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of theAmerican Historical Society of

Germans from Russia

Fall 2019 Volume 42, No. 3

Journal

Cover Illustration

Editor, Robert MeiningerProfessor Emeritus, Nebraska Wesleyan University

Editorial & Publications Coordinator, Allison Hunter-FrederickAHSGR Headquarters, Lincoln, Nebraska

Editorial Board

Irmgard Hein EllingsonBukovina Society, Ellis, KA

Velma Jesser, Retired EducatorCalico Consulting, Las Cruces, NM

William KeelUniversity of Kansas, Lawrence, KA

Timothy J. Kloberdanz, Professor EmeritusNorth Dakota State University, Fargo, ND

Eric J. SchmaltzNorthwestern Oklahoma State University, Alva, OK

The American Historical Society of Germans from Russia is an international organization whose mission is to discover, collect, perserve, and share the history, cultural heritage, and genealogical legacy of German settlers in the Russian Empire.

The International Foundation of American Historical Society of Germans from Russia is responsible for exercising financial stewardship to generate, manage, and allocate resources which advance the mission and assist in securing the future of AHSGR.

Mission stateMents

A Lutheran church in the Village of Jost. Photo provided by Olga Litzenburg. To learn more, see page 1.

AHSGR Journal / Fall 2019 i

Contents

Jost (Jost, Obernberg, Popovkina, Popovkino; no longer existing)

By Dr. Olga Litzenberger....................................................................................................................................1

Maternal Instincts

By Christine Antinori ..........................................................................................................................................7

Krummy Quarter

By Eleanor Sissel.................................................................................................................................................10

Why I am Passionate about Genealogy

By Shirley Wilcoxon...........................................................................................................................................13

The Immigrant Woman

By Norma Pipkin...................................................................................................................................................14

Remembering My German Russian Youth in Greeley, Colorado

By Clarence Kissley.............................................................................................................................................18

Russian German History and Heroic, Victim, and Redemptive Narratives, Part One

By Otto Pohl.......................................................................................................................................................20

Onomastics: A study of Names, Origins and meanings

By Peter Reinkordt.............................................................................................................................................27

ii AHSGR Journal / Fall 2019

The Journal of the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia is published by AHSGR. The Journal welcomes the submission of articles, essays, family histories, anecdotes, folklore, book reviews, and items regarding all aspects of the lives of Germans in or from Russia. All submissions are subject to review by the Editorial Board. Manuscripts should be typed, double-spaced with endnotes. Submit an electronic copy of the article by email attachment or mail a compact disc or flash drive containing a copy of the computer file. We can accept IBM-compatible Microsoft Word™ files. Our style guide is The Chicago Manual of Style, 15th Edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), and translations follow the Transliteration Standards approved by the Library of Congress and the American Library Association, which can be reviewed on the Internet at http://lcweb.loc.gov/catdir/cpso/roman.html. Please indicate in your email or cover letter whether you have photos or illustrations to accompany your article. Photos or illustrations sent on disc should be in JPEG format. Unless you instruct us otherwise, submissions not published in the Journal will be added to the AHSGR Archives.

Members of the Society receive the AHSGR Journal, Newsletter and surname exchange publication Clues. Members may also qualify for discounts on books, published historical records, maps and other materials available for purchase from the AHSGR Bookstore; search of Societal records for historical and genealogical research purposes; and, German and Russian translation services. Membership categories and annual dues are: Standard, $50; Sustaining, $100; and Supporting Organization, $50. Individual Life Memberships are: $1,050, ages 26-40; $900, ages 41-55; and $750, ages 56 and older (with option to be paid in five equal installments). Junior Memberships are: Youth (under 15 years) $8; and Student (15-24 years) $15. For information on how to become a member of the Society contact AHSGR by visiting our website at www.ahsgr.org, or use the address, telephone number or email address shown below. Because AHSGR is a 501(c)3 non-profit organization, donations beyond the basic dues of Sustaining/Contributing members are tax deductible as allowed by law.

The International Foundation of AHSGR (IFAHSGR) is a non-profit 501(c)3 corporation that is the fund-raising arm of AHSGR. IFAHSGR accepts monetary gifts, bequests, securities, memorial gifts, trusts, and other donations. Checks may be written to either IFAHSGR or AHSGR and will be used wherever designated. The two main funds are the General Operating Fund of the Society and the Endowment Fund of the Foundation. The General Operating Fund is used to help defray the day-to-day operating expenses of the Society. Endowment Fund gifts are permanently invested and earnings are made available for the general operation of the Society. You also may support a specific project or activity, such as Russian Archives Retrieval, Publications, the Library, Folklore, or Membership Recruitment. Designate where you want the money spent or invested. Every dollar is used to carry out the mission of AHSGR. Donations are tax deductible as allowed by law.

For more details about submitting materials for publication, becoming a Society member, or to make contributions, contact the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia using the information below.

Opinions and statements of fact expressed by contributors are their own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Society, the Foundation, the Editor, or members of the Editorial Board, who assume no responsibility for statements made by contributors.

Published by:

631 D Street • Lincoln, NE 68502-1149 • Phone 402-474-3363 • Fax 402-474-7229 • E-mail [email protected] www.ahsgr.org

© Copyright 2019 by the American Historical Society of Germans from Russia. All rights reserved. Printed in the U.S.A.ISSN 0162-8283

AHSGR Journal / Fall 2019 1

Geographical Location When Founded on July 5, 1767, and Territorial Membership During the 19th and 20th Centuries.

The German colony was founded on the left bank of the Volga and in close proximity to the river, about 50 kilometers [ca. 30 miles] from Pokrovsk. Between 1871 and 1918 the village was part of the administrative district of Tarlizki, the rural county of Novousenski and the Samara Government.

After the establishment of the “Work Commune of Volga Germans,” Jost became the administrative center for the village soviet [Communist-style local council]. From 1922 to 1928 it was part of the Kuk-kus Canton (Volski); after the administrative reform in the ASSR [Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic] of Volga Germans, the Kukkus Canton was annexed to the Rovnenski Canton (Seelmann). By 1935, the Kukkus Canton was reestablished.

Brief History of the Settlement.

The German colony was established on July 5, 1767. Recruitment of the colonists and physical layout of the colony of recruited settlers were carried out by two private agents, Pictet of Geneva and the Frenchman le Roy. The colony was named in honor of its first leader, Johann Gottfried Jost (Justa, Jost), a 44-year-old ma-son from Saxony, who had come to Russia with his wife Maria Dorothea and his 15-year-old son Johann Gottfried. A second name for the colony was Oberberg [Upper Hill/Mountain]; it was proposed by settlers who were overwhelmed by the grand view of the steep right bank of the Volga. However, the colonists did not accept this name and continued to call the colony after the name of its leader. The colony received its official Russian name Popovkina via an edict issued on February 26, 1768.

The original founding group of the village was com-prised of 73 families (232 persons) from Brandenburg, Hessen-Darmstadt, Saxony, Mecklenburg, Prussia, and other German territories.

Of the 232 original colonists, most were of the Lutheran religion. Only ten persons, the Peter Schled-erwitter and Johann Martin Meserburg families, were members of the Reformed denomination.

The Welfare Office in Saratov granted each household arriving in the colony 25 rubles, one or two horses, and a cow. Most of the initial settlers were tillers of the soil, and by their occupation in their former homes they fit the goal of colonist recruitment for the purpose of cultivating an agricultural area in a wild, untamed region of steppes. In addition to farmers, the original family heads included ten shoemakers, five weavers, four blacksmiths, three tailors, three millers, two bak-ers, two masons, two butchers, two traders (a rarity in the colonies), one charcoal man, one dye master, one hat maker, one tile layer, one merchant, one smith of weaponry, one carpenter, one furniture maker, one book binder, and one soldier.1

Wagon train of German colonists

JOST(Jost, Obernberg, Popovkina, Popovkino; no longer existing)

By Olga Litzenberger

2 AHSGR Journal / Fall 2019

Also among the first colonists was Johann Georg Möhring, a teacher in whose memoirs one finds greatly detailed descriptions not only of the recruitment pro-cess and the great trek to Russia but also of the first years of the existence of the colonies.2 Möhring’s life story is typical for thousands of the initial colonists. From the remembrance of the schoolmaster, one learns that he was recruited in February of 1766 as a future colonist and made the long trip full of difficulties and deprivation as soon as the following April. In August of 1766, his first wife, one of many such casualties, died in Nizhny Novgorod. The colonists did not reach the Volga region until August of 1767. According to Möhring, regardless of their own wishes, all colonists were required to do agricultural work, and those who refused were punished. In February 1768, Möhring was elected to take Johann Jost’s position as commu-nity leader. It took many years before Möhring, who worked as clerk, interpreter, leader and assistant in the censuses in the colonies, was finally acknowledged as unfit for the occupation of farmer.

Möhring describes in great detail the attacks from the Kirgiz-Kaizachs, Turkish nomadic people which lived in tribal groups and constantly staged treacherous raids from the steppes into German colonies on the left side of the Volga. Möhring claimed that these raids had very serious consequences for the German colonies.The Kirgiz took colonists as prisoners, plundered and burned homes, and killed the resisters. In 1774, the colony had to submit to attacks by Ye. Pugachov’s groups, which carried out plunder, violence, and murder. “In the settlements of the meadow side, after various attacks, not a few colonists were killed or taken prisoners, and there was much plundering,” as noted in reports of the Welfare Office following the raids.3

As did many colonists, in 1774, Möhring and his fam-ily fled to the Anton colony on the right side of the Volga. Möhring tried to return to Jost on November 17, 1774. According to his own report, he found no residents left.

By June 1775, Möhring tried to obtain a position as schoolmaster or sexton in any whatever colony would take him. He did not dare to go back to Jost. In Oc-tober, 1775, he and his wife and two step-daughters resettled in the colony of Svonaryov Kut (Stahl), where he worked as a school teacher until 1781.

In Jost, which had been plundered by nomads and Pugachov troops, the destroyed home and abandoned household of the former community leader were left abandoned.

The Russian government finally recognized the terrible consequences of the attacks. After 1776, it surrounded colonies with earthen berms, ditches, and bastions and sent regular troops to protect the border areas. It was under these kinds of difficulties that the colonists had to make the broad steppes of Russia arable. With great effort and deprivation, the colonists rebuilt their villages. By the beginning of the 20th Century, Jost once more had more than 200 households. Most of the colonists’ homes were built with wood.

Much in the history of the German settlements changed drastically with the onset of Soviet power. In April 1921, some residents were put in prison for orga-nizing an anti-Soviet uprising.4 During Soviet times, a machine shop was established in Jost, and more than 100 local residents decided to establish the village called Neu-Jost, about 6 miles away. In September 1941, the Germans of the village were deported; since 1942 the place has been called Oktyabrskoye.

Yemelyan Pugachev


Schools and School Instruction.

The first schoolmaster in Jost was the 24-year-old Johann Georg. He was born on August 4, 1743, in the small market place of Altenstadt in Württemberg. From 1749 to 1756, he attended gymnasium (the classical high school). In 1760, he began studies at the University of Tübingen but did not finish due to the Silesian War.

The first classes (in Jost) took place during the very first year of the colony, temporarily in the home of the schoolmaster. In the parish school, all children between ages 7 and 15 were instructed. School was held from 8 to 11 in the morning and from 2 to 4 in the afternoon. However, instruction was given only during the winter. From spring to the fall, the teacher and the pupils worked in the fields.

Like all colonists, the schoolmaster was forced to work the land too, even though he had no experience at all in it. In 1775, he resettled to Svonaryov. He he worked there as a teacher and sexton until 1781.5 During the 1870s, a semstvo (state-run) school was opened in Jost.

During the year 1900, the inspector of public schools turned to the superintendent on the meadow side, J. Erbes, and notified the latter that Popovkina had a school for 600 children and only one teacher for the

Russian language. He suggested to increase funding for instruction of Russian and to establish in that school a position for a second teacher of Russian.6

According to statistical information (collected by the superintendent for the meadow side, J. Erbes, in 1906) on the condition of schools in the German colonies of the 2284 residents of the village, some 280 children were of school age. Still, attendance at school was not universal. For example, in 1906, thirty children could not attend school because their parents were poor or the children were busy every day working in some trade or other occupation. During that same year, 57 boys and 17 girls were taught in the semstvo [state-run] school, which employed two teachers.

The parish school was attended by 82 boys and 94 girls, and it employed two teachers as well.7 Both schools were supported financially by the church community. During Soviet times, both schools were closed, and one public school opened in their place.

Religious Denominations of the Residents.

The colonists were of the Evangelical-Lutheran faith. Some were members of the Reformed sect. Likewise,

Evangelical Lutheran Church (1859) in the village Jost

Store/Barn in Kukkus with the banner inscription “Save every Soviet kopek for the Soviet Economy!” Photo from the 1920s.


members of the Reformed Church were resi-dents of Kukkus (Volskaya), the center of the parish.

The Parish.

Until 1821, the colony of Jost was part of the Warenburg (Privalnoye) parish. From 1821 on, it belonged to the Lutheran-Reformed par-ish of Kukkus (Privalnoye) formed in 1821.8 Other communities that were part of the Kuk-kus parish were Kukkus (Privalnoye), Stahl (Stepnoye), Lauwe (Yablonka), and Bangardt (Saumorye). The members of the church com-munity Kukkus (Volskaya), center of the parish at large, were of the Reformed sect.

Church Construction Date and its Architec-tural Characteristics.

During the early years after the colony was founded, school was held in the school-and-prayer house. The first (wooden) church was built in 1805 and financed from community funds. It had no outstanding archi-tectural features; it was a rather small and modest structure. It served the colonists for more than fifty years. The church was constructed by local master builders, without specific plans or cost estimates. Until the 1930s, the Welfare Office, according to its own statements, “did not examine or certify plans or cost estimates, leaving it all up to the colonist com-munities.”9

By 1859, a new church was put in the place of the old one. It provided 670 seats.10 The church, as was typical for German churches on the Volga, was built in their typical Kontor style, which had taken on its ironic designation from the Welfare Office [“Kontor”], which tended to force the building of ecclesiastic structures in a uniform style. Fully justified as well is the second designation of the style, “Russian-German Classicism,” by which many churches (just as the one in Jost) demonstrated typical characteristics of classicism—a long “house” and a front hall with pil-lars. Next to the church were the school-prayer house, the sexton’s house with a small addition, a wooden bell tower, and a burial chamber.

Population Numbers.

In 1767, some 232 colonists from abroad resided in Jost; by 1769, there were 238. In 1773, the village numbered 219 residents, 154 in 1788, 264 in 1798, 343 in 1816, 584 in 1834, 937 in 1850, 1122 in 1859, and 1215 in 1889. During 1865, 266 residents left the village to establish daughter colonies in Kazakh-stan. Information from the Russian Empire Census of 1897 indicated that there were 1399 persons—all Germans—living in Jost. By 1904 the number was 2200 persons, and in 1910 it was 2207 residents.12

After 1917, the population decreased steadily, due to the influence of Soviet policies: the result of the famines in the early 1920s and early 1930s, de-kulakization, repressions, and emigration of the population. According to the All-Russian census of 1920, the village had 1826 residents, a number that was clearly affected by the famine in the early 1920s. In 1921, eighty children were born and 147 persons died in the village. From the Administrative Office for Statistics of the Autonomous Region of the Volga Germans, we know that Jost numbered 1400 residents in January 1922.

The census of 1826 listed 1356 residents in the village, of whom 1351 were German.13 In 1931, there were 1658 village residents, all of whom were German.

Return from the Church after the service in Kukkus


From the History of the Church Community and the Parish.

The clergymen who served the Kukkus parish in Jost last were imprisoned. Pastor Johann Erbes (1868-1932), who had served the area communities since 1902, was arrested in 1930 and accused of anti-Soviet activities and espionage. He died in a penal camp near Semipalatinsk. Otto Heinrichsohn Harff (1872 to after 1932) too was arrested in 1931 for counterrevolution-ary activities and died in a penal camp.

During the early 1930s, many churches of all denomi-nations were closed in a very short time. Some locals preferred to close their churches out of precaution so as not to be accused of loyalty to religion. In 1931, the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the ASSR received from the regional commission (for examining the religious situation) a report that the church in the village was still open but that the prayer house had been closed. The church community still numbered 1561 believers, of whom two had been stripped of their civil rights (including all political rights).14

On September 15, 1934, the Commission for Cultural Matters of the Central Executive Committee of the ASSR of Volga Germans referred the news to the Pre-sidium of the ASSR of Volga Germans that the brick church building was still being used by the faithful, and that two bells weighing a total of 13 pud [ca. 500 pounds] remained. The question of repurposing of the building needed special examination.15 So the church was one of the last Protestant churches in the Volga region to be closed.

A February 10, 1938, order of the Presidium of the Central Executive Committee and the Supreme Soviet of the ASSR of Volga Germans ended the church’s existence officially, even though services in it had long been stopped.16 625 of 666 community members voted for the closure. The Presidium of the Central Executive Committee recommended turning the building into a cultural house.

List of the Pastors of the Warenburg Parish Who Served in the Jost Community.1770-1777 Pohlmann1777-1785 (the parish had no pastor)1785-1788 Friedrich Konrad Strenge

1788-1797 (the parish had no pastor)1897-1821 Bernhard Wilhelm Litfas

List of the Pastors of the Kukkus Parish Who Served in the Jost Community.17 1820-1835 Johan Martin Otto1836-1840 Vicar Peter August Pundani1840-1852 Ernst Wilhelm David1854-1900 Johannes.Wilhelm Michail Allendorf1902-1930 Johannes Erbes1929-1930 Otto Heinrich Harff

Current Condition of the Church and of Other Objects of German Architecture.

The church does not exist anymore, even though it is listed on current maps as Oktyabrskoye of the Engels Raion and Saratov region.

Today’s Oktyabrskoye can certainly not be called a village. On the acreage of the former Jost (then Okty-abrskoye), where homes formerly stood, only small hills can be seen. No longer visible are parts of former foundations, small rises, and indentions.

Archival Sources.

State Historical Archive of the Volga Germans (En-gels, Saratov region). 326 items.

Evangelical-Lutheran Church of the Village Popovkina (Jost), administrative district Stepnovski, rural county Novousenski, Government Samara (1934-1965). The inventory contains an index, two depositories, and birth registers for the years 1834-1865.18

All that remains of Jost. Photo by author. 2010.


An Interesting Archival Document.

Among the lost documents of the Saratov Office for Settlers from Abroad there is in the State Archive of the Saratov Region a “Document on the Permission for Colonist Koch of the Popovkina Colony to Cede his Property to the Colonist Axt” in 1798,19 confirmed by the Monarch on September 16, 1800. It states: “It is strictly forbidden to turn property over to someone else under any circumstances, unless in a case where someone without children or heirs, who because of his age is not able to take care of himself, and then only with permission of the Kontor Office and not out of one’s own initiative; and the recipient must take over debts owed to the State and must make every effort to assist in taking care of the person who is no longer able to take care of himself.”

ENDNOTES

1 Calculated from Einwanderung in das Volgagebiet: 1764-1767 [Immigration to the Volga Region], publisher Alfred Eisfeld, ed. by Igor Pleve; vol. 2 Kolonien Galka-Kutter. Göttingen, Göttinjger Arbe-itskreis, 2001.

2 Chronologische Anmerkungen. Memoiren des gewesenen Schulmeisters zu Swonarewka Johann Georg Möhring aus dem 18. Jahrhundert [Chronological Notes. Memoirs of the former schoolmas-ter of Svonarevka Johann Georg Möhring, from the 19th Century]. Published by Pastor Johannes Kufeld // Friedensbote 1901.

3 Pleve I.R., p. Nemeckie kolonii na Volga vo vtoroy polovinbne. XVIII veka. M. 1998. 157.

4 German, .A.A., Nmeckaya avtonomiya na Volga. 1918-1941. Hast’ 1. Avtomnaya oblast’. 1918-1924. Saratov. 1992. P. 107 5 Pleve. I.R., Nemeckie kolonii na Volga vo vtoroy polovine XVIII veka,. p. 223

6 GIANP B., 1831. V. 1. A. 289. BI. 38.

7 GIANP B., 1831. V. 1. A. 299. BI. 41.

8 The respected German researcher Karl Stumpp states incorrectly that the Kukkus parish had been established in 1767. Cf. Stumpp, K., [translatred title:] Record of Ev. Pastors in Individual German and Mixed Parishes in Russia and the Soviet Union, not Including the Bal-tic and Poland. // The Churches and the Religious Life of the German Russians. Ev. Part. Ed. by J. Schnurr. Stuttgart. 1978. pp. 116-235.

9 Terjohin, S. Poseleniya nemcev v Rossii. Arhitekturniy fenomenen. Saratov. 1999, p. 117.

10 Knyazeva, E.E., Solov’yova, G.F.Liuteranskie cekvi I prihody XVIII – XX vv. Istoricheskiy spravochnik. SPb, 2001. Chast’ I, p. 213 11 Schnurr, J. Das protestantische Gottesshaus // Die Kirchen und das religiöse Leben der Russlanddeutschen. Ev. Teil. [The Protestant House of God // The Churches and the Religious Life of the German Russians]. Ev. Part. Ed. J. Schnurr. Stuttgart, 1978, p. 325.. 12 Nemeckie naselyonoye punkty v Rossiyskoy Imperii: Geografiya I naselenie, Spravochnik / Sost. V.F. Dizendorf. M. 2002, p. 103

13 Predvaritel’nye Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naselenya 1926 goda po ASSR nemcev Povolzh’ya. Pokrovsk, 1927, pp. 28-83.

14 GIANP. B. 849. V. 1. A. 834. Bi. 109.

15 GIANP. B. 849. V. 1. A. 890. Bi. 77. 16 GIANP. B. 976. V. 1. A. 45. BI. 1.

17 This list, with minor changes and attempts at precision, is taken from E. Amburger. Cf. E. Amburger, Die Pastoren der evangelischen Kirchen Russlands von Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts bis 1937. Ein biographisches Lexicon. [The Pastors of Evangelical-Lutheran Churches of Russia from the End of the 16th Century until 1937. A Biographical Lexicon,] Martin-Luther Verlag. 1988.

18 The information on the inventory and registers of personal status contained in the State Archive of Volga Germans was prepared for this article by employees of the archive. 19 GASO. B. 180. V.2.A. 512.

EDITOR’S NOTE: Thanks to Alexander and Nancy Herzog for the translation of this article. Thanks to Olga Litzenberger for providing the photographs.

AHSGR RECORDSJost - 1798 CensusJost, Russia Birth Records (1794-1866)


“Give it some time. But not too much time….” These are some of the wisest words of advice I’ve ever re-ceived. Many years later, I relied upon these words when making a critical life-altering decision that would have a profound impact on many people’s lives, including my own.

This story, a true story, is about the wisdom I learned from my maternal grandmother, a German Russian immigrant. Born in Russia, resettled in Lincoln, Ne-braska, at age two in a neighborhood located under-neath the viaduct which now runs alongside Husker Stadium.

My grandmother was only educated to the 8th grade so she could work the sugar beet fields in Western Nebraska and Northern Colorado where I now re-side. Ironically, coincidentally or fate, I moved into the first original German Russian settlement in Fort Collins not far from the fields my grandmother and her family likely worked. And perhaps more ironic, my neighborhood is now home of Sugar Beet Park, a family-oriented, historically themed playground with an actual sugar beet playscape.

Though she had no formal education, she valued education. Despite her financial modesty, she and my grandfather, John Kaufman, somehow managed to scrape enough money together to send their daughter to college in Omaha.

Florence (Firestone) Kaufman was my maternal grandmother by birth. By choice as a result of years of raising me as a small child and through adolescence, I acknowledge her in my heart and mind as my mother.

She walked me to school every day, made my breakfast and lunch, and even came to school with me sometimes. She brought snacks, multi-colored ornamental pepper plants, and Christmas cactus as “class gifts.” Sometimes she came just to visit, so she became “another mother” to my classmates as well.

When I was sick, she made me chicken noodle soup with home made egg noodles she made by hand. This is a skill she taught me too. At least once a year, I make by hand, rolling the dough through a small noodle cutter and drying the noodles on large white bed sheets throughout my home. Noodles dry much more quickly in the arid Colorado environment than they did in the humid Nebraska climate!

Florence never established a career for herself, but she worked hard at the jobs she had, especially on the factory line for Russell Stover Candies whose origins began in Denver, initially called Mrs. Sto-ver’s Bungalow Candies. In the early 1920’s, they opened a store in my hometown, Lincoln, and hired my grandma to work the factory line.

“Here’s a little secret I’ll share with you” my grand-mother Florence said to me one day with a twinkle in her eye. “Those swirls on top of those candies tell you what is inside!” Grandma would describe how a “dot swirl to the left” was the mark for a nought filling. A “zig zag pattern was on the caramels,” She was particularly fond of the Pecan Delight candies, also known as Turtles.

All of the most important life lessons I’ve learned are solely and most deservingly attributed to my

MATERNAL INSTINCTSBy Christine Antinori

Christine Antinori’s story won first place in the 2019 AHSGR Storytelling Contest. Winners were announced at the annual convention in Lincoln, Nebraska, in July.


grandmother. A devout Christian, she read the Bible multiple times a day, each time marking lightly where she left in a light #2 pencil mark. She said “Never go to bed angry at anyone” and “Forgive everyone”; the Bible tells us to do this.

Honest, kind, patient, reliable, uncomplicated, and (though she struggled financially through much of her life), she was generous beyond her means. She was always wanting to feed you something. My grand-mother had the ultimate maternal instincts.

Those same instincts stirred my curiosity in 2017. Being an only child and curious about my own fam-ily origins, I decided to take a DNA test through 23andMe: DNA Genetic Testing & Analysis. Within weeks, my results were in. Confirmed ethnic heritage, German almost 40%. No surprise there. However, at the top of my genetically closest relatives list was an unknown individual identified as “AS,” a female with 13.8% and 38 DNA segments shared on maternal Haplogroup H1C. A 100% verified, accurate match, she was predicted and identified to be my first cousin. HOW? WHO? Until this time, the only cousins I had known were Matt and Andy.

What should I do with this new information? Should I reach out to this “AS”? The decision was a difficult one as I had long given up on the idea I might have more relatives out there somewhere. “Give it some time, but not too much time.” Weeks went by and I finally decided to take a chance and reach out to the mysterious “AS”. Below is the actual message thread between us as a miracle unfolded!

Hello. Thank you for sharing your info with me. I respect your desire for privacy. I’m an only child and my grandparents and parents are deceased. My genetic test results are show-ing that you are genetically related to me very closely which I’m curious about. I’m assuming this is on my mother’s side. She had one sister who I was very close with for many years until adulthood, now estranged. My family surnames on my mother’s side, were Kaufman, Firestone (I believe, actually, Freustein). I knew both of my great grandparents and grandparents on my mothers side.

If you are comfortable sharing any information, I would be interested to learn more however, again, I respect your privacy.

Christine Antinori

***

Hi Christine! I apologize for the delay in get-ting back to you. We recently moved to a new state, new home, son went away to school, yada yada yada.

I’m so glad you reached out to me! I wish I had some information for you about our family, but I don’t. I, too, am an only child but I’m adopted. All my adoptive parents were told was my bio-logical parents were in their teens and I’m a mix of Italian and white Russian. I took the DNA test to find out more about myself (guess how much Italian DNA I have—none!) and maybe get a match with someone, like you (!), to find out a bit more about my past. I was born in Omaha in 1968. That’s all the information I have. Did your mom or aunt mention anything about her having a baby she gave up for adoption when she was a teenager? I wish I had more details for you, but I have nothing. If nothing else, it’s pretty cool for me to have a cousin. My adoptive family wasn’t close to their siblings so I didn’t have the extended family experience growing up.

If you have any information you feel comfortable sharing, I’d love to know. If not, I understand. Have a terrific weekend!

Amy Sandy

***

Hi Amy.

Yes, I was told by my aunt, the same story as you shared, about a girl she gave birth to when she was a teenager and was not able to be a mother at that young age.

I am pretty certain my aunt is your biological mother. I do have more knowledge and infor-mation but will only share what I know if you ask me.


If you would like to talk instead of email that’s fine with me! I’ve always, (until now) been the only girl in my family on both sides so it’s cool having a cousin and a GIRL cousin!

My number is xxx-xxx-xxxx. I live in Fort Collins. Home today and tomorrow.

Christine Antinori

My new-found cousin Amy and I ended up talking for quite some time by phone. When she sent me a photo of herself, I was in shock! Amy looked like my grand-mother Florence! After visiting with Amy for weeks, I asked her if she would like me to try and connect her with her birth mother. I was 100% certain her mom would want to meet her and especially, know she has grandchildren! Again, the advice “Give it some time, but not too much time” circled through my mind. I told Amy I would give this serious thought.

Thinking more about the lessons my grandmother taught me about forgiveness, I decided to connect Amy to her birth mother. As a last ditch effort and through a lot of sleuthing, I was able to locate my cousin Andy.

I called him at work and made myself very clear that my call to him was extremely important and would be life changing. I assured him this was no joke and I needed just a few minutes of his time and his full at-tention. He said, “Okay.” I said “Andy, your mother’s daughter, Amy, wants to meet her. Your mother needs to know she is alive and that she is a grandmother to two children….”

Andy agreed to contact his mother, tell her about what occurred, and ask her to check her Facebook accounts for messages from me and from a woman named Amy. Weeks later, I got an email message from Amy that she and my aunt had finally connected! They were planning to meet in person at my aunt’s home in Iowa along with my cousins Matt, Andy, and other member’s of the family.

As proud Germans from Russia know and, as my grandmother Florence consistently showed me through unwavering unconditional love, family should be first—no matter what. Through anger, tears, and pain, you should never abandon your family. My aunt

now has reunited with her first born daughter, has two grandchildren, and my cousin’s have a sister! The or-nament on the Christmas tree that was always placed for Amy is now one she can see first hand and have her own children added to that tradition.

For me, as an only child with my parents deceased never having any children of my own from my pre-vious marriage, God has somehow blessed me with the ability to start my own family. Many years later and beyond anything I thought possible, I’m soon to be the proud and overjoyed mother of twins, a boy and a girl, due to be born late this summer through a surrogate. They will, without question, have my grandmother Florence and grandfather John’s names as their middle names.

What I will teach my children are the same lessons my beautiful, faithful, honest, God-loving grandmother Florence taught me. And I will ensure they know of their German Russian heritage as I take them to play at Sugar Beet park.

AUTHOR BIOChristine Antinori was born and raised in Lin-coln, Nebraska, by her maternal grandmother, Florence (Firestone) Kaufman. Christine spent a significant amount of time at her great-grand-mother’s home (Christina and Peter Firestone) help-

ing both her grand mother and great-grandmother with chores and cooking. As she was growing up, she has fond memories of hearing folk-stories about the neigh-borhood hexes (witches) that lived under the bridge by the railroad tracks, helped make runzas, kolaches, dumplings, and cleaning; lots and lots of cleaning! To this day, Christine still does not understand why her great grandmother put wet laundry out to freeze on the clotheslines in the winter. She is looking forward to become a mother of twins later this year and passing along all of the good and important lessons she learned from her German Russian grandparents.


You might wonder why people would call a perfectly good quarter section of land a Krummy Quarter. I think that my cousin Gary Krumm would know why. Gary is a serious hard working person at his jobs. However, he can be very jovial and funny with his friends. They often called him Krummy. Gary’s family lived on this land with our Grandparents, to help with the farm work after my parents moved to California.

Kukkus was started as a small village of 51 families, located along the meadow side of the Volga River in Russia. The homes were located in the town close to the village Church. The streets were lined with lovely trees. The houses were long buildings, which included the family home, with an attached barn and a shed for keeping equipment and repairing tools. There were flowers and other plants in the front yard. A large garden, fruit trees and animal pens were behind the house. The wife and older children tended the garden and animals, which were to be eaten by the family. The horses were well attended to by the men because they were used for farming chores.

The farm’s crops were in narrow strips, away from town, near a source of water. The whole family would go out to their parcel of land to care for the crops and to do harvesting. Tending the crops was not easy to do. The crops had to be watered from buckets carried by hand. The horses were used only for working in the field. The weeds and close plants had to be thinned out and pruned each spring by hand. The crops were taken

THE KRUMMY QUARTERBy Eleanor Sissell

Eleanor Sissell’s story tied for second place in the 2019 AHSGR Storytelling Contest. Winners were announced at the annual convention in Lincoln, Nebraska, in July.

Volga River Scene from Kukkus

Kukkus Home

My grandfather, Philipp Krumm, was born on the 5th of June 1882, in Kukkus, Samara, Volga, Russia. His parents were Johannes Krumm and Anna Margaretha Fuchs. His father died when he was about 10 years old. His mother remarried, but Philipp did not like his step father so he moved in with his Uncle Andreas Krumm and his family. His 5th great grandparents moved to Russia, in 1767, at the invitation of Catherine the Great, Empress/Czarina of Russia and were German farmers there. Catherine offered free transportation, food, animals, wood to build homes and churches, plus freedom of religion, speaking their own German language and exemption from the Russian military.


by horses and wagons to their assigned destination. The larger parts of the crops were sent to other areas, on boats by government orders, or sent to nearby vil-lages. The family was able to keep a small amount of the crops to feed the family and animals.

Grandpa Krumm’s family was quite small. He had a younger brother who died of a childhood illness. It was quite common for families to lose family members to diseases. He had a younger sister named Margaret. She married and had two children, but never left Russia. They and other people of the village were rounded up by the Russian secret police. They were forced to dig a hole in the middle of town. Then they had them line up around the hole and shot them so they would fall into the hole. Grandfather had never cried so hard in his life as when he received the letter describing the death of his sister and her children.

Philipp emigrated from his village in Russia with his Uncle Andreas Krumm. He listed Philipp as his son, but Philipp was actually Andreas’s nephew. Andreas arrived at the Port of St. Paul, Minnesota, on the 10th of December 1902. Andreas and his family went to Winnepeg, Canada. Philipp told me he could not de-part from the ship because his eyes were swollen and red from a strong wind, blowing dirt from the land to the ship. Philipp said he was able to get off the ship in Galveston, Texas. He apparently was then able to go to Canada to be with his Uncle.

Philipp left Canada, coming to America on the 22nd of December 1902, riding on the Canadian Pacific Railroad. He then went to Lincoln, Nebraska, to find

work. Philipp married Anna Maria (Emma) Maser on January 9th, 1907, in Lincoln, Lancaster County, Nebraska. Their marriage was arranged for them by their Church, or a marriage broker, as it was done in Russia. They lived on New Hampshire Street in the North Bottoms of Lincoln. Her parents were Andreas and Marie Katherine (Lehmann) Maser. Marie was born in the village of Schilling, Russia. Andreas and Marie were married in the village of Kukkus. Emma and her family emigrated to Lincoln in 1898. The newlyweds lived around the corner from her parents who lived on Charleston Street. The Maser grocery store was on the corner and the Church was across the street, on the other corner of Charleston Street. Philipp worked at the Railroad Roundhouse in Lincoln.

Philipp and Emma had one child, Johannes (John) born in Lincoln. Andreas and family went from Canada to Montana a few years later through the port of Pem-bina, North Dakota. Philipp and Emma moved from Lincoln to Fromberg, Carbon County, Montana, to help on his Uncle Andreas‘s farm. They loaded up their horse drawn wagon to move to Montana. They had five more children in Montana: my Aunt Marie, my Father Andrew, and my Uncles Herman, Alfred, and Henry. After a few more years, land became available in Nebraska. Philipp moved his family to Madrid, Perkins County, Nebraska. He rented his farm land for many years in the area now called “the Krummy Quarter”. Their last child, my Aunt Thelma, was born in Madrid.

Many years later Philipp and Emma retired from farm-ing and moved to Ovid, Sedgwick County, Colorado. Marie married Harry Shalla, (a county Clerk). The Shalla’s settled in Grant, Perkins County, Nebraska Main Street Kukkus

Kukkus Church


and raised three children. My father, Andrew also married Phoebe Schlieper in Grant. They had two children in Madrid, Nebraska, and six more in Merced, Merced County, California. Herman and Alfred never married. Henry married Marie Nein in Sedgwick, Sedgwick County, Colorado, and had four children. Thelma married David Nein, also in Sedgwick, and had four children. The Krummy Quarter still exists, at the intersection of Road 765 just west of Road 337, in Perkins County, Nebraska. The farm land still grows wheat and corn. The house, animal sheds, and other buildings are no longer there, but the Krummy Quarter will always live in my heart.

AUTHOR BIO

I was born in Merced, California on February 12, 1941. My parents were: Andrew Krumm and Phoebe Elizabeth Wineland Schlieper. I was raised on a farm, seven miles from town, and we grew fig trees and peach trees. I have two sisters and five brothers. Farm life was hard as I worked in the orchards, alongside the Mexican laborers, filling 40 pound lug boxes with figs and peaches.

The Krummy Quarter

I married Alton Sissell on April 9, 1961, at Merced, California. He had just graduated from United States Air Force Aviation Cadets and was awarded the silver wings of a Nav-igator, with a commis-sion as a 2nd Lieutenant. We had a daughter and a son born in Merced. Alton was transferred to March Air Force Base, Riverside, California, where another son was born. Big Spring, Texas, was our next destination, as Alton was accepted for Air Force Pilot Training. We had our last child, a daughter in Big Spring.

I joined The American Historical Society of Germans from Russia in 1981, and I am a Life Member. Our four children are also Life Members. I have served as Genealogy Chairman, on the National Board and have served several terms as President of the Sacramento Valley Chapter and the Chapter Librarian. I am the Village Coordinator for the village of Kukkus and have 18,801 persons in the village database.


Everything has been a day at a time, a piece of infor-mation at a time, and a new clue to be curious about. I guess if I am going to be addicted to something, it might as well be family. I don’t think anything is more important. God brought us into this world in the love and bond of our family. I

want to celebrate what He has given us.

We may be scattered, we may have been distracted, we may not have seen each other for years, perhaps we didn’t even know each other, but there is a connection that cannot be denied or ignored. I may not have seen you in many years, but you have been fondly in my thoughts. I feel an immediate bond when we recon-nect. It is as though the years have suddenly vanished.

The Free Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines curios-ity as 1: desire to know: a: inquisitive interest in oth-ers’ concerns: nosiness b: interest leading to inquiry <intellectual curiosity>.

My curiosity was peaked when my mother was go-ing through her mother’s papers. There was a tablet marked “Stites Family History–Do Not Destroy”. It appears my Grandma Alice and her sisters started collecting family history. It was a jumble of names, dates, notes, letters, and handwritten copies from un-known books talking about distant family members as they pioneered across the country. I wanted to know more. I wanted to know who these people were and how I fit in. Once I organized what I could, I found

there were more questions than answers. I went to the library and the Federal Archives. I poured through cen-sus records and history books. The more I learned, the more questions I had. I became addicted. I expanded my search to my Volga German families.

As I continued researching, I came to many brick walls. It was as though our ancestors disappeared. They could no longer be found. They were among the forgotten ones. It was as if they lived their lives in vain—ashes to ashes, dust to dust. It was as though they were blown into the unknown never to be thought of again. I did not want that to happen to our family. We are an important link in a chain started many centuries ago. I do not want our chain to be broken. What I am doing today is not for the benefit of today’s generations. It is for the benefit of our grandchildren and their grandchildren so that our lives, our trials, our accomplishments, our victories, and our love will live on forever in the hearts and minds of our family to come.

WHY I AM PASSIONATE ABOUT GENEALOGYBy Shirley Wilcoxon

Shirley Wilconxon’s story tied for second place in the 2019 AHSGR Storytelling Contest. Winners were announced at the annual convention in Lincoln, Nebraska, in July.


AUTHOR BIO

Shirley Wilcoxon is the President of the Denver Metro Chapter and the AHSGR Society Membership and Public Affairs Chairperson. Shirley is a very passion-ate person dedicated to the growth and success of our organization and the preservation of our history and culture. She administers several social media groups and pages promoting AHSGR, DNA, and genealogy in general. Shirley is a second generation American on her German Russian Father’s side of her family. Her lineage goes back to the founding fathers of America on her non-German Mother’s side. Shirley’s Riedel and Dreiling family came on the S.S. Mosel in 1876. Her Stremel and Schaefer families came on the S.S. Herder in 1877. Her Braun/Brown and Becker

Anna in prayer: Vater unser, der du bist im Himmel, geheiligt werde dein Name, zu uns komme dein Reich, dein Wille geschehe, wie im Himmel also auch auf Erden. Unser tägliches Brot gib uns heute, und vergib uns unsere Schuld, wie auch wir vergeben unsern Schuldigern, und führe uns nicht in Versuchung, sondern erlöse uns von dem Übel. Amen

(Translation: Our Father, who are in heaven, hallowed be Thy name. Thy kingdom come, Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven. Give us today our daily bread and forgive us our tres-passes as we forgive those who have trespassed against us. And lead us not into temptation but deliver us from evil. Amen)

Gegrüsst seist du Maria, voll der Gnade, der Herr ist mit dir; du bist gebenedeit unter den Weibernund gebenedeit ist die Frucht deines Leibes, Jesus. Heilige Maria, Mutter Gottes, bitte für uns Sünder, jetzt und in der Stunde unseres Todes. Amen

(Translation: Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee. Blessed art thou among woman and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus. Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us now and in the hour of our death. Amen)

Im Namen des Vaters, und des Sohnes und des Heiligen Geistes. Amen

family came on the S.S. America in 1888. Other ancestors also immigrat-ed. The families settled in the Kansas areas of Herzog/Victoria, Walker, Pfeifer, and St. Peter. Her Russian villages were Herzog, Marien-tal (Pfannenstiel), Graf, and Kamenka. Shirley is a widow and a proud mother of three children and seven grandchildren.

THE IMMIGRANT WOMANBy Norma Pipkin

Norma Pipkin spoke at the 2019 AHSGR Convention in Lincoln, Nebraska. This below script is in memory of her great-great-grandmother, Anna Eva Spötter Rupp, who was born July 2, 1828 in Obermonjou, Russia, and died December 29, 1902 in Munjor, Kansas.


(Translation: In the name of the Father, and the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Amen)

Ach, I have just finished praying mein Rosenkrantz (my rosary). Since we have arrived for 12 years here in America, I have prayed and thanked Gott (God) so many times that we have made a life for our Kinnerje (children).

Na ja, here I’m babbling like a babbelgush (blabber mouth), and you don’t even know me. I am Anna Eva Spötter Rupp and I have 62 years. Mein Mann ist der Rupp’s Conrad (My husband is Conrad Rupp) and together we have ten children born. Mir hun bloss drei Söhne (we have only three sons) und sieben Töchter (seven daughters). In Russland (Russia) before we come to America we are 15 in Haus. My drei Eldeste Kinnerje (three oldest children), der Johann Jacob, der Philip und die Anna Catherina, they are verheira-tet (married). Our Anna she go live with der Beforts Anton Familie (Anton Befort’s family). But our Söhne (sons) they stay with wife and Kinnerje (children) with us in Haus in Russland (Russia). We need our sons to feed us, so we live 15 in Haus.

Ach du lieber, ich bin so kalt (Oh dear,I am so cold). I must first put mistholz (manure logs) in fire. Wann die first people come here to Kansas in 1876, hei du Zeitkom (what a sight), there was nothing to burn, no trees, no nothing. What we do? We do what we learn in Russland. We take manure from cow und horse und we put in straw und viel Wasser (much water). You know every one from die Familie und das Dorf (village), we all come together und die Jungen (boys) they ride horses and ox through manure and straw to mix it. Dann die Weibsleit (then women) we take up skirt to knee and we walk sometimes up to knee in this. Everyone laugh and have good time. When we are done, we go to the big Volga river to wash. The Mannsleit (men) they ride ox. They have four heavy logs together, and they smooth out manure and straw. Then it must dry. We cut it and turn it and it dry more. When all is fertig (done), we bring it in and make stack for winter. Everyone say this is best to burn and give best heat. We never get cold.

I tell you more about when we get here to Kansas. Our first people leave our village Obermonjou in 1876. We

not come right away. We wait to hear if we can make life here. We make decision und in 1878 unsere ganze Familie (our whole family), 15 come all together und we come to Hays with train. Die gute Leit (the good people), they come und get us in Hays with der Wagon. Und we find here another Obermonjou, that is what we called our Dorf (village) in Russland. Ja, but here in America they say it Munjor. Wann we get here we are so arm (poor). Mir hun ga gon Geld (we have no money). We use what Gott make. The Mannsleit dig a hole in ground; they call that dugout and 15 live in it.

We do same thing in Russland when die alte Leit (old people) first come there. But here in Kansas we see people who live in sod house so mein Mannsleit (my guys) build me dirt house. Everywhere there is dirt; the floor, the walls, the ceiling und heilige Gott, wann es geregnet hot (dear God, when it rained), we get mud, Schlange (snakes). Es war nett schön (it was not nice), but we do what we have to do.

You see my new house here. I am so proud. There is this limestone überall (everywhere). We are so poor. We have not money to buy this wood in Hays. But God has put this limestone into earth and with a strong back, you can have all that you want. The Mannsleit have cut all these stones by hand. Ja, that first day we moved from that half-sod, half-dugout into this stone house, I have cried so hard. Nein, I was not sad, I was so happy to have this. We now have a wood floor, no more dirt und I can make alles sehr sauber (everything very clean).

Have you seen our new stone church? Ach, it is so beautiful. So, we have named it for St. Francis of As-sisi. We just dedicate it in this year of our Lord, 1890. When those first families get here in 1876, there was nothing. No Catholic church, no priest—nothing. The people made this big wood cross and placed it in the middle of the village. Every Sunday, everyone went there to pray their rosary, the mass, and the litanies. Very soon these good people built a wood church for God. Nobody had a wood house, everybody had a dugout or a sod house, but in two years, there was a wood church for God. Ja, when we come in 1878, we were so happy to have a church. So now, we could make it of stone. Ach, my Amalia told me that this stone church has cost $3,600. The stone, we would get free, just hard work.


But there was the wood for the ceiling and roof. I tell Amalie that we do not have much, but we must always give to God first.

Ja, I must tell you about our Catherina, und how pretty her Hochzeit was. What is this Hochzeit? Well, it is the wedding. But this story is ein Liebesgeschicht—a true love story. I tell you already, we were here in 1878 und our Catherina was 14. She was such good help to me on that long trip und here in Obermonjou, she put that white wash many times on our dugout walls. She was 18 und so pretty und there was this Junge (boy), Johann Dechant. Well this Junge is always making eyes at our Catherina at church und wann he see her at work. One night while we were all in Bett (bed), ja him und his friends, I think they have too much Schnapps, because they are singing so laut (loud) outside our house. I sing for you what they say: “Rote Backe, Dicke Bein, Anna Catherine, Du Bist Mein”. What it means: “Red cheeks, fat legs, Anna Catherina, you belong to me.” The next day, mein Mann und ich, we don’t say much, but Catherina, she keeps her eyes down, because she knows this Junge, Johann likes her. This Johann found a friend that could talk to mein Mann about taking Catherina for his wife. We called this man a Friersmann (go between or matchmaker) in our village. Nein, Johann could never ask Catherina herself, nor could he ask mein Mann.

He needed this Freiersmann. One night, we have this knock at our door. Mein Mann opened und he was not surprised to see Johann und his Freiersmann. I was here sewing und Catherina was in the loft. Well, they talked and talked. About crops, about weather, about land. Denn mein Mann get the Schnapps. I don’t know if they needed this Schnapps, but soon after this Freiersmann, he ask my Konrad if our Catherina would marry this Johann. I did not look up from my sewing. I knew my Konrad like this boy. He could work hard. So, Konrad says, let’s get our Catherina in here and she can say if she want you or not. I think Johann took another schluck (taste) of that Schnapps. So, I go to find our Catherina, und she has heard it all. She come into the room smiling and say yes to Johann. Ach, what a pretty match they make. They want to marry soon, so we set the Hochzeit for January 16. We have so much to make ready. We would have the eating and dancing at our house, because Johann does not have his parents. They stayed in Obermonjouj, Russia. The

parents of the Junge (boy) always have the wedding at their house.

All my Mädche (girls) Anna Catherina, Anna, Lizbet, Anna Maria, Barbara, Amalie, und our Catherina must sew for this wedding. The Braut (bride) she wear dark blue—with this dark full skirt, tight blouse with long tight sleeves, und a very high neckline und many but-tons down the front. They make an apron, with very pretty flowers sewed on it. Ach, my girls do such pretty stitches. On her head, she had small cap, rolled to look like crown, with pretty beads on it.

The Mannsleit (men) have their work too, because they must kill a pig und a steer and they make sau-sages. Und because it is so cold in January we can have fresh meat for the Mahlzeit (dinner). Well, two weeks before the big day, we have to send two men of our town to invite guests. We call them the Hochzeit Läder. They start at opposite ends of Munjor and they go to the house on guest list. They have cane und I save the cane that they use. They have poem und they tell the Frau (woman) she is invited. If she come to our Hochzeit, she tie a ribbon on cane. She then give Schapps to the Hochzeit Läder. By the time they fin-ish and get all the ribbons they are full of Schnapps. Gott sei dank (Thank God) that we have canes with ribbons, or we would never know how many are com-ing to our dinner.

Ach, I remember that January 16 day so well. You know it is Tuesday. We do not have wedding on Sam-stag (Saturday) because this is before the Lord’s day, Sunday. Montag (Monday) we get ready for wedding and now it is Dienstag (Tuesday). In early morning before 8:00, Katharina und Johann were here in our house. We laid down this white sheet, und they both knelt down facing each other. Konrad und ich, we took holy water, und we blessed these young people. Then we all walked to our church und they got married at 8:00 in the morning. We come back home und we have whole day to eat, drink, und dance. We had sausages, beef, chicken, noodles, kartoffel und kläs (potatoes and dumplings) und Dinne Kuchen (coffee cake) und frisches Brot und Butter (fresh bread and butter). We ate und we cleared out the house und we had our dance. Then it is late. Die Mannsleit (the men) they must go and feed animals. So the Weibsleit (women) make what we call the Hochzeit Suppe (Wedding


soup). I tell you how to make this because it is so gut. You can take one half of a beef heart and one of the kidneys and take a knife and cut it up. Denn, cut up some of the beef meat too. You put this in a big kettle with water and throw in salt and vinegar. When this meat is done, you make your Kläs (dumplings) and put many in this soup. After this you throw in you sour cream. This is our favorite for weddings, because we have all this fresh meat.

For our Catherina we have only one day for a wedding. There are some families, they have more money, they have weddings for three days.

Ach du lieber, ist es so dunkel geworden. (Oh dear, it has gotten so dark). Ja, it is so dark und here I go on and on about weddings. Soon mein Mann will be here und I have no supper for him. Ich muss mich eilen (I must hurry). Since I think of weddings now, let me sing you our most beautiful song for the Braut und Bräutigam (Bride and Bridegroom). We call it the Brautlied (Bridessong). We always sing it for this happy pair. It is a toast to their life together and ev-eryone sings this to them before we start the dancing. I’ll sing it while I work.

BrautliedSing mit fröhlichem Gemüte Sing with joyful exultationBräutigam mit deiner Braut. Happy bridegroom with your bride;Die dir heute Gottes Guete, Whom today God’s loving kindnessZur Gehilfen anvertraut, Placed as helpmate at your side.Dass sie dich in angst und Plagen, That in all your trials and strugglesTrösten soll in dieser Welt. She may e’er your comfort be,Und die Bürde mit dir tragen, And in patience share your burdens,Welche dir beschwerlich fällt. Which alone you could not bear.

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Immigrant Woman is based on Norma Pipkin’s research into the period of 1878-88, and on the stories of several Volga Germans and photographs of the time. The Immigrant Woman is Norma Pipkin’s tribute to her great-great-grandmother Anna Eva Spötter Rupp. It is based on her research into the period of 1878-88 and based on the stories of several Volga-Germans and photographs of the time. A local woman made a dress from the period and Pipkin then asked the Video Production class at Hays High School to video her presentation. They produced the video and several DVDs, which Pipkin offered to AHSGR. The video is 45 minutes long and has more than her 30 minutes presentation. She also has added other material to complement her live performance. Pipkin’s intent is to educate and interest others about the Volga-German women and their struggles on the prairie. The DVD is available in the AHSGR store.


REMEMBERING MY GERMAN RUSSIAN YOUTHIN GREELEY, COLORADO

By Clarence Kissler

Clarence Kissling was a panelist for the “Growing Up Roosian” presentation at the 2019 AHSGR Convention in Lincoln, Nebraska.

My parents Jacob K. Kissler and mother Annalis Weidemann Kissler were born in Frank, Russia, and immigrated to the United States the summer of 1913. They were married shortly before leaving Russia and both were 19 years old. They first came to Grand Is-land, Nebraska, and then to Greeley, Colorado.

My family consisted of three sisters and two brothers that were born several years before me. Except for my brother Elmer, who joined the Navy, they were all married and had children of their own. Due to the age difference, I had very little interactions with them. I was born late (1935) and was the only remaining youngster living at home until 1957.

A FEW MEMORIES OF MY EARLY YEARS.

FoodMy mother was a great cook. Our meals consisted of Rival Couga, Schnitz soup, Maldausen dumplings with blackberries, Kudval and Glace, home made noodles and soup with butterballs and homemade sausage. The kitchen was an exciting time, when the pig’s head was boiled in a pot of water, washed and salted the intestines for the liverwurst sausage. We also had syrup from sugar beets and tons of dill pickles in the crock pot. I never saw my mother without wearing an apron, except for going to church.

ChurchMy pastor was Dr. Reverend Schonhauer. I recall that he was very strict, and we always had to sit in the front pew to behave. He came unannounced to our home once a year to visit with the family and have a glass of Mogen David wine. I think maybe he came to check on me. My entire confirmation classmates were all

from German Russian families. I think I remember one time that my mother wore a hat to church. The men always wore suits.

Life At HomeAt home, I recall my mother being rather quiet. She did speak some English but preferred German. My fa-ther spoke English, German and Russian. They never encouraged me to speak German. At our home, they kept a large German Bible with family names, some Russian wooden spoons, and a small silver Samovar on the dining room table. I remember my mother do-ing laundry every Monday morning and then hanging up her basket of clothes in the back yard.

Medical IncidentI vividly remember one incident. At about the age of five, I sprained my ankle. It was painful. My mother took me to see her sister, Mrs. Eckhardt. She had me sit on a wooden chair, and after soothing my ankle, gave it a sharp twist. I think the whole neighborhood hear my reaction. I got up from the chair and walked without any pain. Mrs. Eckhardt certainly must have some kind of uneducated medical abilities. I also recall that when my mother had a headache, my father would pick her up at the back and shake her. The headache would go away.

Social ActiviesThe main social activity was in the evening, visiting the homes of many German Russian families. As a young person, I would sit and watch them having a good time, playing gin rummy, hearts, canasta, and Chinese checkers. Especially the Gies family.


I also recall the Saturday mornings going to the Riva theater and for a dime watched the Lone Ranger and the latest serial. And I remember listening to the Shadow on the radio, and the waiting for my secret code ring. And, the Lone Ranger and Fibber McGee and Molly. My first viewing of TV was in the window of Montgomery Wards.

At about eight or nine years old, my father took me to a number of German Russian weddings. He played the old button accordion with the Adolph Lesser’s band. I would sit at the corner of the bandstand and watched all of the events of the wedding. Sometimes they would last two days or more.

EducationI was the first member of my family to earn a college degree, attending the University of Northern Colorado for a BA and MA in educational administration. Both of my parents had only limited education at the Church School in Frank, Russia. Many of my classmates were Germans from Russia. I attended Lincoln (Ward) elementary school, Meeker Junior High School, and Greeley Central High School. I was very active in var-sity sports in school, a member of Sigma Phi Epsilon fraternity at UNC, and Boy Scouts.

Love of CountryI was taught how valuable it was for my father and mother to become Naturalized Citizens of the United States. I was taught to respect our flag and the impor-tance of voting. My father’s birthday was on the 4th of July. My wife and I vote at every election.

Respect for OthersAt home, I was taught to show respect for others. Our East Side neighborhood contained a majority of Ger-mans from Russia and others as well. Our neighbor family was Japanese, a Jewish family (Winograds) across the street and a Latino family in our basement apartment. We were all part of the same community.

The Family HeritageWhile at home, I learned that it was important to learn about my family that remained in Russia. My parents continued to write and receive photos and letters from Frank, Russia. One letter written to my father in 1922 confirmed the food they sent was sent was received

to avoid starvation. Other letters were received dur-ing the 1950’s about the living conditions in Frank. It was with one of these letter that I was fortunate to locate several family members and in 1991 and 1995, my wife and I were able to go to Russia and visit with immediate family members. The Winter 1991 AHSGR Journal describes this visit.

Community AcceptanceLife at home was pleasant. During my years at home, my parents always provided for me and encouraged my activities. Our home at 505 10th Street was warm and kept in good condition. We enjoyed many eve-nings sitting on our front porch, enjoying life together in our East Side German Russian home. I am grateful to have had German Russian parents.

f


RUSSIAN GERMAN HISTORY AND HEROIC, VICTIM, AND REDEMPTIVE NARRATIVES, PART ONE

By Otto Pohl

Otto Pohl spoke at the 2019 AHSGR Convention in Lincoln, Nebraska. This is part one of his presentation.

There has to be a full development of the historical narrative of the Russian German people from their initial heroic origins, through the horrible events of the Stalin era and World War II, to a rebirth that reclaims and builds upon their initial heroism. Such a narrative, of course, has to be based upon the historical facts at hand and thus is not an easy task. It is, however, I believe a necessary one. I am going to make a first attempt here in the hopes that later myself and others can improve upon it.

Initially my research and writing came from an aca-demic orientation and sought to fill in the huge lacuna presented by the Stalin era regarding the historical narrative of the Russian Germans. This de-facto re-quired the creation of a victim narrative. While such a narrative reconstruction found support among scholars in the former USSR and Germany, I found there was considerable resistance among many Americans and Canadians of Russian German heritage in adopting such a narrative. I now understand that this resistance was on a base level correct. A victim narrative can only really be embraced by a people if it is concluded with a redemptive one. Both the Jews and the Arme-nians have national narratives where their respective genocides are followed by the reemergence of their homelands as modern states Phoenix like from the ashes. The narrative for the Armenians does not end with the Ottoman physical annihilation of half their population and the dispersal of the other half across the globe in 1918. Nor does the Jewish narrative end in 1945 among the displaced survivors of death camps and death marches in Europe. Instead the narrative continues along a redemptive arc after the end of the genocide in the case of Armenia the Armenian SSR from 1923 on and in the case of the Jews the State of Israel after 1948. Even though some of my work

followed in the vein of Eric Schmaltz and dealt with the activists of the Russian Germans in the USSR in seeking to overcome the legacy of the Stalinist depor-tations and forced labor, it did not go far enough. Nei-ther the failed attempt to restore the dissolved Volga German ASSR or the mass resettlement from Siberia, Kazakhstan, and Central Asia to Germany have been sufficiently developed as redemptive narratives.

It is the goal of the second and ultimately success-ful phase of Russian German activism that I wish to explore as a possible redemptive narrative to perhaps provide the group in its widest definition with an overarching useable past. This requires a number of preliminary steps, some of which I have already undertaken. One is to document the earlier victim narrative from which the group needs to be redeemed. I have done extensive work on this topic and will in the course of this paper provide a brief outline of the genocide against the group as well as new informa-tion unearthed from the archives and other sources in recent years on this subject.

Another is placing it in a larger historical context. The Russian Germans are not the only and indeed not even the largest group of Germans to physically return to the areas of Central Europe now constituting the Fed-eral Republic of Germany. At the end of World War II, the victorious Allies forcibly expelled millions of Germans living in eastern regions of Germany such as East Prussia, Silesia, and Pomerania as well as groups living outside Germany such as the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland into the terri-tory that became the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. Incorporating the history of the Russian Germans into the larger history of the ingathering of other groups of eastern


Germans into modern Germany is something that was first impressed upon me by Tony Waters when I was writing the article “Volk auf dem Weg: Transnational Migration of the Russian Germans from 1763 to Pres-ent Day.” The mass migration of ethnic Germans from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Siberia to Germany in the 1990s was as Eric Schmaltz noted at a conference panel we presented at University of Ghana in September 2015 the single largest movement of the Russian Germans in their history. It exceeded the immigration of ethnic Germans into the Russian Empire, the late 19th and early 20th century emigra-tion to the New World, and the massive internal de-portations in the USSR in 1941 by significant margins. Can the massive migration of ethnic Germans from the former USSR and their integration into modern German society serve as a redemption narrative for the horrible victimization they suffered during the 1940s? Is this where what Samuel Sinner refers to as the Open Wounds of the group finally be healed? Can these wounds heal to become scars? This paper will seek to explore this possibility with optimism uncharacteristic of the author in hopes that those of us in the Russian German diaspora in North America can embrace an historical narrative that is complete, honest, and points to the success of the future rather than the suffering of the past.

Most people here are probably familiar with the ba-sic outlines and details of the heroic narrative of the initial settlement of German colonies in the Russian Empire, their various successes in overcoming a host of obstacles, and the factors that spurred emigration to the Western hemisphere. You are also most likely aware of the successful repetition of this basic pat-tern of agricultural settlement and prosperity in the US and Canada by the various German from Russian immigrants from the 1870s up to the First World War. So I will not spend too much time on this aspect of the group’s history.

The middle of the 19th Century constitutes a golden age in the general historical narrative that has been constructed by scholars and others for the Russian Germans. Likewise the brief periods of the early Soviet era in between the massive waves of violence 1918-1921, 1928-1933, 1937-1938, and 1941-1949 appear as highly tarnished silver ages in comparison

to the fate of the Russian Germans during World War II. There is much that remains to be researched and written about concerning both these waves of violent state repression and the comparatively lenient peri-ods in between during which it almost appeared as if, at least, the Volga Germans were on the verge of developing into a distinct splinter nation much as the Afrikaners broke away from the Dutch or the Que-becois the French. This process, however, was never completed and the violent uprooting of the population from its areas of settlement in European areas of the USSR and its dispersal across Siberia and Kazakhstan permanently precluded such a development. Rather than tracing the history of the Russian Germans dur-ing the Tsarist and early Soviet eras, I shall proceed as I initially intended with the events starting in 1941 which led to the permanent destruction of the ethnic German communities in the Volga, Black Sea, Cau-casus, and other European regions of the USSR. The Second World War saw the general erasure of the 177-year presence of these German communities and their annihilation as viable collective organic units that could be reconstructed like happened with other deported nationalities such as the Chechens, Ingush, Karachais, Balkars, and Kalmyks.

The center of the Soviet deportation operations against Germans in the USSR during World War II were the Volga Germans living in the Volga German ASSR, Saratov Oblast, and Stalingrad Oblast deported 3-20 September 1941. The Supreme Soviet issued the public and official decree for the deportation of the Volga Germans on 28 August 1941. I have translated the document into English and reproduced it below.

Ukaz of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet Union SSR

On resettling Germans, living in the region of the Volga

According to reliable reports received from mili-tary authorities among the German population living in the region of the Volga exist thousands and tens of thousands of saboteurs and spies who are now awaiting a signal from Germany that they set off explosions in the region settled by Volga Germans.


On the presence of this large number of sabo-teurs and spies among the Germans, living in the region of the Volga, nobody informed the Soviet authorities, therefore the German population of the region of the Volga concealed amongst themselves enemies of the Soviet people and Soviet authorities.

In the case that acts of sabotage are conducted, according to orders from Germany by German saboteurs and spies in the Volga German Re-public or its adjoining regions, bringing about bloodshed, the Soviet leadership would accord-ing to the laws of wartime be required to bring punitive measures against the entire German population of the Volga.

In order to avoid this undesirable occurrence and to prevent serious bloodshed the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet deemed it necessary to resettle all the German population, living in the region of the Volga, to other regions, with the provision that the resettled will be allotted land and rendered state assistance for settling in their new regions.

Those to be resettled are to be assigned to areas of abundant arable land in the regions of Novo-sibirsk and Omsk oblasts, Altai Krai, Kazakhstan and other neighboring localities.

In connection with this the State Defense Com-mittee is directed to quickly undertake the re-settlement of all Volga Germans and allot those resettled Volga Germans agricultural land in their new regions.

CHAIRMAN PRESIDIUM SUPREME SOVIET USSR M. KALININ

SECRETARY OF THE PRESIDIUMSUPREME SOVIET USSR A. GORKIN

Moscow, Kremlin28 August 1941 1

The Soviet government recorded deporting ethnic Germans from 23 separate territories in the USSR during 1941. The NKVD used a total of 344 train echelons to internally deport 799,459 ethnic Germans

from these jurisdictions to Kazakhstan, Altai Krai, Krasnoiarsk Krai, Novosibirsk Oblast, and Omsk Oblast. The single largest group came from the Volga German ASSR and numbered 371,164 people. An additional 46,706 Volga Germans from neighboring Saratov Oblast and 26,245 from Stalingrad Oblast brought the number of deported Volga Germans up to 444,715 or 56% of the total. Outside the Volga region the largest number of resettled Germans came from Ordzhnikidze Krai with 99,990 of which about 50,000 had been evacuated from Crimea several months earlier.2 By 25 November 1941, a total of 693,876 of the German deportees had arrived in their new areas of settlement divided between 396,093 in Siberia and 310,195 in Kazakhstan. This represented a thorough ethnic cleansing of the European areas of the USSR still under Moscow’s control of the ethnic German communities established during the 18th and 19th centuries. Even quite small German settlements such as the 212 living in Armenia found themselves forcibly resettled.3 The NKVD systematically evicted the inhabitants of the numerous German villages in the Volga, Ukraine, Crimea, Caucasus, and western Russia; very few of them would ever manage to return.

The ethnic Germans in the USSR were the single larg-est ethnonational group subjected to wholesale forced relocation during the Second World War but, as noted above, not the only one. Their disproportionate size compared to other ethnic groups subjected to internal deportation and the special settlement regime makes them particularly noteworthy in the study of national repression and discrimination in the USSR. Out of an initial 3,266,340 deportees from 1930 to 1948, a full 949,829 (29%) consisted of ethnic Germans forcibly resettled during World War II. In 1948, ethnic Germans comprised 1,004,398 out of 2,255,420 special settlers or 44.5% in the USSR. In contrast all of the deported North Caucasians, Chechens, Ingush, Karachais, and Balkars combined only numbered 608,749 people or 18.6% of the total.4 From fall 1941 until the deporta-tion of the Kalmyks in late 1943 and North Caucasians in early 1944, the majority of special settlers in the USSR were ethnic Germans. From 1944 to 1955, the ethnic Germans in the USSR continued to form a significant plurality of the special settlers. This made the special settlement regime in many ways a system ethnic repression aimed at Germans because of their ancestral origins.


Material Conditions in Exile

It is impossible to provide more than a cursory de-scription of the deplorable material conditions suf-fered by the ethnic Germans in the USSR deported to Siberia and Kazakhstan even in an above average length paper like this one. I have therefore provided just a few examples from Kazakhstan. In particular, I have highlighted the experience of some of the Cau-casian Germans deported from Georgia to Bayan-Aul Raion in Pavlodar Oblast. These examples should be sufficient to note the generally poor conditions the internally deported Germans in the USSR suffered during the 1940s.

The Caucasian Germans deported from Georgia to Bayan-Aul Raion, Pavlodar Oblast, Kazakhstan suf-fered particularly horrible material conditions initially. A special report from 7 December 1941 by the chief of the NKVD of the district detailed these depriva-tions.5 The report deals with a total of 910 German deportees in 263 households in six kolkhozes in the district. These six kolkhozes were October, 8th Party Congress, Stalin, Molotov, Kyzylasker, and Dawn. Out of these 233 households, only 133 had received vouchers in the Caucasus for grain, corn, potatoes, cattle, wine, and other produce. Despite having these vouchers, over 50 households from Kirov Kolkhoz in Luxembourg Raion in Georgia had not received anything in exchange because the vouchers remained with the kolkhoz chairman, Genrikh Reiser, who had for some unknown reason been left in Kaganovich Raion. Another 130 households had no vouchers and went for more than three days without any bread. The lack of food had greatly exacerbated the spread of dis-eases among the deportees especially among children. Measles, influenza, and other diseases had infected around 80 children and adults by this time. Around 30 children were hospitalized due to measles. Since arriving on these kolkhozes a month earlier, a full 20 German deportees (mostly children) had perished from measles and other diseases due to a lack of sufficient food and adequate medical care. The primary reason for the lack of food for these German deportees was that they were given no work on the kolkhozes to earn produce and bread. The eviction of the deportees from the kolkhozes made their conditions even worse. The chairman of the kolkhoz October evicted a total of

seven German households to an old farm 7-8 kilome-ters away. They had no food, fuel, or work, and 18 people lived in two small huts. They lived in poorly repaired apartments and they suffered from cold and starvation.6 Germans on the kolkhozes named after Stalin and Molotov also completely lacked food and had to sell their bedding, blankets, and pillows in order to eat. They also lacked soap and had already gone without it for two to three months including the time they had spent in the trains on the way to Kazakhstan. The local NKVD district commander recommended to the head of Pavoldar Oblast NKVD that the Ger-man deportees on these kolkhozes be immediately provided with emergency food. He estimated that many of them could otherwise be dead in two to three days.7 The extreme conditions in Bayan-Aul for the deported Germans were replicated throughout other settlements in Kazakhstan to a lesser extent.

The lack of planning for receiving the deported Ger-mans became apparent everywhere in Kazakhstan and also Siberia. Even such simple tasks as keeping proper train schedules presented problems. On 14 December 1941, three train echelons carrying 2,508 German deportees from Kubyishev bound for Nurinsk Raion, Karaganda Oblast stopped in the train station of the neighboring raion of Osokarovsk by mistake. The chaos of reforming the echelons and reloading the de-portees resulted in the special settlers losing over 500 pieces of baggage at the station.8 Organizing housing and food for the deportees had no more success.

Osokarovsk Raion in Karaganda Oblast itself was a destination for ethnic Germans deported from Moscow and Baku. According to the NKVD, there were no escapes or people left behind during the deportation of this contingent except for one person left in Che-liabinsk who would quickly join his family in Oso-karovsk Raion. However, the loading of families onto the deportation echelons had been extremely rapid and chaotic. This led to the separation of families. Often half of a family would end up in one raion or even oblast and the other half in another one. Property also got lost in this manner. The local NKVD had already by mid-December received a large number of requests by the deportees for family reunification and searches for lost fathers, brothers, husbands, sons, and prop-erty. By 18 December 1941 a total of 6,298 deported


urban Germans from Moscow and Baku arrived in Osokarovsk Raion, Karaganda Oblast. Despite a stated preference by the local NKVD authorities for placing the special settlers in appropriate work, this was not possible for a contingent consisting of doctors, ac-tors, accountants, and other white collar workers. The NKVD settled almost all of these deportees on kolk-hozes where they were assigned to regular kolkhoz work and only a small number were assigned to areas of work in their specialization in Machine Tractor Stations. The authorities settled most of the deported Germans in kolkhozes under compact conditions.9 A number of empty buildings in the raion could not be used to house the deportees due the fact that they lacked glass for windows and heating fuel. Attempts to secure glass and fuel by the raion authorities had been unsuccessful as of this time.10 There was a severe lack of sufficient heating fuel for the deportees. Coal was rarely delivered and only in small quantities from the city of Karaganda 150 km away. Instead they mostly had to rely on manure mixed with straw to burn to keep warm. The deportees also lacked sufficient food, particularly bread, vegetables, meat, and lard. Finally, many of them lacked winter clothing and shoes and thus could not work outside in the extreme winter conditions of northern Kazakhstan.11 In essence, the Stalin regime had dumped thousands of urban German professionals into a sparsely inhabited rural area of Kazakhstan where the houses had no windows, where there was no heating fuel, and where very little existed in the way of food or winter clothing.

A count of those Germans resettled in Osokarovsk Raion had started using the family registration cards for the special settlers held by the district commandant. The passportization of the deportees could not be com-pleted in four villages with some 250 people during 1941.12 The report of this news to Major Ivanov, the head of the NKVD Section on Special Settlement, resulted in a written response on 29 December 1941 demanding that the reregistration and passportization of the deported Germans be completed as well as in-formation collected on their political outlooks. He also stressed to the head of the Osokarovsk Raion NKVD to continue to be diligent in seeking to unmask and liquidate “Fascist agents” among the German deport-ees as well as prevent them from fleeing their assigned places of residence.13 Surveillance and control of the

movement of the German deportees took precedence over housing, feeding, and clothing them.

In Ayaguz raion, Semipalatinsk Oblast, 2,834 Ger-man deportees arrived during 1941. A report from 22 December 1941 describes the difficult conditions they faced. The Soviet authorities settled them on 34 kolkhozes and two sovkhozes. They settled between 10 and 20 families in each kolkhoz. The district was very large geographically, 31,000 square kilometers and almost exclusively Kazkah in its population. The district had a total of one Russian village. The distance from the district centre to the various Kazakh auls ranged from 30 kilometers up to 180 kilometers. The raion initially was completely unprepared for housing the influx of deported Germans. It had neither spare housing stock nor construction material. In the fall of 1941 when they arrived, it was not possible to orga-nize any type of construction of dug outs or huts for them. The raion lacked wood and other construction materials except earth to make adobe. There were also no plans to ship in construction materials by rail from other oblasts. Some resettlers still could not work on the kolkhozes due to a lack of warm shoes and clothes. The majority of households were headed by women with only 190 old men and teenagers comprising the adult male population. The remainder had been taken away before the deportation, mobilized for work in the rear, or arrested. There were also no highly quali-fied specialists among the arriving deportees, but only kolkhoz workers.14 The problem of a lack of young adult men and specialists became universal throughout the German households resettled in Kazakhstan after the forced mobilization of German men into the labor army during the course of 1942.

The German deportees arriving in Ayaguz Raion were counted at the rail station and then again when they were transferred to kolkhozes. They were then recounted when issued new passports which restricted them to only living in Ayaguz Raion. This process was to be finished before 1 January 1942. In addition, the militia instituted strict controls at the train station and on passenger rail cars to prevent any deported Germans from leaving the raion by train. Finally, the NKVD imposed controls on the renting of houses and apartments in the local cities to prevent resettled Germans from moving there.15 The deported Germans


were to be forcibly tied to the extremely impoverished rural areas where the NKVD had settled them.

Major Ivanov, the chief of the special settlement section of the NKVD, replied to these events on 31 December 1941. This letter reviewed several policies regarding the resettled Germans in Ayaguz Raion. The first was issuing them grain in exchange for the vouch-ers they received at the time of deportation. This would prevent them from starving to death but, unlike the next two items, dealt with a suggestion rather than an order. The next item was to again verify the count of German special settlers and strengthen NKVD surveil-lance of the deportees in order to unmask and liquidate “Fascist agents” and prevent escapes. Finally, the letter ordered that exact records of the labor assignments and cases of death among the German deportees be kept and reported.16 Ivanov clearly viewed the deported Germans as a nest of potential “Fascist agents” that needed to be kept under strict surveillance and control.

This emphasis on surveillance and investigation of the German special settlers as well as strictly controlling their movement would receive strong legal enforce-ment in subsequent years. The Soviet government would develop the special settlement regime into a codified system to maintain such controls and surveil-lance over particular ethnic groups in the USSR, most notably the Germans. The legal status of the Germans and other special settlers in the USSR remained in-ferior to that of most Soviet citizens up until the mid -1950s.

Legal Conditions of Special Settlers

The special settlement regime imposed upon the forc-ibly relocated ethnic Germans and other targeted eth-nonational groups in the USSR restricted their rights in comparison to other Soviet citizens, particularly in regards to freedom of movement and choosing their places of residency. The Stalin regime placed the deported Russian Germans sent to Kazakhstan and elsewhere under the special settlement restrictions originally designed for internally exiled kulaks dur-ing the early 1930s. The special settlement system combined restricted internal exile and surveillance with forced labor. In particular, the special settlements

circumscribed the ability of those deported to them to freely move and choose their place of residence. This system provided the Soviet government with a means of imposing punitive disabilities upon whole groups of people without resorting to the Soviet courts. Later, the Stalin regime shifted to ethnic criteria and subjected whole nationalities such as the Russian Germans to special settlement restrictions through administrative decrees.

The SNK passed resolution No. 35, “On the legal status of special settlers” on 8 January 1945. This document replaced the ad hoc collection of decrees by the NKVD and other organs governing the admin-istration of the special settlers with a codified and uniform set of restrictions. This document laid out the legal disabilities suffered by special settlers. They enjoyed far fewer rights than ordinary Soviet citizens and formed a separate and unequal class of citizens subject to different laws. Foremost among the legal restrictions the Soviet government imposed upon the special settlers was their lack of rights regarding freedom of movement and choice of residency. Article three of the resolution severely limited the freedom of movement of the special settlers. They needed special permission from their assigned NKVD commandant to leave their designated areas of settlement. Leav-ing their assigned area of settlement without NKVD permission constituted illegal flight and was punish-able as a crime. Special settlers also had to report any such flight by family members to the NKVD special commandants. Article four mandated strict reporting of all changes in family composition to the NKVD. Heads of families or their designated substitutes had to report all births, deaths, and escapes to their NKVD commandant within three days. All children of special settlers had to be registered as special settlers upon birth. Finally, article five obligated special settlers to abide by the regulations and established order of the special settlement regime and all commands from NKVD special commandants. These commandants had the power to punish all violations of article five with a fine up to 100 rubles or arrest and incarceration in jail for up to five days. The resolution reinforced clear legal distinctions between nationalities living under the special settlement regime and the majority of the Soviet population.


I have reproduced an English language translation of the relevant document below.

Council of Peoples Commissariats Union of SSRsResolution No. 35From 8 January 1945 Moscow, Kremlin

On the legal situation of special settlers

Council of Peoples Commissariats Union of SSRs RESOLVES:

1. Special settlers enjoy all rights of citizens of the USSR, with the exception of restrictions, provided for in the present Resolution.

2. All able bodied special settlers are obliged to be engaged in socially useful labor.

Towards this goal local Soviets of workers depu-ties in coordination with organs of the NKVD are to organize labor arrangements of the special settlers in agriculture, industrial enterprises, construction, and economic cooperative orga-nizations and institutions.

The violation of labor discipline by special settlers is subject to punishment according to existing laws.

3. Special settlers do not have the right without the authorization of the NKVD special com-mandant to be absent from the boundaries of the region of settlement served by their special commandant.

Voluntary absence from the boundaries from the region of settlement, served by the special com-mandant, will be viewed as flight and treated as a criminal matter.

4. Special settlers–heads of families or people substituting for them are required within a three day period to report to the special commandant of the NKVD all events that change the compo-sition of the family (birth of a child, death of a family member, flight, ect.).

5. Special settlers are obliged to strictly observe the established regime and social order of the places of settlement and obey all orders of the special commandant of the NKVD.

The violation of the regime and social order in the places of settlement by special settlers is subject to administrative sanction in the form of a fine up to 100 rubles or arrest up to five days.

Deputy ChairmanCouncil of Peoples Commissariats Union of SSRs V. Molotov

Administrative AffairsCouncil of Peoples Commissariats Union of SSRs Ia. Chadaev.17

ENDNOTES

1. RGASPI (Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History) f. 17, o. 3, d. 1042, l. 112.

2. GARF (State Archives of the Russian Federation) f. 9479, o. 1, d. 83, ll. 203-204.

3. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 83, l. 203. 4. GARF f. R-9479, o. 1, d. 573, ll. 286-287.5. Viktor Krieger, Rein, Volga, Irtysh: Iz istorii nemtsev tsentral’noi

Azii (Almaty: Daik Press, 2006), 200. 6. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 284.7. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 284 ob.8. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 279.9. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 279.10. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 279 ob.11. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 279.12. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 279.13. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 280.14. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 27715. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 27716. GARF f. 9479, o. 1, d. 86, l. 278.17. V.N. Zemskov, Spetsposelentsy, (Moscow: Nauk, 2005), pp.

120-121.

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article will be continued in the Winter 2019 AHSGR Journal.


ONOMASTICS: A STUDY OF NAMESORIGINS AND MEANINGS

By Peter Reinkordt

Peter Reinkordt spoke at the 2019 AHSGR Convention in Lincoln, Nebraska. This article is based on his presentation.

Linguistics is the scientific study of language, its origin, development, history and meaning for us as human beings in the context of our place in the world as mindful and aware members. It spans a large arc of investigation and topics—one of them the study of proper names termed “Onomastics.”

Onomastics itself has various strands of topics; they include research into the history and origin of names, the environment of the development of proper names, the proliferation of names, the migration of names from one area to another, creation of new variants —whether new versions or just spelling differences, as well as the extinction of names or their consolida-tion. Language as such is not static; it is a living and ever-changing part of human experience and history.

We focus today on the proper names of one specific group of German speakers. Germans from Russia are groups of emigrants who left Russia in the late 19th century to settle in the United States, Canada and South America. They had been recruited to the Rus-sian Empire in the 18th century from the Palatine area, some were Hessians and others came from the Lower Rhine and the Lowlands. All spoke their respective “Mundart” or dialect. Looking at their proper names we will have to pay attention to this diversity, but to start we look at the common history of Germanic language speaking peoples and that will encompass a huge area of Europe including northern—the Scan-dinavian Germanic, the western—English, German and Dutch, and the eastern—extant mostly in literary form such as Gothic. Our focus will be the core area of Germany today.

Early history describes various Germanic tribes living and migrating throughout this core area. They came

from the north and east, some settled and farmed, others were often nomadic. Whenever they were able to settle, and the conditions for raising crops and do-mesticated animals were good, these tribal settlements flourished and increased in population from just a few families of maybe 100 individuals to several hundred still within one tribal unit and even larger groups of several thousand. In the course of political and social changes from the times of the Roman expansion into German territories to the establishment of the German Empire (Franken) under Charlemagne, around 800 CE, not only villages flourished but also towns and cities. The number of individuals known by one first name increased exponentially and required differentia-tion for clarity—thus the proper name, or last name. Structural societal change such as the development of different social classes furthered this process. We had aristocrats, craftsmen, merchants, and farmers—now with both first and last names.

Particularly the 11th and the 12th century saw this development–coupled with an increase in written documentation that included deeds to property and contracts between individuals. Most people, however, were still illiterate; it was the clergy who were gener-ally among the few that were able to read and write and the common language was Latin. Around the year 1200, there came a high point of written language in the vernacular in the form of poetry and song (Min-nesang of the Troubadors), as well as the written and recorded well-known epics such as “Nibelungenlied,” “Parzival,” “Tristan und Isolde,” and various others. We, therefore, also have a record now of different dialects. If we look at the society, landscape and ar-chitecture of that period, we would not be as startled walking around then as if we had come into the country


a thousand years earlier. Anyone having traveled in European countries to visit the historical older parts of towns and cities can attest to that.

Let us now turn to a closer look at the origin of proper names. In Appendix A are listed five names each in the five major early categories. Practically all sources follow a similar pattern: names that have a connection to the occupation (Meier, Schmidt, Mül-ler, Schulz, Bäcker); patronymic (Albrecht, Hinz/Heinrich, Kunz/Konrad) or are metronymic (Trienes, Tilgner); describe a trait (Klein, Kohl, Link, Kühn, Neumann); link the meaning to a geographical feature (Kuhl, Ebner, Bühl, Sonderegger, Busch); or refer to a specific house or dwelling (Bachmann, Bergmann, Roth, Frankenstein, Grünewald). I have chosen names that should be familiar to most of us. Some among these are public figures. At times it is not quite clear into which one category we can ascribe the meaning, thus “Roth” can be the ‘cleared land’ or it could be the hair color, or it could even be a carved decoration on the house (in this case a fox=red). Several other sub-categories exist—the just stated connection to an animal “Fuchs” appears, also “Hahn” and others. However, they are not as prevalent as sources of many proper names—my own feeling is that animal labels do not lend themselves well for this purpose because many invective or swearwords are animal-based, both in Standard German and in the dialects.

Affe Ochs Kuh Rindvieh Esel Hammel Schwein/Sau/Ferkel Huhn/Gockel Gans Ziege(Zicke) Hund Dackel(Halbdackel) Blindschleiche Kamel Drache Hirsch Zecke

Another limited source are the titles of aristocrats, often with the prepositions of “von”, “zu”, “bei” and “auf”. The “von” originally did not necessarily desig-nate aristocratic lineage, it could just mean that a per-son “came from” a certain location like our reference to “Sonderegger”—he came from that place that had been harrowed. He could for a time have been called “von Sonderegger”. In the 17th century, those “von” prepositions began to disappear from the names of non-aristocrats; however, some of them retained them.

Example: von Seggern here in Falls City, NE

During the time of the Reformation, a number of theologians and scholars changed their German names using Latin or Greek translations such as Praetorius (Schulz), Agricola (Bauer), or Melanchthon (Schwar-zerdt) and Neander (Pastor Neumann).

Some other factors have also played a role in the creation of proper names. Wars, especially the Thirty Years War from 1618-1648, brought many peoples from other European countries into and through Ger-man speaking lands. They left physical, genetic, and linguistic evidence. Martin Luther’s monumental achievement of creating a common Standard German written language with his translation of the Bible at the beginning of the 16th century, coupled with Guten-berg’s invention of the printing press, had brought order into the multitude of dialects, spellings, and vocabulary. However, the chaos of the Thirty Years War caused a major disturbance of this linguistic unity. As a reaction to that disorder, scholars and writers of the late 17th century began to mitigate for a cleansing of language, of applying standard rules of spelling and to “Germanize” foreign names and words. From 1662 until the present time, there have been laws governing not only changed spellings or translations of proper names, but also the naming of children with first or second names. In the highly politicized time of the Third Reich, German names with clear Nordic provenance were encouraged and by law, German Jewish citizens had to add “Israel” or “Sara” to their given names as identifiers.

Even now, there is an official register of approved first names that parents are urged to consult, and should they want to use a name that is not listed, a legal appeal must be made. Thus first names can be interpreted as political statements and when doing research about the meaning of names it can lead you to interesting discoveries.

Research on your own: In 2019 we turn to the Internet as our first access point. If you can read German, it increases your sources by more than half, some have translation features and others don’t. As with anything that is not systematically peer-reviewed, you need to be wary.


The old German saying: “Papier ist geduldig!” (You can say anything on paper) applies even more so to the digital world. Some interesting sites are those that map the frequency, distribution and the location of a certain name. Another site lists the number of phone numbers for a name. There are sites that are region specific and sometimes give general traits that are regional such as the suffixes: -e; -le; -ke; -li. Again, someone that has studied German dialects or linguis-

tics can often place a proper name into the most likely region of origin. Members of the AHSGR will be able to see that well in the location—and names—of the villages in Russia and the villages back in Germany. (See Appendix B). If you are very serious about doing research, use scholarly books that are peer-reviewed. Many Internet sites also list links to societies, works cited, and other reputable sources.

Onomastik

Surnames submitted by our group: AHSGRLC - 26. June 2016 Barthule "bar"-aramaic; "thule" - ger. (Balthazer "Balzer" Barthuly)Bauer Farmer, peasant - ohd. buwen = anbauen (to plant, raise crops)Bausch Mhd. Busch, Wulst, Knüttel (Pina Bausch!) "Bausch und Bogen" Flurvermessung

(measurement of land)Buzick Lith. or mhd. butzke = PoltergeistDittenber Ahd "thiot" = Mensch, Volk"Dürr Dry (drought), can also mean a gaunt, thin, slender builtFilbert Eng. hazelnut or lat "Fulbert" (Chartres)Froscheiser Froschhäuser?Geier Vulture, nickname of someone greedy and gähnen = jawn, stand openHepp Someone from Heppenheim, Hessen or description of a sickle-like knife (vintner)Krumrine Obdt. krumm (bodily deformation)Loos Loose (Lohs) Adolf Loos, A-architectMaul Maw, term used to signify "mouth of an animal" also used in derogatory fashion (halts Maul)Meisinger Could be related to "Messer", someone who measures or Mesner = church custodianMichel From given first name Michael, also "deutscher Michel" = good-natured, simpleRoh Raw, can also mean crude, roughSalswasser Saltwater, perhaps spelled with "z" (Salz)Schmidt BlacksmithSeverin Lat. severinus = stern, severe; Hl Severin, bishop of Cologne (4./5.C)Spady From Spade, dt. to pronounce second syllable (Spaten?)Spomer Dt. Spamer, location? VogelsbergTegtmeier Tegetmeier "Zehntmeier" Amtsname, zinspflichtig (tithing) Von Busch From location=bush, doesn't necessarily signify nobility "von"Weber WeaverWorster Worsted=medium weight yarn

VillagesBalzer Derived from given name Balthasar named after (Balthazer "Balzer" Barthuly)Beideck colony was named after its first leaderDietel Kosename from Dietrich (Christian Gottfried Dietel from Saxony.)Frank From Franken (Franconia) early medieval Germanic tribe/ethnic group - Karl d. Grosse (frei)Huck Region of Huck, NE Germany "Winkel, Ecke"Kukkus Lutheran colonyNorka Named for the river NorkaSchilling From Schillingen, place in Palatinate part of Neu-BeideckStahl Part of the Warenburg Lutheran districtWalter Derived from given first name "Walther" part of the Frank parish

• aus Berufs- und Amtsbezeichnungen (Berufsname)

• vom Vornamen des Vaters (Patronym) oder der Mutter (Metronym)

• von Eigenschaften der Person (Übername)

• von der geographischen Herkunft (Herkunftsname)

• von Besonderheiten der Wohnstätte (Wohnstättenname)


Origin and Development of Names, Especially Surnames

Berufs- und Amtsbezeichnungen (Berufsname) - Occupation

1 Meier (ay,ai,y) Official or foreman, often the administrator of an estate2 Schmidt One of the most important jobs in the village, next to (see #3)3 Müller The other very important professional in a village, almost everyone needed him4 Schulz Also Schultheiss – highest city official, mayor, law officer5 Bäcker Baker

Vornamen des Vaters (Patronym) oder der Mutter (Metronym) Father or Mother

1 Albrecht Teutonic, means “noble, illustrious” 2 Hinz Heinrich, the “z” ending makes it diminutive3 Kunz Konrad, see above #2 (saying-“jeder Hinz und Kunz” = Tom, Dick and Harry)4 Trienes M. Trina or Catharina5 Tilgner M. Ottilie

Eigenschaften der Person (Übername) Characteristics of the person

1 Klein Also groß, lang, kurz = small, large, long/tall, short2 Kohl From ‘coal’ i.e. black3 Link “Links” – meaning a left-hander4 Kühn Bold, brave, daring5 Neumann Literally = the new guy

Geographische Herkunft (Herkunftsname) Geographical origins

1 Kuhl Kuhle = hollow, depression, pit2 Ebner Ebne = plain, geographic; to level, smooth, flatten 3 Bühl Alemanic = hill, ascent channel, chimney, pipe in a mountainous region4 Sonderegger Egge = harrow, means he lived at the place where the Sonder family had disked land5 Busch Hedge or bushes as identifier

Besonderheiten der Wohnstätte (Wohnstättenname) Special features of the dwelling or location

1 Bachmann House next to a brook, stream, creek2 Bergmann House close to a mountain, also occupation = miner3 Roth House next to a clearing (gerodet), also hair color4 Frankenstein Two markers = a Franconian next to a rocky area5 Grünewald Two markers = someone by the “green forest”

Journal of the American Historical Society of Germans from RussiaEditorial Board

Irmgard Hein Ellingson earned a master of arts in theology from Wartburg Theological Seminary and holds undergraduate degrees in political science, history, and German. She has been bilingual from birth and also reads old German script. Her research has been published in four countries and in three languages. She serves as an associate of ministry in three Evangelical Lutheran Church congregations, is an adjunct instructor of German at Waldorf College and lives in Grafton, Iowa.

Velma Jesser earned a Ph.D. in educational policy and management from the University of Oregon. Half of her dissertation research on ethics and values was conducted on-site in Germany. She was on the team that published the two-volume Black Sea German Russian Census for the Germans from Russia Heritage Society (GRHS). After more than twenty-five years as a business management professor in Oregon, she moved to New Mexico. She established the first joint chapter of AHSGR/GRHS.

William Keel received a Ph.D. in Germanic linguistics from Indiana University in 1977 and since 1978 has been a professor of German at the University of Kansas in Lawrence, where he is chair of the Department of Germanic Languages and Literatures. He researches German settlement dialects, especially the dialects of Germans from Russia, in Kansas, and adjacent states. He lives in Lawrence, Kansas.

Timothy J. Kloberdanz earned a Ph.D. in folklore and anthropology from Indiana University. His master’s thesis and doctoral dissertation dealt with the Germans from Russia. He has co-authored two books and published more than a hundred articles. He also wrote the script for a prize-winning television documentary. He retired from teaching in 2010 and is now professor emeritus at North Dakota State University in Fargo. He co-edited the award-winning book Sundogs and Sunflowers: Folklore and Folk Art of the Northern Great Plains, which included numerous examples of German-Russian family stories and other folklore.

Eric J. Schmaltz earned a Ph.D. in history at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Since 2005, he has taught modern European and world history at Northwestern Oklahoma State University in Alva. His research concentrates on modern Germany and modern Russia with an emphasis on ethnic and nationality issues. He has contributed a variety of articles and translations to AHSGR, GRHS, and North Dakota State University Libraries in Fargo. Several of his articles and reviews have appeared in local newspapers, interdisciplinary journals, and major international anthologies. He is editor of the GRHS Heritage Review. He is also an executive board member of the endowed Northwestern Oklahoma State University Institute for Citizenship Studies.

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