« Objective : Barcelona! »

Everything seems set and ready to go, and, as always before each of our Interna-tional Meetings, this edition of the Journal presents all the abstracts that have reached us so far. And yet again, they give a glimpse into the treasure of the themes we will be dis-cussing. I foresee that this Meeting will be just as animated and passionate as its prede-cessors.

More than ten thousand programs have been printed and mailed thanks to the help of our colleagues and friends, including the institutions that have assisted us all throughout the period of preparation. We have also tried to promote the Meeting through the much more economical medium of the Internet. Thanks to the Mary S. Si-gourney Prize, I have asked a professional webmaster to overhaul our site to make it more user-friendly. As in the past, I will continue updating the site myself, adding new elements gleaned in the different editions of our Journal. But it will soon appear in a new framework which I hope you will all approve.

Also thanks to the Prize, which puts a temporary damper on my usual budgetary moanings, I thought you might appreciate accessing the archives proving our concern for being open to all the different currents of research into the history of psychoanalysis. We have already begun by publishing the most recent editions of the Journal of our asso-ciation on line. But as soon as I can find the time, I will little by little scan the documents you have sent to me over the seventeen years the I.A.H.P. has been in existence. They are not all that numerous nor are they rich in stupefying revelations, but they may be useful to some of you in your work for comparative purposes. My only problem is knowing if we are authorized by law to publish such docu-ments... If anyone among you has any knowl-edge on the subject, I would be most grateful if he or she would share that information with me as soon as possible - before I am submerged under a ton of lawsuits!

The publication of the International Dictionary of Psychoanalysis has relieved me of a great workload, which had truly be-come excessive these two last years. And, af-ter catching up on my backlog of work, I in-tend to become more and more active orga-nizing future activities in our association. I hope that this unique book of reference will, despite its flaws and omissions, be of daily assistance to you in your research, and be-

Number 33 Summer 2002

International Association for the

History of Psychoanalysis

8, rue du

Commandant René Mouchotte

75014 Paris, France

Phone : [33] (0)1 40 47 89 33

Fax number : [33] (0)1 30 55 41 04

E-Mail : aihpsy@wanadoo.fr

Site AIHP/IAHP :

www.aihp-iahp.com

Dans ce numéro :

Activities of the Association

The IXth Meeting of the IAHP : Barcelona, 2002

Activities of the members of the IAHP

Book reviews and the In-ternational Dictionary of Psychoanalysis

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come a familiar object in your offices. I would hereby like to thank the numerous members of the I.A.H.P. who participated in writing it, and feel that the historical point of view, which was the guiding light for the composition of the 1,472 articles it contains, will clearly demonstrate for the readers the importance of our work and the fruit it bears after all these years.

As for me, I doubtless need to get back to work writing things other than the fragmentary articles, with often nothing linking one to the other, that I had to write in haste when to my horror I realized that there was a gaping hole in the list initially planned for the project. Doubtless too, the members of the Board like my-self, should be more accessible to you, and communicate more often and more forcefully in order to be more familiar with your research and to give it the coverage it deserves.

And so, get down to work, now that you know that there is someone out there who will be reading what you write!

But above all, rendezvous in Barcelona! Read the program. I'm sure it will convince you travel there, and I look forward to seeing old and new friends of the I.A.H.P., whose presence is indispensable at the tra-ditional General Assembly, and of course to lay the groundwork for the next Meeting in 2004... Thanks to an amiable supporter, I hope to have found an absolutely magnificent venue, and there's a theme I've been hold-ing in reserve for many years... Suspense... We'll discuss it in Barcelona!

Alain de Mijolla

ACTIVITIES OF THE ASSOCIATION

PARIS (France)

HISTORY OF PSYCHOANALYSIS IN EUROPE WORKSHOP

The History of Psychoanalysis in Europe Workshop, led by Alain de Mijolla at the Centre for European Research (directed by Yves Hersant) is held on the third Thursday of each month from 8:45 pm to 10:45 pm (please be informed that latecomers will not be admitted after 9:00 pm) : Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, 54 Boule-vard Raspail, 75007 - Paris, Room 215.

The workshop is open to all.

To attend, write to Dr. Alain de Mijolla at the address of the I.A.H.P. or directly to its secretary :

Mrs Patricia Cotti : 52, rue Maurice Lachâtre 93700 Drancy.

Email : cotti@wanadoo.fr

Program for 2002 :

— Thursday, May 16th, 2002 : Annick Ohayon : Building human sciences, questions of methodology. Ap-plications to the history of psychoanalysis.

— Thursday, June 20th, 2002 : Jacques Natanson : Stages in a psychoanalytical reading of biblical texts since Freud.

DON'T FORGET TO PAY YOUR DUES FOR THE YEAR 2002

Active Members : 155 Euros (to receive the Journal in English : $200 or £110)

Corresponding Members : 80 Euros ($110 or 55£)

Students (with copy of their Student Card) : 40 Euros ($55 or 30£)

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WEDNESDAY, JULY 24TH : Afternoon PLENARY SESSION

Sophie de Mijolla-Mellor (France) : « Is thinking na-tionless ?»

As an activity that is an end in itself, theoretical thinking is spontaneously excluded from the world. To abstract implies tearing away from everyday life, and creating an environment conducive to the neo-reality that thinking acts to build.

We will here discuss Aristotle's definition of the life of the spirit (Bios theoreticos) as a stranger's life (Bios xenikos) in order to underscore the fact that this characteristic is common to all periods and all cultures.

Opposing the extraterritoriality inherent to the intellect however, stands the concrete situation of those who are its actors : what becomes of thinking, that moves through the realm of the universal, when the thinker is torn away from his familiar points of reference, plunged into the sea of a foreign language, in short, exiled ?

Is the situation of the psychoanalysts forced into exile

by the rise of Nazism comparable to that of Erasmus or Spinoza, who built up around themselves a world of thinking by moving from one country to another ?

We will herein explore the destiny of psychoanalysis in exile not only from the development of a theory, but also in light of the clinical practice and the attention given to that new approach to the psyche as it may have been received by the public.

Valentín Barenblit (Spain) : « Changing cultures, chang-ing practices ? »

The general lines of changing cultures and its effects on psychoanalytical practices are discussed and analyzed herein.

These questions are examined under two angles : a/ historical and social transformations. b/ the events and misadventures of immigration and exile for psychoanalysts.

From the onset of Freud's creation to our day, we may observe cultural, historical and social transformations framing the context in which psychoanalysis investigates and seeks to interpret the complex phenomena of human subjectivity.

IXTH INTERNATIONAL MEETING OF THE I.A.H.P.

Barcelona, JULY 24TH-27TH, 2002

« Psychoanalysts in Exile. Elements of a History» WITH THE SUPPORT OF :

Asociación Española de Historia del Psicoanalisis Asociación Latinoamericana de Historia del Psicoanálisis

Asociación Psicoanalitica de Madrid Association Internationale de Psychologie Analytique

Association Psychanalytique de France Deutsche Psychoanalytische Vereinigung

Espace analytique Hellenic Society of Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy

IPA Committee on Conceptual, Clinical, Historical and Epistemological Research Quatrième Groupe OPLF

Sociedad Española de Psicoanalisis Société de Psychanalyse Freudienne

Société Suisse de Psychanalyse Société Psychanalytique de Paris

LECTURE ABSTRACTS

Below you will find the abstracts sent to us by the lecturers participating in the four days of the Meeting. Only those of the lectures taking place in plenary session have been translated here for the readers of the Journal, as an indication of their simultaneous translation. All the other papers read and discussed in the workshops on Saturday the 27th, which will be in one of the four official languages of the Meeting, are herein published in their original language.

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This lecture also aims at reflecting upon the effects of cultural transformations and technological progress which imply new equations in the relational field of numerous human groups, based upon the dimensions of the individual, the family, the group and the community.

From the basis of cultural transformations and relational models of life, we observe new forms in the constitution of the psychic apparatus and in the alterations related to changes of the different systems of making sense and of the ethical values in our time. These changes determine forms of behavior and new and complex organizations of mental suffering.

In that perspective, we formulate thoughts on the processes of socio-cultural, linguistic and symbolic integration as well as on the production of knowledge in different professional contexts wherein the complex historical, personal and professional questions of the immigration and exile of psychoanalysts are engraved and developed in different ways.

THURSDAY, JULY 25TH : Morning

PLENARY SESSION

Riccardo Steiner (United Kingdom) : « The small pecu-liarities of the foreign environment... from a letter of S. Freud to M. Eitingon dated London 6 June 1938 »

The aim of my paper is to discuss the forced accuturalization of central European analysts who emigrated to England and other countries, due to the nazi persecution.

I will try to use archival material coming from less known analysts beside from S. Freud and his family.

Issues like language and everyday life will be dis-cussed. Particular attention will be given to the way whose analysts organised their personal and cultural iden-tity around Freud’written works.

Volker Friedrich (Germany) : « Fleeing Germany : De-struction and Loss of a Psychoanalytical Culture of Com-munication »

As of press time, this abstract has not yet been sent to us.

Nicolas Gougoulis (France) : « Emigration to France » This subject will be examined under the angle of the

difficulties met by immigrants upon arrival and in settling down. The thing that was crucial for the establishment of psychoanalysis in France was the meeting of new ideas with the French spirit. Freud knew this. In 1907, he pre-dicted that importing it into France would meet with ob-stacles.

The impact of the Nazi cataclysm highlighted this dif-ficulty in a dramatic way. In this lecture, we will be exam-ining the emigrants' passage through France, especially that of Jewish colleagues fleeing Nazism, their reception by Marie Bonaparte, Anne Berman or Paul Schiff. Their stories are very different, as illustrated by those of Otto Rank, Heinz Hartmann, René Spitz or, before any perse-cution took place, of Rudolf Loewenstein. The reticence

of "nationalist" psychoanalysts in Edouard Pichon's circle, the ambiguous attitude of René Laforgue or conversely, the persistent establishment of Sacha Nacht, will all give an insight into the atmosphere of the Société Psychana-lytique de Paris during that period.

THURSDAY, JULY 25TH : Afternoon

PLENARY SESSION

Harold P. Blum and Helen Meyers (U.S.A.) : « Emigration to U.S.A. »

The exodus of psychoanalysts from Europe due to the Nazi regime created an upheaval in psychoanalysis, which continued during the Holocaust and the aftermath of WWII. The flight of European analysts to other continents and countries had profound effects on each country’s psy-choanalytic culture. The mass migration had dimensions of a group process, but each individual analyst had his/her own particular conflicts and problems. Each refugee ana-lyst endured political, professional, cultural, and economic problems and conflicts, with hardships, humiliation, and social disarray. Separation conflicts, culture shock, and adaptational stress were common. The internal world re-flected the external situation of exile to a new homeland.

My discussion will focus more specifically on emigration to America. Despite the fact that these émigrés were psychoanalysts, there was often an avoidance in clinical work of addressing the internal and external aspects of emigration, the war, and the Holocaust. The reception accorded the émigré, very important to new adaptation, was not infrequently lacking in warmth, helpfulness, and sensitivity. While some well-known analysts were treated with respect and deference in America, especially those close to Freud, others were less than well received. Many analysts, however, not previously well known, flourished in America and became renowned. All reacted to the past terror and turmoil, as well as to the new opportunities. Problems of language, location, practice, and licensing were in the forefront. The effects on American psychoanalysis were characterized by the rapid rise of Ego Psychology, the rapid rise of psychoanalytic institutes, and a focus on educational standards. Consequences of the past traumas can be discerned in America in the spurt of remarkable growth in psychoanalytic theory and practice, and in parallel tendencies toward elitism and excessive self assurance. The effect of this era on the development of theory itself is also notable.

James and Eileen Goggin (U.S.A.) : « Emigrants in the U.S.A. and the F.B.I. files »

We are going to present in summary our findings about the FBI files that resulted from the investigations of the émigré psychoanalysts from the Greater German Reich during the 1930s and 1940s. We requested files on 14 of the most prominent émigré analysts under the federal Freedom of Information and Privacy Act, and received files on 13 of the 14 analysts. This empirical data supported our hypothesis : that the FBI's investigations in part contributed to the fact that the émigré analysts

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remained silent about their former left of center political views once they arrived in the United States. We will describe how the social-cultural-political context of the United States during that era, and J. Edgar Hoover's unique power, enabled the FBI, in our judgment, to violate the due process clause of the American Constitution, by its policy of over-reactive, indiscriminate investigations.

In the major portion of our presentation we will describe the form and content of typical FBI files. We will then document the impact the FBI's investigations had on the émigré's adaptation to their new home. We conclude that the social-political atmosphere of the United States combined with the power of J. Edgar Hoover led these émigré analysts to remain silent (with rare exceptions) about their past political beliefs.

Cláudio Laks Eizirik (Brazil) : « Emigration to Brazil » The author will report some historical facts about the

emigration of analysts towards Brazil and the circum-stances that surrounded it. After this, he will comment on the influences, both theoretical and clinical, of the presence of these analysts, and also the institutional consequences, both immediate and in the next generations. He will finally discusss some features of the process of emigration, as an internal process of working through and as an external and interpersonal process of adaptation, confict and change.

Gilda Sabsay de Foks (Argentina) : « Emigration to Argen-tina »

Pedro Boschan s’étant désisté, c’est notre fidèle amie Gilda Sabsay de Foks qui a bien voulu accepter en ce mois de Mai d’accomplir le travail nécessaire pour que cette partie importante de notre programme ne soit pas oubliée. Nous nous excusons donc de ne pouvoir présenter ici son résumé et nous réjouissons de découvrir sa communication à Barcelone.

FRIDAY, JULY 26TH : Morning

PLENARY SESSION

Ana G. de Kaplan (Argentina) : « Emigration of psycho-analysts to South America »

« To broach the subject of the emigration of Argentin-ean psychoanalysts during the 1970's, it is essential to have a socio-political and economic overview of Argen-tina of the 1940's ». Thus begins our presentation.

We will be studying the arrival of the first Argentinean and European psychoanalysts, as well as the foundation of the Asociacion Psyicoanalitica Argentina in this context. We will then be treating the specificity of the emigration of the 1970's as the only way of saving one's life, and will approach some equally complex situations concerning the ideologies or, in certain cases, personal situations of non-resolved conflict.

María Luisa Muñoz (Spain) : « Emigration in and to Spain »

I - First Period, 1900-1950 : The psychoanalytical

training of the first Spaniards, outside of Spain : Angel Garma, Ramon Sarro. The emigration of Spanish psychoanalysts for political reasons : Angel Garma (Paris, Argentina), Emilio Prados (Canada).

II - Second Period, 1950-1957 : The introduction of psychoanalysis in Spain. Certain Spanish psychiatrists and professionals travel to different psychoanalytical societies for training as analysts (Berlin, Switzerland, France, Argentina). Members of other psychoanalytical societies (Berlin, Argentina) arrive in Spain to train analysts.

III - Third Period, 1957-1972 : The foundation of psychoanalytical societies on the Iberian peninsula. The incorporation of Spanish and non-Spanish psychoanalysts trained in other societies.

IV - Fourth Period, 1973-2002 : The foundation of the Madrid Psychoanalytical Association. The integration of psychoanalysts into the new society : psychoanalysts from other countries and Spanish psychoanalysts trained in other societies.

V - Exile and Argentinean emigration : Analysis of the political, economic, social and emotional reasons. The integration of exiled psychoanalysts into the different Spanish societies members of the IPA : Spanish Psychoanalytical Society, Madrid Psychoanalytical Association. Analysis of this incorporation and of the processes of integration. Tensions and values of this evolution. New groups : Oscar Masotta and the introduction of the ideas of Lacan into Spain, and other Argentinean psychoanalytical groups organized in Spain.

VI - Analysis of the process of integration of Latin-American psychoanalysts (mostly Argentinean) and its importance in the spread and development of psychoanalysis in Spain.

Panayiotis Sakellaropoulos (Greece) : « The Emigration from Greece of Psychoanalysts at Different Periods of History »

This lecture is about people successively emigrating and returning home, a story tightly interwoven with the history of psychoanalysis and its evolution in Greece. The Greeks, a people of emigrants !

This people, from their arrival on the Balkan peninsula 4,000 years ago has often traveled to other countries, either by force or by their own accord. All throughout the 20th Century, writers, lawyers, doctors, etc. traveled to Europe or America to study or for professional training. They often stayed were they went. All the Greek psychoanalysts of the three preceding generations were trained in foreign countries. Does the training of a psychoanalyst in a foreign language and culture have any important consequences ? What are the differences between those analysts and the young Greek psychoanalysts who have been trained in their own language, in the heart of their own culture over these last two decades ?

We will be presenting some points to illustrate the movements of those who emigrate and return, their causes and consequences : 1/ The foundation of the psychoanalytical group in the 1950's by : M. Bonaparte, G. Zavitsianos, D. Kouretas and A. Embirikos. The aggressive opposition of the medical profession in Athens,

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the dismantling of the group and the emigration of nearly all its members to foreign countries. 2/ The definitive departure for some, for others, a departure that lasted a very long period of time, after the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Colonels in 1967. 3/ The return of psychoanalysts and psychotherapists with analytical training leading to the foundation of the Hellenic Psychoanalytical Psychotherapy Society, then of the Hellenic Psychoanalytical Society. 4/ Finally, the current situation : the training of psychoanalysts in Greece, and in parallel, the ongoing movement of people emigrating and returning.

FRIDAY, JULY 26TH : Afternoon

PLENARY SESSION

Yolanda Gampel (Israel) : « Emigration to Israel » In the historiography of the Palestinian Jewish

emigrant society, we find the tension between, the cultural heritage and past of individual immigrants and the tendency of Zionistic ideology to construct a collective past (first between 1905-1914, and then between 1918-1923).

When Hitler rose to power, (1933) Eitingon (1881-1943) came to make his home in Jerusalem, and in October '33 he established the Palestine Psychoanalytical Society, along with other refugees who came to Palestine via Berlin, Vienna, and Odessa. The pioneers, on the one hand, fled Nazi Germany, and on the other hand, accepted the role of pioneers in Palestine. Israeli psychoanalysis is intertwined with Israeli history ; reflecting the intense struggle of generations not only for survival but also for the establishment of a new social order, it is closely related to the reestablishment of a nation.

The formative years of the Society and the Institute were characterized by idealism, devotion and hard work, often overshadowed by political and economic difficulties. The period of immigration of all of these people was a pioneering one ; the Israeli society saw itself as a pioneering society, emphasizing construction, reclamation of swamps, planting of the desert, and building of a Socialist society. Eitingon's concern as was his legacy of inter-disciplinary cultural relations and interests, which had made him the living spirit of a vibrant intellectual and cultural center.

During and after the Holocaust and the founding of the state (1943-1950) came a period of massive immigration, leading to changes in society - people coming from different Diasporas - and all along, there were always psychoanalysts who lent a hand to all history-societal wings.

If initially the influence emanated from European, and especially from classical Freudian Berliner and Viennese psychoanalysts, throughout the years, members who completed their training in different societies have immigrated from Argentina, France, Holland and the USA, each bringing different outlooks and perspectives concerning a variety of paradigms in psychoanalysis (1960-2000).

We will discuss the visicitudes and the differents

narratives that tend to emerge from underneath the surface in psychoanalysts who have immigrated from 1919 until 2000.

Henri Vermorel et Marina Loukomskaïa (France) : « Destiny of Psychoanalysis Outlawed in Russia and in other East Block Nations during the Period of Stalinist Totalitarianism »

Soviet totalitarianism is characterized by the repression of individuals and terror, including a ban on thinking. It is the opposite of psychoanalysis, which is based on free association and aims at freeing the individual. Such an endeavor presupposes tolerant social conditions and sufficient freedom of thought and of being. It is not surprising that the regimes of these nations came to ban psychoanalysis. And yet the situation depended on the duration of these regimes. It was established in 1917 in Russia, but after 1945 in the East block nations.

As for the Soviet Union, several works (by Alexander Etkind, Martin Miller, Valeri Leibine and Viktor Ovtcharenko) demonstrate that Russia had an exceptional development of psychoanalysis before 1917, abetted by the context of a culture receptive to the unconscious, as illustrated by the great Russian authors from Gogol to Dostoievdki, Tolstoi, Chekov, etc... The first translation of Freud's works were done in Moscow, where a prestigious psychoanalytical school had been formed in the company of Sabina Spielrein, Ossipov, Wulff and many others. Its influence on Russian psychiatry and culture was enormous. After the Bolsheviks took power, the state recognized the Russian Society and Institute of Psychoanalysis and psychoanalytical research was supported for a time, by the officials of the day, such as Otto Schmidt, director of the State Publishers, who continued editing Freud's works and that of other psychoanalysts until 1930. That year psychoanalysis was persecuted, the Society and the Institute were liquidated by decree of the NKVD of July 27th.

And yet the ideas contained in psychoanalysis must have continued to operate underground, since numerous times campaigns were held to denounce psychoanalysis, which had officially ceased to exist. The situation began to change after the Krouchtchev report and the slackening of the taboo on psychoanalysis. That taboo was lifted in the 1990's with the advent of perestroika. Today, we are struck by the strong interest in psychoanalysis developing in Russia. A great number of professionals are being trained as analysts, study groups are at work on psychoanalysis and its practice, the psychoanalytical market is full of all types of books on analysis. This renaissance may be seen through the permeability of the rebirth of Russian culture, but also, it may certainly be seen through the transmission from one generation to another, in spite of the isolation in which the intellectuals were held during the totalitarian period. That is why our lecture, while discussing that period of silence, is above all an introduction to future research, some of which has already begun, and which will contribute to shedding light on that practically unknown period of history. A study group working on the history of psychoanalysis meets in Moscow, reuniting specialists in several domains. They work in liaison with the I.A.H.P.

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For the other ex-Soviet satellite nations, who lived under repressive regimes for variable amounts of time, the situation depended upon the cultural conditions of each country, as well as the length of time psychoanalysis had been established in each and the presence of a solid psychoanalytical society. That's why in Hungary, despite the periods it needed to go underground, during the Nazi occupation, then under Communist rule, the practice of psychoanalysis and the training of analysts continued, culminating in an international psychoanalytical Congress held there as early as 1987. We are also aware that in Prague, psychoanalysts practiced clandestinely, even during the worst periods of repression, abetted by their patients : a colleague tells that even paranoid patients never informed against this forbidden practice.

FRIDAY, JULY 26TH : Afternoon

ROUNDTABLE

Moderator : Harold P. Blum (U.S.A.)

Elke Mühlleitner (Germany) : « Letters in Exile. The Exodus of Psychoanalysts from Vienna and Otto Fen-ichel’s Rundbriefe (1934-1945) ».

In April 1938, when Otto Fenichel was organizing his emigration to the United States, he remembered a crucial episode in his very last lecture presented to the Prague Psychoanalytic Study Group : some time ago, he argued, a friend had asked him about the important questions and major developments in psychoanalysis, and Fenichel re-plied : the most important question for psychoanalysis nowadays is whether the Nazis will seizure power in Aus-tria or not.

Fenichel had observed the political developments in Germany, and left Berlin in 1933. He moved to Oslo and began writing secret circular letters to a group of exiled psychoanalysts. Following the “Anschluß” of Austria to the Third Reich, the Board of the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society held a meeting on March 13th 1938, and a con-sensus was soon reached and a resolution passed that urged psychoanalysts to leave the country and to move the seat of the Society to where Freud was to settle. The ma-jority of the Viennese psychoanalysts left occupied Aus-tria between mid-May and mid-June 1938 ; on June 4th, Sigmund Freud and his family left for exile in London.

Fenichel’s 119 Rundbriefe (1998) are a fundamental and major first-hand source for understanding the circum-stances and effects of emigration ; these “letters in exile” shed light on the transfer of science and changes of the-ory; the author reflects on personal fates and institutional decisions and brings a larger political perspective to our attention.

My lecture will present information concerning the emigration and exile of the Viennese psychoanalysts based on the “objective” data of my Biographisches Lexikon der Psychoanalyse (1992) and confront these with Fenichel’s “subjective” intellectual reports.

Eva Maria Spitz-Blum (U.S.A.) : Rene Spitz, a young Austro-Hungarian army surgeon,

barely escaped with his life from Horthy's White Terror that raged in Hungary in 1919. He settled in Trieste, Italy. In 1924 Mussolini's fascists forced him to give up the di-rectorship of the Srebenica coal mines and the Adria Ship-Line at Mon Falcone. He moved to Vienna, his birthplace, to participate in the meetings of the Vienna Psychoana-lytic Society. A few years later, the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute beckoned. He left for Germany and became a regular member of the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute.

Five years passed. On April 1,1933, minutes before he was to be arrested by the Nazis, Spitz fled Germany for Vienna, his family a few steps behind. Freud asked him to head up the Prague Psychoanalytic Institute. For good po-litical reasons Spitz decided to settle in France instead.

France demanded radical change from the psychoana-lysts seeking refuge. Forbidden to call themselves physi-cian, they were given the title, soul-massage therapist. Their children, in a reversal of roles, became their guides to French etiquette and language. Fortunately Spitz was not the only barbarian within the French psychoanalytic establishment under the protection of the Princess Geor-ges of Greece and Denmark, among them was her friend, colleague and analyst, Rudi Loewenstein. The antisemite, Pichon, was and continued to be opposed to Spitz. And even within the circle of friends who used to gather at the Deux Magots after sessions at the Institute, Laforgue did not prove to be one. While the five years Spitz spent in Paris were not easy ones, they were productive and paved the way to his greatest contributions : his empirical studies of psychoanalytic ego development and his research into the birth of language.

SATURDAY, JULY 27TH : Morning

WORKWHOPS

English language groups

Geoffrey H. Blowers (China) : « To and From China : Two analysts made exile by war »

Analytic ideas began to circulate in China from about the second decade of the twentieth century. But it was not until the late 1930s, and then only briefly, that a psychoanalytic culture emerged due chiefly to the efforts of two men whose brief stays barely overlapped. Bingham Dai, a native of China, received a psychoanalytic training under Karen Horney’s supervision while studying for a doctorate in sociology in Chicago. He returned in 1935 to take up a position at Peking Union Medical College, teaching medical psychology to Chinese doctors, setting up a small analytic training group and seeing patients. He left in 1939 for America along with his analysands because of the intensification of the Sino-Japanese war, bringing his program to a close. Paradoxically, war brought Freud’s publisher, Adolph Storfer, to China in 1939 to escape anti-Semitic Vienna. Establishing himself in Shanghai, Storfer set about publishing Gelbe Poste, a periodical written for the German speaking expatriate community, the aim of which was to explore connections between Asian cultures, psychoanalysis and linguistics. However, he came under the scrutiny of the Japanese

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authorities and left in 1941 for Australia where he died four years later.

Both men, in situ, had shown a sensitivity to Chinese culture, which contributed to the success of their efforts to foster psychoanalytic awareness in their respective communities. Exile brought these to a close. In China, psychoanalysis was not to be revived for another 50 years. This paper looks in detail at these events and considers the relative historiographical fate of the two men.

Klaus Hoffmann (Germany) : « Frieda Fromm-Reichmann – Exile and New Chances »

Frieda Fromm-Reichmann (1889–1957) lived and worked until the age of 44 years in Germany. At her working and living places Dresden, Heidelberg and Frankfort on the Main she practised inpatient and outpatient psychotherapy and was in close contact with psychoanalysts like Karl Landauer, Georg Groddeck, Heinrich Meng, Erich Fromm (whom she trained) and Sigmund Heinrich Fuchs (Foulkes), with psychotherapists like Johannes Heinrich Schultz and Hans Prinzhorn and with the neurologist Kurt Goldstein. Being Jewish, she fled immediately in spring 1933 to Strasbourg and then to the United States. Called by Dexter Bullard jr. to Chestnut Lodge near Washington D.C., she became the Director of Psychotherapy of the later famous psychoanalytic hospital for psychotic and severely disturbed patients. Using and further developing the concepts she brought from Central Europe, she formulated and practised intensive psychotherapy with psychotic patients – and dedicated her famous book in 1960 to her teachers Sigmund Freud, Georg Groddeck, Kurt Goldstein and Harry Stack Sullivan. In the psychoanalytic scene of post-war USA, she tried to combat splits. Supported amongst others by Jacob Arlow, she co-founded the “dissident” Washington School of Psychiatry and the William-Alanson-White Institute in New York, but remained all the time a full member of the American and the International Psychoanalytic Association.

Thomas Kirsch (U.S.A.) : « Psychoanalysis in Exile » Psychoanalysis in exile is a subject that touches the

core of analytical psychology aim well. It is a little known fact that a significant number of the early disciples and students of psyche were of Jewish origin. They came mainly from Berlin, and included some of Jung's most original students. Erich Neumann, Gerhardt Adler, Ernst Bernhardt and James Kirsch were the most prominent Jewish students who began their analytical work in the late 1920’s and early 1930’s. These men traveled several times a year to Zürich for analysis. When the Nazis came into power in 1933, they all left Germany to begin their professional lives in other countries. They all became either founders or co founders of new Jungian professional groups in other countries. There were other Jewish analysands of Jung during this period, but this paper will focus on these four men, describing their journeys and discussing the effect of their emigration from Germany on the subsequent Jungian movement.

Some of this history has been documented in my book, The Jungians, but I would like to go into more detail in this

paper. As the descendant of one of these emigres, I have direct experience of what the effect the exile had on their professional lives.

Roland Knebusch (Germany) : « Hitler's psychiatric treatment - its psycho historic decoding by German exile writer Ernst, Paris 1933-40 »

It is meanwhile a clearly established fact that in summer 1933 the german psychiatrist Prof. Edmund Forster came to Paris to inform the editors of the german exile journal Das Neue Tagebuch (DNTB) about the treatment he gave to Adolf Hitler Nov. 1918 in the military hospital Pasewalk (Binion, 1973, Toland, 1976). Back in Germany Forster was arrested. After a 13 days interrogation by the Gestapo he was pushed to suicide.

Historians agree that the bohemian-austrian physician and writer Ernst Weiss, co-editor of the DNTB, can be considered as a valid eyewitness of Forster's visit to Paris. Eyewitness is the title of a novel he wrote about Hitler's treatment. This novel has become famous because it seems to reveal what really happened at Pasewalk. It was read as a precious source all the more the original case report has disappeared, certainly destroyed by the Gestapo.

This paper stresses the importance of Weiss' writing, not only to transmit facts but to give us a deep interpretation of Forster's personality and his therapeutic attitude to Hitler. His therapy was not only hypnosis as regarded in the past but an encounter with a long sequence of specific therapeutic interventions. Weiss who had a psychoanalytic background enables us to understand why the therapy was a serious mistreatment which was inflicted to Hitler in a double bind situation with a lack of abstinence. The overpowering of the deeply disturbed 30 year old Hitler can be understood as the starter of a destructive regression in Hitler's instinct regulation with failure of symbolic representation. This transformed Hitler's search for power, originally a need to survive, into a killing power, - one element in the creation of a mass murder.

Part of the tragedy is that Weiss, the eyewitness, payed for his insights by suicide at the moment of the german occupation of Paris, in June 1940. Today we can attribute to Weiss the merit to have understood as one of the first something in the core of Hitler's mystery.

Eva Laible, Jan Hlousek (Austria/Czech Republic) : « Sigmund Freud's First Emigration (1859) » (slides)

An industrial catastrophe brought about the fall of the once wealthy family of Freud who lost their entire fortune and had to emigrate from their hometown Pribor. Freud mentioned this information, concealed in a scientific essay.

Documentation provides hitherto unknown insight into the Freud family, centred on the commercial business, which, for 4 generations, was managed by Freud’s forebears between Galicia and Pribor. The well-known family-constellation is supplemented by the importance of the half-brothers, especially Emanuel, the elder one and their further destiny.

An outline is provided of the Socio-political development that led to the industrial catastrophe, in

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particular the general decline of the textile homework, in favour of more industrialised working methods.

Finally, as economic refugees, Freud’s father and half-brothers first tried to settle down in Leipzig, where they had some business contacts. For the first time, based on documentation, it has become possible to show Jacob Freud’s unsuccessful efforts to create a new existence and the shattered hopes. Realising the futility of this underta-king the family parted, the parents with Sigismund and the baby Anna moved to Vienna, the half-brothers emigrated to Manchester.

Knowledge of the family and the socio-political background has made it possible to review and re-evaluate the cliché-like picture of the father, Freud’s poverty throughout his youth, his exerted efforts not to expose his children to the kind of poverty he has had to endure and some other aspects mentioned in the biography can now be illustrated differently. Traces of the trauma caused by this first emigration in Freud’s early childhood days become evident and are seen in another concept.

Basic knowledge of the historical events that took place in the first half of the XIXth century, the tensions and war-events between the Habsburg monarchy and other great powers, are undeniable premises in order to understand the socio-cultural development that overshadowed the little town of Pribor. Such factors as ethnical queries, status of the Jewish inhabitants in Galicia and Moravia, effects of the tolerance patent and the year 1848 must be seen as part of the surrounding time-frame within which the destiny of the Freud-family came to pass.

Elke Mühlleitner, Ulrike May, Aleksandra Wagner, Michael Schröter (Germany) : « Edith Jacobson ~ Self in the Changing World »

This panel proposes to discuss the life and work of Edith Jacobson. The panel members are currently involved in wri-ting a book on the subject. Our panel is interdisciplinary, composed of historians, psychoanalysts and sociologists.

Edith Jacobson (1897-1978) was a physician and psychoanalyst in Germany. She became a member of the German Psychoanalytic Society in 1930. In 1935, she was imprisoned by the Nazis for her involvement with the political resistance movement. In 1938, due to international concerns and organized help of the IPA, Jacobson escaped to the United States. She established her psychoanalytic practice in New York, became a training analyst of the New York Psychoanalytic Society and Institute and, in 1954, became President of the Society. Jacobson is the author of The Self and the Object World and Depression. She is usually considered to be one of the key representatives of American ego-psychology.

The panel will address several issues concerning Edith Jacobson’s life and work by focusing on her professional development, her relationships with psychoanalytic networks (her own analyst, Otto Fenichel, the psychoanalytic study group of Prague and the New York Psychoanalytic Institute in the US) and with political activists (the resistance movement, Neu Beginnen). It will also focus on changes she underwent as a result of her immigration to the United States, and her development there as a teacher, training analyst, and writer. The panel hopes to encourage discussion and raise

questions related to an important trajectory in the history of psychoanalysis and of the psychoanalytic movement. Emphasis will be on the manner in which Jacobson’s travel effected the emergence of her theories and how her migration was part of a larger transformation in psychoanalysis that involved transformation of political and scientific engagement of its prominent practioners.

Edith Jacobson’s biography will be viewed through her own autobiographical writings, her theoretical works, interviews with analysands, friends, and students, and other archival materials preserved in the US and Europe.

Michael Schröter (Germany) : « Max Eitingon's descent from power (1932-1938). Some insights from his corres-pondence with Freud and other archival sources »

In 1932 Max Eitingon, who up to then had held all the key positions within the international psychoanalytic movement, suffered a dramatic loss of power. He not only retreated from the presidency of the IPA but was also deprived of his positions as editor of the major psa. journal and as supervising director of the psa. publishing house. This break highlighted a marked decline of the Berlin Psa. Institute, sealing a process that had begun with the emigration of most of its major teachers to America, well before the Nazi regime, and was furthered by Eitingon’s relative impoverishment at the time. In 1933 Eitingon acted with courage, self-confidence and realism, trying to fight the “Gleichschaltung” of the Berlin Institute. This attitude was clearly based on his strong sense of Jewish identity. His emigration to Palestine, however, was disapproved among the IPA leadership, including Freud, and moved him outside the center of psa. politics. His descent from power was completed when he was unable to oppose American action to undermine the authority of the International Training Commission in 1935-1938. – Michael Schröter is just finishing his edition of the correspondence between Freud and Eitingon and will base his narrative on the material collected in the course of this work.

Eva Maria Spitz Blum (U.S.A.) : « Emigrations and Im-migrations of a Philobat : Rene A. Spitz, M.D. »

Rene Spitz emigrated from Paris to New York in May 1938. Because of his political experience, he had recognized the seriousness of the Nazi threat to Czechoslovakia and to his family as Czech citizens his family out of France in good time, three months before the conference of prime ministers in Munich at which Chamberlain of Britain and Daladier of France capitulated abjectly to Hitler's demands for Czech territory, the Sudetenland. On October 10th Hitler's armies marched into Czechoslovakia. By then Spitz was securely settled in New York.

Arriving in New York Spitz was received by Lawrence Kubie, member of the Refugee Committee established by the American Psychoanalytic Association, and Emmi and Sándor Rado. They settled the Spitz family temporarily at the Hotel New Yorker. Later, Emmi and Sándor Rado together with Caroline Zachry looked after the children while Spitz embarked on a search from New York to Chicago, Topeka, and Los Angeles to determine where to establish his practice.

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He decided on New York and staffed his office in the apartment complex on 1150 Fifth Avenue with from three to five refugee psychologists, mostly former research associates at Charlotte Buehler'ss Children's Institute at the University of Vienna. Staff called the office Little Europe. With the arrival of the families of refugee psychoanalysts Heinz Hartmann and Raymond de Saussure in the same in the apartment complex, the name became even more apt.

I shall compare my father's experiences briefly to those of other refugees, including other scientists, artists, musicians, and writers. In conclusion, I examine how the American spirit and scientific atmosphere he encountered meshed with Spitz's own special talents and scientific bent and resulted in the flowering of his work.

Juan Tubert-Oklander (Mexico) : « Enrique Pichon-Rivière : pioneer and outcast »

There have been some thinkers, in the history of ideas, that have left very few writings. These are people who love the spoken word; they thrive in the living discussion of ideas in statu nascendi, and this makes them superb teachers but lousy writers. Their teachings have been preserved through the notes taken by someone else. Such is the case of Socrates, George Herbert Mead, Raymond de Saussure, Harry Stack Sullivan, and, in Latin American psychoanalysis, of Enrique Pichon-Rivière.

Pichon-Rivière was a pioneer in so many areas that it is very hard to summarize his contributions. In the 1940´s he set the foundations for the psychoanalytic approach to psychoses and psychosomatic medicine in Latin America. He wrote extensively about schizophrenia, manic-depressive psychosis, epilepsy, and various psychosomatic disorders, as well as about art and poetry. He argued poignantly for a new conception of psychiatry that included both the psychoanalytic and the socio-political dimensions. He also developed a comprehensive study of groups. His conception of what he called “operative groups” comprised the study and conduction all sorts of human groups, including learning groups, family groups, institutional groups, and therapy groups.

His emphasis on the social and political aspects of human existence, and his contention that they were fundamental for the construction of the subject and his inner world, set him increasingly apart from the set of ideas that prevailed at the time in the Argentine Psychoanalytic Association. This created a distance from the institution he had founded, even though he never left it.

In his last years, he preferred to use the term “social psychology” for his own analytical approach to human affairs; therefore, the name of the largest collection of his writings and recorded classes : From Psychoanalysis to Social Psychology. I believe, however, that he was wrong in this. His work is really a breakthrough in psychoanalytic theory and practice. It is a major contribution towards the development of a new paradigm of the human being that we so sorely need.

In the twenty five years that have passed since his death, he has been largely forgotten. Even though his name still rings a bell in young psychoanalysts, his works are rarely read or quoted in psychoanalytic papers. His books on groups and social psychology are also ignored

by many analytic group therapists, even though they are mandatory reading for those with a social bent. Out of Latin America his work is known mainly is Spain, since it has not been translated to other languages. There is, however, a growing interest in his approach to groups among British group analysts. I believe it is high time for us to recover his memory, contributions and ideas, now that, at the beginning of the Third Millenium, we urgently need to reformulate our theory and practice, in order to encompass those dimensions of human existence that we had previously left out.

Judith Vida, Gershon J. Molad (Israel) : « The History of Holding Exile in the Dialogue between Analysts »

The developmental history of Psychoanalysis, as analysts are ‘misplaced’ from culture, theory, and dialogue, shows the interacting impact of several kinds of ‘exile’ : cultural-exile, when physical-political issues force being in a ‘no-homeland’ place ; professional exile of political-professional dispute lea-ding to a ‘no-recognition’ place; theoretical-exile , when theoretical influences ‘decenter and dislocate’ and lead to being in a ‘no-theory’ place [post-modern influences] ; and dialogical-exile, when conventional practices of ‘conference-space’ turn the conversation between analysts into being a non-dialogical non-analytical place.

In this paper we observe how analysts deal with ‘the lost place in history’, a closed folded part of life which is not ac-cessible anymore, and with ‘the lost place of history’, a fol-ded place that can be opened but has a ruptured scarred histo-ry of unfolding. We look at what happens, defensively and adaptively, to the analyst’s critique, mourning, and moral at-titude; and we look at the ways and difficulties of holding in the dialogue between analysts these ‘exiles’ of and in place, as transitional-spheres of life and death.

Of all these ‘exiles’, we suggest that for analysts ‘dialogical exile’ is the most critical, as it mediates collapses of both culture and theory. The personal-autobiographical exile may either be excluded from the dialogue between analysts, and thus ‘fail’, and reproduce a personal-professional condition of exile for the analyst in person and for the community of analysts in general ; or it may succeed in meeting the narrative context of a conference and the inner dynamics of the audience, thus becoming an intermediate transitional sphere of compassion and development for the professional psychoanalytic community of mourning persons.

We discuss the function of ‘conference tales’ and the importance of ‘silence’ in understanding and maintaining a dialogue-of-exile, and then turn to historical experience (Freud-Ferenczi relations) and to personal experience to look at the work of holding the longing and despair of ‘exile’ in a dialogue between analysts.

Spanish language groups

Simón Alám Eljuri, Alberto Alvarado Cedeño, Gerar-do Guido Wainer (Argentina) : « Algunas caracteristicas del movimiento psicoanalitico Argentino »

El grupo argentino se ha caracterizado por sus contribuciones originales y por una gran generosidad, lo cuál le permitió funcionar como polea de transmisión al resto de América Latina.

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Angel Garma, Celes Cárcamo, y Marie Langer, formados en Europa, entraron en contacto con Arnaldo Raskovsky y Enrique Pichon Riviere entre otros. Todos, y con los aportes De los demás integrantes levantaron el edificio psicoanalítico. Como virtud tiene este grupo la creatividad pero adolece de una excesiva dependencia de lo externo, en particular lo europeo.

Los rasgos de los habitantes de Buenos Aires, puerto de llegada de todo lo importado, marca la actitud de este grupo humano. Dentro de los aportes de este grupo al acervo teórico, clínico y metapsicológico mencionamos : Patología Psicosomática, Encuadre Médico Legal del Sadomasoquismo, Psicogénesis del Arte Ornamental, la Maternidad y sus vicisitudes, El Psiquismo Fetal, La Contratransferencia, y el Encuadre Psicoanalítico.

Ricardo Avenburg (Argentina) : « Comentario al trabajo de la naturaleza de la acción terapéutica del psicoanálisis de James Strachey »

El trabajo de Strachey, escrito en 1934, marca un hlito en la historia de las ideas psicoanalíticas. Intenta penetrar en lo que para Strachey es esencial en el proceso psicoanalítico y tuvo mucha influencia, por lo menos en el psicoanálisis argentino, muy impregnado por las ideas kleinianas con las que este trabajo está fuertemente vinculado. Es justamente por su importancia histórica (tal vez no tanto teórica) que vale la pena desentrañar las categorías de pensamiento que lo fundamentan; esto he tratado de hacer aquí.

Fanny Blanck-Cereijido (Argentina) : « Este trabajo versa sobre el exilio de psicoanalistas argentinos en México. Su primera versión fue escrita »

Cuando la Comisión de Cultura del Gobierno de la Ciudad de México organizó una serie de mesas redondas sobre los grupos de extranjeros que integran la población de la ciudad, y la presencia de los psicoanalistas argentinos es considerada tan significativa, que fueron convocados un historiador, un literato y un psicoanalista. El trabajo intenta explicar los motivos de la importancia que cobró el psicoanálisis en Argentina y algunas características de su evolución, incluyendo las contribuciones al estudio de las enfermedades psicosomáticas, al psicoanálisis infantil y de los procesos psicóticos.

Se describe la formación de algunos psicoanalistas mexicanos en Buenos Aires durante los años 50 y finalmente se reseña los avatares de la inclusión de los psicoanalistas argentinos en México a partir de 1976.

Lidia Haydee Bruno de Sittlenok (Argentina) : « Memorias del presente ...Huellas del pasado. Hipotesis para com-prender un desarrollo »

El trabajo desarrolla algunas ideas a casi 60 anos de la fundaci'on de la Asociacion Psicoanalitica Argentina (APA) el 15/XII/1942, intentando explicar el "sorprendente" y sostenido desarrollo del Psicoanalisis en Argentina, que se constituyo a su vez en base de la expansion hacia el resto de Latinoam'erica.

Lo hace estableciendo vinculos entre la historia de la Argentina, sus origenes, caracteristicas y avatares como Nacion entramados con otros factores entre los que se des-

tacan : La singularidad de Buenos Aires en la decada del 30 y del 40. Metropoli cosmopolita y culta con su ascen-dente clase media. Y las personalidades de los pioneros, jovenes, heterogeneos con un objetivo e ideal comun la comprension del sufrimiento del alma humana y su trata-miento a traves de la teoria y metodo psicoanaliticos. Y que a su vez desarrollaban influencias y relaciones en dis-tintos estratos sociales y culturales del pais.

Siendo dos de ellos psicoanalistas exilados por las du-ras circunstancias que azotaban Europa en los preambulos de la 2da. Guerra Mundial.

Angel Garma : miembro de IPA, renunciante de la So-ciedad de Berlin, de la cual era miembro al solidarizarse con los analistas judios excluidos de ella por la locura del regimen nazi. Maria Langer : medica, en formacion avan-zada en el Instituto de Viena al que abandona cuando se le prohibe a los analistas y candidatos la intervencion en ac-tividades politicas. Cuando la persecuciones a los comu-nistas arrecian debe dejar tambien Viena.

Cristina C. Burckas (Alemania) : « La inscripción de la experiencia del exilio en lo simbólico »

El tema del exilio ocupa un espacio predominante en mi praxis analítica : la mayoría de los analizantes que acuden a mi consultorio son sudamericanos que viven en Alemania, y si bien no sólo se trata de exiliados políticos, a todos la vida los ha confrontado con la dolorosa experiencia del exilio.

A causa de nuestra condición de seres parlantes el exilio nos concierne a todos. La constitución del sujeto ya implica el exilio en relación a un origen, pues el sujeto se constituye a partir de una división que lo excluye de aquello que le es lo más íntimo, lo más propio, dado que el objeto que lo constituye es un objeto faltante. La experiencia del exilio también significa una ruptura en relación a aquello que hasta entonces nos había sido lo más familiar.

En ese sentido, cuando alguien se ve obligado a irse de su lugar de origen para siempre, se encuentra en una situación que lo confronta nuevamente con ese momento traumático inaugural de la estructura donde el sujeto se constituye como deseante a partir de una ausencia.

Pero vivir una experiencia de exilio no implica aún el reconocimiento de que allí hay algo perdido para siempre. Este reconocimiento recién se produce a partir de la inscripción de la experiencia de exilio a nivel de lo simbólico.

Es por ello que hace falta un tiempo. Un tiempo de duelo durante el cual el sujeto va situando los objetos perdidos hasta que, finalmente, logra situarse a si mismo en la imposibilidad del retorno, procuciendo una apertura en relación al deseo.

Los momentos de un análisis en los que este proceso tiene lugar son cruciales, pues permiten retomar la huella del deseo allí donde parecía enterrada.

Mi texto propone trazar y seguir esta huella a partir del material clínico de una analizante cuyo exilio se produjo como consecuencia de las experiencias traumáticas sufridas durante una dictadura militar sudamericana.

Manuel Galilea (España) : « Un exilio de un psicoanalista » El autor cree ser el único analista chileno con años de

experiencia en su país, que debió exiliarse luego del golpe

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militar de 1973 y que ha seguido con la práctica psicoanalítica, por lo que sus reflexiones podrían ser de interés.

Veinticinco años después de su partida de Chile, desea hacer algunas consideraciones con serenidad, sobre las ten-siones vividas en una sociedad psicoanalítica políticamente dividida antes y después del golpe de estado.

Los problemas en el ejercicio psicoanalítico, la inci-dencia de los acontecimientos externos y de las actitudes de los pacientes emocionalmente comprometidos como ciudadanos, al igual que el terapeuta, en una situación que dividía a todo el país, se manifestaron en problemas de la transferencia y la contratransferencia y en situaciones muy difíciles en el encuadre.

La partida, la interrupción del ejercicio profesional, la llegada a otro país y a un nuevo medio analítico, la recep-ción de la Sociedad de acogida y los problemas de encua-dre que surgen en la nueva situación, forman parte de un proceso de duelo, que cada exiliado ha de considerar como un compañero inseparable por el resto de sus días.

Graciela Graschinsky de Cohan (Argentina) : « Historia, migración y desarraigo : el legado de Maria Langer »

La autora tomará los conceptos freudianos de situación traumática y desamparo para estudiar las huellas dejadas por los efectos de la migración forzada causada en la his-toria del psicoanálisis europeo en la segunda mitad del si-glo XX. Este trabajo desplegará las consecuencias del exi-lio en la biografía de la Dra. María Langer, analizada del Dr. Sterba, que llegó a Buenos Aires en 1937 y de cómo este traumatismo de trasplante pudo cristalizarse en una adaptación enriquecedora y en un legado importante para los psicoanalistas argentinos y mexicanos.

En el contexto de este choque cultural que vive el inmi-grante todo su esfuerzo está puesto al servicio de una adapta-ción para la cual puede no estar internamente preparado. Se ve sometido a acomodamientos y adaptaciones que lo condu-cen a incorporar nuevas costumbres y valores, otra lengua, en detrimento de los suyos. Se ve enfrentado a un conflicto de lealtades, si se adapta completamente, traicionará sus raíces, de lo contrario será marginado. A todo esto hay que sumar, en la migración que se da bajo la forma de exilio, un fuerte sentimiento de exclusión. Para aquellos que se ven forzados a dejar su país por persecución política o religiosa, a la pérdida de su mundo familiar se agrega el sentimiento perturbador de sentirse culpable por ser sobreviviente. La pérdida tiñe todo con la sensación nostálgica de que será imposible adaptarse a las condiciones del nuevo lugar. Pero al mismo tiempo con la obligación de estar agradecido por haber podido salvar su vi-da cuando otros no lo han hecho.

Si aceptamos que cada sujeto es una caja de resonancia de los anudamientos traumáticos que se producen entre el lugar de origen y el lugar de adopción no podemos ignorar las huellas que los movimientos migratorios forzados, van dejando en su historia. Una experiencia migratoria puede ser transmitida en positivo, como referencia pasada de héroes y pioneros o puede transmitirse en negativo, como brecha presente, sin historizar, sin nexos causales y condenada a la repetición. La Dra. María Langer pudo re-significar esta experiencia cuando tuvo que enfrentar un segundo exilio de Buenos Aires a México en 1974, también por razones políticas.

La transmisión de la historia de los psicoanalistas pione-ros en nuestros países es una forma de rememoración, de re-encontrarse con el pasado, visualizando cada uno de los esla-bones que constituyen la cadena generacional, el saber de donde venimos apropiándonos de nuestras raíces nos permite construir el deseo por un futuro del psicoanálisis.

Finalmente, la autora considera que para comprender los lazos con las generaciones pioneras del psicoanálisis que su-frieron el exilio es útil considerar la resignificacion de los bordes entre el ayer y el hoy, entre el allá del pasado y el aquí del presente, entre el país que expulsa y el país que recibe.

Reyna Hernández de Tubert (Mexico) : « El exilio de las ideas »

El presente trabajo trata acerca de la marginación de las minorías en la comunidad psicoanalítica. Estas minorías pueden basarse en diferencias étnicas, lingüísticas, nacionales o de género, entre otras. Cada una de ellas merece una amplia reflexión, pero en esta ocasión me centraré en el tema de la exclusión de las ideas, tanto psicoanalíticas como de naturaleza filosófica, epistemológica, política o religiosa, que difieren de las aceptadas por los grupos más prestigiados dentro de nuestra comunidad.

A lo largo de la historia del movimiento psicoanalítico se ha observado una lucha por imponer y preservar ciertos puntos de vista, que son los de los grupos que detentan el poder, en detrimento de otros que provienen de personas o grupos menos prestigiados, y/o que ponen en crisis al sistema de ideas generalmente aceptado, habitualmente llamado “ortodoxia”. El resultado ha sido un desgaste y un empobrecimiento innecesarios, como consecuencia de un pensamiento que siempre se ubica en términos de pares antitéticos.

Considero que el futuro del psicoanálisis — y de la humanidad misma — depende de que podamos construir un nuevo paradigma del ser humano, que nos permita aceptar e integrar la enorme variabilidad de nuestra especie, en términos de experiencias, formas de vida, convicciones y pensamiento. En el caso del psicoanálisis, es fundamental que trascendamos las falsas oposiciones, tales como individuo-grupo, pulsional-adquirido, intrapsíquico-interpersonal, teorías verdaderas-teorías falsas, interpretación-relación, entre otras, para permitir la confluencia y la mutua fertilización de todas las partes del verdadero caleidoscopio de ideas que surgió del descubrimiento freudiano.

Roberto Carlos Marcer (Argentina) : « El Psicoanalisis-ta durante el exilio interno »

En las últimas décadas hubieron numerosos trabajos acerca de las vicisitudes, posiciones y formas de encarar la tarea por las que han pasado los psicoanalistas en una situación de exilio.

La idea de esta presentación es hablar de esa otra situación que hemos atravesado la mayoría de los psicoanalistas que continuamos nuestro trabajo durante el terrorismo de estado y que se dado en llamar “exilio interno”. Trataré de desarrollar sobre la base de ejemplos clínicos, la experiencia frente a consultas de familiares de desaparecidos o hijos de torturadores con síntomas graves íntimamente entrelazados a la actividad de sus padres.

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Me referiré a la contratransferencia y a las estrategias que posibilitaron la situación psicoanalítica.

L. Vicente Mira (España) : « Exilio e lengua » Una dimensión inevitable del fenómeno del exilio es el

forzamiento de la lengua, aunque se juegue en el interior del mismo idioma las prácticas linguisticas con su multiplicidad inconsistente remiten al sujeto a una exterioridad repetida.

Por otro lado el inconsciente obliga a los sujetos a una heterotopia intima que pone en entredicho las presuposiciones de identidad. Al situarse mas alla del plano de la identificación, la práctica del inconsciente que es la cura analitica desconfia de toda reivindicación de identidad individual o nacional. En suma el psicoanálisis es un dispositivo para desmaternalizar la lengua, para contrariar el estandarte del goce privado de un sujeto o un grupo.

Nuestra proposición es pensar que las instituciones psicoanalíticas realojan las identificaciones y el goce que la cura pretendió desalojar. Pretendemos que el realojamiento se hace por medio del narcisismo y el amor bajo las insignias del ideal.

En este trabajo intentaremos cernir esta defensa de las instituciones contra el exilio (defensa que exila de nuevo al sujeto respecto a la subjetividad de la época) recorriendo sucintamente la historia del movimiento lacaniano en España.

Blanca Montevechio (Argentina) : « Exiliados en la pro-pia tierra »

A lo largo de la historia ha existido una forma de exilio de características masivas consecuencia de la apropiación de vastos territorios que convirtieron a los nativos en extranjeros en su propia tierra. España anticipa una de las lógicas más fuertes de la modernidad en lo político cuando a fines del siglo XV busca la homogeneidad cultural : una lengua, un pueblo, una raza. Expulsa a los moros y a los judíos no convertidos y conquista inmensos territorios en ultramar donde los pobladores son sometidos con la espada y con la cruz. Posteriormente la Revolución Francesa cristaliza -en el ciudadano- el ideal del hombre universal y racional que en nombre de la civilización destruye la diversidad cultural de los pueblos "bárbaros" y "salvajes". El nativo despojado ya de su tierra es obligado a renegar de su idioma, de su religión y de sus costumbres ancestrales y pasa a ser un "fuera de la ley" si no acepta el lugar que se le reserva de instrumento de un proyecto ajeno. Destruidos los anclajes identificatorios de sus culturas milenarias, estructura una identidad conflictiva ya sea por identificación con el agresor, por resistencia pasiva o activa. Actualmente asistimos al despertar de pueblos que habiendo padecido ese tipo de exilio liberan fuerzas explosivas acumuladas a lo largo de siglos de dominación. En Argentina después de la "limpieza étnica" de los nativos que ya había comenzado durante la colonia, las élites gobernantes quisieron hacer un país europeo y abrieron la inmigración a los expulsados por la revolución industrial. Sus descendientes, nostálgicos de la tierra de sus ancestros, contribuyeron a construir el país que, sin embargo, no llegan a sentir como propio. Un período de gran prosperidad inicial creó un falso optimismo, generando expectativas ilusorias que no se concretaron. Las dictaduras militares mesiánicas quisieron hacer un país homogéneo y el resultado fue el incremento de la escisión y una secuela de desapariciones físicas y exilios internos de quienes se

opusieron. Otros entre ellos muchos psicoanalistas tomaron el camino de retorno a la Europa idealizada.

Ramon Riera i Alibés (España) : « De Freiberg a Viena a los 3 años del pequeño Freud : su posible repercusión en las teorías psicoanalíticas »

Es muy extendida la creencia de que Freud vivió una infancia idílica, rodeado por los bellos parajes de Freiberg, hasta los 3 años y medio, cuando la ruina familiar forzó la emigración a Viena. Ésta es la imagen que el mismo Freud tenía de su propia infancia, y la imagen que sus biógrafos fieles se han encargado de transmitirnos. Es probable que aquella emigración a una edad tan temprana favoreciera esta idealización. En cambio, una de las reciente biografías de Freud (Breger, 2000) nos muestra los importantes traumas psicológicos que el pequeño Freud sufrió en sus primeros tres años de vida. En su auto-análisis con Fliess, estas primeras experiencias traumáticas quedaron disociadas, y en cambio el énfasis recayó en la creación de una espectacular teoría universal (la teoría Edípica) que tenía que provocar un vuelco radical en la comprensión del alma humana. En la versión que Freud nos da de la historia de Edipo se produce la misma disociación : el abandono traumático de Edipo al nacer queda relegado, y el énfasis recae en la espectacular faceta parricida e incestuosa de Edipo. La fascinación de Freud por la imagen de Edipo resolviendo el enigma de la esfinge (imagen que se ha convertido en el “logotipo” de nuestro gremio) nos corrobora lo importante que fue para Freud el verse como el gran descifrador del alma humana para sentirse así a salvo de las reminiscencias de su infancia traumática. Tal como nos muestra la perspectiva intersubjetiva, las teorías psicoanalíticas, lejos de tener un valor universal, están inevitablemente entretejidas con la subjetividad de sus creadores. La investigación de la relación entre las teorías freudianas y la subjetividad de su creador nos ayuda a entender el énfasis que el psicoanálisis puso desde su inicio en el desvelamiento de las supuestas profundidades de un inconciente pulsional en ebullición. Finalmente, en la experiencia del autor de esta comunicación, la conexión empática con los estados afectivos de sus pacientes ha quedado a menudo interferida por la enorme presencia de estas doctrinas pulsionales en los programas de formación como psicoanalista.

Gabriela Roth, Luis Minuchin (Argentina) : « Las múl-tiples migraciones del vínculo entre Freud y V. Tausk »

El trabajo relata en forma dialogada un "encuentro imaginario" entre Freud y V. Tausk, a travès del cual replantean y discuten sobre los distintas apectos de la relaciòn personal y profesional que mantuvieron durante su vida y que culminaron con el suicidio de V. Tausk. En dicho diàlogo se despliegan tanto las diferencias personales como las teòricas, pudiendo percibirse en ese relato la rivalidad conciente e inconciente que se estableciò entre ambos. A lo largo del trabajo se establecen las diferentes posiciciones conceptuales que planteaban frente al psicoanálisis como asì tambièn sus coincidencias, pudiendo entreveerse allì los nùcleos de distintos conceptos teòricos que posteriormente fueron tomados y desarrollados por otros autores psicoanaliticos. En el trabajo presentado, se pueden apreciar las diversas etapas emocionales por las que atravesò dicha relaciòn.

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Ana Rozenbaum de Schvartzman (Argentina) : « Marie Langer, la psicoanalista maldita »

Se realiza un recorrido de la vida de María G. De Langer, psicoanalista fundadora de la Asociación Psicoanalítica Argentina en 1942. Se utilizan como fuentes sus propios escritos autobiográficos, testimonios de uno de sus hijos, de numerosos colegas que la conocieron y aceptaron rescatarla del olvido, como así también se hace referencia a su vasta obra. Además se intenta una permanente articulación con su entorno cultural e ideológico, su medio social, y las condiciones política en las que tendría que vivir.

Nacida en 1910 en Viena, vivió en Europa, donde se recibió como médica, hasta 1939, año en que estalló la Segunda Guerra Mundial y debió emigrar hacia América. Después de un breve periodo en Uruguay, vivió en Argentina desarrollando una intensa actividad vinculada con el psicoanálisis. Renunció a la Asociación Psicoanalítica Argentina en 1971, junto con un grupo de colegas, nucleados en los Grupos Plataforma y Documento. Pocos años después, y por motivos políticos, debió exiliarse a México donde vivió casi hasta su muerte.

Sus escritos abarcan un amplio espectro de intereses que se perfilan a través de su historia, y atestiguan acerca de su estilo de intenso compromiso y profunda dedicación

Manfredo Teicher (Argentina) : « La identificación y sus vicisitudes en relación con el fenómeno nazi »

Con el nazismo, un Ideal perverso toma el poder en Alemania. El sueño de la gratificación narcisista bajo el principio del placer se impone a millones de criaturas que se encandilan con pasión. El ideal nazi señalaba lo que había que reprimir : la compasión, el ideal de justicia, el amor compartido, para todo aquel que no perteneciera a la raza superior aria. El ario puro por el simple hecho de existir y de haber nacido, merece el respeto y la adoración incondicional del resto de la Tierra. Así quedaba definido el concepto de sublimación y de justicia. Su meta : satisfacer el deseo del narcisismo infantil omnipotente, trasladado al grupo de pertenencia.

Manfredo Teicher (Argentina) : « Migraciones » Cuando alguien decide (o se convence de) abandonar

su entorno social y probar suerte' en otro, debe enfrentarse con el examen y el cuestionamiento de su identidad.

El lugar al que se llega o el lugar que se abandona, es idealizado con signo positivo o negativo. O bien se sueña con llegar al paraíso perdido luego de dejar atrás el infierno, o bien se sueña con haber sido echado del paraíso para siempre. Entre los seres humanos, se producen distintos agrupamientos económicos y políticos, grupos de poder que someten a los que pueden. Las migraciones son intentos de evitar el sometimiento a esos grupos de poder.

Juan Tubert-Oklander (Mexico) : « El exilio interior de Sándor Ferenczi »

La historia del movimiento psicoanalítico está llena de episodios en los que la expresión de una disidencia llevó a una exclusión implícita o explícita del disidente. Esto equivalía a un “exilio interior”, por el cual el transgresor

resultaba desterrado por la comunidad psicoanalítica, perdiendo así todo contacto posible con sus anteriores colegas y amigos. Algunos de ellos, como Jung, optaron por cortar su relación con el psicoanálisis. Otros, como Lacan, declararon que ellos eran los únicos verdaderos representantes del pensamiento freudiano. Finalmente, hubo otros, como Ferenczi, que simplemente se marchitaron y murieron. Este trabajo analiza el caso de Sándor Ferenczi, intentando identificar las causas intrapersonales, interpersonales y transpersonales de su exilio.

Mucho se ha escrito acerca de los rasgos autoritarios de la personalidad de Freud y de la infantil exigencia de Ferenczi de recibir atención y reconocimiento por parte de una figura paterna, al mismo tiempo que se rebelaba ante la misma, pero el autor del trabajo cree que las verdaderas causas eran mucho más profundas. El desacuerdo de Ferenczi con Freud no fue fundamentalmente teórico o técnico, sino filosófico y epistemológico. Ambos representaban dos concepciones de mundo diferentes e incompatibles.

Por otra parte, el impacto del psicoanálisis sobre todas nuestras aparentes certidumbres es tan grande, que todos tendemos a aferrarnos a algunas de ellas, por miedo a volvernos locos, y esto engendra el dogmatismo. La actitud dogmática se deposita a veces en nuestras teorías o rituales técnicos psicoanalíticos preferidos, y otras, en nuestras creencias filosóficas, científicas o ideológicas. Muchas de nuestras discusiones psicoanalíticas se refieren realmente a nuestras concepciones del mundo divergentes.

En el caso de Ferenczi, su concepción del mundo, del ser humano y de la naturaleza última del psicoanálisis eran diferentes de las de Freud. Pero tal vez el mayor conflicto con su maestro surgió de su reconocimiento implícito de que la propia existencia de la indagación psicoanalítica había demolido irremediablemente la concepción de la ciencia del Siglo XIX, con la cual contaban tanto Freud como él mismo, para encontrar un terreno firme en el cual apoyarse.

German language groups

Eugenia Fischer, René Fischer, Hans-Heinrich Otto, Hans-J. Rothe (Deutschland) : « Nikolaj Jegrafowitsch Ossipow der erste politische Emigrant in der Geschichte der PSA und sein Briefwechsel aus seinem Exil in Prag mit Sigmund Freud »

N.J. Ossipow wurde 1877 in Moskau geboren. Er studierte Medizin in Moskau, Deutschland und der Schweiz wo er auch promovierte. Nach seiner Rückkehr nach Moskau arbeitete er an der psychiatrischen Universitätsklinik. Seit 1907 studierte er Freuds Arbeiten , die in Russland kaum bekannt waren und übersetzte sie in Russisch. Seit 1908 publizierte er sie. 1909 gründetet er zusammen mit N. Wyrubow die Zeitschrift Psychotherapia", wo russische (auch seine) und ausländische PSA Beiträge ihren festen Platz hatten.

1910 besuchte Ossipow S. Freud in Wien. 1911 gründete er mit Drosnes und Wyrubow die erste Moskauer PSA Gesellschaft. 1917 nach der Oktoberrevolution verließ er Moskau aus Ablehnung des Bolschewismus und nach langer Flucht über Istanbul kam er 1921 nach Prag. Dort wurde ihm die Leitung der psychiatrischen Universitätsklinik in Brünn angeboten, was er ablehnte Ossipow starb am 19.2.1934 in Prag.

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In dem 1921 beginnenden Briefwechsel mit S. Freud spiegeln sich die Umstände seines Lebens im Exil Wieder. Wir sind im Besitz der Briefe von S. Freud und der Briefe von Ossipow. Die Texte haben ergeben, dass S. Freud Ossipow hoch schätzte, seine Arbeiten in Imago publizierte. Wir können den Gedankenaustausch zwischen den beiden verfolgen, die persönlichen Ansichten Freuds (z.B. über Emigration, Tschechen, Bolschewismus) und an manchen Stellen die eindeutig psycho-therapeutische Bemühungen Freuds Ossipow nicht nur konkret zu helfen.

Eugenia Fischer, René Fischer (Deutschland) : « Die Ges-chichte der Psychoanalyse in der Tschechoslowakei während der Deutschen Okkupation 1939-1945 und das Überleben der PSA unter dem totalitären kommunistischen Regime »

Wir kennen ein Teil dieser Geschichte aus familiärer Kenntnis und das Überleben der PSA unter totalitären Regime haben wir selbst miterlebt. 1936 wurde die Tschechoslowakische Gesellschaft für das Studium der PSA auf dem 14. Internationalen PSA Kongress in Marienbad als Mitglied der IPV aufgenommen. In Prag befanden sich mehrere deutsche Psychoanalytiker (z.B. Annie Reich), nach dem Anschluss von Österreich kamen noch weitere dazu. O. Fenichel wurde nach Prag als Emissär von S. Freud geschickt.

Nach dem„ Münchener Abkommen" emigrierten viele Mitglieder ins Ausland. Die restlichen Mitglieder, die nach dem Einmarsch der deutschen Wehrmacht die das Land 1939 besetzte, wurden in KZ geschickt, wo sie starben Nach dem Kriegsende 1945 ist in dem ganzen Land als einziger Überlebende nur Theodor (Bohodar) Dosuzkov geblieben. Während des 2. Weltkrieges sammelten sich im Untergrund um ihn die an der PSA interessierte Studenten, die u. a. Freuds Werke ins Tschechische übersetzten.

Die Blütezeit der PSA bis zum kommunistischen Putsch 1948 war kurz.Von der Stalinisierung wurde auch die PSA Gesellschaft getroffen. Sie wurde dann 1952 offiziell aufgelöst, aber die Ausbildung und Verbreitung der PSA funktionierte weiter illegal dank Dosuzkov und seiner Schüler.

Mit der Liberalisierung des Regime in den Sechzigem und mit Hilfe ausländischer Psychoanalytiker funktionierte die psychoanalytische Ausbildung gut, nach dem Zerschlagen des “Prager Frühlings” kam es nicht zur Krise, nur zum Verlust der Hoffnungen. Wir sind 1969 nach Deutschland geflüchtet. Dosuzkov leitete die inoffizielle PSA Gesellschaft bis zu seinem Tod 1982 weiter. Dank gemeinsamen Interessen an der PSA habe die Gruppe bis zu der Wende 1989 überlebt. Seit 1991 war sie eine von der IPV anerkannte “Study Group”, die seit 1999 als “provisorische Gesellschaft” der IPV anerkannt ist.

Hans-Joachim Rothe (Deutschland) : « Karl Landauers Exil in Holland im Spiegel seines Briefwechsels mit Max Horkheimer »

Karl Landauer, geb. 1887 in München, stammte aus einer jüdischen Bankiersfamilie. Er machte seine psychoanalytische Ausbildung bei Freud von 1912 bis 1914 und ließ sich nach dem ersten Weltkrieg in Frankfurt am Main nieder. In seinen Arbeiten verband er das von Freud entwickelte Strukturmodell mit dessen früher Affekttheorie. Neben den neurotischen Einschränkungen des Gefühlslebens beschrieb er die Psychodynamik der erworbenen Denkhemmung.

Max Horkheimer, geb. 1895 bei Stuttgart, Geschichts- und Sozialphilosoph, war es daran gelegen mit Hilfe interdisziplinärer Zusammenarbeit von Philosophen, Sozialwissenschaftlern, Ökonomen und Psychologen hinter der chaotischen Oberfläche der Ereignisse eine dem Begriff zugängliche Struktur der herrschenden Mächte zu erkennen. Deshalb wandte er sich 1928 an Karl Landauer, um bei ihm das Erkenntnisinstrument der Psychoanalyse selber zu erfahren und machte eine Psychoanalyse bei ihm.

Als Karl Landauer in Frankfurt am Main mit Heinrich Meng, Frieda Fromm-Reichmann, Erich Fromm und S.H. Foulkes das Frankfurter Psychoanalytische Institut (1929-1933) gründete, bekam es folgerichtig Gaststatus in dem von Horkheimer geleiteten Institut für Sozialforschung. Als beide Institute aus politischen Gründen im März 1933 geschlossen werden mußten, emigrierte Karl Landauer nach Holland, wo durch seine und anderer Emigranten Ankunft ein lang schwelender Konflikt in der Holländischen Psychoanalytischen Vereinigung ausbrach, der zu einer mehrjährigen Spaltung führte. Karl Landauer wurde aber zu einem der wichtigsten Lehrer der holländischen Psychoanalytiker in den dreißiger Jahren, da er die moderne an Ich und Abwehr orientierte Technik nach Holland brachte.

Max Horkheimer hatte inzwischen durch günstige Umstände das Institut für Sozialforschung nach New York an die Columbia Universität verlegen können und setzte dort u.a. die Studien über Autorität und Familie und Vorurteile fort.

Karl Landauer gelang die weitere Flucht in die USA nicht. Nach der Besetzung der Niederlande durch das nationalsozialistische Deutschland wurde er mit seiner Familie verhaftet Er starb im Januar 1945 im KZ Bergen-Belsen den Hungertod.

Max Horkheimer kehrte nach dem Kriege wieder nach Frankfurt zurück und verankerte die kritische Theorie der Frankfurter Schule zusammen mit Th. W. Adorno im Bewußtsein von Generationen deutscher Intellektueller.

Der Briefwechsel Karl Landauers mit seinem früheren Analysanden Max Horkheimer gibt Einblick in die Weiterentwicklung der theoretischen Diskussion, die persönliche Situation der Emigranten und die Motive für das tragische Zögern Landauers, ein weiteres Exil zu suchen.

French language groups

Judith Dupont (France) : « L'exil avant l'exil » Michael et Alice Balint, ont émigré en Angleterre en jan-

vier 1939, après l’annexion de l’Autriche par l’Allemagne nazie, pour échapper à l’atmosphère antisémite de la Hon-grie, menacée elle aussi d’être submergée par une idéologie fascisante.

Cependant tous deux avaient déjà vécu un premier exil : Alice dans sa petite enfance, Michael comme jeune adulte. Alice s’est trouvée séparée de sa mère entre ses trois et onze ans, du fait de la grave maladie puis du divorce de celle-ci, prononcé à ses torts. Sa mère, la psychanalyste Vilma Kovács, fut mariée contre son gré à l’âge de 15 ans, à un homme beaucoup plus âgé qu’elle. Elle le quitta pour épouser l’homme de son choix. Dès lors elle ne put revoir ses trois enfants, dont Alice était l’aînée, qu’en cachette. La séparation prit fin lorsqu’Alice

THE IAHP JOURNAL Page 16 parvint à s’enfuir de chez son père pour rejoindre sa mère, emmenant avec elle ses deux cadets.

Michael Balint a toujours eu des rapports difficiles et distants avec son père, le Dr. Ignace Bergsmann. C’était un homme sévère, peu chaleureux, très attaché au judaïsme. Il avait par contre beaucoup de tendresse pour sa mère, une femme affectueuse et généreuse. Michael épousa Alice et ils eurent un fils. Pour éviter à celui-ci d’être exclu de la possibilité de suivre des études universitaires, du fait du numerus clausus appliqué à l’époque aux juifs, Michael se convertit à la religion unitarienne et changea son patronyme juif en Balint, nom typiquement hongrois. Son père lui en voulut, au point de refuser de jamais le revoir.

L’œuvre d’Alice et de Michael Balint porte la marque de ces ruptures ainsi que des tentatives faites pour guérir les blessures qu’elles ont laissées. L’exil britannique n’a fait que les redoubler.

Nicolas Gougoulis (France) : « L'exil dans la langue. Le cas de la Grèce »

L'introduction de la psychanalyse en Grèce est une histoire caractérisée par une discontinuité influencée par les tourments de la vie politique du pays. L'intelligentsia grecque a connu deux périodes d'exil pendant le dernier demi-siècle. La première à cause de la guerre civile (1946-1949) la deuxième pendant le régime des colonels (1967-1974). Une des caractéristiques des régimes autoritaires de ces deux périodes était l'attaque contre la langue et par conséquent l'attaque contre toute pensée libre, a fortiori la pensée psychanalytique. Les exilés et ceux qui ont du se former par la suite à l'étranger ont fait la plupart du temps leur formation et leur analyse en langue étrangère. L'auteur se propose d'examiner ce problème et ses répercussions.

Giancarlo Gramaglia (Italie) : « Enquête sur Sigmund Freud et sur la ‘Wiener Psychonalytische Vereinigung’ effectuée par la diplomatie fasciste italienne en 1935 »

L’enquête, déjà publiée dans la Revue internationale d’histoire de la psychanalyse (n°2, 1995), reprend des documents de la diplomatie et de la police fasciste italienne (OVRA) sur Sigmund Freud et la Société psychanalytique de Vienne. Les informations recueillies par le fonctionnaire chargé de l’OVRA sont absurdes et fausses : il est effarant de voir qu’un tel ensemble de préjugés ait fait l’objet de procédures ministérielles. Les ministères italiens des Affaires extérieures et de l’Intérieur eurent connaissance de ces documents ! Devant pareille horreur, et par-delà l’indignation compréhensible, il est juste et nécessaire de continuer à se demander comment certaines choses ont pu arriver au XXe siècle, pourquoi certaines allégations ont pu prendre corps et circuler. Résumons de manière par trop synthétique le document : Freud y est accusé d’être juif, de soutenir les communistes et d’avoir émigré en Amérique en 1934, après la chute du gouvernement social-démocrate de Vienne. Quand on l’examine de plus près, le document brille par la grossièreté du langage et l’ignorance, mais comment ne pas être d’accord avec le fonctionnaire de la direction de la Police (OVRA), Carmine Senise quand il écrivait qu’une « association de ce type [i.e. la Société psychanalytique de Vienne] sert d’instrument de pensée à des courants qui ne sont certainement pas favorables au fascisme » ? Et comment ! Mais en ce cas, les fascistes avaient deviné quelque chose ! La relecture de l’enquête nous permettra de

faire certaines considérations fondamentales, mais aussi de comprendre la fonction de l’histoire et de ses actes, tels que l’exil, dans un processus de dés-idéalisation.

Quand viennent à manquer les conditions permettant de penser, pour ainsi dire de respirer, il faut choisir. La pensée est une activité, un travail, un acte. Pour Freud, l’exil eût été de rester à Vienne ! Quand Freud, à 82 ans, décida de s’installer en Angleterre et de la remercier de son hospitalité, il écrivit : « Je suis reconnaissant à la chère et libre Angleterre de découvrir de nouveau ici que je peux me remettre à parler, à écrire – j’allais dire, à penser. » Freud, qui n’emploie pas les mots au hasard, ne s’exile pas, tout en sachant bien que sa faculté de penser dépend avant tout du développement pulsionnel et de la norme adéquate qui régit sa vie psychique. Mais il sait aussi fort bien qu’aujourd’hui comme hier, seul un État libéral et démocratique permet à la pensée de s’alimenter et d’échanger, bref d’accomplir ce qu’en analyse nous appelons le travail d’élaboration.

Tout ce qui a pour effet de sous-évaluer l’importance de ce travail crée les conditions d’une répétition du XXe siècle. Le véritable exil aurait été pour Freud de rester à Vienne. La leçon vaut pour chacun de nous.

Florian Houssier (France), Monique Avant (France) : « Erik Erikson et Peter Blos : le rôle de l'immigration dans leur parcours »

Peter Blos et Erik Erikson ont émigré aux Etats-Unis après avoir travaillé ensemble pendant l’essentiel de leur parcours à Vienne, lorsqu’ils ont exercé en tant que psychopédagogues dans l'école expérimentale créée par A. Freud, D. Burlingham et E. Rosenfeld. P. Blos, arrivé à Vienne en 1925, introduit deux ans plus tard son ami, alors en pleine détresse, à l’école expérimentale dont il a été nommé directeur. Les liens de filiation théorique se nouent; A. Aichhorn devient leur mentor à Vienne, après le père de P. Blos pendant leur adolescence. A partir de l’immigration, la trajectoire de deux hommes se séparent. P. Blos achève sa formation et s’engage en tant que psychothérapeute puis psychanalyste une fois arrivé à New York à la fin des années trente, devenant progressivement un spécialiste de l’adolescence. L’immigration entérine une série de ruptures ponctuelles; celle avec A. Freud, en lien avec les désaccords concernant la pratique psychopédagogique de l’Hietzing Schule; celle entre les deux hommes, E. Erikson ayant été «préféré» par A. Freud qui avait pris ce dernier en analyse. Pour E. Erikson, l’immigration avait fait partie de son destin dès le début de sa vie. Cela lui permit de trouver d’emblée un écho avec la société américaine et les difficultés de sa jeunesse.

A la fin de la vie d’E. Erikson, la relation distendue entre les deux hommes se renoue à l’occasion de la maladie qui le touche. Sans avoir emprunté les mêmes directions théoriques, ils ont chacun respecté leur évolution respective, sur laquelle ils sont restés silencieux afin de préserver leur amitié.

Michèle Moreau-Ricaud (France) : « Exil d'un analyste hongrois lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale : le cas de Michael Balint »

L'arrivée des nazis met tous les analystes juifs d'Europe centrale en danger de mort. Certains Hongrois,

THE IAHP JOURNAL Page 17

dont Balint, se résolvent alors, pendant l'été 1938, et sur le conseil de John Rickman, envoyé par L'A.P.I. pour les décider à préparer leur exil. Balint refuse le visa offert pour l'Australie et insiste pour émigrer en Grande-Bretagne. Jones lui trouve alors une possibilité d'installation à Manchester. Balint y arrive en janvier 1939. Nous montrerons que cet exil est une expérience douloureuse, traumatique pour Balint, qui doit affronter toutes les difficultés habituelles de l'exilé, auxquelles vient s'ajouter la mort tragique de sa compagne de vie et de recherche, puis toute une série de deuils familiaux, qui le laissent un temps déprimé et inconsolable.

Néanmoins, cet exil va devenir également porteur de valeurs positives pour lui et le mouvement analytique. Sur le plan de sa production analytique, il apporte, dans la continuité des travaux de Ferenczi, des théories et pratiques nouvelles (l'attachement mère-enfant dit "amour primaire", la régression comme "alliée thérapeutique", le "défaut fondamental = basic fault). Un autre apport est l'invention d'une méthode de formation des médecins à la relation thérapeutique (le "groupe Balint") dans le cadre de la clinique Tavistock et du National Health Service qui relance la médecine dans le Royaume-Uni et va influencer praticiens et chercheurs français qui vont se former auprès de lui et feront ensuite profiter les hôpitaux français de leur nouveau savoir-faire. De plus, Balint va jouer un rôle clé dans la transmission des théories de l'École de Budapest (Ferenczi surtout) et par la multiplicité des échanges scientifiques dans la communauté analytique, en France en particulier, en Allemagne, mais aussi sur le continent américain et australien, un agent actif du Mouvement analytique.

Franco Quesito (Italie) : « Psychanalystes Italiens en exil : Enzo Bonaventura »

En Italie les premiers décrets raciaux ont été promulgués au moment de la grande crise de l’Association Psychanalytique Internationale en 1938, alors qu’au congrès de Paris l'atmosphère était inquiétante et pleine d'incertitudes. Dans la Société Psychanalytique Italienne (SPI), un grand nombre de ceux qui étaient les plus engagés dans la réception de la pensée de Freud, étaient Juifs : Edoardo Weiss, Emilio Servadio, Giuseppe Hirsch, L. Kòvacs et Marco Levi-Bianchini. Tous durent s’exiler. Entre 1939 et 1945 on ne parla pratiquement plus de psychanalyse en Italie. Les rares psychanalystes qui restèrent se trouvèrent complètement coupés du mouvement psychanalytique mondial. Ceux qui n’appartenaient pas à la SPI subirent un sort semblable : Roberto Assagioli alla en Amérique, le jungien Ernst Bernhard vécut dans une pièce fermée à Rome comme Roberto Bazlen. Bien que n’étant pas juif, Cesare Musatti dut se réfugier à Ivrea, dans le Piémont, chez Olivetti.

Parmi ceux-ci il faut citer Enzo Bonaventura, directeur de l'institut de Psychologie de l’Université de Florence, qui avait publié aux éditions Mondadori en 1937 La Psychanalyse, un livre où il avait accueilli avec sympathie les thèses d'une pensée freudienne alors méconnue. Ses études sur la psychologie sociale, marquées par son judaïsme, le conduiront en 1938 à émigrer à Jérusalem à l'université hébraïque.

Il est resté un personnage central du débat psychologique en Italie, même après sa mort survenue en 1948, à la suite d'un attentat accompli par des Arabes

contre un convoi humanitaire dans lequel il se trouvait. Cette intervention évoque le psychologue Enzo

Bonaventura et tâche d'évaluer à quel point la pensée de Freud a été présente chez cet Italien érudit qui n’a jamais été analysé.

Lya Tourn (France) : « Freud exilé » S’intéresser à la place de l’exil en psychanalyse

implique avant tout de prendre acte d’un fait historique et de s’interroger à son propos : suite à l’exil de Freud et de bon nombre de ceux qui formaient la première génération d’analystes, dans différents lieux de la planète et à différentes époques, nombreux ont été les psychanalystes ayant connu, sous divers régimes totalitaires, la condition d’exilés.

Pourquoi des psychanalystes ? L’exil de Freud et de beaucoup de ses élèves sous le IIIème. Reich - ceci est une évidence historique que nul n’oserait discuter - fut avant tout le résultat néfaste de la persécution des Juifs par le régime nazi. Mais l’insistance montrée par la suite par toutes les sortes de régimes totalitaires non seulement à pousser des psychanalystes à l’exil (soit-il extérieur ou intérieur) mais aussi à bannir la psychanalyse, empêche de tenir la condition juive pour seule raison possible et renvoie à l’incompatibilité fondamentale existant entre totalitarisme et psychanalyse. La pratique psychanalytique peut difficilement être dissociée de la trame sociale qui la porte et la garantit. La nécessité d’étouffer la capacité de penser librement, doublée de la volonté d’abolir la mémoire justifient suffisamment la profonde hostilité marquée par ces régimes à l’égard de « l’œuvre de culture » {Kulturarbeit}, dont la psychanalyse fait éminemment partie. La récente histoire des dictatures en Amérique du Sud en offre d’éloquents exemples.

Les nombreux exils qui ont marqué l’histoire de la psychanalyse depuis ses origines n’ont pas été sans effets sur sa pensée et sur sa pratique. Mais ne peut-on pas considérer que la création même de la psychanalyse est placée sous le signe de l’exil ? L’exil de Freud à Londres s’inscrit dans une histoire signifiante où l’œuvre de l’auteur et son destin personnel s’avèrent inséparables : il ajoute, de manière tragique, un dernier trait à son identification à Moïse, le personnage qui l’avait « poursuivi la vie durant ». Né d’une mère dont la langue était le yiddish, son éducation faisant de lui un Allemand, pour les Tchèques majoritaires au sein de Freiberg, sa ville natale, Freud ne pouvait qu’être identifié aux ennemis étrangers. Ne peut-on pas penser que l’exil de Freud, commencé bien avant son départ de Vienne, cette ville où il ne s’est « jamais senti à l’aise », ait marqué de manière indélébile son identité et la construction de sa pensée ? L’interrogation identitaire qui culmine à la fin de sa vie avec L’homme Moïse et la religion monothéiste, ne vient-elle pas répondre à cet exil que Freud avait rencontré très tôt dans le regard des autres ? Et au-delà de ce qui fait identité entre lui, Moïse et le peuple juif, l’événement de l’exil et son assomption par Freud, n’ouvrent-ils pas sur un autre « trait unique », celui d’exilé, réunissant Freud et Moïse avec l’autre grande figure mythique de la psychanalyse, celle de l’éternel Œdipe ?

Hélène Trivouss-Widlöcher (France) : « ‘Allons enfants de l’apatride’, Victor N. Smirnoff (1919-1994), Wladimir Granoff (1924-2000) »

THE IAHP JOURNAL Page 18 Wladimir Granoff nous raconte l’un de ses souvenirs

d’enfance : né à Strasbourg d’une brillante famille de juifs russes originaires d’Odessa, venue en France après la révolution, celui que ses professeurs appellent « le petit bolchévique » chante avec conviction et à sa façon le premier vers de la Marseillaise « Allons enfants de l’apatride ».

Environ à la même époque, Victor Smirnoff, issu d’une famille médicale originaire de Petrograd réfugiée à Berlin, est un écolier appliqué souvent dénommé « le petit russe », qui chante avec la même conviction « Deutschland über alles ». Ils vont se rencontrer à Paris au cours de leurs études de psychiatrie, et nouer une amitié pour la vie, totalement imbriquée dans leur langue maternelle.

Granoff commence sa formation analytique le premier, avec un didacticien de la Société de Psychanalytique de Paris (SPP), M. Schlumberger, mais il dit se sentir étranger à ce milieu qu’il considère conventionnel et dogmatique. Très vite il se sent attiré par l’internationalisme culturel de J. Lacan, notamment par sa fréquentation de personnalités marquantes telles que R. Jakobson ou A. Kojeve.

Smirnoff, sur le conseil de son ami Granoff, entreprend une analyse avec Lacan. Les deux amis se retrouvent à nouveau du même côté à la Société Française de Psychanalyse (SFP) durant cette période de bouillonnement culturel si fécond que nombre de ceux qui y participèrent la nommèrent « l’heure la plus belle de leur histoire ». Granoff est l’un des principaux artisans de la rupture avec Lacan en 1964, et de la création de l’Association Psychanalytique de France (APF). Tout en maintenant avec conviction leur place à l’APF, Granoff et Smirnoff vont y assumer très différemment la position de « l’étranger ».

Granoff est un aristocrate de la psychanalyse, portant avec éclat son identité d’exilé russe. En 1953, encore élève il quitte la SPP et suit Lacan puis prend ses distances surtout en rapport à la pratique de celui-ci, il se tourne alors vers l’API à la recherche d’un « passeport international », analogue au Passeport Nansen, celui des apatrides de son enfance. Déçu par ce qu’il appelle le provincialisme de l’APF et les petits nationalismes mis bout à bout de l’API, il reprend avec force le chemin de l’exil intérieur, pour suivre sa propre route. Dans l’impossibilité d’opérer les confrontations qu’il souhaite faire entre le freudisme et le lacanisme, ce frontalier de la psychanalyse publie Filiations (1975), où il nous raconte une histoire « pleine de bruit et de fureur », la sienne et celle de toute son époque. C’est à la fois un ouvrage polémique, théorique ouvrant sur un lexique inconscient de l’œuvre de Freud, et historique interrogeant le destin de la psychanalyse.

C’est avant tout comme « un voyageur » « Ein Wanderer » dans la tradition culturelle germanique de ce mot que Smirnoff se décrit dans son autobiographie. De ses années passées à New-York, il garde des relations très fructueuses avec les milieux de la pédopsychiatrie et de la psychanalyse. Ses contacts avec les milieux anglo-saxons et allemands se prolongeront durant toute son existence, notamment à travers sa participation régulière aux rencontres de la Fédération Européenne (FEP) et de l’API. Très investi dans ses fonctions à l’APF, il reste également ouvert à d’autres sociétés, notamment le Quatrième Groupe. Il publie de nombreux travaux sur la psychanalyse de l’adulte et de l’enfant , dans un esprit d’ouverture dépourvu de tout dogmatisme. Son livre La

psychanalyse de l’enfant a été traduit dans de nombreuses langues. Dans un article resté célèbre « De Vienne à Paris - Sur les origines d’une psychanalyse à la française », il décrit avec un humour décapant les origines chauvines et racistes de certains pionniers du mouvement français, comme les excès d’un certain lacanisme virant au gallicanisme. C’est d’ailleurs contre cette tendance dite « latine » que s’était inscrit « le retour à Freud », sa lecture en allemand, encouragée par Lacan.

La fraternité de Granoff et Smirnoff ne tenait-elle qu’à leurs origines communes, leur polyglottisme, leur intérêt pour la traduction entraînant la traversée des langues, la connaissance des textes étrangers, l’introduction des pionniers de la psychanalyse ? Granoff a été le premier en France à introduire S. Ferenczi et Smirnoff a été un grand lecteur de M. Klein.

Ou bien plus secrètement encore, leur fraternité tenait-elle à leur appartenance à l’intelligentsia, cette nébuleuse d’apatrides, exilés de Russie épris de liberté, de générosité, de savoir, comme de savoir-vivre, des êtres de passion. Chacun d’eux se rapprochait ainsi au plus près de cet être mythique que serait « l’homo psychanalyticus ».

Jan Abram (1996) The Language of Winnicott..., Kar-nak Books, translated by Cléopâtre Athanassiou Popesco, Le langage de Winnicott, Dictionnaire explicatif des ter-mes winnicotiens, Presentation and preface by C. Athanas-siou Popesco, Preface by Jan Abram, Introduction by Jonathan Pedder, Bibliographies by Knud Hjulmand and C. Athanassiou Popesco, Paris, Edition Popesco, 2001, 433 p.

In this day and age of psychoanalytical dictionaries, essential for serious readers of the works of Freud and of his disciples, and before the publication of "the Mijolla" - a totally new concept - let's take a look at this dictionary of Winnicott's familiar terms, in part modeled on that of Laplanche and Pontalis.

Winnicott, who died in 1971, left an imposing body of work : nearly 600 articles written from 1931 to 1970. He had an unprecedented audience in France, through the relationships he maintained with our colleagues of the A.P.F., V. Smirnoff, etc., and his editor (and analyst), J.B. Pontalis. Even if his work as a pediatrician, according to M'Uzan, or as an analyst, according to many, is, unlike that of others, easy to read (it is said that he knew how to be understood by nannies, students and the radio audience, that's to say, to the layman, a bit like Françoise Dolto) this book makes it possible for nearly anyone to have a clear idea of the notions used - or invented - by Winnicott, often used in a vague or erroneous manner. These "catchy" expressions have had quite some success. They found their way into common language faster then "ego ideal" (Freud) or "primary love" (Balint) or "object a" (Lacan), but they lost their purity and often became annoying stereotypes.

J. Abram has indexed 22 terms (rather than concepts), and studied them by alphabetical order : from aggression to holding, to anti-social tendency, creativity, dependence, depression, environment, the feeling of being, hate, play, mother, transitional phenomena, primary maternal

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

THE IAHP JOURNAL Page 19

Directeur de la Publication : Alain de Mijolla

Rédacteur en chef : Bertrand Vichyn — Mise en pages : Colette Curtil-Pailler

Rédaction : René Fua de Camondo, Michel Maslyczyk, Michelle Moreau-Ricaud, Jean-Jacques Pailler, Christa von Petersdorff

concern - which might have been included, by the way, under the heading of "mother" - regression - which was the first term I consulted for my study group at the IVth Group - self, squiggle... A definition is given and, what is most interesting, instead of referring to the texts in which the terms are used, the texts are home delivered ! In excerpt form, of course. The notion of "self" is well fleshed out and useful, even for those who resist that Anglo-Saxon concept. And as for the term "spatula" - as in "spatula game" - in spite of my long years of reading Winnicott, I had absolutely no memory of such a thing !

I share C. Athanassiou-Popesco's enthusiasm, motivating her to translate this useful book, allowing us, according to her, to "authentically penetrate his thinking from the inside." And yet, a short biographical note on Winnicott (his analytical training, his filiations, his influence) would have been welcomed; but we will soon have such a note in the upcoming Dictionary of Authors, Concepts and Institutions...

What's more, the historical aspect of the terms and concepts is absent ! "Good environment" and "good care giving," do not only come from Winnicott's practice as a pediatrician, but from a theory of the analytical cure based on the model of the mother-baby relationship that comes from the Budapest School ! These notions should have been noted and their history traced back to Klein, Rick-man, Balint, and especially, Ferenczi - who had a nearly identical terminology - and finally, to Freud, with the no-tion of environment and the caregiver, which he mentions without going into further detail... That intellectual fili-ations, of course, do not diminish Winnicott. It's just the opposite ! His ideas are not the product of spontaneous generation, but they were borrowed from the theoretical body of works available, through the prism of his specific-ity or sensitivity as a pediatrician, or through his personal understanding, or through "reunion." Winnicott also gleaned his ideas in psychoanalytical practice, or in "control" analyses, as they said back then, that he under-went with Hungarian analysts or those affiliated with the Hungarian school. If he himself said that he didn't know where he borrowed this or that, the researcher, by posi-tioning himself differently, can do what Winnicott urged therapists to do : "gain the capacity of play, that's to say being creative in analytical work" (p. 308) and editorial. (M. Moreau-Ricaud)

Books Published or Sent in by our Members

Grosskurth Phyllis (2001), Mélanie Klein, coll. Quadrige, trad. A. Cédric, Paris, PUF, 674 p.

Kestemberg Evelyne (2001), La psychose froide, Paris, PUF, 222 p.

Luquet Pierre (2002), Les niveaux de pensée, Paris, PUF, 188 p. Michel André (2002), Mes Moires, vol. V, Gentilly,

André Michel, 300 p. Mijolla-Mellor Sophie de (2002), Le besoin de savoir.

Théories et mythes magico-sexuels dans l'enfance, Paris, Dunod, 222 p.

Université Paris 7, Denis Diderot, « Recherches en Psy-chanalyse », 2001-2002, 42 p.

Other Books Recieved Assoun Paul-Laurent (2001), Le Freudisme, Paris, PUF, 182 p. Avron Ophélia (2001), La pensée Scénique - Groupe et

psychodrame, Ramonville Saint Agne, Erès, 208 p. Bodei Remo (2002), Logiques du délire, trad. P.E.Dauzat,

Paris, Aubier, 190 p. Castarède Marie-France (2002), Les vocalises de la pas-

sion, Paris, 178 p. Coll. (2001), Erès : Vingt ans de sciences humaines, Ra-

monville St Agne, Erès, 204 p. Dornes Martin (2002), Psychanalyse et Psychologie du

premier âge, Paris, PUF. Freymann Jean-Richard, Patris Michel (2001), Du délire

au désir, Strasbourg et Ramonville Saint Agne, Erès- Arcanes, 224 p.

Kogan Ilany (2001), Le cri des enfants sans voix, trad. L. Flournoy, Lonay, Delachaux et Niestlé, 224 p.

Le Guen Annick (2001), De mères en filles, Paris, PUF, 120 p. Lück Helmut E., Mühlleitner Elke (1993), Psychoanalytiker

in der karikatur, München, QUINTessenz, 202 p. Pedinielli Jean-Louis, Gimenez Guy (2002), Les psychoses

de l'adulte, Paris, Nathan Université. Quinodoz Danielle (2002), Des mots qui touchent, Paris,

PUF, 202 p. Rand Nicholas (2001), Quelle psychanalyse pour de-

main ?, Ramonville St Agne, Erès, 148 p. Sauret Marie-Jean (2000), Psychanalyse et politique -

Huit questions de la psychanalyse à la politique, Toulouse, Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 192 p.

Torok Maria (2002), Une vie avec la psychanalyse, Paris, Aubier- Psychanalyse, 266 p.

Valabrega Jean-Paul (2001), Les mythes, conteurs de l'In-conscient, Paris, Payot et Rivages, 182 p.

Wallerstein Robert S. (1998), Lay Analysis. Life inside the controversy, Hillsdale, NJ, London, The Analytic Press, 512 p.

THE IAHP JOURNAL Page 20

International Dictionary of psychoanalysis Concepts, Notions, Biographies, Works, Events, Institutions

After seven years in the making, the International Dictionary of Psychoanalysis, Concepts, Notions, Bi-ographies, Works, Events, Institutions, edited under my direction with the collaboration of an Editorial Com-mittee composed of Bernard Golse, Sophie de Mijolla-Mellor and Roger Perron, was published in its French-language version in April, 2002. It is in two volumes packed in a superb hardback jacket. It totals 2,018 pages and has 1,572 entries, nearly 900 of which are dedicated to Freudian and Post-Freudian, even Para-Freudian, notions (analytical psychology, individual psychology), more than 350 to the biographies of the most impor-tant psychoanalysts in the history of the psychoanalytical movement, 170 to their landmark writings and nearly 150 to the institutions, remarkable events and to the nations whose histories are studied in detail.

The articles are presented in alphabetical order and followed by a brief bibliography which is devel-oped at the end of the volume. Complementary information is also given, allowing the reader to find other articles in the dictionary containing supplementary data, but I advise the reader to leaf through these two thick volumes at their leisure. A glossary gives the translation of most of the notions included in five differ-ent languages, and there is a bibliography of nearly 3,500 references from the works of Freud and from those

of the various authors quoted therein.

Such an enormous volume represents an instrument of re-search and work for all the specialists of the human sciences, but will also be useful for a cultivated audience interested in going through a page by page living overview of psychoanaly-sis as it may be presented at the very beginning of the 21st Century. The history of psychoanalysis is particularly honored in this work, since a great number of its 460 authors belong to our association and because the most insistent order given to all, was to bestow a historical presentation on the articles that each of us was to write.

German, Spanish and Italian language translations are al-ready in the works. Other editions should follow soon in Eng-lish and Portuguese, but nothing had yet been decided. The price settled on by the Calmann-Lévy publishing house for such a huge body of work is most attractive : 119 Euros, and it seems that its distribution has been particularly successful.

And so, do not hesitate to buy it and to publicize it in your circles. Also, do not hesitate to write to us to point out typos and other errors that may have resisted our many rereadings and corrections. An Internet site connected to that of Calmann-Lévy (http://www.editions-calmann-levy.com) will allow us to publish the corrections that will go into the editions in other languages, or even, if possible, in a new edition if it should meet with your approval. You may also write to us by e-mail at dicopsy@calmann-levy.fr

In short, everything has been done to make the administration of this dictionary interactive, and I thank you all in advance for your reactions, you help and your participation..

Alain de Mijolla