jmtaberne msc essay large-scale population displacement

7/30/2019 JMTaberne MSc Essay Large-Scale Population Displacement

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University of Bristol

School for Policy Studies

MSc in Development Administration and Planning

Code: M21X. Jos-Mara Tabern

Essay Title: Discuss the major consequences of large-scale population displacementprecipitated by violent conflict.

Unit Title: Contemporary Issues in Development

Lecturer: Fatima Mahmoud

Summer 1996


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The world of the 1990s is one of turbulent change. In the new system that emerged at

the end of the cold war, ethnic and civil conflicts have dominated the international

scene and humanitarian issues have increasingly become the focus of special attention1.

Images of war and displacement are flashed daily on our television screens, and

encapsulated in banner headlines quantifying the disasters from the battlefields of

Liberia, Rwanda, Burundi or Uganda and, less often, Angola, East-Timor and

Afghanistan, to name but a few. Civilians, not military personnel, are the prime victims

of these conflicts. They are threatened not only by bullets and bombs, but by the

massive social and economic dislocation engendered by war, which undermines those

very social, economic and political systems upon which people relies to secure their

basic human needs2. Sometimes oversimplifications and falsehoods become widely

accepted as the truth, largely on account of the mass media3.

Forced resettlement of populations has been characterised by high levels of violence,

inadequate logistical and health planning, and restrictions on people's ability to diversify

their sources of food and income4. However, the impact of displacement emergencies is

by no means confined to the refugees themselves. National administrations in the Third

World do not often have the means of looking after the mass arrivals of hundreds of

thousands of people5. It is the least developed countries that have been host to the

great majority of refugees over the past two decades. Refugee influxes often impose

heavy short- and longer-term burdens on such countries -or specifc areas within them-

and may aggravate the social, economic and environmental crises that they already

face6.

Humanitarian crises are intentionally created, and powerful political and economic


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pressures strive to ensure that they are sustained in order to achieve their objectives of

cultural genocide and political and economic power. This potent combination of factors

is increasingly referred to as 'complex emergencies', which differ from those spawned

by natural disasters in a context where the state has the capacity and willingness to

provide emergency assistance. In conflict-related humanitarian crises not only are the

means of independent survival blocked, but the means to mitigate the threat are often

deliberately denied or manipulated. The United Nations has been called upon to adress

simultaneously both the humanitarian and the political dimensions of conflict

situations7

; multilateral and bilateral agecies and NGOs play a relevant operational role

in displacement emergencies, spending enormous amounts of money.

Assistance and protection are more and more frequently being provided to displaced

people in the midst of active hostilities. Armed conflict not only creates refugees but

also erects sometimes unsurmountable obstacles to assistance efforts. It is almost

inevitable that one or all parties to a conflict will politicize humanitarian aid, viewing it

as a factor that could affect the outcome of the dispute8.

International guidelines for the provision of assistance to victims of armed conflict

emphasize that help must be neutral, impartial and humanitarian. Neutrality implies a

refusal to take sides. Impartiality implies that aid is given solely on the basis of need.

The humanitarian principle upholds the protection of life and the relief of human

suffering as the sole purpose of outside interference9. Of the Geneva Conventions of

1949, it is the Fourth Convention concerning the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time

of War, and the related Protocols of 1977, which are more relevant to the protection of

displaced populations either during war or in its aftermath. The Second Protocol


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concerns the protection of victims of non-international armed conflicts, and its

provisions are virtually identical10. Nevertheless, the UN General Assembly has stated

that 'humanitarian assitance should be provided with the consent of the affected

country and in principle on the basis of an appeal by the affected country' 11.

This raises several issues. If left unresolved, the problems of the displaced rebound

upon the societies that send and receive them. Refugees often become an integral part

of the dynamic that created them in the first place12. A refugee situation that persists

for years or even decades is not only a prescription for dependency, debilitation and

demoralization, but also a continuing formula for instability13. The longest-standing of

today's refugee problems, those of the Palestinians and the exiled Rwandese, are

sobering reminders of the potential for conflict inherent in unresolved displacement14.

In this essay I will discuss the major consequences of large-scale population

displacement precipitated by violent conflict. Given the breadth of this subject, I will

focus on a number of specific issues as 1) the political environment, 2) the operational

aspects and 3) the implications for the refugees or displaced people themselves. To

conclude, I will suggest the possibility of overcoming some of the problems examined.

The political environment

Aid, far from being politically neutral, is a political and economic resource15. In the early

1990s, the humanitarian system has become increasingly linked to wider agendas of

foreign policy and military strategy16.

International humanitarian law is far better developed for international than internal


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wars17. The most signigficant difference relates to whether the violence and

displacement takes place within a state's territory or abroad18. Therefore remains a

crucial distinction to be made between people who need international protection, and

those who can call on their own governments as a first line of defence19.

The international community is divided and ambivalent in its stance on the limitations

imposed by national sovereignity on humanitarian assistance to displaced people in

times of war20. For example, there is no international institution having a general

mandate to care for the internally displaced21

. Representatives of some states continue

to insist that sovereignity overrides all other principles of international interaction, while

others speak not only of a right but even a duty to intervene on humanitarian

grounds22.

Where governments fail to protect the interests of the mass of the people, or, worse

still, are repressive or discriminatory, this creates substantial problems in making relief

available23. The importance attached to sovereignity enables governments to withhold

the right to assistance which their citizens could otherwise claim from the UN and other

humanitarian agencies. Without government consent, bilateral and multilateral agencies

and NGOs are technically unable to operate within a nation's borders24. A few years ago,

the refusal of any government to acknowledge the existence of a war in its country

presented a dilemma for major donors, and particularly the various bodies of the UN,

who could not be seen to contradict government statements25. The UN Secretary-

General, Boutros Ghali, raised this question in a more general context in hisAgenda for

Peace. He wrote: 'Respect for [the state's] fundamental sovereignity and integrity are

crucial to any common international progress. The time of absolute and exclusive


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sovereignity, however, has passed; its theory was never matched by reality. It is the

task of leaders of states today to understand this and to find a balance between the

needs of good internal governance and the requirements of an ever more

interdependent world' 26.

The UN Security Council has changed the old approach, based on the existing law,

which represents a patchwork where entitlements depend on the type of conflict people

find themselves in (armed/unarmed, international/internal) and the category they are

classified into (combatants/civilians, refugees/internally displaced). Moreover, even

such diverse entitlements are, to a large extent, rhetorical because procedural means to

exercise them are lacking or beyond the reach of victims of conflict27. The new stance

has led to Military Humanitarianism, characterised by the development of 'safe havens',

the erosion of national sovereignity -ostensibly in order to protect human rights- the

military enforcement of economic sanctions, and an uneasy tension between the

humanitarian and military dimensions of peace-support operations28. So access of

victims to foreign or international aid does not have a clear-cut human-rights norms to

rely upon. Efforts are made instead to affirm a right of access tovictims of war for the

international community29.

Operational aspects

Irrespective of whether it is a classical refugee influx or one occuring in the context of a

wider humanitarian crisis, a refugee emergency calls for extraordinary logistical and

organizational feats30. The common approach to mass displacement is the so-called

'Refugee Continuum', comprising Relief, Care and maintenance and self-sufficiency,

Repatriation/internal resettlement, Resettlement/ reconstruction,


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Demobilisation/demining, and Economic integration31. This, however, is far from being

achieved in most of the cases.

The refugee emergencies of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s took place mostly in tropical

and semi-tropical locations. Emergency procedures and supplies were largely geared to

warm climates. In the 1990s, there has ben a much higher proportion of winter

emergencies: the former Yugoslavia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Northern Iraq and Tajikistan,

to name just a few. Winter emergencies are more demanding in terms of fuel, clothing,

shelter and food requirements, and pose a distinctive set of threats to health. They

place additional demands on standby arrangements32. The capacities of the international

humanitarian system have been severely strained by the recent succession of refugee

emergencies. The problem is not simply the number and scale of emergencies. It has

also stemmed from the fact that few of the displacements have been resolved.

Consequently, resources deployed in reaction to one crisis have not been available for

the next33. Furthermore, delivery of humanitarian assistance is frequently disrupted or

halted because of threats to or actual attacks on the staff of relief organizations and

their facilities or vehicles, not to mention the refugees themselves34.

There is a lack of recognition of the fact that international aid interventions may serve

to reinforce inequalities in power, further contributing to the political and economic

marginalisation of the displaced35. The nature of the humanitarian intervention is itself

part of, and a contributing factor to, the complexity of modern emergencies36. So far,

the UN and its member states have mostly responded in a routine fashion, and

sometimes with dangerous improvisations which fail to acknowledge the depth and

complexity of the problems posed by war-related humanitarian crises around the globe.


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themselves promote inter-ethnic tensions, asset transfer, conflict and population

displacement46. Countries of asylum that are unwilling to make a permanent place for

refugees on their territory often compound the frustration of life in exile by resisting

any developments that imply local integration. They thus deny refugees a chance to

engage in productive activity and deny themselves the benefits of refugees'

contributions to the local economy47.

The conditions of displacement threaten the future ability of communities to participate

in the economic and political life of the country, as whole generations of children are

deprived of access to education. The violation of women by rape, the re-emergence of

slavery, and widespread violence-related disability further contribute to the process of

social dislocation and disempowerment of the war-affected48. Women and children

account for roughly 70 percent of a normal population in developing countries but make

up to about 80 percent of refugees worldwide. The high incidence of female heads of

family or unaccompanied women in many refugee groups gives rise to particular

protection and assistance needs49. By contrast, the incorporation of gender perspectives

in responses to disasters and emergencies is little developed, and remains relatively

unresearched and undocumented50. Approaches to emergencies as they currently stand

blatantly hand the power over women's traditional affairs to men...running food

distribution, water programmes, blanket, jerrycan and other distributions...re-assigning

the women's traditional respon-sibilities for food and shelter provision to men51. On the

contrary, every effort should be made in disasters to safeguard and strengthen family

and community structures52.

Children are among the principal victims of war. They are killed, maimed and


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traumatized during indiscriminate attacks on civilian communities. They are frequently

subjected to abhorrent practices, including torture, rape, detentions and conscription

into military service. They also suffer disproportionately from the side-effects of conflict,

such as famine, malnutrition, disease and separation from their families. Those who

survive are likely to be scarred for life53. The issue of cultural identity may become

crucial to refugees, especially in situations where children are growing up outside their

own country or area, or in the artificial situation of enclosed camps54, very often lacking

appropriate education.

People often prefer to stay close to their places of origin or normal residence, even at

considerable danger to themselves, whether as displaced persons, or as people having

constantly to move from one place to another55. Also, people afected by an emergency

may not be concentrated in a large settlement. Often, refugees prefer to disperse

among a sympathetic population on the other side of a national border, especially if

there are economic, kinship, ethnic or cultural links56. As with displaced persons, there

may be very compelling reasons for people not choosing to draw attention to

themselves by registering with the authorities57. In complex refugee situations where

neighbouring countries import and export refugees, internally displaced people

frequently coexist with refugees and suffering local inhabitants who have not been

uprooted58. In these settings, it is both unfair and counter-productive to assist refugees

while ignoring the humanitarian needs of others in very similar predicaments, including

people who have not even left their homes but who are subject to the same insecurity

and deprivation59, because such population movements represent one of the most

severe health and nutritional risks to war-affected communities. They also constitute a

threat to future food security, as it takes considerable time for farmers to rehabilitate


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their farms after prolonged absence. If others settle their land, this may provide a

recipe for future conflict60.

The environment is another loser: the nature of a refugee emergency does not allow for

proper environmental planning to take account of the ecological impact of a sudden

large-scale increase of population61. Emergency literature is filled with examples of

environmental degradation after massive population displacements.

Conclusion

Examples of ill-conceived programmes are numerous62. Some asylum countries hosting

large refugee populations are chafing under their burdens63. In many receiving

countries, the influx of people has destabilized the local environment and depleted

already scarce vegetation in semi-arid areas64. No state with a sizeable dispossessed

population encamped on its borders, or even at considerable distance from them, can

feel secure65. The high costs of militarisation and the provision of assistance to displaced

populations may necessitate a reduction in imports for consumption, production and

investment, and budget constrictions on health services and food security. Anyway, the

immediate economic impact depends on whether medium-term external credit is

available; in the longer term it hinges on whether the credit is paid66.

The failings of the international relief system have been evident for some time. In

Ethiopia, southern Sudan, Liberia, Mozambique and elsewhere, the UN succeeded in

concealing this fact to all but a handful of people closely involved in their operations67.

On the other hand, the trend of politicisation of humanitarian assistance is most marked

where the provision of emergency aid is combined with military intervention, as in the


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cases of Kurdistan, Somalia and Bosnia-Herzegovina68. The Gulf War and the creation of

a 'safe haven' for the Kurds brought this debate into the public domain and resurrected

the idea of military humanitarianism. Despite some early optimism, direct intervention

has created more problems than it has solved. In the former Yugoslavia, humanitarian

aid has been deployed consciously as an alternative to political engagement69.

Public opinion can be aroused by exposure to a refugee problem but meet a blank wall

in terms of policy response70, or affect relief programmes, which tend to be conceived

and delivered in a top-down manner that precludes discussion with the affected

community in general, overlooks gender considerations in particular, and may result in

inappropriate responses71. Unfortunately, such is the lack of accountability among the

major relief organisations, that the lessons seem destined not to be learned72.

The number of refugees and displaced persons increases every year. There are over

forty million of them these days. The cost in lives and human suffering is enormous.

The global society cannot continue to approach these and other global problems with

old-fashioned solutions and obsolete structures which seek only short-term,

unsustainable fixes. Even in the most optimistic of alternatives, voluntary re-settlement

or repatriation, there is a yawning gap between the repatriation assistance made

available to returning refugees and the enormous development needs of the areas to

which they return73. Disaster response should be, where possible, placed in the context

of development and not merely immediate relief. Any disaster response must take into

account first and foremost the needs and feelings of the victims of disasters, not the

logistics requirements of relief agencies and governments. The victims of disasters

should not be viewed just as the passive recipients of relief aid: they are part of a


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resilient social structure which has suffered a temporary disruption74. The question that

should be posed is, therefore, not just what the emergency relief needs are but how

they might be met in ways that will reduce vulnerability and contribute to development

in the long term75.


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ENDNOTES

1. Eliasson, J. (1992), p.542. Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (1995), p.13. de Waal, A. (1995), p.3

4. Duffield, M. (1995), p.185. Ricca, S. (1990), p.696. UNHCR. (1993), p.997. Eliasson, J. (1992), p.558. UNHCR. (1993), p.699. Ibid, p.6810. Eade, D. and Williams, S. (1995), p.84711. Tomasevski, K. (1995), p.8012. UNHCR. (1993), p.1313. Ibid, p.40

14. Ibid, p.5015. Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (1995), p.2716. Ibid., p.117. Tomasevski, K. (1995), p.1718. Green, R.H. (1995), p.4019. UNHCR. (1993), p.1320. Ibid p.7421. Ibid, p.2522. Ibid, p.7423. Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (1995), p.1124. Ibid, p.1225. Hendrie, B. (1995) p.13226. UNHCR. (1993), p.7427. Tomasevski, K. (1995), p.7528. Eade, D. and Williams, S. (1995), p.81529. Tomasevski, K. (1995), p.7930. UNHCR. (1993), p.8631. Barford, M. (1995) p.6732. UNHCR. (1993), p.9733. Ibid., p.8734. Ibid., p.75

35. Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (1995), p.2536. Duffield, M. (1995), p.5837. Pratt, B. and Boyden, J. (1990), p.48038. Eade, D. and Williams, S. (1995), p.85439. UNHCR. (1993), p.7540. Eade, D. and Williams, S. (1995), p.85641. Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (1995), p.1442. Ibid., p.1543. UNHCR. (1993), p.9944. Ibid.

45. Sogge, D. (1995), p.10346. Duffield, M. (1995), p.64


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Barford, M.: Refugee assistance: a common approach. The Courier ACP-EuropeanCommunity, No 150, March-April 1995. General Secretariat ot the ACP Group States,

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Eade, D. and Williams, S.: The Oxfam Handbook of Development and Relief. Vol. 1.Oxfam Publications. Oxford, 1995.

Eliasson, J.: The Response of the United Nations to humanitarian emergencies. The

Courier ACP-European Community, No 136, November-December 1992. GeneralSecretariat ot the ACP Group States, Brussels 1992.

Green, R. H.: The Course of the Four Horsemen: The costs of War and its Aftermath inSub-Saharan Africa, in Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (eds): 'War & Hunger'. Zed Books,London 1995.

Hendrie, B.: Relief Aid behind the Lines: The Cross-Border Operation in Tigray, inMacrae, J. and Zwi, A. (eds): 'War & Hunger'. Zed Books, London 1995.

Macrae, J. and Zwi, A.: Famine, Complex Emergencies and International Policy in Africa,in Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (eds): 'War & Hunger'. Zed Books, London 1995.

Pratt, B. and Boyden, J.: The Field DirectorsHandbook. Oxford University Press.Oxford, 1990.

Ricca, S.: Refugees in Africa: legal and administrative aspects. The Courier ACP-European Community, No 121, May-June 1990. General Secretariat ot the ACP GroupStates, Brussels 1990.

Sogge, D.:Angola: Surviving Against Rollback and Petrodollars, in Macrae, J. and Zwi,A. (eds): 'War & Hunger'. Zed Books, London 1995.

Tomasevski, K.: Human Rights and Wars of Starvation, in Macrae, J. and Zwi, A. (eds):'War & Hunger'. Zed Books, London 1995.

United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees: The State of the World's Refugees.Penguin Books. NY, NY 1993.

de Waal, A.: Dangerous Precedents? Famine Relief in Somalia 1991-93, in Macrae, J.and Zwi, A. (eds): 'War & Hunger'. Zed Books, London 1995.

Walker, B.: Women and Emergencies. Oxfam Publications. Oxford, 1994.

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