a subject for what, in a wide range of cases, might be called treatment; as something certainly to be taken account, perhaps precautionary account of to be manage or handled or cured or trained; perhaps simply to be avoided… the objective attitude… cannot include the range of reactive feelings and attitudes which belong to involvement of participation with others in interpersonal human relationship.. If your attitude towards someone is wholly objective then though you may fight him you cannot quarrel with him and though you may talk to him, even negotiate with him you cannot reason with hum. You can at most pretend to quarrel or reasons with him.8

7 Ibid. P. 6 8 Ibid P. 9


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This contrast is drawn to show the context in which the truth of either freedom or determinism is shown to have, or not to have, any bearing on the kind of attitudes we adopt towards each other. Thus, Strawsonian strategy is to prove the irrelevance of the problem of freedom and determinism in our interpersonal reactive attitudes, and objective attitudes. For Strawson, the objective attitude is an undeniable fact of our social life. The cases of psychological abnormality demand adopting such an attitude. But it is usually adopted when the people have some scientific knowledge of the kind essential for believing that the other person is abnormal. Still, the point is not whether everyone has, or does not have, such knowledge about psychological abnormalities. The point is that Strawson is trying to bring out certain facts about behavioral patterns that show where psychological determinism is operative. The central question is whether the truth of universal determinism demands reformulation of our social attitudes towards each other or not. The answer to this question would settle, for Strawson, the dispute between pessimist and optimists, at least in the social interpersonal domain. However the question remains whether such settlement would actually prove determinism to be irrelevant in social policies. This however, depends on knowing what kind of settlement Strawson has in minds. Objective Attitude and Determinism The distinction between the reactive attitudes and the objective attitudes rests on the knowledge whether the persons we are engaged with are normal, or abnormal. Besides the abnormal cases, Children and animals are also objects of our objective attitudes. Adopting objective attitude towards a person means suspension of our ordinary interpersonal attitude on the knowledge that he is unable to control his thought processes and actions. This characterization implicitly invokes the thesis of determinism. In the words the behavior of the individual subject to an objective attitude is determined by causes beyond his control. However, contrary to Strawson, the thesis of determinism does not deny our ability to control our thoughts or actions. Rather, determinism involves the claim that our sense of control is an ignorant expression of our lack of knowledge of the causes that determine our thoughts and actions. This deterministic emphasis makes Strawson’s distinction complicated.9

9 Determinism, in various forms, includes the thesis of psychological determinism

as a case in point. Psychological determinism is the thesis that all behavior is determined by unconscious forces over which one has no control. It is essentially a Freudian hypothesis. Nevertheless, all conscious mental acts,


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Nevertheless, Strawson thinks that in case of psychophysical derangement, the individual’s behavior is a model of what determinism advocates. It may seem that viewing other as somehow unable to think and act otherwise than what they do gives us a criteria to determine what determinism means. But the point is that our objective attitude is justifiable only when someone lacks, what is popularly called, free will, or a will of his own.. Thus determinism seems to be at work in cases where there is an absence of free will. The Lack of freedom means that unconscious or non-conscious causes necessitate what the person does, rather than his reflective consciousness. To be more specific, it means his actions are predictable like natural events, where as in case of an operative free will; the actions are not predictable like natural events. Thus Strawson’s distinction between the reactive and objective attitude rests on the distinction between having free will and lacking it. There seems no other sense in which the distinction could be viewed. Which means the thesis of determinism is not irrelevant as Strawson thinks. The Irrelevance of Determinism: Strawson proposes the basic question arising out of his distinction between reactive and objective attitudes. Answer to this question leads Strawson to justify his reconciliation between optimists and pessimists. What I have called the participant reactive attitudes are essentially natural human reactions to the good or ill will or indifference of other towards us, as displayed in their attitudes and actions. The question we have to ask is: what effect would, or should, the acceptance of the truth of a general thesis of determinism have upon these reactive attitudes? More specifically, would, or should, the acceptance of the truth of the thesis lead to decay or the repudiation of all such attitudes? Would or should it means the end of gratitude, resentment, and forgiveness; of all reciprocated adult loves; of all the essentially personal antagonisms? 10

under psychological determinism, follow ineluctably from the condition of experience and anterior psychological conditions. The standard exponents of psychological determinism are John Hospers and B.F Skinner, though differing in their approaches. (See Hospers, John, “Free Will and psychoanalysis”, in Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, 1950, and Skinner, B.F. Beyond Freedom and Dignity, New York: Macmillan, 1953.

10 P.F Strawson, Freedom and Resentiment, op.cit. p.10.


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Strawson admits that “without knowing exactly what the thesis of determinism is” the above questions may seem impossible to answer. Yet he acknowledges that if there is a coherent thesis of determinism, then its truth implies all behavior as determined. In other words, determinism, as a thesis, must be a universal thesis and not a thesis about some particular case. This, obviously, means that the deterministic worldview has no exceptions. However, it is difficult to see how determinism applies to one’s own self-conscious thoughts and actions. However, the cases of abnormality point out the way in which determinism is known. But since determinism, as a thesis of universal import, is not confined merely to abnormal behavior, therefore the evidence of one kind of determination by hidden causes provides grounds for considering the determination of different kinds of hidden causes in case of normal behavior. For, determinism of human action involves an appeal to universal causality and not about some kind of causality in actions. Therefore, the truth of determinism is independent of the distinction between normal and abnormal behavior. Strawson draws on this point to suggest, “If there is a coherent thesis of determinism, then there must be a sense of determined such that if that thesis is true then all behavior whatever is determined in that sense. 11 The sense in which some behavior is determined is before us in the form of abnormality. Thus, the sense in which all behavior must be determined appears to be the same sense in which the abnormal behavior is determined. But what is the sense in which abnormal behavior is determined? Strawson does not elaborate this, He just argues that our ‘objective attitude’ shows us what is a determined behavior, Obviously, Strawson seems to avoid the difficulties of the implications of determinism that arise in explaining the problems of causality and predictability. Since Strawson’s strategy is to show the irrelevance of determinism in normal social interaction, therefore he is not worried about the universality, or non-universality, of determinism. Repudiation of reactive attitudes: The way in which determinism appears to be the case in human behavior is abnormal behavior. Now Strawson seems to wrongly conclude from this that if determinism is true then all behavior must be seen like the abnormal behavior. He states:-

11 Ibid. p. 10


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…the participant attitude, and the personal reactive attitudes in general, tend to give place, and it is judged by the civilized should give place, to the objective attitudes, just in so far as the agent is seen as excluded from adult human relationships by deep rooted psychological abnormality – or simply by being a child. But it cannot be a consequence of any thesis, which is not itself self- contradictory that abnormality is the universal condition.12 However, given the difference in the ways in which determinism operates in different situations, it seems that Strawson premises are correct but he draws the wrong conclusion. For, clearly, the normal and abnormal are distinct behavior patterns. The distinctions retains despite universal determinism. Therefore it seems erroneous to conclude that if determinism is true then normal behavior is to be seen exactly like the abnormal behavior. Roy Weatherford comments on Strawson error. Weatherford states: Strawson’s postulate has the all-tool frequent philosophical property of being either interesting but false or trivial but true. If by “abnormal” we mean nothing more than “differing from the norm for things of its kind” or such dictionary definitions, then it is true analytically, or by definition, or a priori, that abnormality cannot be a universal condition. But language does not easily accept such chains. 13 What Weatherford is concerned about is that we cannot conclude from the particular cases of ‘abnormality’ towards a universal abnormality on behalf of determinism. Our criteria of normal and abnormal derive from the facts of norms of a society and not from determinism. Whether a behavior is abnormal depends upon what we consider as normal, deviation from which is considered abnormal. If the former is socially desirable, the later is then socially undesirable. It does not imply that if the abnormal is deterministically caused, the normal must also be caused in the same sense. Susan Wolf seems to commit the some error, when she suggests, by adopting Strawson’s pessimist optimist classification that, What the pessimist really fears, then is that if determinism is true, we must give up not the practices of praise and blame themselves, but the attitudes and judgments’ these practices typically express. We must give up all our reactive attitudes, and adopt the objective

12 Ibid. p. 11 12- Richard Double, The Non reality of Free will, Oxford, Oxford

University press, 1991, p. 135. 13 Roy Weatherford, The Implications of Determinism, London; Routledge and

Kegan Paul, 1991, p . 89.


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attitude toward ourselves and each other, as we do towards every thing else… we can see that the abandonment of all the reactive attitudes would make a very great difference indeed. To replace our reactive attitudes with the objective attitudes completely is to change drastically or, reduce—the quality of our involvement or participation in all our human relationships.”14 Whereas Susan Wolf is concerned about the drastic changes that would ensue by accepting determinism, Strawson draws a different conclusion; Susan Wolf sees the consequences of accepting determinism, while Strawson claims that such consequences have no importance because they cannot be adopted. Strawson states: We can some times, and in part, … look on the normal (those we rate as normal) in the objective way in which we have learned to look on certain classified cases of abnormality. And our question reduces to this: could or should, the acceptance of deterministic thesis lead us always to look on every one exclusively in this way? For this is the only condition worth considering under which the acceptance of determinism could lead to the decay or repudiation of participant reactive attitude. It does not seem to be self- contra dictionary to suppose that this might happen… But I am strongly inclined to think that it is, for us as we are practically inconceivable. The human commitment to participation in ordinary inter-personal relationship is, I think too thorough going and deeply rooted for us to take seriously the thought that a general theoretical conviction might so change our world that, in it there were no longer any such things as interpersonal as we normally understand them; and being involved in interpersonal relationship as we normally understand them precisely is being exposed to the range of reactive attitudes and feeling that is in question. 15

But this threat of determinism as conceived by Strawson and Susan Wolf is based on their erroneous conclusion about consequences of determinism. Truth of determinism does not absolve us from viewing each other as normal, Ted Honderich’s correlation thesis that all conscious states are correlated with brain states is a case in point. He claims that: One does not need neurophysiology in order to find in oneself a rational inclination towards belief in the correlation thesis. We share

14 Susan Wolf, “The importance of Free-Will,” in Mind , vol. X C, p. 390. 15 P.F .Stawson, Freedom and Resentment, op. cit,. p.11


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the convictions almost all of us, that all consciousness, whatever more may be said of it, is correlated with a functioning brain. That is, roughly, we do not get what can decently be described as consciousness without a functioning brain, and vice versa. It requires no audacity to assert that all the evidence we have here below is in favor of this proposition. It hardly needs adding that the correlation is a correlation of natural law, not of accident or of mere probability, however high.16 It is not difficult to see that the correlation of all conscious states with brain states indirectly refers to causal correlation of natural laws, without exception. If Honderich is right, then viewing each other as normal is as much a matter of natural law as viewing some one as abnormal. Thus, it does not require any extrapolation from the abnormal to the normal in order to believe in Determinism as a universal thesis. Moreover, Strawson appeas to be moving in circles when he states: When we do in fact adopt (objective attitude) in a particular case, our doing so is not the consequence of a theoretical conviction which might be expressed as Determinism in this case, but is a consequence of our abandonment, for different reasons in different cases, the ordinary inter-personal attitudes.17 The circularity involves the fact that the reasons for a adopting objective attitude is claimed to be a consequence of abandoning the interpersonal attitudes. But the reasons for abandoning the later seem to be a consequence of adopting an objective attitude. One wonders what consequences follow which attitude! We abandon the ordinary interpersonal attitudes, in particular cases, for different reasons than deterministic convictions. Nevertheless, abandoning is a consequence of adopting objective attitude But at the same time, the very adopting of objective attitude is a consequence of abandoning the inter personal reactive attitude. It can be seen here that the reasons for abandoning interpersonal attitudes, In particular cases, are nothing else but the fact that the person is unable to respond toward interpersonal attitudes normally. In other words, he is somehow incapacitated to think and act normally. But what does this mean? It means that his behavior is caused by certain factors over which he has somehow lost his

16 Ted Honderich, “One Determinism,” in Philosophy As It Is, ed.Ted honderich

and Myles Burnyeat, penguin Books Ltd, Hormondesworth, Middlesex, England, 1979 p. 249.

17 P.F Stawson, Freedom and Resentment, op. cit. p-13.


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control. Again this loss of control means he cannot act otherwise. This is clearly a case of behavior that falls within a general thesis of determinism that all human actions are caused by factors beyond one’s control. Whether our abandoning of interpersonal attitude is due to different reasons in different cases, these reasons ultimately culminate into a general theoretical framework that such behavior is a case of determinism. The reasons are linked with the evidence of predictable regularity of actions. Thus Strawson’s argument is not convincing that abandoning interpersonal attitude is not a consequence of a theoretical conviction that determinism is true. In fact abandoning interpersonal attitude and adopting objective attitudes involves essentially an implicit appeal to a deterministic thesis. However this leaves the question open whether determinism is true in normal cases. Accepting determinism does not imply, as Strawson seems to think, that normal behavior is just like abnormal one. Both normal and abnormal behavior can be conceived to be determined in different ways. It is clear that Strawson avoids this aspect of the problem. Showing determinism as irrelevant does not seem to work here. The problem remains where it was. Natural human commitment to ordinary inter-personal attitudes does not make deterministic stand point irrelevant. Rather determinism, as a general theoretical framework, acquires its strength on the question of causality.18 The normal is as much caused, though differently than the abnormal, since nothing can be uncaused. And causation does not allow the possibility of uncaused alternatives. Don Locke argues like wise. He states:

….free action is after all incompatible with causal determinism: if all human behavior is caused then we are never able to do other than what we do do, though it may often be true that we are able to act otherwise if we want to. The question of whether there are free action in the sense then becomes the difficult and currently unanswerable of whether there are human action which lack a cause, an idea which is not I believe incoherent. 19

18 I will not indulge here on the difficult problem of the actual, scientific or

Humean sense of causality. It suffices here to understand that causality, whatever else it might mean, does not allow for the categorical or unconditional possibility of alternative occurrences. Thus, in case all human actions are caused by antecedent conditions no one could have acted otherwise. This clearly makes moral appraisal impossible, despite Strawsonian commitment to human interpersonal attitudes. We cannot justifiably blame a person for what he did if it was impossible for him to act otherwise.

19 Don lock and harry G. Frankfut,” Three Concepts of Free Action,” in The Aristotelian Soceity, supplementary volume, XLIX, 1975, p.117


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It is clear from above that causal determinism does not allow for alternative actions unconditionally, or in an uncaused sense. The question more seriously, arises whether it allows for alternative reasoning and choices. Clearly, if the optimist’s determinism is a universal thesis, then our conscious reasoning involved in inter-personal attitudes or objective attitudes is what it is, given their determining causes beyond consciousness. For, clearly, it cannot be true that determinism is universal and yet conscious reasoning is an exception. The Illusion of Free Will: Whether our consciousness is caused or not, under determinism, it must be caused by physical factors. The threat remains that if conscious reasoning is caused by neuro-physiological events in the brain then our action and reactions cannot be otherwise than what they are . This means our sense of freedom in normal interpersonal attitudes is mistaken or illusory. All behavior, both normal and abnormal is predictable in the same way as natural events are predictable. Consequently, moral appraisal is a unjustifiable, since it is based on the illusion of free will. Hence, the sense of responsibility that presupposes the sense of freedom is theoretically unjustifiable. This is the real issue that arises as a consequence of truth of determinism. Strawson’s arguments about irrelevance of determinism seem to overlook the real implication of determinism. Nevertheless, for Strawson, the natural human commitment to ordinary inter-personal attitudes does not require rational justification in case determinism is true. He thinks that this commitment is sufficient to rule out any need for further justification. Secondly, for him any choice into the matter regarding abandonment of attitudes, in case of truth of determinism, is not a matter of objectively justifiable reasons. He takes it as his point of departure from the over all problem in that our reasons for being rational have subjective grounds. If we could imagine what we cannot have a choice in this matter, then we could choose rationally only in the light of an assessment of the gains or losses to human life. Its enrichment or impoverishment and the truth or falsity of a general thesis of determinism would not bear on the rationality of this choice. 20

20 Strawson, Freedomand Resentment, op. cit. p. 13.


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This is like arguing that whether a computer program is caused or not is irrelevant to whether we enjoy a game of chess with it or dislike it. Here our reasons the analogy is serious. Our human response to a computer program is based on our knowledge that the chess played by computer is completely determined, or preprogrammed to our possible moves. Thus our enjoyment of success in beating the computer is not similar to the enjoyment of beating a human being in chess. We certainly do not enjoy success in the same way in both cases. It is this sense of freedom of the other that really makes us feel as a conqueror if we beat him. It is clearly missing in case of a computer. The difference can be clearly felt, if not explained, during playing or enjoying afterwards. If Strawson is right them it seems as if the other persons attitude, or for that matter our own towards him, may be rationally justified despite our knowledge that we or others are pre-programmed to respond through the causal network of neurons in our brains. Thus, it cannot be not true that we would remain rationally committed to the Strawsonian interpersonal attitudes even if we believed that we are caused to act by some factors beyond our consciousness. The sense of victory or loss is rational as long as we believe that we acted consciously on our own. There would be no sense in continuing to stick to the same sense if we believed that our actions were causally necessary, and that we could not have acted otherwise than what we in fact did. Under Strawsonian picture of attitudes, it turns out that all of our conscious apprehension is causally necessary in the same sense in which a computer, or for that matter, any complex mechanical process functions. It is clear that under the optimist’s account of morality, the efficacy of moral practices involves causal relations between inter-personal attitudes. Thus, despite retaining the human attitudes, deterministic morality seems no different than a morality amongst complex organism determined in a highly complex hereditarily and environmental chain of causality subsumable under scientific or natural laws. As B.F skinner says, Man is a machine in the sense that he is a complex system behaving in lawful ways but the complexity is extra-ordinary. 21 It is difficult to see how this conception of human beings does not entail predetermination by the mechanical causation of nature susumbale under law-like formulation. Thus Howard Hintz says that:

21 B.F Skinner, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, NY, Bagtom Book. 1972, p. 193.


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If every thing that a man chooses or decided or does- including the decision he makes after reflection and deliberation- is entirely the result of conditioning factors in his heredity and environment then what conceivable area of what we have traditionally called moral choices has not been predetermined? 22 This clearly shows that Strawson’s argument about rationality of choice misses the essential conflict involved. The question is not whether our reasons have no conflict with deterministic implication. The questing is whether our reasons are really our reasons if determinism is true. Macintyre believes that if a complete causal account of behavior were given there would be “no test… available to decide whether I act as I do because it is the rational way to act or because it is the way in which my deeds are causally determined.” 23 Again our conscious reasoning makes a difference in our attitudes towards each other. Therefore a general theoretical conviction that we are really free in our conscious reasoning is an essential and unavoidable part of our interpersonal attitudes. Contrarily, a general theoretical conviction that determinism is true conflicts seriously with this rational and conscious freedom. Given this conflict, one may follow Bradley by declaring that if our normal way of talking about human behavior is violated then so much the worse for our normal way of talking “If a conflict arises from powerfully fixed pre-scientific view of human nature, it can only be resolved by looking that view full in face, then discarding it.” 24 This however, makes it impossible to retain Strawsonian human commitment to interpersonal attitudes based on believing that we are really free in our conscious reasoning. However, Strawson acknowledge that …. It is not a consequence of any general thesis of determinism which might be true that nobody knows that his doing or that every body’s behavior is unintelligible in terms of conscious purposes or that every body lives in a world of delusion or that nobody has a moral sense, i.e is susceptible of self reactive attitudes etc. In fact no such sense of determined as would be required for a general thesis

22 Howard Hintz, “ Some further Reflections on Moral Responsibility”, in

Determinism and Freedom in the Age of Modern Science ed. By suidney Hook, NY, collier Book, 1961. P. 178.

23 A. C MacIntyre, “ Determinism”, in Free will and Determinism ed. Bernard Berofsky, NY, Harper & Row 1966, p. 254.

24 M. C. Bradely “ A note on Mr. MacIntyre’s Determinism”, in Free Will and Determinism ed. Bernard Berofsky, op. cit. p 264.


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of determinism is even relevant to our actual suspension of moral reactive attitudes. 25 Unfortunately the premises of above argument are true but the conclusion is false. Determinism as rightly observed by Strawson, never denies conscious purposes. It only claims that all conscious purposes are caused. Further, it does not imply, as Strawson seems to think it implies, that conscious purposes are caused in the same sense in which the unconscious purposes are caused. Since determinism never implies that conscious purposes are impossible therefore the conclusion that our reasons for suspending reactive attitudes are other than the ones that imply denial of conscious purposes in a deterministic world is not a sound argument. Thus, it seems that Strawson is mistaken in his assertion that determinism implies all behavior to be determined in the same sense in which abnormal behavior is determined. However, if it is the case that different type of causality is claimed to be operative in case of normal behavior as well, then Strawson’s distinction of our suspension of moral attitudes towards abnormal and our reactive attitudes towards the normal behavior holds no grounds. If all behavior is causally determined, then we might be mistaken about our normal reactive attitudes as well. Finally, in so far as determinism might be true, it does imply that all conscious reasoning is caused in the same sense in which a physical process is caused. Therefore, it seems that the libertarian pessimist is right, contrary to Strawson, that determinism implies repudiation of all moral responsibility as there cannot be any uncaused freedom essential for moral accountability.

25 P.F Strawson, Freedom and Resentment, op . cit., p. 18.

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OBITUARY (2007-2010)

Professor Abdur Rehman: (1931-2010) Professor Abdur Rehman was another beloved teacher who served the Department as a learned scholar, a straight forward and honest chairperson and a compassionate teacher. Professor Rehman was born on May 1, 1931, in Hyderabad Deccan, India. He completed his Masters in History from Usmania University and later on migrated to Pakistan. He joined the Department of History, University of Karachi in 1961 and pursued a long career in academics till his retirement in 1991. His selfless services in the consolidation and uplift of the Department will always be remembered. Professor Rehman was well versed in English, Urdu and Persian and was particularly interested in the fields of Medieval South Asia. He died on October 5, 2010 at the age of 79. The Department will remember him as a great teacher, a selfless guide and a fatherly figure for the young generation. Professor Asrar Ahmed Siddiqi Last but not the least; Professor Asrar belongs to the third generational leadership of the Department of History (General). Born on October 20, 1957 he managed to complete his masters in General History from University of Karachi in 1987 with flying colors despite the financial problems faced by his family after the early death of his father. Nevertheless, being the eldest son, he selflessly continued to support his family. He joined the faculty of the Department in 1988 and soon became the most popular teacher among the students. In 2002 he visited United States on a Fulbright Scholarship. He attended a number of national and international conferences and wrote a number of research papers. He was an expert on History of Pakistan since 1947, Constitutional development and Foreign Policy of Pakistan. He was just about to complete his Ph.D thesis when he fell fatally ill before his death at the early age of 52. Professor Asrar had an incredible charisma that attracted students of all shade and hue, from all over the campus to his room. According to Prof Dr. Peerzada Qasim Raza Siddiqui, the Vice Chancellor Karachi University, “he was the man of true university culture”. His door was always open for the students, faculty members and non teaching staff. For all of them he was a benevolent teacher, a guide and a friend to look up to in all moments of joy, need and grief. For some he was a messiah. Yet, he was a bold and straightforward speaker. A dauntless crusader against all irregularities he never faltered in doing the right thing even in face of threats to his life. Since November 14, 2009, Asrar Ahmed Siddiqi is no more. He lived and died for the Department.

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