journal of research and practice

NJRP Editorial Board Editors-In-Chief Virginia Gonzalez, Ph.D. & Josefina Villamil Tinajero, Ph.D. Associate Professor, Coordinator Professor, Acting Dean TESL Program Bilingual Education Division of Teacher Education College of Education College of Education University of Texas at El Paso University of Cincinnati

Associate Editors Evangeline Harris Stefanakis, Ed.D. Program Associate Programs in Professional education Graduate School of Education Harvard University Applied Education/Action Research Associate Editor

Liliana Minaya-Rowe, Ph.D. Professor University of Connecticut Position Papers and Reflections Associate Editor

Rafael Lara-Alecio, Ph.D. Associate Professor Bilingual Educational Programs Department of Educational Psychology College of Education Texas A&M University

Martha M. Galloway, Ed.D. Clinical Assistant Professor Bilingual Educational Programs Department of Educational Psychology College of Education Texas A&M University

Beverly Irby, Ph.D. Associate Professor Educational Leadership & Counseling Sam Houston State University Technical Assistance Associate Editors NJRP Sections

The NABE Journal of Research & Practice (NJRP) has 3 sections for fulfilling its goals.

The First is a Research Section, edited by Dr. Virginia Gonzalez (University of Cincinnati) and Dr. Josefina Villamil Tinajero (University of Texas at El Paso).

The Second is an Applied Education/Action Research Section, Dr. Evangeline

Harris Stefanakis (Harvard University) assists as co-editor of this section.

The Third is a Position Papers and Reflections Section, Dr. Liliana Minaya-Rowe (University of Connecticut) assists as co-editor of this section.

In addition, Dr. Beverly Irby (Sam Houston State University), Dr. Rafael Lara-Alecio (Texas A&M University),and Dr. Martha Galloway (Texas A&M University) offer support as Technical Assistant Co-Editors. NJRP Expert Reviewers Current Expert Reviewers are: Dr. Theresa Austin, University of Massachusetts at Amherst Dr. Kathryn Au, University of Hawaii Dr. Gulbahar Beckett, University of Cincinnati Dr. Jaime Castellano, School District of Palm Beach County (FL) Dr. Virginia Collier, George Mason University Dr. Robert DeVillar, The University of Texas at El Paso Dr. Belinda Bustos Flores, University of Texas at San Antonio Dr. Kathryn Lindholm, San Jose State University Dr. Carlos Ovando, Indiana university Dr. Yolanda Padron, University of Houston Dr. Walter Secada, University of Winsconsin-Madison Dr. Gisela Ernst-Slavit, The University of Washington, Vancouver Dr. Patrick Smith, Universidad de las Americas Puebla Dr. Evangeline Stefanakis, Harvard University Dr. Samuel Stringfield, John Hopkins University Dr. Lois Yamauchi, University of Hawaii Dr. Thomas Yawkey, Pennsylvania State University

If you have an interest in participating as an Expert Reviewer please contact Dr. Gonzalez at [email protected]. NJRP Editorial Assistants Carla Amaro, Graduate Student, TESL Program, Division of Teacher Education, College of Education, University of Cincinnati Martha Galloway, Clinical Assistant Professor, Bilingual Education Programs, Department of Educational psychology, College of Education, Texas A&M University

NABE Journal of Research & Practice (NJRP) Winter 2003 Volume 1 Number 1

CONTENTS

Editorial

Virginia González & Josefina V. Tinajero……………………………………...iii

Featured Articles

First Research Section Five Standards and Student Achievement

R. William Doherty, R. Soleste Hilberg, America Pinal, & Roland G. Tharp……………………………………………………………………….…….1

Training Teachers of English Language Learners through Instructional Conversations: A Metalogue

Abie L. Quiñones-Benitez………………………………………………………25

Personal and Professional Success in a Bilingual Teacher Training Project Karen A. Carrier & James A Cohen…………………………………………….50

Dual Language Abilities of Bilingual Four-Year Olds: Initial Findings from the Early Childhood Study of Language and Literacy Development of Spanish-speaking Children

Patton O. Tabors, Mariela M. Páez, & Lisa M. López………………………….70

Preventing Reading Failure for English Language Learners: Interventions for Struggling First-Grade L2 Students

Iliana Alanís, Judith Munter, & Josefina Villamil Tinajero…………………….92

Second Applied Education/Action Research Section Helping Middle and High School Age English Language Learners Achieve Academic Success

Yvonne Freeman, David Freeman, & Sandra Mercuri…………………………110 The Relationship to Achievement on the California High School Exit Exam for Language Minority Students

Paul A. García & Malati Gopal…………………………………………………123

Third Position Papers and Reflections Section Educating for Bilingualism in Mexican Transnational Communities

Patrick H. Smith & Natalia Martínez-León......................................................138

Daring To Be: Identity, Healing, and Mentoring in Minority Scholars Virginia González & Carmen Mercado………………………………………149

About the Authors........................................................................................................184

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Editors’ Introduction

It is with great joy that we launch the first volume of the NABE Journal of Research & Practice (NJRP). Producing the first volume of the NJRP represents the collaboration of a great team of colleagues working together to fulfill NABE’s mission and the mission of NABE’s Research & Evaluation SIG, and to continue advancing the area of bilingual education. This great team of colleagues is represented by the Associate Editors, the Expert Reviewers, the support of colleagues in the NABE Board, and the former Editor of the NABE Conference Journal, Dr. Lilliam Malave.

This First Volume represents also the effort of a great team of authors who present their work in this inaugural first volume of the NJRP. As our mission attests below, some of these authors are seasoned researchers and practitioners, and other authors represent the new generation of scholars and professionals. All the authors presented their work at NABE 02 National/International Conference and bring to this first Volume of the NJRP valuable information and knowledge that advances our field of bilingual education.

In this First Volume we present the mission of the NJRP, its goals, and a description of the Editorial Board. We close by providing an overview of the articles included in the First Volume of the NJRP.

Mission of the NJRP

Our mission is to use the NJRP as an outlet for disseminating high-quality

scholarly work of established as well as emerging investigators, who come from the academic and applied educational professional arenas. Thus, our mission is twofold: (1) to advance the field as well as inform practice by disseminating widely state-of-the-art work presented by researchers and practitioners at every International/National Conference of the NABE, and (2) to mentor the new generation of scholars and professional leaders who can advance our research and practice in bilingual education.

Hence, it is our vision to use the NJRP to provide leadership and mentoring, and

as a publication outlet for disseminating information on bilingual education via the web. Goals

1. To lead the bilingual research area with cutting-edge and state-of-the-art studies presented at the NABE Conference each year, which generate new knowledge and advance the field of bilingual education research. Currently, just the Research & Evaluation SIG full-day and half Institute held at NABE Conference annually brings more than thirty research-based presentations that would qualify as submissions for the proposed journal.

2. To have established scholars publish their work as a means of providing direction to the field of bilingual education (i.e., to incorporate major invited pieces resulting from national research centers or regional research laboratory efforts). In the First Section on Research emphasis and priority will be given to theoretical and applied research studies that represent innovative conceptual and philosophical perspectives, and that also implement innovative methodologies (i.e., research designs, instruments, and data analysis procedures) to solve traditional as well as contemporary theoretical and applied problems in bilingual education.

3. To incorporate case study, position papers, or action research that come from

practitioners in the field of bilingual education. The Second Section on Applied Education/Action Research encourages practitioners to publish studies implementing research methodologies in their own classrooms or school districts (e.g., teacher-based research, evaluation studies conducted on the implementation of bilingual education federal and state grants).

4. To develop a special section for reflections of experiences of bilingual

researchers, practitioners, and public school and higher education students. The Third Section on Position Papers and Reflections encourages the discussion of non-traditional topics (e.g., the status of ethnic minority scholars in academia, advocacy and mentoring needed for language-minority students and their families). The purpose of these reflection pieces is to give an insightful self-account of the experiences of ethnic-minority students scholars, and educators for readers to learn vicariously from them as role models and advocates.

5. To use the NJRP for mentoring junior scholars (graduate students and assistant

professors) within the academic setting to develop professionally with the assistance of established scholars. The NJRP is committed to promote the publication of guidelines for developing high quality dissertation research proposals and completed studies, and also some guidelines for university-based efforts to mentor doctoral students in bilingual education (especially the ones with a minority background) through a successful program completion.

6. To develop special sections of interest (with the possible help of guest editors

who represent these fields) for the academic, policy, and professional arenas that can shape and help establish new areas (e.g., gifted and special bilingual education, early childhood bilingual education, action research in the bilingual classroom) as well as advance more established areas (e.g., teacher preparation in bilingual education).

7. To establish an on-line outlet that publishes an annual archival record of NABE

conference presentations in order to offer bilingual educators a faster way to access state-of-the-art products in the field. The NJRP offers a web-site that is linked to the University of Cincinnati, Texas A&M University, and the NABE

iv

web page. We are working on negotiations with a publisher to create a paper version of the NJRP.

Editorial Board A carefully selected group of scholars with proven research and publication records is been actively recruited to serve as an Expert Reviewers, to conduct a critical and constructive peer review process. Many of these scholars already have extensive experience as editors of journals, or members of editorial boards of other prestigious journals, or editors of research volumes.

These scholars represent NABE membership and interests across several constituencies: (1) the most important state and private universities in the US (Canada and at the international level) that have bilingual programs; (2) regional research laboratories and national research centers; (3) public education institutions such as state education agencies and public school districts; (4) diverse geographic regions in the US, and (3) diverse areas of interest and expertise in the field of bilingual education in terms of content areas as well as in research methodologies. In addition, Expert Reviewers are asked to make a time commitment for complying with strict manuscript review deadlines. We also plan to invite ad hoc reviewers when we are experiencing either an overflow of manuscripts, need to meet strict deadlines, or need reviewers with very specific interests and areas of expertise. Overview of Articles in the First Volume of the NJRP

The First Research Section is opened by our featured article written by R. William Doherty, R. Soleste Hilberg, America Pinal, and Roland G. Tharp. This articles is entitled “Five Standards and Student Achievement.” This same topic of standards and student achievement is also investigated by Abie L. Quinones-Benitez in her article entitled“Training Teachers of English Language Learners through Instructional Conversations: A Metalogue.” This research was based on Dr. Quinones-Benitez’s dissertation work, which won her a Dissertation Award from the Bilingual Education Research Special Interest Group (SIG) of the American Educational Research Association (AERA) in 2002. The third article is authored by Karen A. Carrier and James A Cohen, and is entitled “Personal and Professional Success in a Bilingual Teacher Training Project.” This article continues with the discussion of teachers’ training and professional development issues in relation to academic achievement in bilingual students. The fourth and fifth articles in the First research Section deal with language development in bilingual young children. The fourth article is entitled “Dual Language Abilities of Bilingual Four-Year Olds: Initial Findings from the Early Childhood Study of Language and Literacy Development of Spanish-speaking Children” and is authored by Patton O. Tabors, Mariela M. Páez, and Lisa M. López. The fifth article entitled “Preventing Reading Failure for English Language Learners: Interventions for Struggling

v

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First-Grade L2 Students” is co-authored by Iliana Alanís, Judith Munter, and Josefina Villamil Tinajero. They both do justice to alternative views on language development and assessment in young English language learners.

The Second Section on Applied Education/Action Research presents two articles featuring the topic of academic achievement in English language learners. The first one co-authored by Yvonne Freeman, David Freeman, and Sandra Mercuri, entitled “Helping Middle and High School Age English Language Learners Achieve Academic Success.” The second article presented by Paul A. Garcia and Malati Gopal,is entitled “The Relationship to Achievement on the California High School Exit Exam for Language Minority Students.” These two articles bring a qualitative and a statistical analysis of the same problem of academic achievement, showing how practitioners can contribute to alternative views of supporting English language learners’ success.

The Third Position Papers and Reflections Section brings two articles centering

on identity issues in language-minority individuals. The first one deals with young English language learners and their families, presented by Patrick H. Smith and Natalia Martínez-León, which is entitled “Educating for Bilingualism in Mexican Transnational Communities.” The second article is co-authored by Virginia Gonzalez and Carmen Mercado, and is entitled “Daring To Be: Identity, Healing, and Mentoring in Minority Scholars.” Together these two articles present a complementary vision of how ethnic minority individuals go through an important process of identity development, which is associated with their personal experiences of being bicultural and bilingual.

Thus, all nine articles bring a multidimensional vision to bilingual education,

from the complementary perspectives of basic, applied, and practical research. Together they help advance our knowledge base in the area of bilingual education.

Happy readings!

Virginia González and Josefina V. Tinajero Co-editors January 2003

Five Standards and Student Achievement

R. William Doherty, R. Soleste Hilberg, America Pinal, and Roland G. Tharp University of California, Santa Cruz

Abstract

Tharp and identified five teacfor improving learnfailure due to cultulearning through joon a common prodsecond standard isdevelop competencdisciplines throughis to contextualizecommunities. The activities requiringwith clear standardteach dialogically teacher and a sma

Winter 2003 • NABE

Two studies examine the influence of the Standards for Effective Pedagogy on student achievement gains. Participants were 15 teachers and 266 students (grades 3 to 5) in a public elementary school serving predominantly low-income Latino English Language Learners (ELLs). Study 1 found that higher use of the standards by teachers reliably predicted student achievement gains on SAT-9 tests of comprehension, reading, spelling, and vocabulary. Further analysis found teachers' use of the standards reliably predicted gains in English language achievement when English was the language of instruction. Study 2 found that achievement gains in comprehension, reading, spelling, and vocabulary were greatest for students whose teachers had transformed both their pedagogy and the organization of instructional activities as specified by the Standards for Effective Pedagogy model. These teachers used the standards extensively, both directly at the teacher center and indirectly through multiple, simultaneous, diversified learning activities. Implications for teaching practice and research are discussed.

Five Standards and Student Achievement

his colleagues (Tharp, Estrada, Dalton, & Yamauchi, 2000) have hing standards, the Standards for Effective Pedagogy, that are critical ing outcomes for all students, and especially those at risk of academic ral, linguistic, or economic factors. The first standard is to facilitate int productive activity in which teachers and students work together uct or goal and have opportunities to converse about their work. The to develop language and literacy across the curriculum; that is, e in the language and literacy of instruction and in the academic

extended reading, writing, and speaking activities. The third standard instruction in the experiences and skills of students' homes and fourth standard is teaching complex thinking through challenging

the application of content knowledge to achieve an academic goal, s and systematic feedback on performance. The fifth standard is to using planned, goal-directed instructional conversations between a ll group of students. This study reports on the relationship between

Journal of Research and Practice 1

teachers' use of these standards and students' language arts achievement gains in a school serving predominantly low-income Latino English Language Learners (ELLs).

Grounded in a sociocultural perspective of teaching and learning, the Standards for Effective Pedagogy (Five Standards) are the essential elements of the theory of teaching and learning first proposed by Tharp and Gallimore (1988) and later more fully elaborated by Tharp et al. (2000) in Teaching Transformed: Achieving Excellence, Fairness, Inclusion and Harmony (see also Tharp, 1994, 1997; Tharp, Dalton, & Yamauchi, 1994), but some clarifications are necessary here. First, these pedagogy standards are not intended to reflect the full spectrum of complex tasks that comprise teaching; rather, they represent guiding principles for instructional activities that promote active, effective student learning and that must be adapted to varying contexts and diverse student needs. Second, these standards do not stand in opposition to small-group direct instruction. Tharp and Gallimore used the terms direct and effective interchangeably in their report on reading comprehension in the Kamehameha Early Education Program (Tharp, 1982). Third, we do not propose these standards should be used to the exclusion of other strategies: In fact, our data suggests that teachers who use the standards at higher rates are more likely, not less, to use a variety of other effective teaching strategies (Doherty & Pinal, 2002). Finally, the terms transformed and untransformed are used here for the dual purposes of (a) denoting the pedagogy and classroom organization proposed by Tharp et al., and (b) differentiating teachers' use of these theoretically essential elements of effective teaching and learning. Transformed pedagogy denotes instruction based on the Five Standards; transformed organization denotes the use of multiple, simultaneous, diversified activity settings. No connotations outside this theoretical framework are intended.

The Five Standards are the result of three decades of research across cultural, linguistic, and economic contexts. This line of research began with the Kamehameha Elementary Education Program (KEEP), a program for at-risk K-3 Native Hawaiian students that operated from 1970 through 1988 with fidelity to its original self-description. Numerous publications have described that program (e.g., Au et al., 1986; Au & Jordan, 1981; Calkins et al., 1989; Tharp, 1982; Tharp et al., 1984). After reorganizing KEEP classrooms into peer-oriented small-group activity settings, students in the program evidenced significant improvement in reading achievement (Tharp, 1982) and higher rates of industriousness (Antill & Tharp, 1974), on-task behavior, and peer-directed cooperative behavior toward school-related goals (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Through many years of upscaling into fifteen multicultural public schools in Hawaii, evaluation results remained above non-KEEP programs’ academic achievement and these effects continued until the program was formally terminated in 1997 after expansion pressures and reduction of resources eroded fidelity to the initial model (Calkins et al., 1989; Gallimore, Tharp, Sloat, Klein, & Troy, 1982; Klein, 1988; Klein & Calkins, 1988; Tharp, 1982; Yap, Estes, & Nickel, 1988).

The KEEP model was extended into Rough Rock Elementary School (Navajo) in Arizona in 1984 (Jordan, 1995; Vogt, Jordan, & Tharp, 1992), and a program "naturalized" in the Navajo locale took root (Begay et al., 1995; Dick, Estell, & McCarty, 1994; Sells, 1994). Its operations are fully congruent with the pedagogy and organization proposed by Tharp et al. (2000), and literacy in both English and Navajo are significantly higher than in comparison groups.

NJRP, 1:1 Winter 2003 2

Key elements of the KEEP model and the Five Standards have also been extended to the schooling of American Indian groups from Alaska (Barnhardt, 1982; Blum, 1998, n.d.; Demmert, 1994, 2001; Lipka, 1986, 1990, 1994; Preston, 1991; Scollon, 1981; Swisher & Deyhle, 1987) to the American Southwest (Hilberg, Tharp, & DeGeest, 2000; Hilberg, Doherty, Epaloose, & Tharp, 2001; Jordan, 1995; Jordan, Tharp, & Vogt, 1985; Yamauchi & Tharp, 1995), and low income populations such as Latinos (Padron & Waxman, 1999; Waxman, Huang, Anderson, & Weinstein, 1997; Waxman & Huang, 1997; Waxman, Huang, & Padron, 1995) and Appalachians (McIntyre, Kyle, Hovda, & Stone, 1999; McIntyre, Rosebery, & Gonzalez, 2001; McIntyre & Stone, 1998).

The Standards for Effective Pedagogy and Student Outcomes

There is growing support for the theory of teaching and learning proposed by Tharp and his colleagues (2000). Consistent findings from correlational, quasi-experimental, and true experimental designs have documented a systematic relationship between use of the Five Standards and a broad range of affective, behavioral, and cognitive indicators of improved student performance.

In classrooms of largely Latino ELL students in which the Five Standards were used moderately or only slightly, students spent more time on-task, perceived greater cohesion in the classroom, and perceived themselves as better readers having less difficulty with their work than students in classrooms where the standards were not used at all (Padron & Waxman, 1999). Estrada (2000) found that teachers' use of the standards in literacy instruction was related to higher reading and language scores on the SABE for first graders, and SAT-9 language scores for fourth graders. Doherty and Pinal (2002) found that teachers' use of joint productive activity (JPA) during language arts instruction reliably predicted students' self-reported use of effective cognitive reading strategies, which in turn predicted achievement gains on standardized tests of comprehension. This study also found a direct relationship between teachers' use of JPA and student gains.

In a quasi-experimental design randomly assigning groups of eighth-grade American Indian students to either Transformed (Five Standards) or Traditional (Whole Class) mathematics instruction, Hilberg, Tharp and DeGeest (2000) found that students in the Transformed classes reported improved attitudes toward mathematics. They also evidenced more conceptual learning on tests at the end of the math unit and higher retention of unit content two weeks later.

In a series of true experimental designs, Saunders and Goldenberg (in press) found that students with varying levels of English proficiency taught using instructional conversation (IC) demonstrated greater understanding of story theme than students taught using direct instruction, although both groups demonstrated equivalent levels of literal comprehension. Students taught using both IC and contextualization showed significantly better reading comprehension and thematic understanding than students taught using either IC or contextualization separately (Saunders & Goldenberg, 1999).

3 Doherty et al / Five Standards and Student Achievement

Theoretical Bases for Effectiveness

The Five Standards are based on sociocultural tenets (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988) that learning occurs best when (a) teachers and students work together on a common task or goal and have opportunities to converse during collaboration, (b) instructional activities are meaningfully connected to students' prior experience and knowledge; and (c) instruction occurs within the learner's zone of proximal development (ZPD), defined by Vygotsky (1978) as " . . . the difference between the actual developmental level as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving under adult guidance or in collaboration with more capable peers." From this perspective, teaching is assisting student performance with the goal of increasing that which students can do unassisted by the teacher; learning represents improved performance, or movement through the ZPD toward increased competence and autonomy (Tharp et al., 2000; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988).

The effectiveness of the Five Standards in teaching and learning can also be explained by decades of research in cognitive science. Wittrock (1978) favored a focus on how teaching style influences learners' attention, motivation, and understanding, which in turn influence student performance, rather than on how teaching style directly influences student performance. Central to this discussion is how teachers' use of the Five Standards promotes student elaboration -- the process of forming associations between new information and prior knowledge (Dansereau, 1988; Wittrock, 1978, 1986).

One line of research in cognitive psychology has established that context influences both the encoding and retrieval of information from long-term memory (Baddeley, 1990). Context facilitates encoding by organizing new information in a meaningful manner (Dodd & White, 1980; Schvaneveldt & McDonald, 1981), and features of the context encoded with the new information serve as cues that facilitate recall by priming associated memory structures (Baddeley, 1990; Dansereau, 1988; Howes, 1990). Memory performance will be greatest when there is a good match between the context in which information is encoded and the context in which it is retrieved (Tulving, 1983; Tulving & Thompson, 1971). A second line of research has shown that new information encoded using elaborative strategies is better retained and retrieved than when encoding involves rehearsal (Howes, 1990). Although learning can result simply by maintaining new material in short-term memory (Kolors & Brison, 1984), elaboration is more effective than rehearsal because it directly transfers new information from short-term to long-term memory. A single elaboration may result in learning; a single rehearsal is unlikely to do so. A third line of research has shown that the extent and type of processing used to encode new information influences memory performance. Processing that focuses on conceptual features such as its meaning, personal and social relevance, or relationship to prior knowledge and experience facilitates encoding, storage, and recall of new information and produces more durable memory (Craik & Lockhart, 1972; Lockhart & Craik, 1990).

Integrating these three lines of research, learning may be defined as associating new information with prior knowledge (Baddeley, 1990; Lockhart & Craik, 1990). For learning to occur, relevant prior knowledge in long-term memory must be activated and the new information must undergo some form of processing. Processing that involves elaborative strategies focusing on conceptual characteristics of the new material improves


learning. Also, the richer the associations made between the new and the known, the more likely the new material will be retained and recalled (Baddeley, 1990; Lockhart & Craik, 1990). As Howes (1990) states, an extended body of elaborated, meaningful material is more easily encoded and retrieved than an extended body of unrelated elements.

A cognitive elaboration perspective of teaching and learning may serve to bridge the divisions between cognitive and sociocultural theorists. For example, Wittrock (1978) viewed learning from instruction as a generative process in which learners play an active, constructive role in forming associations between the new information and prior knowledge. From this point of view, effective instruction facilitates the learners' ability to construct meaning from experience, and the teachers' role is "to design different treatments for different students in different situations to actively induce mental elaborations that relate previous learning and schemata to stimuli" (p. 1). Tharp and Gallimore (1988) define teaching as assisting the performance of learners. Learning, then, is a collaborative process in which both teacher and learner play an active, constructive role. The teacher's role is to (a) design challenging learning activities that generate associations between the new information and students' prior knowledge from home, school, and community, and (b) to use the Five Standards to promote, guide, and sustain students' cognitive elaborations. For example, joint productive activities require sufficient elaboration of the new material to complete the task or achieve the goal of the learning activity. Contextualization makes new information more meaningful and, by activating students' prior knowledge, facilitates the forming of associations between the new and the known. Instructional conversations give the teacher a great deal of control over the extent and type of processing students use.

A highly abstracted Five Standards instructional model consists of a teacher and a small group of students having an instructional conversation while collaborating on a cognitively challenging activity contextualized in students' personal, social, or cultural knowledge and experience. Other students engage in multiple, diverse activities occurring simultaneously. The overarching goals of instruction are to foster complex thinking by all students, and language and literacy development in the language of instruction as well as in the content domains. The latter is especially important for diverse students and English Language Learners.

A more concrete example of this model can be drawn using instructional units developed in an American Indian school using the Five Standards to guide their reform efforts. An eighth-grade teacher team developed a thematic unit on current issues affecting the community. Tribal leaders were invited to speak to students at an assembly, after which teachers created subject area units related to the issues presented. In mathematics, students collaborated in small groups to generate and administer surveys on students' attitudes about school. The data from the surveys served as the basis for a unit on fractions, decimals, and percents. The survey results were later presented in multiple representations, such as pie charts, graphs, and frequency distributions, and used in student presentations and letters to the tribal council. This unit encouraged students to investigate the world around them, organize their thoughts and actions, and use mathematical concepts to communicate their ideas and knowledge. Mathematical principles that may have seemed of little practical value became tools for communicating personal concerns and influencing their world. In science, students focused on the issue


of local water quality. Collaborating in small groups with the teacher, they sampled local water sources, including water from fountains in the school and bottled water. By examining the water samples for their chemical content and pollutants, the periodic table, once simply a poster on their science classroom wall, became a lens for looking at their school, homes, community, and the world in an academically engaging and challenging way.

Contextualizing instruction by situating new information in meaningful contexts activates students' prior knowledge, making it more available for association with new information. This is, of course, in stark contrast to presenting new material in an atomistic, decontextualized, drill-like manner in which facts are presented in isolation. Contextualizing new information in students' everyday lives not only makes it more relevant and meaningful during encoding, linking schooled and everyday concepts makes the schooled concepts more readily retrieved in and pertinent to students' daily lives (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988).

Effective joint productive activities generate associations between the new and the known and provide a rich context for conceptual processing. For example, new information must be sufficiently elaborated to accomplish the task or achieve the goal of the learning activity. When both goals and feedback are present in an activity, self-evaluative mechanisms may generate elaborations such as planning (goal-setting and the allocation of resources prior to learning), information management strategies (organizing or summarizing), comprehension monitoring (assessment of one's learning or use of strategies), and evaluation (analyzing learning and strategies after the learning episode) to modify performance to greater accordance with the goals (Bandura & Cervone, 1983; Bandura & Schunk, 1981; Schraw & Sperling-Dennison, 1994). Joint productive activities also provide opportunities for the teacher to model his/her language, thinking, and problem-solving strategies. Modeling is widely acknowledged as one of the most powerful forms of teaching (Bandura, 1977, 1986), and its role in assisting the performance of learners has been discussed from a cognitive-behavioral perspective by Tharp and Gallimore (Gallimore & Tharp, 1995; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). The articulation of problem-solving strategies by a more experienced person increases learners' performance on subsequent attempts compared to non-modeled trial-and-error learning (Goncii & Rogoff, 1998). By observing others, one forms rules of behavior that subsequently serve as a guide for action and, because people can learn through modeling before they perform any behavior themselves, they are spared the costs of faulty effort (Bandura, 1986). Modeling requisite skills increases students' understanding of verbal and conceptual explanations, thus increasing the potential for learning (Yamauchi & Tharp, 1995). This may be especially useful for assisting English Language Learners who may not fully understand what is being said in the classroom.

Instructional conversations during joint productive activity can prime students' prior knowledge, making it more accessible for associations with new information, and thereby assisting the integration of new material into long-term memory. Instructional conversations are academic, goal-directed discussions between a teacher and a small group of students. The teacher's role is to facilitate the active construction of students' mental and verbal elaborations, listen attentively, and assess and assist student understanding (Wittrock, 1978). By questioning students on their views, judgments, and rationales, as well as their experience, attitudes, values, and beliefs in relation to


academic concepts, the teacher is able to activate a broad range of cognitive and affective content in long-term memory. The IC allows the teacher to extend students' cognitive and verbal elaborations, assist them in their association-making efforts, and regulate the type of processing (i.e., conceptual) students apply to the new information.

If teachers' use of the Five Standards influences student cognition, which in turn influences student learning, then a direct relationship between use of the standards and student performance would be expected. There is some research evidence of this relationship. Doherty and Pinal (2002) found that teachers' use of the Five Standards during language arts instruction for primarily Latino ELL students reliably predicted students' self-reported use of effective comprehension strategies, and students' self-reported use of effective comprehension strategies reliably predicted their achievement gains on standardized comprehension tests (SAT-9). Teachers' use of the standards also predicted gains in students' comprehension achievement directly. This study examined the relationship between teachers' use of the standards and student achievement across a broader range of learning measures. Our specific hypothesis was that higher implementation of the standards during language arts instruction, as indicated by ratings of teachers' use of the Five Standards, would predict greater achievement gains on end-of-year standardized tests of comprehension, language, reading, spelling, and vocabulary.

Method Participants

Participants were 15 teachers (2 men, 13 women) and 266 students (137 boys, 129 girls) in a public elementary school in Central California. Situated in a rural area, the school serves a community of predominantly low-income Hispanic families: 90% of students in the school are Hispanic, 78% receive free or reduced-price lunch, 68% are limited English proficient, and 38% are from migrant families. The school ranked in the second decile statewide on standardized test scores the previous year. Seven teachers in the sample taught third grade, and eight taught combined fourth- and fifth-grade classes. Teachers' years of experience ranged from 1 to 26 (M = 6.01, SD = 5.42). Of the students, 82 were in third grade (31%), 101 were in fourth grade (38%), and 83 were in fifth grade (31%). Measures The standards performance continuum (SPC).

The SPC (Doherty, Hilberg, Epaloose, & Tharp, 2002) is a five-point rubric measuring teachers' performance of the Five Standards. Levels of standards performance are: Not Observed – the standard is not present; Emerging – elements of the standard are implemented; Developing – the standard is partially implemented; Enacting – the standard is fully implemented; and Integrating – at least three standards are implemented simultaneously in a single instructional activity (all Enacting level ratings in the same activity then become Integrating). In addition to individual subscale scores (range = 0 –


4), each teacher receives a SPC Total score, found by summing across subscales. Inter-coder agreement for SPC Total scores in this study was .91 (Kendall's W). English language proficiency (ELP).

All students in the school district are rated as either English-speaking, Fully English Proficient, or Limited English Proficient. Due to a highly transient student population, 43% of students' ELP data were unavailable. Of the 151 students with ELP data 19% were English-speaking, 11% Fully English Proficient, and 70% Limited English Proficient. To serve the needs of students with varying levels of English proficiency, the school provides three modes of instruction: English Only (EO), Structured English Instruction (SEI), and Bilingual (BIL; 28%, 18%, and 54%, respectively). With 43% of ELP data missing, and a Spearman's rank-order correlation coefficient of .80 (150; p < .001) between ELP and mode of instruction, mode of instruction was used as the most reasonable indicator of students' English proficiency. Procedures SPC data were gathered through live observations over the course of one semester by a pair of trained observers. Two 45-minute observations of language arts instruction were made of each teacher. Observations were separated by approximately seven weeks.

Results

Study 1

The outcome measures in this study were six indicators of student achievement estimated by year-end SAT-9 subtest scores: Comprehension, Language, Reading, Spelling, Vocabulary, and Overall NCE, found by averaging across all subtests. To control for the tendency of scores to regress to the mean on repeated measures of parallel tests (Soar, 1978), estimated gain scores (EGS) were computed for each SAT-9 subtest. The EGS were found by subtracting students' predicted scores, based on their prior year's test performance, from observed scores on each subtest. The independent variables were teachers' years of K-12 teaching experience (Teacher Experience), students' grade level (Grade) and language proficiency (Mode), and teachers' SPC Total scores averaged across the two observations. Preliminary analyses found teachers' SPC Total scores ranged from 4.00 to 16.50 with a mean of 10.11 and standard deviation of 2.55. Nonparametric tests (Kruskal-Wallis) found differences in SPC Total scores in third-grade classes (M = 9.09, SD = 2.42) and combined fourth- and fifth-grade classes (M = 10.59, SD = 2.46) did not differ significantly, χ2(2) = 1.71 (p = .43); SPC Total scores did differ significantly between modes of instruction, χ2(2) = 57.14 (p < .001). Teachers in SEI classrooms had the highest SPC Total scores, followed by those in EO and Bilingual classes (Ms = 10.91, 10.08, and 9.81; SDs = .37, 1.43, and 3.33, respectively). SPC Total scores were negatively correlated with teachers' years of experience, r (14) = -.66 (p = .02). SPC subscale inter-correlations ranged from .15 to .82 (see Table 1).


Table 1 Inter-correlations of SAT-9 Subtests Variable Comprehension Language Reading Spelling Vocabular Overall

NCE Comprehension 1.00 Language .25* 1.00 Reading .69* .33* 1.00 Spelling .29* .29* .28* 1.00 Vocabulary .15* .32* .63* .25* 1.00 Overall NCE .65* .66* .82* .63* .69* 1.00 Note. * = p < .05.

SPC Total scores are ordinal data and not likely to be normally distributed

(Harwell & Gatti, 2001). Inspection of the scatterplot found that indeed SPC Total scores were positively skewed. A square root transformation was used to make the distribution more normal (Tabachnick & Fidell, 1989).

To estimate the contribution of SPC Total scores to the prediction of student achievement, --above that afforded by factors such as grade level, language ability, or teacher experience -- hierarchical regression analyses were run on each of the dependent variables. In the first step, Teacher Experience was entered in the model. In the second step, Grade and Mode were entered. Transformed SPC Total scores were entered in the final step. Table 2 presents the standardized regression coefficient (ß) and t-test of its significance for each variable at the step entered, and the multiple correlation coefficient (R), R2, degrees of freedom, and F statistic for each model tested.


Table 2 Hierarchical Analysis of SAT-9 Subtests Variable ß t R R2 df F Comprehension

Teacher Experience -.006 -.10* .01 .00 1, 264 *.010 Grade -.030 -.44* -- -- -- -- Mode -.134 -2.17* .14 .02 3, 262 1.660

SPC Total .223 2.45* .20 .04 4, 261 2.77* Language

Teacher Experience -.046 -.75* .05 .00 1, 264 *.570 Grade -.214 -3.12* -- -- -- -- Mode -.070 -1.14* .21 .04 3, 262 3.93*

SPC Total .050 .56* .21 .04 4, 261 3.02* Reading

Teacher Experience -.059 -.95* .06 .00 1, 264 *.910 Grade .054 .77* -- -- -- -- Mode -.099 -1.60* .12 .02 3, 262 1.340

SPC Total .258 2.85* .21 .05 4, 261 3.06* Spelling

Teacher Experience .069 1.13* .07 .01 1, 264 1.280 Grade -.008 -.11* -- -- -- -- Mode -.151 -2.47* .17 .03 3, 262 2.470

SPC Total .290 3.24* .26 .07 4, 261 4.54* Vocabulary

Teacher Experience -.001 -.01* .00 .00 1, 264 *.000 Grade .126 1.81* -- -- -- -- Mode -.045 -.73* .12 .01 3, 262 1.250

SPC Total .177 1.94* .17 .03 4, 261 1.890 Overall NCE

Teacher Experience -.010 -.16* .01 .00 1, 264 *.030 Grade -.025 -.36* -- -- -- -- Mode -.143 -2.32* .15 .02 3, 262 1.870

SPC Total .286 3.17* .24 .06 4, 261 3.97* Instruction in English Language

Teacher Experience .121 1.34* .12 .02 1, 120 1.800 Grade -.249 -2.53* .26 .07 2, 119 4.15*

SPC Total .208 2.29* .32 .11 3, 118 4.62* Vocabulary

Teacher Experience .114 1.25* .11 .01 1, 120 1.57* Grade -.012 -.12* .11 .01 2, 119 *.79*

SPC Total .243 2.61* .26 .07 3, 118 2.82* Instruction in Spanish Language

Teacher Experience -.069 -.82* .07 .01 1, 141 .68 Grade -.171 -1.75* .16 .03 2, 140 1.870

SPC Total -.136 -.87* .18 .03 3, 139 1.500 Vocabulary

Teacher Experience -.019 -.22* .02 .00 1, 141 .05 Grade .285 2.97* .24 .06 2, 140 4.43*

SPC Total .045 .29* .24 .06 3, 139 2.96* Note. * = p < .05.


Overall NCE After step 1, with Teacher Experience in the equation, R2 = .00, Finc (1, 264) =

.03, p = .87. After step 2, with Grade and Mode added to the equation, R2 = .02, Finc = (3, 262) = 1.87, p = .14. After step 3, with transformed SPC Total scores added to the equation, R2 = .06, Finc (4, 261) = 3.97, p = .004. The addition of transformed SPC Total scores resulted in a significant increase in R2 of .04 (p = .002) above the variance accounted for by Grade and Mode.

The effects of our independent variables on students' Overall NCE gain scores typified the pattern of effects on the Comprehension, Reading, Spelling, and Vocabulary gain scores. As shown in Table 2, Teacher Experience was not a reliable predictor of achievement gains on any test. Grade and Mode combined only accounted for a significant portion of variance on the Language gain scores. Even on Vocabulary gain scores, on which the final model was not significant, the t-test for transformed SPC Total scores was significant (p = .05).

We then repeated the preceding analyses using the untransformed SPC Total scores. The only result that differed significantly was for the Vocabulary subtest: although the standardized coefficient did not change, the p-value increased from .05 to .10.

The null and marginal effects of transformed SPC Total scores on the Language and Vocabulary subtests, respectively, were other than predicted and attenuate the contention that teachers' use of the standards fosters English language development by English Language Learners. It is possible that (a) the theory proposed by Tharp et al. (2000) is not valid, or that (b) the SPC does not validly predict student achievement. Another possibility is that the language of instruction is an intervening variable: the language of instruction differentially affects student performance on tests of English language and vocabulary achievement. To test the latter possibility, we removed Mode of Instruction from the model and collapsed this three-level categorical variable (English Only, Structured English Instruction, and Bilingual) into a dichotomous variable: Instruction in English vs. Instruction in Spanish. Although some instruction occurred in English in the latter category, both teacher and student talk were primarily in Spanish. We then ran hierarchical regression models containing Teacher Experience, Grade, and the transformed SPC Total scores on the Language and Vocabulary subtests separately for Instruction in English and Instruction in Spanish. The results of these analyses (presented in the lower portion of Table 2) show that, for students instructed in English, SPC Total scores reliably predicted their achievement gains in both Language and Vocabulary. The proportion of variance accounted for by SPC Total scores, above that accounted for by Teacher Experience and Grade, in both tests was significant: an additional 4% for Language and 5% for Vocabulary. Conversely, for students taught primarily in Spanish, teachers' use of the standards was unrelated to their performance on tests that measure English language and vocabulary achievement.


Study 2

This study examined the influence on student learning of both the pedagogy and organization proposed by Tharp et al. (2000). The transformed organizational model consists of multiple, simultaneous, diversified activity settings organized around inter-related learning tasks. Tharp et al. define activity settings as the organizational structures “in which children engage, and the language and problem solving that accompany them" (p. 46). A constant feature in this model is the teacher center, "Center One," to which small, homogeneous groups of students regularly rotate, enabling the teacher to more responsively assess and assist students’ language and literacy development, contextualize new information, and establish and maintain appropriately challenging instruction. Students not with the teacher are engaged in meaningful learning activities in heterogeneous groupings. This organization is held as a necessary condition for supporting the full implementation of the proposed pedagogy. For example, neither joint productive activity nor instructional conversation --the features fundamental to this model -- can be fully implemented in a whole-class setting.

Multiple, diversified learning activities based on the Five Standards that generate connections between new information and students' prior knowledge should provide multiple, differentiated modes of elaborating new information and, consequently, improve learning (Wittrock, 1978). Conceptualizing pedagogy and organization as two dimensions ranging from "untransformed" to "transformed" might be useful for capturing differential effects on student learning associated with variations in pedagogy and organization. This approach produced the following 2 x 2 taxonomy of transformed teaching:

Untransformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy (UO/UP)

At this level, teachers employ whole-class organization and use of the standards is limited.

Untransformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy (UO/TP) Teachers employ whole-class organization and use the standards as extensively as this organization allows.

Transformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy (TO/UP) Teachers use simultaneous, multiple, diversified activity settings, but use of the standards is limited.

Transformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy (TO/TP) Teachers use simultaneous, multiple, diversified activity settings and use of the standards is extensive.

The hypotheses tested in this study were: (1) the proposed taxonomy could be

mathematically derived from quantitative data on pedagogy and organization, and (2) student achievement gains would be greater for students whose teachers had transformed both their pedagogy and organization than for students whose teachers had not similarly transformed their teaching.


Method Procedure and Measures

The data for Studies 1 and 2 were gathered concurrently from the same sample by two trained observers. While one observer used the SPC to assess implementation of the standards following the procedures reported in Study 1, the second observer used the SPC MAP, a modified version of the SPC, to separately assess (a) teachers' direct use of the standards at Center One, and (b) teachers' indirect use of the standards at each activity setting observed.

Prior to scoring with the SPC MAP, a quick assessment must be made of each activity setting in terms of its generativity (i.e., the degree to which the activity promotes conceptual processing). For example, activities that generate extended reading, writing, or discourse related to academic topics are ranked higher than activity settings relying on rehearsal (e.g., worksheets) or that generate perceptual processing of information (e.g., listening to recorded books), and activities that are recreational or social (e.g., games, puzzles, or free play). Although useful in promoting socioemotional, language, and cognitive development, these activity settings are ranked lowest. Unplanned, non-academic, transitory activity settings spontaneously formed by students are neither ranked nor scored. When the initial ranking is completed, scoring begins with Center One and proceeds through the activity settings in descending rank order. This scoring procedure is used to produce a data set denoting activity settings of decreasing generativity for subsequent statistical analysis to identify groups of teachers similar in their pedagogy and organization. After initial ratings are made, all activity settings are monitored for the remainder of the observation period, and scores are modified as necessary.

Results

To test our first hypothesis that taxonomy of transformed teaching could be generated representing the four variations of pedagogy and organization, the scores for each of the five standards at each activity setting were summed to form new variables. With one teacher using nine activity settings in one observation, nine variables were created (AS1 through AS9) to form a rectangular matrix for cluster analysis. If a teacher had only one activity setting during the observation, AS2 through AS9 were all zero; if a teacher had two activity settings, AS3 through AS9 were zero, and so forth. The rank data were then converted to distances, and a four-cluster solution was specified in hierarchical cluster analysis using Ward's method (metric = squared Euclidean distance). Table 3 presents the means for all activity settings for each cluster of teachers. Although the number of activity settings and their corresponding means were less than ideal, the solution provided a reasonable approximation of the proposed taxonomy.


Table 3 Activity Setting (AS) Means for Four- and Three-cluster Solutions AS1 AS2 AS3 AS4 AS5 Teacher Group

M SD M SD M SD M SD M SD

Four Clusters UO/UP1 6.40 0.89 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 UO/TP2 10.40 2.17 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 TO/UP3 7.00 3.26 5.18 1.78 3.18 1.83 2.54 2.66 1.27 1.85 TO/TP4 11.00 3.08 8.80 1.79 7.60 2.30 1.80 1.48 0.80 1.79 Three Clusters UO/TP 9.07 2.66 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 TO/UP 6.22 3.07 4.66 1.50 3.89 1.05 3.11 2.62 1.56 1.94 TO/TP 10.63 2.45 8.38 1.51 6.00 4.17 2.00 2.45 1.63 3.29 Note. 1Untransformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy; 2Untransformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy; 3Transformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy; 2Transformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy.

To test our second hypothesis, cluster membership was converted into a four-level categorical variable (Teacher Group) representing the categories of the taxonomy. Teacher Group was then entered as the independent variable into a multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) with Teacher Experience as the covariate. The five SAT-9 subtest gain scores constructed in Study 1 were the dependent variables. Because Overall NCE was a linear combination of the five subtest scores, it was not entered into the multivariate model, but was tested in subsequent univariate analyses of covariance (ANCOVA), controlling for Teacher Experience. Fisher's F ratios for all multivariate tests are based on Wilks' lambda, and effect sizes are reported as eta squared (η2). Simple contrasts were specified a priori in all tests, with the TO/TP condition as the reference group in mean comparisons with the other conditions. An alpha level of .05 was used for all statistical tests.

This model produced a significant multivariate effect for Teacher Group, F(15, 709) = 2.17, p = .006 (η2 = .04), but Teacher Experience had no reliable effect. As shown in the upper portion of Table 4, students in the TO/TP condition showed the greatest gains on all subtests and Overall NCE. Significant univariate effects for Teacher Group were found for Comprehension, F(3, 261) = 4.15, p = .007 (η2 = .05); Reading, F(3, 261) = 5.94, p = .001 (η2 = .06); Spelling, F(3, 261) = 3.63, p = .01 (η2 = .04); Vocabulary, F(3, 261) = 3.31, p = .02 (η2 = .04); and Overall NCE, F(3, 261) = 6.53, p < .000 (η2 = .07). The univariate effect for Language was not significant, F(3, 261) = 1.93, p = .12 (η2

= .02). The a priori simple contrasts indicated achievement gains in the TO/TP condition were greater than in all other conditions on all tests except Vocabulary, for which the comparison with UO/UP was not significant (p = .58).


Tabl

e 4

Teac

her G

roup

Mea

ns o

n SA

T-9

Subt

ests

and

Ove

rall

Achi

evem

ent

Teac

her G

roup

C

ompr

ehen

sion

La

ngua

ge

Rea

ding

Sp

ellin

g V

ocab

ular

y O

vera

ll N

CE

Four

Clu

ster

s TN

1 SN

2 M

SE

M

SE

M

SE

M

SE

M

SE

M

SE

UO

/UP3

407

7-1

.34a

1.25

.

41b

1.60

.52a

1.27

-.03

a1.

552.

43b

1.56

.

35a

.98

UO

/TP4

305

7-1

.43a

.98

-1.0

1a1.

25-2

.21a

1.00

-1.1

2a1.

22-1

.51a

1.22

-1.4

6a.7

9

TO/U

P56

093

0.54

a1.

070-

.96a

1.37

-.0

7a1.

10-1

.41a

1.34

-1.8

6a1.

35 -.

75a

.85

TO/T

P62

039

4.23

b1.

513.

72b

1.93

4.66

b1.

54 5

.86b

1.88

3.72

b1.

89 4

.45b

1.19

Thre

e C

lust

ers

UO

/TP

202

9 -1

.51a

.77

-.52

b .

99

-1.2

2a .

79

-.8

3b.9

70

.74b

.98

-.

77a

0.62

TO/U

P9

150

-.64

b1.

74-1

.12b

2.24

-2.5

3b1.

79-1

.11b

2.18

-3.5

2b2.

21-1

.79a

1.39

TO/T

P4

087

2.7

8b1.

01 1

.42b

1.30

3.0

4b1.

04 2

.13b

1.27

1.4

3b1.

28 1

.92b

.80

Not

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umbe

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Figure 1. Achievement gains by students of teachers in the Untransformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy (UO/TP), Transformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy (TO/TP), and Transformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy (TO/TP) groups.

Although these effects provide evidence that students' achievement gains were

greatest when both pedagogy and organization were transformed, a closer inspection of the data revealed that the TO/TP condition contained only students in the English Only mode of instruction. Thus, this solution permitted no interpretation of the influence of the proposed instructional model on students with limited English proficiency. To address this limitation, SPC MAP data were hierarchically clustered with a three-cluster solution specified. As shown in the lower portion of Table 3, a reasonable approximation of the three highest levels of the proposed taxonomy emerged. With the Untransformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy group now absorbed into the three new clusters, all activity setting means decreased. Two teachers from the Bilingual classes, however, entered the TO/TP cluster.

To make a direct comparison of gains between students with higher and lower English proficiency, a 2 x 3 MANCOVA model was constructed using the two-level Mode of Instruction variable (Instruction in English vs. Instruction in Spanish) and Teacher Group as independent variables, with Teacher Experience as the covariate. Comprehension, Language, Reading, Spelling, and Vocabulary gains scores were the dependent variables. Overall NCE gain scores were analyzed separately in a 2 x 3 ANCOVA. This model found a significant multivariate effect for Teacher Group, F(5, 256) = 2.11, p = .02 (η2 = .04). The effects for Teacher Experience, Mode of Instruction, and the interaction term were not reliable. While scores in the TO/TP condition were highest in all comparisons (see Figure 1 and the lower portion of Table 4), the only


significant univariate effects for Teacher Group were for Comprehension, F(2, 260) = 5.68, p = .004 (η2 = .04); Reading, F(2, 260) = 5.28, p = .006 (η2 = .04); and Overall NCE, F(2. 260) = 4.44, p = .01 (η2 = .03). The effect for Spelling was marginal, F(2, 260) = 2.20, p = .11 (η2 = .02). Although differences in gains were greatest between the TO/TP and TO/UP conditions for Reading and Overall NCE, simple contrasts found only the differences in gains between the TO/TP and UO/TP conditions significant on all three comparisons. This effect was likely due to the smaller standard error resulting from having only two teachers in the UO/TP group. As shown in Table 5, the main effect of Teacher Group and the non-significant interaction term indicated that, regardless of English proficiency, students in the TO/TP condition showed greater gains in comprehension and reading, and less declines overall than students whose teachers had not transformed both their pedagogy and organization.

Table 5 Teacher Group Means and Standard Deviations for Achievement Gains in English-

Only and Bilingual Classes Variable Comprehension Reading Overall NCE

High ELP1 Low ELP2 High ELP Low ELP High ELP Low ELP Teacher Group

M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE M SE

UO/TP2 -0.45 1.03 -2.56 1.15 -0.39 1.32 -1.01 1.47 -.51 0.81 -1.10 0.91

TO/UP3 -- -- -.64 1.75 -- -- -1.12 2.24 -- -- -1.79 1.38

TO/TP4 4.30 1.50 1.26 1.35 3.72 1.93 .87 1.74 4.45 1.19 -.13 1.07

Note. 1English Language Proficiency. 2Untransformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy. 3

Transformed Organization/Untransformed Pedagogy. 4Transformed Organization/Transformed Pedagogy. Only main effects for Teacher Group were significant. See Table 4 for mean comparisons.

Discussion

The two studies reported here examined the relationships between pedagogy, classroom organization, and achievement gains of predominantly low-income Latino students with varying levels of English proficiency. Study 1 examined the influence of teachers' use of the Standards for Effective Pedagogy during language arts instruction on gains in student achievement. Study 2 examined the relationship between the pedagogy and classroom organization proposed by Tharp et al. (2000) and student achievement gains. After determining a meaningful four-level taxonomy of transformed teaching, the achievement gains of students whose teachers had transformed both their pedagogy and organization were compared with students whose teachers had not similarly transformed their teaching.

The findings of Study 1 indicate a consistent, positive, and significant relationship between teachers' use of the Five Standards and students' performance on year-end standardized tests (SAT-9). After accounting for the effects of teachers' years of experience and students' grade level and English proficiency, higher SPC Total scores predicted greater achievement gains than would be predicted by students' SAT-9 scores


from the previous year. This relationship was found for overall achievement gains as well for the comprehension, reading, spelling, and vocabulary SAT-9 subtests. There was no effect on the language subtest, and the relationship was only marginally significant for vocabulary. Further analysis found that teachers' use of the standards when English was the language of instruction reliably predicted English language and vocabulary achievement, whereas, as might be predicted, in classes where instruction was in Spanish, teachers' use of the standards was unrelated to student gains in English language and vocabulary.

The results of Study 1 may have important implications for improving the educational outcomes of all students, and especially for ELL students. Emphasizing the use of the Five Standards can help teachers design instructional activities that are meaningfully connected to students' everyday lives and that foster complex thinking. Instruction that generates extended writing and academic discourse is critical if students are to master the language of instruction and the content areas. Finally, the teacher's use of instructional conversations during joint productive activity provides rich opportunities to assess and assist student performance at that point where assistance is most needed.

These findings should not be construed as support for providing instruction only in English for all English Language Learners. With no outcome measures of Spanish language and vocabulary achievement for this sample, the relationship between teachers' use of the standards and students' Spanish vocabulary and language development when Spanish is the language of instruction remains a question for further study.

Study 2 found that teachers' use of the Five Standards and their use of multiple, simultaneous, diversified activity settings had a significant effect on their students' achievement gains. Students whose teachers had transformed both their pedagogy and classroom organization had significantly greater overall achievement gains, as well as greater gains in comprehension, reading, spelling, and vocabulary than students whose teachers had not similarly transformed their teaching. No meaningful differences in student achievement gains were found between the three conditions in which either, or neither, pedagogy or organization was transformed. Further analysis using a three-cluster solution for grouping teachers found instruction using the transformed pedagogy and organization more effective for all students, regardless of their English proficiency. For example, students in Bilingual classes whose teachers had transformed their teaching showed greater overall achievement gains, and greater gains in comprehension and reading in particular, than students whose teachers had not transformed their teaching.

Study 2 may also have important implications for practice. Using the Five Standards to transform a classroom produces fundamental changes that spread the benefits of the standards throughout the classroom. Rows of students working in quiet isolation becomes a classroom in which small groups of students are engaged in meaningful activities accompanied by mutual assistance and rich discourse. As important, this organization allows the teacher to engage a small group of students in cognitively complex joint productive activity and to converse about the task as they work. As Gallimore and Tharp (1995) wrote, the language that accompanies joint productive activity is the major vehicle for the development of the higher cognitive processes necessary for reading comprehension. The proximity of the teacher also provides substantially more opportunities for assisting students' language use, inarguably critical for the language development of ELL students.



At first glance, the findings of Studies 1 and 2 may appear contradictory. Study 1 found teachers' use of the Five Standards predicted achievement gains. Study 2 found that, for all practical purposes, transformed pedagogy alone was not more effective than untransformed pedagogy. The simple explanation in this study is that the four teachers in the three-cluster solution who used the standards more effectively, both directly and indirectly, contributed substantially to the predictive validity of SPC scores. A more complex explanation rests in how the SPC and the SPC MAP differ: the SPC assesses pedagogy and organization combined and indicates how intensively the standards are used; the SPC MAP assesses pedagogy and organization uniquely, and indicates how intensively and extensively the standards are used. The findings here suggest that transforming pedagogy is necessary for improving the achievement of ELL students, but it alone is not sufficient. Both pedagogy and organization must be transformed to maximize the effectiveness of the Standards for Effective Pedagogy.

Any implications for practice based on these two studies can only be offered tentatively. These were correlational studies of the relationship between teachers' use of the standards, classroom organization, and student achievement gains. Although student performance from the prior year was used to control for individual differences contributing to gains, this changes neither the design of the study nor the inferences that can be made based on the findings. If cognitivist assertions that new information must be sufficiently processed to be learned are sound, then the findings suggest that teaching transformed as proposed may be an effective instructional model for promoting the elaboration of instructional content which, in turn, may improve learning. These findings do not offer a simple solution to a complex problem. In fact, the complexity of the solution offered by Tharp et al. (2000) matches the complexity of the problem. In order for these standards to be used effectively, teachers will have to re-envision their teaching practices. The classroom environment necessary to reform education is fundamentally different from what most teachers experienced as students, and for teachers to be successful in taking on new roles and changing practices that have withstood decades of reform efforts, they will need a new articulation of the role of the teacher and clear standards for transforming their teaching. Likewise, principals and district administrators must re-envision their roles to that of assisting teachers in their efforts to improve their practice (Tharp et al., 2000; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988).

Such a transformation of American classrooms may not be feasible. Many argue that the creation of a pedagogical system that reliably creates the setting events that in turn produce language and cognitive development is impractical. In this view, the ponderous bureaucracies, institutional inertias, and limitations on the competence of schools make such a vision impossible to realize. The evidence available suggests otherwise. In a long-term demonstration of scalability, the Kamehameha Early Education Program (KEEP) operated a statewide system of such classrooms in public schools throughout the Hawaiian Islands for more than 20 years (Calkins et al., 1989; Jordan et al., 1985; Klein, 1988; Yap et al., 1988).

This paper has offered primarily a cognitive explanation for the influence of the Five Standards on student learning. The focus on the links between teaching, extended cognitive and verbal elaborations, and learning represents a fundamental congruence between cognitive perspectives on learning and sociocultural theories of crucial processes in effective pedagogy. For example, Hart & Risley (1995; 1999) have recently


demonstrated conclusively that sheer quantity of elaborated verbal exchanges between caregiver and young children from birth to three years predicts school success and measured IQ on entry into school and extending into the elementary school years. From this perspective, the Standards for Effective Pedagogy constitute an effective instructional design to provide the classroom settings that maximize elaborated verbal exchanges during shared meaningful activities with more knowledgeable participants.

Thus, both cognitive and sociocultural theories provide compatible explanations of the findings of this study, and predictive hypotheses for future work. Our laboratories are currently planning true-experimental designs to replicate the findings in this study and further test the efficacy of the Standards for Effective Pedagogy model, as well as preparing for scaling up to a variety of linguistic and cultural communities.

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Endnote

This work was supported under the Education Research and Development Program, PR/Award No. R306A60001, the Center for Research on Education, Diversity & Excellence (CREDE), as administered by the Office of Educational Research and Improvement (OERI), National Institute on the Education of At-Risk Students (NIEARS), US Department of Education (USDOE). The contents, findings and opinions expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the positions or policies of OERI, NIEARS, or the USDOE.

Training Teachers of English Language Learners through Instructional Conversations: A Metalogue

Abie L. Quiñones-Benitez University of Connecticut

Abstract Although the Instructional Conversation (IC) has been successfully utilized to teach English language learners (ELLs) and at-risk students, the literature fails to locate studies of the IC as a professional development tool for middle school mainstream and bilingual teachers. The study examined the IC as a socioculturally based professional development tool and how it encouraged knowledge construction as it was assisted through dynamic participation among mainstream and bilingual teachers of ELLs across grade level. The study found that the IC could be instrumental in training teachers to comprehend theoretical constructs, use new pedagogical and instructional strategies, and to promote reflection on practice for teachers. The data also revealed that the IC could be an effective pedagogical tool in the middle school and that bilingual and mainstream teachers of ELLs have similar training, professional development, and policy needs.

Professional development today also means providing occasions for teachers

to reflect critically on their practice and to fashion new knowledge and beliefs

about content, pedagogy, and learners (Darling-Hammond & McLaughlin, 1995, p. 597).

Introduction

The tremendous growth of ELLs in the nation’s schools has increased the need for teacher development in understanding linguistic processes (National Center for Educational Statistics, 1997; Waggoner, 1999). A comparison of school enrollment in the nation shows that from 1989 to 2000 general school enrollment grew by 13.6%. In contrast, when growth in school enrollment is analyzed only for ELLs the rate of growth is 104.3 % (Office of Bilingual Education and Minority Languages Affairs, 2000). More than ever before ELLs sit in the nation's regular classroom (Ladson-Billings, 1999). This increase creates a wider gap between teacher training and the skills needed to teach across the nation (Riley, 2000). This constant increase of ELLs and culturally diverse students ought to change how educators view the school environment. And most of all,

Winter 2003 • NABE Journal of Research and Practice 26

their own professional development, they must acquire new skills and change their pedagogical approach now and in the years to come (Tharp, 1999).

ELLs’ possibilities to succeed academically depend upon teachers' knowledge of effective pedagogy. This includes how ELLs learn academics and develop proficiency in English as a second language, and how they engender positive changes in their learning and self-efficacy (Cummins & Wong Fillmore, 2000; Krashen, 2000; Echevarria, Short &Vogt, 1999). Current research states that in most classrooms lecture and teacher-centered instruction are still the norm (Gottlieb, 1999; Valdes, 1999). For ELLs this method does not provide many opportunities for second language development, which requires a great deal of teacher-student and student-student interaction (Faltis, 1999; Merino, 1999). Although, research-based instructional practices can improve student learning, this can only happen if teachers acquire, produce, test, and implement new knowledge (Ball & Cohen, 1999; Lampert & Ball, 1999; Shulman, 1999). Hence, mainstream and bilingual program teachers must be afforded the opportunities for knowledge construction assisted through dynamic participation across grade level (Echevarria & McDonough, 1993; Tharp & Gallimore, 1991).

Consequently, the challenges facing professional development in education go beyond time and space constraints. New requirements on educators, a more diverse and demanding student body, and a commitment to educate all children, must be met with authentic activities that enhance learning (Darling-Hammond, Berry, Haselkorn, & Fideler, 1999; Kennedy, 1999). In addition, professional development efforts need to take into account that teachers are adult learners who are self-directing, bring prior learning, display distinctive learning styles, and pass through different developmental stages (Corcoran, 1995; Lockwood & Secada, 1999).

Current studies suggest a need to focus training for teachers of ELLs on how second language learning takes place, where it can take place, and hence a change in the ways learning, and teaching are perceived (Datnow, Hubbard, & Mehan, 1998). To transfer research into practice, teachers need to be exposed to professional development opportunities that promote reflection. Furthermore, they should foster collaboration with a focus on problem setting and problem solving (Joyce & Showers, 1995). Collaboration incorporates formative feedback which is used to modify and improve on ideas and practices in transition (Romero, 1990). As such, it gives the teacher opportunity to converse with colleagues in order to clarify rather than judge. Sharing and providing feedback empowers the receiver and fosters introspective and creative problem solving (Milk, Mercado, & Sapiens, 1992).

Therefore, the purpose of this study was to use qualitative methods such as observations, interviews, focus groups, and document analysis to examine how teachers perceive the IC as a tool for professional development. In addition, the intent was to investigate the perception of teachers of the IC as a pedagogical strategy in the classroom. This study takes into consideration the specific professional development needs of middle school mainstream and bilingual teachers in regards to effective teaching practices with ELLs. Finally, conclusions were reached on the IC as an effective practice in implementing professional development programs for teachers.

27 Quiñones / Training teachers through instructional conversations

Statement of the Problem

The ELL student population is increasing and the need to provide them with quality and appropriate schooling becomes an imperative (National Center for Educational Statistics, 1998). Despite efforts to improve the quality of the teaching force to meet ELLs’ academic and linguistic needs, the problem of professional development persists (Riley, 2000). Although a number of professional development programs have been suggested as a means to train teachers to teach ELLs more effectively, many teachers continue to rely heavily on a transmission model of knowledge in their classroom (Tharp, 1994). Furthermore, most classroom teachers receive no special advanced training in the areas of second language teaching methodology, cross-cultural issues, and approaches to teach academic content to ELLs (Ballenger, 1999).

Teaching ELLs requires sophisticated instructional strategies for drawing connections between students' experiences and ambitious curriculum ideas (Darling-Hammond & McLaughlin, 1999). According to Tharp (1999), the most important aspect of professional development for teachers of ELLs is learning how to use the second language in instructional settings so that students learn content while developing receptive and production functions in that language. The IC is a social interactive tool that promotes both planned teaching and interactive responsive conversation. A gap in the literature exists with respect to IC as a tool for the professional development of teachers of ELLs (Rueda, 1998). Therefore, the IC was examined in this study as a tool in the professional development of both mainstream and bilingual middle school teachers.

Background

Professional Development

Contemporary professional development practices in the teaching of ELLs are described as shallow, fragmented, and lacking continuity. Joyce and Showers (1995) emphasized the importance of reflection and discussion in professional development practices. Moving away from the one-shot training session and the presenter-centered format. Indeed training that focuses on the process by which teachers acquire knowledge, skills, and attitudes necessary to be effective in the ELL classroom (Villegas, 1991). Any effort designed to promote growth for teachers should be interactive, job-embedded and context-sensitive in order to be most effective (Ferguson, 2000).

Professional development is a challenging dilemma, needing resolution if school reform efforts are to succeed (Scribner, 1999). August and Pease-Alvarez (1996) suggest that for school improvement to succeed stakeholders (e.g., teachers, administrators) need to play a key role in the improvement of instructional practice. In addition, teachers are more productive when they are close to students and their work (Temple Adger & Clair, 1999).


Learning

Research has demonstrated that students learn best when new ideas are connected to previous knowledge and experience and when they are actively engaged in applying and testing their knowledge on real world problems (Darling-Hammond, 1998). Researchers on learning processes in social contexts, like schooling or professional development, explain how interaction impacts cognition. According to Shotter (1997), the learning process involves self and others in an exchange of ideas to deepen individual understanding. Vygotsky (1986) contends that learning is a sociocultural practice and that language gives and receives meaning from social activity. In other words, thought develops from undergoing changes produced by interactions. Hence, thoughts exist through words, their understanding, and meaning. Dialogue allows for individuals to negotiate and share meaning and make connections in a dynamic interaction that promotes growth.

Didactic Interaction

Vygotsky's theory assumes that cognitive development arises as a result of social interactions between individuals (Lightbown & Spada, 1999). Furthermore, he considers learning a dynamic social process in which dialogue between novices and experts leads to the development of higher cognitive levels (Goldenberg, 1991). These interactions promote the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD). The ZPD is the distance between the actual developmental level as determined by individual problem solving and the level of potential development as determined through problem solving in collaboration with more capable peers (Brisk, 1998). The ZPD is the level of performance at which a learner is capable when there is support from interaction with a more advanced individual. Teaching at the ZPD requires activities that include the use of speech and visual representations such as modeling, contingency management, and feedback. Intersubjectivity

Tharp and Gallimore (1991) used Vygotsky's theoretical framework to pose that dialogue and dialogic thinking are critical forms of assisted learning. Accordingly, they propose the IC as a medium for weaving ideas continually and rousing the mind to life (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Moreover, the IC has been proposed as one of five standards for effective pedagogy in multicultural settings (Tharp, 1998). The Center for Research on Education, Diversity, and Excellence (CREDE) has synthesized the work of many researchers working to improve education for students placed at risk of failure due to poverty, limited English proficiency, and race, among other factors (Tharp, 1999). According to Rueda (1998), the five standards can also be applied to professional development. He contends, however, that "adults and children learn differently. Adults may be more aware of their learning so that they monitor and self-regulate their own learning better” (p.1). Nevertheless, he asserts that “the principles that describe effective teaching and learning for students in classrooms should not differ from those for adults in general and teachers in particular” (ibid.).

The conversational aspects of the IC provide the hook that facilitates the connection of formal schooled knowledge to practice knowledge, providing opportunities for responsive assistance in the ongoing interaction among participants (Rueda, 1998).


Thus, the IC engages participants in a balanced interaction with an instructional intent (Dalton, 1998; Dalton & Sison, 1995; Echevarria & McDonough, 1993).

The contention of this study is that professional development efforts that utilize the IC can effectively facilitate the learning of instructional strategies to teach ELLs (Tharp, Estrada, Stoll Dalton, & Yamauchi, 2000). Thus, this study examined the IC as a tool for professional development with both mainstream and bilingual middle school teachers.

The Model

Socioconstructivism contends that learning occurs when meaning is created from the interactions present in the reality of the learner. When building a metalogue for teaching the phenomenon of context is deeply related to the phenomenon of meaning. This study proposed to utilize the IC as the context of the interaction. In addition, IC was the topic that generated the interaction. Thus, the IC was the phenomenon of context and meaning. Articulating a particular method disappeared, so that the method became the phenomenon under study, as it is in metalogues, and therefore it became part of the abstractions needed to construct meaning.

This study's pedagogical metalogue is based on the Constructivist premise that social experiences are part of constructing meaning for learning. Moreover, the professional development approach utilized in this study supports the Socioconstructivistic premise that learning must be structured around "big ideas" and not around fragmented smaller parts. Using the IC for professional development that promoted the utilization of the IC in the classroom generated a series of lenses. Firstly, one level of analysis one looked at the interactions among individuals; and secondly, another level of analysis looked at the interactions of new concepts with prior concepts. The findings evidenced that intersubjectivity, or thought processes generated by the interactions among the participants, promoted individual active learning.

Thus, the IC metalogue examined in this study includes acquiring new knowledge on learning, pedagogy, and content through study, collaboration, demonstration, and practice. This ambitious goal can be achieved because ICs promote interaction, didactic dialogue, and dialogic learning which breakdown isolation among educational practitioners enhancing participants' professional development. In accordance with what Rogoff suggests, this model for professional development allows for learners to take part in learning on multiple planes but all are intertwined and necessary for learning to happen. Rogoff (1990) proposed that interaction and conversation could serve as apprenticeship for cognitive development. In addition, Rogoff (1995) suggested that sociocultural activity could be analyzed on three planes: participatory appropriation, guided participation, and apprenticeship that are part of a whole; sort of as the organs of the body that have individual functions yet one can't function without the other in the context of the whole organism.

The following model illustrates how ICs could impact professional development. This is a visual representation of the model that resulted from the interactions among the participants in this study. The circles represent motion in multiple directions, which


allows for an exchange of ideas and promotes learning. The triangle represents the effectiveness that acquiring new knowledge could bring about for educational practitioners.

Figure 1 Visual Representation of the Model Figure 1. Professional development using ICs for teachers of ELLs.

Study Collaboration

Demonstration Practice

Demonstration Practice

Breakdown Isolation

Interaction

Learning

Pedagogy Content

Didactic Dialogic Dialogue Learning

New Knowledge

Note. The components inside the square contribute to new knowledge and are necessary for effective instructional practice. Teachers need to constantly build their knowledge about learning, pedagogy, and content. As per the new professional development paradigm in education, the components inside the inner circle have been identified as critical components to integrate new concepts or strategies into practice. The components of the outer circle are the elements of IC and its impact on new practice for teachers of ELLs.


Method

The purpose of this study was to examine the IC as a highly interactive professional development and instructional tool. This study was conducted using ethnographic techniques such as: document analysis, participant observation, semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and ranking and pile sorting. The rationale for selection of techniques was based on the need to capture the insider's or “emic” point of view (Lincoln & Guba, 2000). The basic premise of this approach is that it is possible to identify and describe a specific stock of knowledge in the participant's mind that is shared with other participants and that guide their behaviors in the specific context under consideration (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000). Participants’ performance in this study was defined as their ability to identify the elements of the IC and to implement them in their classroom. The training topic and the medium for training were the IC. The researcher and the participants engaged in a series of professional development activities using the IC. Finally, to ensure trustworthiness a team of two peer-reviewers lead the rating of the videotape of each training and classroom IC session.

Research Questions

1. What are the characteristics of the IC as a professional development tool for middle school teachers of ELLs? a) How do teachers perceive the IC as a tool for their own professional

development? b) How do they perceive the IC scale as a tool for self-evaluation? c) What IC training objectives can teachers define for themselves?

2. What are the characteristics of the Instructional Conversation as a pedagogical and instructional tool for middle school students?

a) How do teachers use the IC in the classroom?

3. What guidelines for professional development and instruction can be profiled using the IC?

4. What theoretical model emerges that represents the findings of the study? Instrument

The IC rating scale developed by Rueda, Goldenberg, and Gallimore (1992) was used in this study to determine the elements of the IC present in the planning and delivery of each training session and classroom lesson. This rating scale has been designed for teachers, researchers, and other educators to estimate the extent to which a given lesson approximates an IC. It is based on the neo-Vygotskian teaching approach, which poses that it is necessary to provide an interface between emergent scholarly concepts and every-day concepts (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). The reliability of the total score is .98. The scale appears to reflect changes in lessons as they become more like IC. Participants

The participants of this study were nine teachers purposively selected from a pool of 80 teachers servicing 890 students enrolled at Clearview Middle School in southern


New England. The teachers were both bilingual and mainstream, and both administratively assigned and self-selected. All mainstream and bilingual classes include ELLs. The levels of professional development of the teachers in terms of years of service and credentials ranged from bachelors degree newly certified to sixth year degree experienced personnel. However all teachers were identified by the district and the state as in need of skills to teach ELLs. Procedures

Participant anonymity and confidentiality was ensured through the assignment of pseudonyms by which each teacher was identified and referred to throughout the study. Before beginning the study the researcher: (1) sent a letter to the city’s Board of Education asking for permission to conduct the research. After the Board’s authorization, the researcher: (1) sent the principal of the school an explanatory letter about the study, (2) sent participants/teachers an explanatory letter about the study together with a consent form of participation and a self addressed stamped envelope, (3) sent an authorization letter to the parents of the students participating. The consent form allowed for the signatures of each participant and the school principal. The authorization letter allowed for the signature of the parents of the students participating. The researcher met with the principal and the participants with the purpose of: (1) clarifying any concerns, (2) answer any questions about the study, (3) checking on the status of the consent form, and (4) scheduling an interview. Teacher and student participation started once this process was completed.

Nine teachers were trained in the IC strategy for teaching. The training topic and the medium for training will be IC. The researcher and the participants engaged in ICs developed by the researcher to present theoretical background on the IC as an instructional tool. The role of the researcher was that of participant observer. In order to maintain considerable distance, the researcher acted in such manner that participants engaged in their tasks as usual, and the researcher remained detached from the learning culture (Erlandson, Harris, Skipper, & Allen, 1993). To accomplish this role, the researcher acted as a staff developer for effective teaching practices in the school. The participants in the study received training to introduce them to the IC and to train them to use it in their classroom based on the professional development sequence proposed by Joyce and Showers (1988). They proposed four conditions that must be part of any staff development effort: study theoretical basis, demonstrations, practice, and observe implementation with another educator. The first six sessions of training were conducted with the following topics: (1) activity settings (socio-cultural learning in the classroom), (2) assisted learning and scaffolding (theoretical background for IC), (3) discourse and learning (the instructional conversations), (4) the elements of the Instructional Conversation (the IC rating scale), (5) and (6) two sessions for practice of the IC with feedback from training peers and the researcher. The training sessions were held during school twice a week for four weeks. Each training session lasted approximately two hours. As part of the training session there were 15 minutes of reflection. In the final two sessions, each participant implemented a fifteen-minute IC on the topic of their choice using their peers in the training cadre as learners. After completing these six sessions, all participants developed and implemented the IC in their classroom, the researcher provided support in the planing and delivery of the classroom IC and


videotaped each classroom lesson, and a team of peer reviewers rated each lesson. The rating session consisted of viewing the videotape and rating the elements of IC present in the lesson. Upon the completion of the training and classrooms IC, all participants were engaged in a focus group.

Data Collection

The process of collecting data included videotaping and transcription of IC training sessions. In addition, interviews were utilized to account for the participants’ voice about the training process (Spradley, 1979). After each training session four participants were randomly selected for semi-structured interviews. All interviews were audio taped, and later transcribed. The researcher introduced a specific request for information by means of free listing to elicit the participants’ construction of the domain under study. The participants were asked to list the helpful and unhelpful training experiences with the IC, they were also asked to rank each experience from the most helpful to the least helpful. In order to assess similarities a pile sorting activity based on the categories or groupings was the outcome of this process (Weller & Kimball Romney, 1988). A team of two peer-reviewers was asked to lead the rating of the videotape of each training session after all sessions are completed. After all rating sessions were completed a focus group was conducted to account for the participants point of view of the training and its impact on the implementation of the IC in the classroom. The focus group was audio taped and later transcribed. The researcher introduced an open-ended question to promote inter-subjectivity among the participants and the researcher. Data Analysis

A conceptual framework for this study was developed in three strands: research provided by Tharp and Gallimore (1988) on ICs as didactic conversations; a conceptual framework for professional development using the consensus building model explained by Hawley and Valli (1999); and, the dialogic learning from the work of Bakhtin (Moraes, 1996) and Vygotsky (1962). All three strands of the conceptual framework were utilized in the analysis of the data. The researcher videotaped the training on IC and the subsequent teacher demonstration sessions. A team of two other researchers rated the teacher training sessions on IC that used ICs as a learning strategy. They also analyzed the demonstration sessions. Both types of sessions were transcribed and analyzed on the bases of the elements of IC present.

The data of this study were analyzed and discussed in terms of the elements of the IC as training and teaching tool. The literature identifies ten elements of the IC: a challenging but non-threatening atmosphere, responsiveness to student contributions, promotion of discussion, connected discourse, general participation, including self-selected turns, thematic focus, activation and use of background knowledge and relevant schemata, direct teaching, promotion of more complex language and expression, promotion of bases for statements or positions (Echevarria & McDonough, 1993). In order to facilitate data analysis, an observational tool constructed to indicate elements of IC present in didactic conversations was utilized (Rueda, Goldenberg, & Gallimore,


1992). The resulting IC training session data were used to determine the characteristics of the IC in the planing and delivery of professional development efforts. The IC rating scale data provided an estimate of the extent to which the session approximated an IC. The data of this study was analyzed using the IC scale by focusing on the elements present and the participants' report of their perceptions of these elements. The data resulting from the interviews and focus group interview provided insights about how participants engaged in IC and their perceptions of this interactive approach. The constructs that were found in this study could help make a contribution to the broader knowledge base on professional development and IC.

Research question 1 and 2 were answered by analyzing the data collected in the interviews, students' essays and the IC rating scale. The researcher conducted the IC analysis by identifying and describing each of the IC elements present in the training sessions and in the classroom. The IC rating scale provided results indicating how evident was the presence of the characteristics of IC in the training sessions and in the classroom and the extent to which each session approximated an IC. The data in this study were analyzed both, using the IC rating scale and the participants' report of their perceptions of these elements. The interviews provided an indication of the participants' (teachers') perspective on IC as a professional development tool and as a pedagogical tool.

Research question 3 was answered by observing the videotapes to identify the components of IC training for teachers of ELLs. The resulting IC training session data were used to determine the characteristics of the IC in the planing and delivery of professional development efforts. The emerging characteristics of the IC resulting from the participants and trainer (researcher) interactions during the IC training session were transcribed with the purpose of identifying the IC curriculum and structure of the sessions. The videotapes provided the researcher with a data bank that helped to answer the research question.

Research question 4 was answered by analyzing the data obtained in the interviews and focus group. The data resulting from the interviews and focus group interview provided insights about how participants engage in IC and their perceptions of this interactive approach. The data gathered was coded, standardized, and tabulated. The transcribed and coded data provided the foundation for analyzing emerging patterns of the interactions between participants and the trainer (researcher).

A constant comparative method was used to reduce and group the data into categories to answer all research questions. The data of this study were analyzed by identifying and comparing emerging categories from all data sources and by organizing the data in shared emerging themes (Erlandson, Harris, Skipper, & Allen, 1993). This allowed the researcher to describe the categories of thought characteristic of this setting (Lincoln & Guba, 2000).


Results

Three training sessions were offered to the teachers. Due to the participants’ conflicting schedules before and after school, the sessions were offered during the school day. Coverage was provided by the administration while teachers were pulled out of the classroom. Each session lasted about two and half-hours including both, the training and the focus group discussion on how the session was perceived by the participants. The researcher provided the training and the topic for training was the IC. The researcher used IC as a training methodology. Two ICs with theoretical thematic focus were part of the first session of training (activity settings and the zone of proximal development). In session two, after viewing the videotape of the first training session, two ICs with a thematic focus on the ten features of the ICs previously mentioned, were explored. Finally, several ICs enacted by the participants with their peers were part of the third session. Furthermore, the researcher observed enacted ICs by the teachers in their respective classrooms and randomly assigned participants for interviewing, and pile sorting. An interview protocol was developed and utilized by the researcher for each individual interview. In the pile sort task the participants classify items in categories according to their own criteria (Weller & Kimball Romney, 1988). For the pile sorting activity, words were selected from a free listing of words that describe professional development.

This training session thematic focus was on activity settings and it took place in a large community room in the public library adjacent to the school. This was the first session, the room was very big, and the participants could not hear each other very well. In the beginning, teachers seemed overwhelmed with the activity. The new concepts required shifts in their understanding of prior learned vocabulary now used in a different context. In addition, their role as active learners required a shift of their expectations for professional development and their role as participants.

The following excerpt depicts the interaction of the researcher (R) and Valdi (V), one of the participants. This particular portion of the first training IC illustrates how participants were hesitant to engage in discussion and the need for the participant to raise issues of constraints when exposed to new pedagogy.

V: An activity setting is … if I walk in the gym, there should be physical education going

on … in general. R: In general, right. V: But then, I see throwing hoops, bouncing the ball. Then that's basketball. If I walk into

a room with microscopes, I assume that the set activity taking place is science. R: In general. V: But I'm not sure as to what I'm reading. I read this twice as we were talking. As a

journalistic device? … I mean a setting for me is a place, I have to turn this around. A setting for an activity. (Others are agreeing but do not contribute to the discussion; the trainer reiterates and clarifies the importance of the journalistic device {who, what, where, and why} in enacting activity settings).

V: Then I want to add how and how many children you are teaching. I don't know about others but I have 28 kids and it's hard to teach that many children.


Participants seemed reluctant to participate at first. But as the researcher elicited background knowledge by making allusions to their home experiences with their own children, they started to engage in conversation. Yet, the interaction was mostly with the researcher asking all of the questions. These teachers were familiar and seem comfortable with teacher-centered instructional approaches. Therefore, they were attuned to professional development that used that approach. Perhaps it was too soon in their work with the researcher for them to break out of the old paradigm and into the new “consensus building” model.

The second training session focuses on the importance of finding teachable moments with each individual student and how theory and the practice convey these differences. The Vygotskian concept of the zone of proximal development (ZPD) was explored and discussed by the group. In addition, the group discussion allowed for clarification of the implications of the ZPD in instruction.

Each participant was given time to read a summary of how Vygotsky explained the zone of proximal development. In addition, a visual graphic was shared with the group prior to the discussion. Figure 2 is a representation of the graphic. ______________________________________________________________________ Figure 2. The ZPD (a visual scaffold).

Learner's Learner's

Ability - solo ability w assistance ______________________________________________________________________ Note. As the learner continues to develop the ZPD moves forward, it is in constant movement. Therefore, the teacher needs to plan always ahead of the levels present.

This subsequent portion is a representation of the conversation between the

researcher and Guppy (G) during the second IC. Following the excerpt, in figure 3, an illustration of G's conceptual understanding of the ZPD is depicted. This portion was selected to demonstrate how the IC could help promote learners' hypotheses about new knowledge and practice.


R: So, how do you see that in the classroom? Can you explain? G: (Referring to the visual on Figure 1). This is what we can do independently. Right?…They can reach up to here and then with the assistance of someone else, or with the leading, or by Socratic methods,…They can achieve this more. This is how I see it in the classroom. (Figure 2 has a representation of Guppy's visual). R: This is good. It kind of make sense (body language was reassuring) G: So individually a child can achieve up to … a certain point, … because of the developmental stage that the child is in, or … because of the limited previous knowledge that they have … So they can only achieve to this point. Now, by using Socratic methods … or strategies to work in groups that benefit that child, whatever, he can achieve that extra. It's like a power boost; you know what I mean? They get that extra more that they usually could not achieve on their own. R:Exactly. G: It says here that we have to teach for both of them. You cannot see what he/she can do by him/her self (referring to the learner). But they are not always going to have someone to help them. But at the same time you can stretch their limits. The higher the standard that you set, hopefully, the higher they reach up.

___________________________________________________________________ Figure 3. A graphic representation of Guppy's classroom ZPD sketch.

Figure 3. In the item depicted the up arrow callout represents the students and the black square portion represents their ZPD. Note. According to G's conceptual hypothesis of the ZPD. Each child has a different level and the teacher must be aware, so that one teacher may have to respond to 27 different levels and developmental potentials.


In this segment the researcher introduced a text and a visual to prompt discussion, creating a ZPD that enabled participants to converse about a highly complex concept that was new to them. The dialogue generated a challenging but not threatening environment that promoted the participants' reflection on the new concept and gave them bases to formulate hypotheses. Moreover, the discussion elicited one of the participants to create a visual representation of the ZPDs in the classroom.

In addition, direct teaching was limited to the needs of the participants and the researcher relied on the background knowledge of the participants to grasp this concept. Although this was a highly complex psychological construct, the researcher relied on the participants' knowledge of developmental psychology, learning processes, and pedagogical techniques. It was helpful that the researcher had a background in psychology so that prompts and questions could be inserted to keep the explication of the background knowledge on track.

The purpose of this training session was to facilitate the participants understanding of the IC. First, the participants were provided with a detailed description of the ten features of ICs. A sample of the information presented to the participants is provided in Table1. ________________________________________________________________________

Table 1. Detailed Description of the Features of the IC (Rueda, Goldenberg, & Gallimore, 1992).

Conversational Elements 1. A challenging but non-threatening atmosphere (ZPD). The teacher creates a challenging atmosphere that is balanced by a positive affective climate where students feel comfortable. The teacher is more a collaborator than evaluator challenging students and allowing them to negotiate and construct the meaning of the text. 2. Responsivity to student contributions. While maintaining an initial plan, focus, and coherence of the discussion, the teacher is also responsive to students' statements and the opportunities they provide. Students' contributions are acknowledged and utilized as opportunities to add to the weave of co-construction of text. 3. Promotion of discussion. The majority of the discussion should focus on questions and answers that are not conclusive, and therefore promote deeper thinking. The IC requires a teacher to pose some factual question to establish a basic understanding of a text. 4. Connected discourse. The discussion is characterized by multiple, interactive, connected turns; building upon succeeding and extended previous utterances. Important to an Instructional Conversation is the web of interactive conversation that is developed by the contributions of both the teacher and students. 5. General participation, including self-selected turns. The teacher does not determine who and when individuals should speak, thus the conversation takes a much more natural character. Each student is encouraged to participate in the IC through the use of various teacher driven methods, but at the same time the students are allowed to speak at will.

Instructional Elements 6. Thematic focus. The teacher selects a theme or idea which serves as a starting point for the discussion. The teacher has a plan on how the theme will unfold, including how to "chunk" the text to enhance exploration of the text. 7. Activation and use of background knowledge and revenant schemata. The teacher "hooks into" or provides students with pertinent background knowledge important in


understanding a text. Background knowledge is then woven into the discussion that follows. 8. Direct teaching. Direct teaching is employed to clarify a specific skill or concept essential for the flow of discussion to continue. The teacher must know when to move a discussion forward by directly teaching a concept that may be necessary for students to continue the discussion. 9. Promotion of more complex language and expression. The teacher elicits more extended student contributions by using a variety of techniques, such as restatements, pausing, or questioning to elicit student participation. 10. Promotion of bases for statements, hypothesis, and conclusions. The teacher promotes the students’ use of text, pictures, and reasoning to support an opinion or argument. Teacher probes for the bases of students' statements without overwhelming students.

________________________________________________________________________ Following the discussion of the reading material, the participants viewed a video

of ICs of the previous training sessions in order to identify the features of the IC present in those sessions. Utilizing the description of each of the ten features of the IC the participants identified those present in the previously enacted ICs.

The process of the session was explained and the purpose of using the video of the ICs generated by their interactions was discussed. In addition, the participants received a glossary that explained some of the terminology utilized in the study, a diagram of the features of the IC.

There were indications that although the atmosphere continued to be challenging, the scaffolding (written and visual materials) created a non-threatening atmosphere. General participation continued to be a concern, yet, all but one of the participants, in one way or another made contributions to the discussion. The following excerpt was chosen to demonstrate the increase involvement of the participants. The letters preceding the statements identify the participants in the sessions were the researcher (R), Kristen (K), Lauren (La), Lucy (Lu), and Queen M. (QM).

R: What does responsivity to student talk means to you? QM: Whatever contribution they give … Whatever they say. Their background. R: You are making those connections with the people who are engaged in the conversation. Lu: You take what they know and you work it in to what you are trying to do that day and enhance

which they may have said (referring to student' background knowledge). R: It's kind of related to connected discourse. La: It's valuing their responses. R: Yes, it's important that the responses are taken into consideration. K: So what you do … I mean the trick here is when somebody is responding way off, you don't

want to tell them that they are wrong. Because…because…You don't want them not to speak again. One thing you could do. You record what they say. Like when they are predicting about a story … And then after reading…Then go back and … That way nobody is alienated. So we analyze, so you have to be careful there too … What students say … Some are sensitive.

R: You may shut them down. I read an article on Socratic teaching that said: "that if you don't choose your words carefully you may, shut them down."

K: But this is almost like eliminating … To eliminate total control, which is the fear of teachers. You really have to have excellent control … Because you have to be able to get that class to where you want it to go. When you're discussing, everybody should feel comfortable and not have fear to contribute to the discussion. And you can't criticize. (Silence, as if looking for


more.) You can disagree, but not use words like … stupid, things like that. So everyone feels that what they have to say is worthwhile.

The thematic focus of the final researcher facilitated IC was on how to evaluate an

IC. In this training session the participants were willing to take risks and they were more familiar with the IC format of the training sessions. In addition, at this point in the training, the participants' background knowledge had been enhanced by the previous sessions on theoretical background. Both peer reviewers agreed that all of the features of IC were present. Accordingly, the researcher was able to reduce the interventions while the participants were exchanging ideas among each other and with the researcher. The conversation features were clearly present. Questions posed by the researcher as well as the responsivity to participants talk promoted discussion. The participants' contributions were frequent.

This session was designed to prepare the participants for the practice session. The researcher and the participants reviewed the IC rating scale and how it would be utilized in evaluating the enactment of ICs in the classroom. In the beginning the participants were reluctant to consider the concept of practicing the strategy with their peers before they practice with their students. As the discussion progressed the cadre supported each other in the process of preparing for practice by giving each other ideas and selecting partners who would help them in the planning.

Evaluation may be a risky subject to discuss in urban education. Many evaluations tend to demean the efforts of teachers and offer little or no support. The fact that they had evaluated the researcher and that the scale served as a rubric for preparation ameliorated any concern the participants had about being evaluated. The next portion of the fourth training IC was selected to demonstrate how the participants in this session, Lauren (La), Lucy (Lu), Queen M. (QM), were able to interact among each other without the researcher (R) as the target for response.

R: It may take you twenty minutes but if what you want is ten … Then shoot for that. QM: Well … then if that is what you want do it in ten minutes. Lu: You could do your story. La: That's what I'm going to do. But I'm not going to do the whole story just the beginning part of

the story: building background knowledge, vocabulary… QM: Lauren, remember when we went to that workshop. The before, during, and after reading. I

could do one of those three. La: Yes!

Clearly the rapport developed to the point that this cadre was now sharing opinions and consulting with each other about the essentials of classroom enactment. In this cadre both bilingual and mainstream teachers shared a common goal: to teach ELLs academic content necessary for them to succeed. No longer were the barriers of grade level, different programs, years of service obstacles to collaborating for effective enactment.


The Practice

After the completion of the training ICs facilitated by the researcher, the participants planned and enacted their own ICs. The practice ICs were devised by each participant and the rest of the cadre and the researcher posed as students. With the help of two peer reviewers and for the purpose of this study, the researcher selected two of the practice ICs for analysis. Lauren, a veteran teacher and in the mainstream fifth grade; and Dancing T, a teacher with less than ten years experience and in the bilingual program sixth grade. Both, participants were able to engage the group. Yet, Lauren the more experienced teacher was able to maneuver expertly as to approximate the activity more to an IC enactment. The Interviews

The interviews revealed that teachers' perceptions of the IC as a tool for training and for instruction are twofold. Their perceptions include positive and negative themes. Next, Table 1 shows the emerging themes found by the researcher while analyzing the data collected in the interviews. The themes were organized in two columns: positive and negative statements according to the context explored in this study and in relation to the participants perceptions of the pedagogical strategy under study. ________________________________________________________________________ Table 2. Emerging themes of teachers perceptions of the IC Positive Negative Small groups It's not for everyone It's a two way (give and take) It took longer It clarified for the new comers Hard Not leave them behind Learn to work together Kids more open It's going to take a lot of experimenting with it More engaged Not sure it will help I learn more from my peers Not enough ________________________________________________________________________

It appears that participants had mix feelings about this new strategy. On one hand, they saw the benefits of small grouping and interactions in that context, but on the other hand, they wonder if it would be effective with all students. It is not unusual for teachers to voice this type of concerns due to the constant influx of new ideas and strategies in education (Loucks-Horsley, Hewson, Love, & Stiles, 1998). Guskey and Huberman (1995) stressed the need for teachers to understand general pedagogical knowledge, subject-matter knowledge, and pedagogical content knowledge in order to integrate new strategies into their own practice. This strategy required that the participants expanded their knowledge about pedagogical practice end learning theory. Furthermore, the interviews revealed that teachers agreed in that the IC due to its dialogic and didactic elements could address learning. Thus, the participants' professional development was impacted at the same time that they were involved in staff development through a deepen understanding of their practice.


The Focus Group

The focus group sessions revealed, just as the interviews did, that teachers' perception of training is twofold. First, teachers verbalized their frustration for their lack of control over the atmosphere in their classroom, lack of participation in curriculum development, and lack of participation in decision making about assessment and instruction. Second, teachers had serious concerns about the demands placed on them by the district's goals and their students' levels of performance. Yet, other themes were relevant and may impact how ICs can contribute in teacher development. Participants reported that staff development efforts currently available were not always related to professional development, were not always relevant to their needs as staff members, did not take into consideration the demographics of inner city New England, and were not relevant to students needs. Finally, they all agreed that professional development efforts were more readily available today than in the past and were more effective, yet, they considered the efforts still insufficient.

In terms of the IC as a training tool they all agreed that they understood better due to their own input. In addition, they reported that the interactions with their peers helped them understand the concepts and the possibilities for implementation in the classroom. Classroom Observations

All of the teachers observed demonstrated an understanding of the strategy, some greater than others. One of the teachers requested further demonstration with their students in the classroom. The researcher conducted an IC lesson with the students in the classroom and the teacher observed and participated. The next day the teacher conducted the ICs demonstrating clear understanding of the strategy. For the purpose of this study, the researcher, with the help of two peer reviewers, selected two of the classroom ICs to analyze. Both teachers were veteran fifth grade teachers who taught ELLs, one in the mainstream and one in the bilingual program.

Finally, both the teachers chosen for discussion were able to demonstrate pedagogical maneuvering. In other words, they knew how to take advantage of opportunities for teaching existent in the dialogues with the students. In addition, these participants were able to assert their understanding of the IC as an effective pedagogical strategy. Emerging themes: Pile Sorting and Interviews

A pile sorting activity was designed to answer this question. The Clear View Middle School teachers in this study were given a free listing activity. About twenty teachers contributed words that created a list of vocabulary related to professional development. Three teachers were given piles of words and were instructed to make piles of related words, assigning a category to each pile. In addition, an analysis of emerging themes present in the teachers interviewed is included in this section.

The emerging themes presented in pile sorting and the interviews revealed that teachers want to be viewed as professionals who are valued by others. In addition, it is important for teachers to keep up to date and be creative. In general, teachers would like


to emerge from within and be empowered as capable professionals to create and be able to help students.

Classroom management was an important issue for teachers including being creative and innovative. It is evident that teachers value good planning, organization, management, time, and technology. Furthermore, implementation and collegiality are seen as important components for classroom management as well as behavior.

Staff development was described as important, necessary, and useful. On the other hand, efforts for staff development could be unproductive. Yet, good staff development could be enlightening and applicable. It could enhance professional growth. In addition, it could promote gathering of new ideas, new practices, techniques, and clarification.

Teachers verbalized negative aspects in education especially those related to policies and politics. An emerging theme that was critical for ELLs was the lack of training for ESL support and the evident omission of the students' first language. Mandated staff development, instruction, and assessment was seen as worthless, impractical, insulting, and inconvenient. It was reported that one-shot staff development was still the practice and not the exception. In general, test-driven initiatives were viewed as insufficient.

Main Findings and Conclusions

Given that the IC was used for the first time as a staff development tool, the following findings and conclusions are tentative until replicative studies indicate otherwise. The IC (1) seems to provide a methodology for professional development that connects theory with practice, (2) can be used by a trainer in professional development settings may serve to demonstrate how effective the strategy (IC) itself is for learning new information or techniques, (3) can be a medium for reflection about current practices and its improvement, and (4) could be the context for apprenticeship in that it promotes new concepts to become part of the repertoire of classroom strategies used by practitioners.

Educational Implications

The findings of this study are consistent with aspects of dialogic learning, social constructivism, social cognitive theory, and inquiry-based professional development. As a tool for professional development, ICs:

1. can provide the type of interaction that can help break barriers that promote isolation among teachers and among different programs;

2. indicate that inquiry-based professional development that encourages more teacher contribution enhances teacher implementation of a new strategy;


3. when used as a metalogue, seem to provide metacognitive opportunities that allow participants to achieve a deeper understanding of a new approach;

4. to be effective professional development, should consider providing opportunities for teachers to utilize their prior knowledge in learning new concepts;

5. indicate the need to introduce relevant literature as a scaffold that supports the discussion in learning concepts for enhancing practice; and

6. can be effective in promoting teacher development in inner city schools by providing a tremendous opportunity for interaction and collegiality.

Significance of the Study and Further Research

The findings of this research provided additional insight into the relative importance of ICs in teacher development efforts. The study examined the emic point of view of professional development for teachers utilizing ICs as a medium for training on IC. The data gathered from this study would help to provide a knowledge based from which professional development programs for teachers of ELLs in general can be reconceptualized (Gonzalez & Darling-Hammond, 1997). More practically, it will be potentially useful as a foundation for the design and development of instructional methodologies and programs aimed at improving the communicative and academic competence of ELL students (Ovando & Collier, 1998). Moreover, the constructs found in this study would help make a contribution to the broader knowledge base on professional development and teaching via the IC. Therefore, the results of this study would: (a) add to the existing knowledge base about professional development and teaching ELLs, (b) improve professional development practices with middle school teachers; and (c) provide useful information for planning and organizing professional development programs.

In order to examine the effects of ICs in teacher development for new practice and new knowledge, it would be beneficial to compare approaches to professional development with and without IC. It is suggested to consider training provided to two groups of teachers; one with ICs and one with a presenter-centered approach. Interviews and focus group data can provide information on the perception of the two groups. In addition, observation can provide information about how each group implements the strategy and if there is any difference. It would also be beneficial to conduct such a study using both qualitative and quantitative data. Replication of the study may include using a pre-and-post design in order to counteract the observational design.

In addition, further research is required of the effects of teacher training with IC in the academic and linguistic development of ELLs in the middle school classroom. One aspect to consider is the effect of ICs on ELLs' affective domain. Can this strategy promote motivation, improve attitudes, lower anxiety? Another aspect that may be explored is the role of IC in the school such as teachers practicing ICs in school reform. Finally, it may be beneficial to examine the ICs as a pedagogical tool and its impact on learning.

In sum, the results of this study seem to support the use of ICs as a means for professional development for teachers of ELLs in the middle school. To further the


confidence in the model for staff development suggested by the results, more research is suggested.

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Personal and Professional Success in a Bilingual

Teacher Training Project

Karen A. Carrier Northern Illinois University

James A Cohen

Arizona State University

Abstract

This paper describes the factors that helped students succeed in a minority bilingual teacher training project. Using a qualitative research design, focus group interviews were conducted and the data analyzed for recurring themes. Results showed that structural factors such as centralized advising, caring staff and cohorts, and ancillary factors such as an increase in self-esteem helped students succeed. A theoretical framework can be constructed from the findings of this and similar studies that will help in the design, evaluation, and research of minority teacher training projects. Replication of this research model is recommended in future investigations of teacher training projects.

This paper reports on the results from focus group interviews of female Hispanic students’ perspectives about the factors that contributed to their retention and success in Project ESCALERA, a bilingual teacher training project. In 1997, Project ESCALERA was awarded a Title III (former Title VII) grant to recruit and train bilingual teachers and teacher aides from the adult and largely Hispanic immigrant population in Elgin, Illinois. As a combined effort of two community colleges and two state universities, spearheaded by Elgin Community College, Project ESCALERA was extremely successful in meeting its goals. During the five years of the project, 36 students (or scholars1 as they were called by everyone in the project) obtained bachelor’s or master’s degrees in education, 45 obtained full standard teacher certifications, 37 completed course work leading to the Illinois state approval for teaching in a bilingual or ESL program, and 26 obtained Illinois teacher-aide certification and/or an associate’s degree. By the end of this five-year project, 213 of the students had met 181 separate educational goals.

A number of reviews throughout the five years of the grant identified different factors that contributed to the success of this bilingual teacher training project, from the administrators’ and reviewers’ points of view. However, it was important to identify the factors that led to successful goal achievement or continuation in the project from the perspective of the students, because, ultimately, it is the students who determine the success or failure of a teacher training project by the decisions they make to remain or leave the project. Knowing what these factors are will assist project designers, grant


directors, and grant agencies in designing, funding, and conducting teacher training projects that will successfully produce the minority bilingual teachers who are so urgently needed in our nation’s schools.

In this article, we first review the relevant literature on minority teacher training programs in general and then bilingual teacher education programs in particular, and the factors that have led to success or insights in these programs. We then discuss the research method and the results of the study, comparing the factors that students in Project ESCALERA credit with their personal and professional success to factors that have been reported in other minority teacher training projects. Finally, we offer implications for current and future teacher training programs, implications for a theoretical framework, and suggestions for future research.

Literature Review

In 1990-91, Garcia and Baptiste asked the question that many other educators and

administrators continue to ask: What is the magnitude of the shortage of minority teachers? At that time, they noted that "College enrollment of minorities has declined steadily in the last ten years, but for those in teacher education, the trend is even worse" (p. 14). In 1994, Diaz-Rico and Smith pointed out that the need for bilingual teachers (who are often minorities) was also a concern. They noted that "the nation needs between 100,000 and 200,000 bilingual teachers, depending on the estimate of students with limited English proficiency and the desired student-teacher ratio" (p. 1). Unfortunately, the pool of Hispanic high school students who could fill an important niche in bilingual teacher education programs is diminished by the high dropout rate (currently 44.2%) of Hispanic2 students (NCES, 2002). These statistics point to the importance of determining what factors strengthen minority bilingual teacher training projects in ways that provide the students with every opportunity to complete their educational program successfully.

A number of minority teacher training programs have been created in an attempt to rectify not only the shortage but the imbalance in the demographics of the available teacher candidate pool. Researchers have highlighted a number of factors that have consistently appeared across programs that have been successful in producing minority teachers (e.g., Becket, 1998; Gonzalez, 1997; Yopp, Yopp, & Taylor, 1992). They have suggested that these factors are likely to increase the pool of minority teachers and are positive predictors of successful teacher training experiences for the minority students within these programs. For example, Diaz-Rico and Smith (1994) commented on the successful Minority Teacher Recruitment Project in Jefferson County, Kentucky in which the local school district and local university cooperated in the project design. The university’s role was to (a) assist minority students in planning their course of study, (b) offer courses at times that are convenient for students with family obligations and daytime job responsibilities, (c) provide financial aid, (d) encourage supportive faculty participation in career fairs, and (e) collaborate with students on projects and research. Another example of a successful minority teacher training project is Lamar University’s partnership with the Beaumont (Texas) Independent School District on a recruitment


strategy for training minority teachers. This project included three phases: (a) early identification of teacher candidates in high school, (b) a teacher education induction to create connections and networks of support for the students, and (c) an evaluation of the project (Cooper & McCabe, 1988). Cooper and McCabe point out that the teacher education induction program was necessary to reduce the potential for social isolation and lack of a peer group which many minority students experience at college and which can eventually cause them to abandon their goals.

As informative as these studies are, we still need to hear the voices and experiences of the students in these programs and the reasons why they remain in or leave these programs. Knowing what factors students identify with their positive educational experience can help project and program directors design and conduct minority teacher education programs that successfully produce trained teachers for our nation’s schools.

Gonzalez (1997) added a significant body of knowledge to what we know about students’ experiences in minority teacher training projects with his large study of six minority teacher training projects in three different regions of the US. In his interviews with students across these programs, he found that students echoed common themes across these programs about what helped them remain and be successful. These factors included (a) programs that offered services beyond the typical tutoring or financial aid (e.g., tutorials to develop learning skills and time management); (b) mentors who cared about minority students’ well-being and success; (c) a caring and nurturing environment that helped students stay focused on their goals, in spite of setbacks, academic challenges, and other personal problems; (d) a cohort design in which students are admitted in groups so that they can help each other through the program; (e) the setting of educational goals, followed by regular faculty/student meetings to monitor students’ progress toward the goals; (f) volunteer work as part of the program for those students who were receiving financial aid; (g) the same high academic standards for minority students as were expected of majority students; and (h) project staff as mediators between students and institutional bureaucracy (e.g., financial aid, admissions, transcripts, etc.).

Gonzalez (1997) found what he called “high levels of student satisfaction” with the teacher training projects in these schools. In particular, students were very satisfied at those schools that integrated their services to cover individual as well as group needs. He reported that reducing rigid rules and bureaucracy helped them through the administrative system at the institutions. Other recent research has also corroborated his findings (e.g., Alston, Jackson, & Pressman, 1989; Middleton, Mason, Stilwell, & Parker, 1993).

Yopp et al. (1992) also investigated a minority teacher training project in terms of the students’ perspectives. They surveyed students in the California State University (CSU) Teacher Diversity Program, a minority teacher training project that includes California State University at Fullerton, community colleges, and school districts in the area. The majority of the students in this program were female (95%), Hispanic (70%), bilingual in Spanish and English (81%), and between 20 and 55 years old. Yopp and colleagues conducted a written survey of approximately 13 of the 66 instructional aides in the program, "to determine the success or failure of certain activities to retain candidates in a program which is designed to bring them closer to achieving teaching credentials" (p. 30). The factors that students considered as helpful in keeping them in

53 Carrier , Cohen / Success in a Bilingual Teacher Training Project

the program were (a) ongoing career and academic advising, (b) peer support group meetings, (c) financial support, (d) informational and motivational pamphlets that communicated the successes of various students in the program, and (e) special events and guest speakers. Yopp and colleagues noted that the factors that students in this minority teacher training project identified as helpful in their pursuit of a teaching degree have been suggested by other teacher education reform research to be important in the recruitment and retention of minority individuals (e.g., Alston, 1988; Goodlad, 1991; Pascarella, 1980; Tinto, 1987). Goodlad, for example, identified cohort groups who move through a teacher program together with a team of faculty as an important condition to improve teacher education programs (1991).

Mullen (1997) added important information to our knowledge of what minority students in teacher training programs view as significant factors contributing to their success. From her study of Hispanic pre-service teachers, she concluded that students wanted support from their institution on advising and counseling. Of special interest was the students’ desire for help in developing leadership roles. The students noted that stereotypes of Hispanics as “low achievers” and “lazy, stupid, and unmotivated” were “damaging to their identity as developing professionals” (p. 11).

Despite the successes of these minority teacher training projects across the nation, they still represent a very small reduction in the shortage of available and qualified minority teachers. Becket points out that the teacher population continues to be mainly White and female (1998). One might add that it also remains largely unprepared to assist English language learners (ELLs), given the fact that only 3% of teachers have a degree in teaching English as a second language or bilingual education (NCES, 1997). The serious nature of the shortage of qualified bilingual teachers is clear when one considers that 41.2% of all public school teachers report teaching students who are ELLs, but only 12.5% report having received 8 or more hours of training on how to teach children who are in the process of learning English as a second language as well as academic content delivered in English (Gruber, Wiley, Broughman, Strizek, & Burian-Fitzgerald, 2002).

Garcia and Baptiste (1990-91) note that it also takes more than aggressive recruiting of minority students to ameliorate the severe shortage of minority teachers across the nation. More effort must be made to retain and guide the students to graduation after they arrive on campus, and to make college campuses less alienating for minorities. Consideration of what minority students say about their teacher training programs can help create a more positive climate that nurtures minority students and assist them toward the completion of their degree programs. Gonzalez (1997), in his six-program study asked "From the perspective of the students themselves, what are the most promising practices used by colleges of teacher education to attract and retain students of color?” (p. 57). Educating more minority teachers to work with ELLs means that many of the teacher trainees will be bilingual and bicultural themselves, another factor to consider in program design. Mullen, in her interviews of Hispanic pre-service teachers (1997), concluded that input needs to be elicited from minority teacher candidates and considered in future designs of teacher training programs. Accordingly, we interviewed minority students in the Project ESCALERA bilingual teacher training project about their experiences. The general research question that guided our study asked what factors


make a minority bilingual teacher training project successful from the students’ point of view.

Method

In order to gather data about students’ perspectives of a teacher training project, we used a qualitative research design, conducting six focus group interviews with students about their experiences in the Project ESCALERA bilingual teacher training project. The focus group interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed, and subsequently analyzed for patterns of recurring phrases and themes that students related to their experiences in the project.

Interviewing students about their impressions of an educational program has precedents in other research studies of teacher training projects (Gonzales, 1997, Yopp et al., 1992). Gonzalez pointed out in his study of six minority teacher training programs that "by giving students a candid voice in identifying the qualities that are important to them, promising program elements were discerned concerning the direction minority teacher training should take" (1997, p. 57). Focus group interviews are particularly useful because the researcher is able to structure the interview around specific and well-defined goals by the use of guiding questions (Bogdan & Biklen, 2003). In particular, focus groups provide an opportunity to collect data from group interaction. Bogdan and Biklen point out that “Group participants can stimulate each other to articulate their views or even to realize what their own views are” (p. 101). From this perspective, students in teacher training projects can be valid and important sources of data about the elements of the project that have affected the way in which they are proceeding toward their educational goal.

There were two research questions that motivated our study. The first general question was:

1. What are the factors that make a teacher training project successful from the students' point of view?

Under this general question, there were five related questions that focused on the design elements of Project ESCALERA. They were also influenced by the findings of previous studies on teacher training projects (Diaz-Rico & Smith, 1994; Gonzalez, 1997; Yopp et al., 1992). They were:

1a. How does course scheduling affect students’ success? 1b. Does financial assistance affect students’ decisions to enter and remain in

teacher training projects? 1c. Does program advising and personal counseling affect students’ success? 1d. Do special workshops and conferences affect students’ success? 1e. Do volunteer requirements affect students’ retention and success in the

project? The second research question, suggested by anecdotal data gathered by ESCALERA’s Project Director over the length of the project, was:


2. In what ways does participation in a teacher training project affect students’ personal lives?

Participants

The participants in this study were a volunteer sample of students in Project ESCALERA who were either working toward their degree objectives or who had graduated. All students received a letter from the Projector Director (who was also a researcher in the study), inviting them to volunteer to participate in a focus group during which they would be asked to share their experiences in the project. Students who volunteered were then assigned to one of six focus groups, based on their status in the project. These six groups were composed of students who (a) were in the associate’s degree program, (b) had completed the associate’s degree program, (c) were in the bachelor’s degree with teacher certification program, (c) had completed the bachelor’s degree with teacher certification program, (e) were in the master’s degree with teacher certification program, and (f) had completed the master’s degree and teacher certification program.

Based on the recommendations of Krueger (1998) regarding the optimum number of focus groups and the number of participants within a focus group, we had initially intended to have six participants in each of the six focus groups for a total of 36 participants. However, of the 36 students and former students who volunteered, only 23 actually attended their scheduled focus group interview. All the volunteer participants were female. The age range of the total population of participants was from 24 to 59 years of age, with an average age of 38.3. Twenty-two of the 23 participants identified Spanish as their native language. The final number and composition of the participants in each focus group is listed below in Table 1. Table 1 Demographics of Focus Group Participants

Focus Group

Number

One Two Three Four Five Six

Educational Goal

Associate’s Degree

Bachelor’s Degree

Master’s Degree with Bilingual Approval

Earned Associate’s Degree

Earned Bachelor’s Degree

Earned Master’s Degree with Bilingual Approval

Number of Participants

6

3

5

3

4

2

Gender Female Female Female Female Female Female Age Range 30-59 24-50 30-47 30-38 37-52 42 Ethnicity Hispanic Hispanic 4

Hispanic, 1 Filipino

Hispanic Hispanic Hispanic


Procedure

The six focus group interviews were held within a 1 year span in 1½ hour sessions at a time. A time convenient to the participants was chosen so that it would not interfere with the participants’ work or class schedule. In all cases, the participants had sufficient time to make comments on all the guiding questions. The authors of this paper, in their roles of Project ESCALERA Director and partner in Project ESCALERA, met with the participants in a conference room adjacent to the Project’s main office at the community college. We started by reading aloud the six guiding questions that we would be asking the participants during the interview session, to alleviate their nervousness about the process. We encouraged the participants to be forthcoming and honest in their comments, indicating that this was an opportunity for them to improve Project ESCALERA and other teacher training projects that were to follow it, and to help other students in the program. The participants were assured that they would not be subject to any retaliation or punishment if they gave negative or critical opinions about Project ESCALERA or its staff and/or instructors, especially since Project ESCALERA was ending its fifth and final year three months after the date these focus group interviews started. In addition, we assured participants that their identities would be kept confidential and group findings would be reported anonymously. We asked each participant not to discuss the contents of the focus group discussion with others until the data collection was completed.

At the beginning of each session, we began by first asking the guiding question and then inviting each participant to make a comment. However, after the first question cycle, the participants invariably settled into a routine and each automatically took a turn responding to the guiding question as the general conversation proceeded. At times, one or more of the participants added comments to what the other participants had said about a particular topic. On a few occasions, the Project Director added a comment, sometimes noting that he remembered an incident that a participant had mentioned, or acknowledging one of their statements. During most of the sessions, his interaction consisted of non verbal encouragements for the participants to continue with their comments. The professor took notes and also gave non verbal encouragements consistent with attentive listening. The same format was followed for each of the six focus group interviews. Instruments

The eight guiding questions listed below in Table 2 served as the data collection instruments. These questions were based, in part, on questions used in a prior written survey distributed to Project ESCALERA students two years prior to the focus groups and on anecdotal evidence collected by the Project Director over the period of the project. They were also based on the factors identified by previous studies of minority teacher training projects (e.g., Becket, 1998; Gonzalez, 1997; Mullen, 1997; Yopp et al., 1992) as helpful to students in meeting their educational goals. Guiding Questions 1 and 2 were related to our general Research Question 1, including 1a through 1e. Guiding Question 3 was related to our Research Question 2. Guiding Questions 4 through 8 were general questions for the purpose of stimulating reflection and conversation in the group setting.


Table 2 Focus Group Guiding Questions

Order Question 1. How likely is it that you would have gone back to school to meet your career goals

without the Project ESCALERA scholarship? 2. What are your opinions about the project; i.e., what was successful or not successful

about it? Prompts: Courses Financial assistance Program advising/counseling Workshops/conferences Volunteer aspect

3. What impact has Project ESCALERA had on your life? 4. What impact has Project ESCALERA had on your ability to teach? 5. What has been the most difficult challenge for you during your participation in Project

ESCALERA? How did you address that challenge? 6. If you could change one thing about Project ESCALERA, what would that be? What

would you change/leave the same? 7. If you had it to do all over again, would you change any of your actions? 8. What advice would you give to the Project STEP scholars?

Data Analysis

Approaching the data from a symbolic interactionist perspective, each of the authors independently read through the transcripts of the six focus group interviews, looking for patterns in terms of similar words, phrases, or concepts. These became our preliminary coding categories or themes. When our independent analyses were completed, we met to discuss and compare the categories. On our initial discussion, we reached an interrater reliability of 95%. We then compared the categories that we had developed, looking at representative quotes, and were able to resolve points of disagreement. Because the same themes were arising consistently from all six of the focus group interviews, we combined the data and discussed them together as one group, based on the major themes that arose during our analysis.

Analysis of our coding categories revealed that the data fell into two distinctly different groups. One group of categories represented information about the way in which the project’s design and administration affected the students. The other group of categories included information about the way in which students’ personal experiences influenced them during their time in the project. We labeled these two major categories as the Structural Factors Category and the Ancillary Factors Category. We then assigned the other categories as subcategories in one or the other major category. Table 3 below shows the final structure of coding categories used in our analysis.


Table 3 Major Categories and Subcategories Developed for Data Analysis

Major Category Structural Factors Ancillary Factors Subcategory Centralized Location Self-Esteem Subcategory Convenient Class Location Role Model Subcategory Institutional Paperwork Influence on Others Subcategory Caring Support Staff Subcategory Cohorts Subcategory Informational meetings Subcategory Mini-Conferences Subcategory Financial Assistance

Validity

The validity of the data was strengthened by the consistency of the same themes arising across all six focus groups. In addition, we also considered two other points in triangulating the data. One point arose from the relationship of the themes from the focus group interviews to themes that arose from a previous survey of 58 Project ESCALERA students, conducted two years prior to the focus groups. Very similar themes emerged from the previous survey data, such as (a) the value of cohorts for peer support, (b) the development of self confidence among the students, (c) the value of the counseling and advising received, (d) the importance of workshops and mini-conferences, and (e) the accessibility and personal care and support from the Project Director and Staff Assistant. A final point of triangulation arose from a comparison of the themes from our focus group study to themes discovered by research into other minority teacher training projects (e.g., Diaz-Rico & Smith, 1994; Gonzalez, 1997; Mullen, 1997; Yopp et al., 1992), which showed similarity in such themes as the value of cohort groups, counseling and advising, and personal care and support from Project staff.

The construct we were examining in this study was how students perceived their meaning of success. We wanted to know, from the students’ point of view, what they believed were the factors that led them to success in the project. We, as the researchers, initially defined success as remaining in or graduating from Project ESCALERA, and looked to the structure of the project for the factors that helped the students achieve their individual success. The students, however, defined success in a broader scope. They included the structural factors in their definition of success, but they also added their own personal views of what success meant to them, which we categorized as ancillary factors. Thus, we believe that our research method was appropriate because it allowed for an expanded definition of success based on the participants’ views.

With regard to possible bias in the study, there was unavoidable self-selection bias because our participants were a volunteer sample. Thus, it was possible that only those students who had positive comments volunteered and, therefore, our findings were biased by hearing only positive comments about the project. However, since the purpose of the research was to look for the factors that contributed to success in the program from the perspective of students, one would expect more positive than negative comments to be offered. We attempted to minimize the bias by explaining to the participants that we


wanted to hear both positive and negative comments and that they would be helping students in future projects by doing so, and some participants did make such comments.

Another element of possible bias arose from our different personal knowledge of the participants. The Project Director had been the project advisor and counselor for all the focus group participants and knew them on a personal basis. The faculty researcher, however, met the participants for the first time at their focus group interview, with the exception of one participant with whom she had an informal advising relationship. We believed, however, that our disparate relationships with the participants led to a balance in our analysis, because we were more cognizant of when the Project Director tended to “speak for” the participants because of his close relationship with them or when the faculty researcher tended to focus solely on their oral comments without consideration of how the participants’ experiences were reflected in their comments and interactions within the focus group.

With respect to reliability, Miles and Huberman (1994) pointed out that the researcher is likely to change the behavior of others by his or her presence. The issue of reliability, they maintained, is whether the process of data collection and interpretation, are consistent over time and across researchers and methods. While there is no doubt that the participants were influenced by our presence as researchers and also each other’s presence, we believe that the consistency of the comments across the six focus group interviews lends a measure of reliability to the information they provided.

In addition, our analysis showed that the factors the participants judged as useful in recruiting, retaining; and graduating them from the project bore a close relationship to the factors identified as helpful in other minority teacher training projects, thereby supporting both external construct and content validity for our findings. Finally, it should be noted that the data represent the experience of the participants over the five years of Project ESCALERA. Consequently, we were able to examine not only the factors in the process but also to see whether they had led to successful goal achievement for the students, and to an increase in the number of minority bilingual teachers and teacher aides in the surrounding community schools.

Results and Discussion

The results of the focus group interview analysis with respect to the research questions of this study will be combined with a discussion of how they compare to the results of other minority teacher training programs. We wish to give the reader an understanding of both the structural bases to have in place when creating or improving a program and the effects that a successful teacher training program can have on a community and the participating individuals. We will also now refer to the participants as scholars, to reflect how they were referred to by all Project personnel and also how they referred to themselves throughout the length of Project ESCALERA.

We discovered a number of factors in common across all six groups which the scholars identified as contributing to their success in achieving their goals and motivating them. We divided these factors into structural factors (those which pertained to the design of the program) and ancillary factors (those which pertained to the personal


experiences of the scholars both within and outside the program). We believe that it is important to recognize and discuss these ancillary factors as well because they affected not only the scholars but also their families, their communities, and the children they were either teaching or would be teaching in the near future. Professional success for these scholars was intimately connected with their personal success. We will discuss these two sets of factors separately.

Findings: Structural Factors

Our first research question asked about the factors that make a teacher training project successful from the students’ point of view. The structural factors that the Project ESCALERA scholars identified as were important to their success in the program were (a) a centralized location for information and advising, (b) convenient class locations, (c) help with managing institutional paperwork, (d) a personal and caring supportive staff, (e) cohorts for study and peer support, (f) informational meetings, (g) mini-conferences, and (h) financial assistance. Each will be elaborated on below, with representative quotes from the focus group sessions.

A centralized location for information and advising.

In support of the need for advisement for Hispanic teacher trainees, Diaz-Rico and Smith (1994) cited Monsivais' study of 156 Hispanic teachers in which 58% reported that inadequate and insufficient counseling from the university faculty was a barrier to successfully completing a teacher education program. Yopp and colleagues (1992) also noted that students in their survey repeatedly expressed the need for advising and feared that they would make mistakes in selecting their courses without adequate help. They add that, to ensure the success of minority students, “the services of academic counselors at the community college and the university are critical" (Yopp et al., 1992, p. 36).

The availability and quality of information and advising was also important to the ESCALERA scholars. They reported that the ESCALERA Project Office served their need for a centralization location for information about the project, their courses, and other academic information. They noted that they were always able to call either the director or the staff assistant and get their questions answered. One of the scholars commented, “We were going up and down, east and west, trying to find the classes that we need and who can offer it …And Project ESCALERA gave us a time…[and], give us the place to take it, it was a great facilitator” (fg33). Another added, “[To go to] one location and get the answers that I needed was a marvelous thing. Usually you’re running around in circles and everyone sends you…from one person to another” (fg5). This aspect of the project was particularly important for a significant number of the scholars applying to the local universities because generally counseling is available only for students already enrolled in their programs, not prospective students.

Convenient class locations. One of the major elements of the project design was to enable scholars to take

classes in convenient locations close to their homes and schools. As Michael-Bandele (1993) noted, we need to consider a restructuring of teacher education programs for minority students so that classes are offered at times that people with daytime responsibilities can attend. In Project ESCALERA, all of the courses were located in


schools within the four school districts that were being served by the project. This element was important to the scholars also since most were employed in full- or part-time jobs during the day, many in the local school districts. As one scholar reported, “The positive thing…is…we can take classes all very close to our homes and so we don’t have to travel” (fg3). Another noted, “Classes were available in a reasonable distance from my house and work” (fg6).

Help with managing the institutional paperwork. It was very clear from the start of the project that some of the scholars were going to need help to successfully navigate the educational system in the US. Some scholars did not have university transcripts from their respective countries; and others had difficulty obtaining verification of their high school diplomas. The interface between the scholars and the state universities was often strained due to the institutions’ lack of understanding about educational systems outside the US that do not routinely provide the documents that US educational institutions deem necessary for admittance. Scholars educated outside the US often become overwhelmed trying to understand and obtain all the documents required for admittance. One scholar commented on the help that the Project Office provided: “It’s crazy for us to understand the system here.… Since I started [at ESCALERA], I know where I’m going to so I know for sure how to plan ahead of time and…it’s…great for me” (fg3). Another scholar pointed out the effect that not knowing the educational system has on first generation students: “I’m the first generation. Many of our students don’t go on because they just don’t understand the system. There’s nobody there to help them. Just not knowing how the system works keeps some of our kids out of it” (fg6).

The Project Office played a critical role in these instances, contacting people in various offices at the university (some of whom were Project ESCALERA Advisory Board members) and soliciting their help in getting the student through the paperwork requirements. The scholars characterized the Project Office as “a bridge between me and the colleges” (fg5).

Personal and caring supportive staff. Diaz-Rico and Smith (1994) noted the importance of a personal relationship

between the students and the educational institution. When students have a contact person they can approach to assist with advising and other issues, their anxiety level is lowered and their efforts can be focused on their studies instead of on deciphering institutional rules and regulations. Gonzalez (1997) also found that "the presence of a caring and nurturing environment appears to be an important contributing force in keeping students focused on their mission. They claimed it inured them to some degree against unpleasant encounters, academic challenges, personal disappointments, and other problems" (p. 58). Indeed, lack of support or poor support is cited as one of the main reasons that minority students fail to remain in teacher education programs (Gordon, 1994).

For the scholars in Project ESCALERA, the availability of caring and concerned staff who would listen to their problems was also an important factor in keeping them motivated to continue with their classes. As one scholar pointed out, “Every time we need it, you [the Project Director] and Sandra [the Project secretary] will be there for us. Every problem that we have, you [are] always there for us even at home or on your


cellular phone” (fg3). Others added, “Students need support in a different way, to keep from being overwhelmed, to stay focused on the moment instead of the big, overwhelming picture” (fg2) and “To be positive and encouraging is important. One of the things that I see as very positive is that you try to encourage us every time that you can” (fg3).

Having someone who would just listen to their problems was a very important factor for the students. One scholar commented about a critical moment for her: “My most challenging moment was when my father passed away. Then I really messed up, but luckily teachers and Project ESCALERA helped me through it and kept me focused so I could continue” (fg2). The Project Office was clearly a place that the scholars found to be comfortable and welcoming. Having one centralized location with people willing to listen and care was very important to the students. In addition, the Project Office met the needs of many of the scholars who were both older and first-generation college attendees. As Gonzalez noted in the results of his six program survey, students want services that address their personal as well as their academic needs (1997). He also added that "such programs appear to be especially well suited to the needs of older students and first-generation college attendees whose families have little or no prior experience with college life" (1997, p. 56). This situation was the case with many of the ESCALERA scholars.

Garcia and Baptiste (1990-91) commented that minority students often face an unwelcoming climate on college campuses. Aware of this issue, there was a conscious attempt by ESCALERA staff to provide a helpful and nurturing and caring climate for the scholars. The Project Director spoke Spanish, as did his staff assistant, who was Hispanic. Also, the main campus location of Project ESCALERA had a high percentage of Hispanic students and staff.

Cohorts for study and peer support. Cooper and McCabe noted that "it is most important for the students to have an

identified peer group" (1999, p. 46) and Michael-Bandele (1993) added that students need a social support system that nurtures and motivates them. Yopp and colleagues (1992) also found that peer support groups became more valuable to students as they progressed in the program. ESCALERA scholars echoed these findings as they commented about their own cohort group membership. They generally characterized the cohorts as “one of the elements that will really help [them] to continue [on] and get their goal” (fg6). They had strong personal feelings about their particular cohort group. As one scholar explained, “It’s like a family. You really want to learn because everybody is helping each other. It’s hard sometimes because…English is my second language. But there were other people there that are in my same situation and everybody helped” (fg2). Another agreed, adding, “We help each other and we encourage each other also to succeed and that is something that I like very much. It’s a good environment and it encourages us to continue studying” (fg3).

Informational meetings. One of the means by which information about financial aid, course offerings, and

other project-related news was disseminated to the scholars was through regular informational meetings. The Project Director also used this opportunity to share some of


the stories of scholars who had overcome difficulties during their course of studies, and to encourage the scholars to persevere. The scholars’ comments verified that these meetings provided them with helpful advice and motivated them to continue their efforts. One scholar stated, “One of the things I see very positive…[is] telling us what is happening in the program or what things we need to do…,what classes are going to be the next ones” (fg3) and another remarked, “We always came [away] with some…feedback, some information, [and] more excited about it [the project]” (fg2).

Mini-conferences. During the fourth and fifth year of the project, mini-conferences were held for the

scholars. The mini-conferences offered the scholars the opportunity to learn about new material and new ideas from regional and national experts in the bilingual education field. The purpose of the mini-conferences was also to motivate the scholars and impress upon them their importance as professionals in the bilingual teaching field. Both mini-conferences were highly attended. One scholar observed that, “A lot of information has been given not only at the time or level that we’re studying, but to further our education and to continue on as professionals” (fg5).

Financial assistance. Kennedy (1991) noted that simply offering financial aid will not solve the

problem of underrepresentation of minorities in the teaching profession, but without it there will not be any chance to correct the imbalance. Garcia and Baptiste pointed out that "students from low socioeconomic status depend greatly (if not entirely) on financial aid to pursue degrees in higher education” (1990-91, p. 17). This was evidenced in the study by Yopp and colleagues (1992) and also in our study. ESCALERA scholars commented about the importance of financial aid in their decision to return to school. As one scholar noted, “I’m a single mom and my parents live with me. Without the money, I couldn’t make it” (fg3). Another added, “I was thinking of spending the money for my kids rather than going back to school until I hear[d] about ESCALERA…[which] made it so I was able to take classes” (fg3). For some, financial assistance was the key to accomplishing a lifelong goal: “I’ve always wanted to be a bilingual elementary teacher. When financially I couldn’t afford to have it, it was too upsetting that I couldn’t accomplish my goal” (fg2). Findings: Ancillary Factors

Our second research question concerned the ways in which a teacher training project affects students’ personal lives. In the analysis of the data, we discovered that the ESCALERA scholars also credited a number of non-structural factors with not only helping them to achieve professional success, but helping them achieve personal success as well. For these scholars, their personal success and confidence in their abilities seemed to be linked together in these ancillary factors which were (a) an increase in self-esteem; (b) being a positive role model for students, family, and friends; and (c) the opportunity to have more influence on family, school, and community.


Increase in self esteem. One of the significant motivators that the scholars mentioned was the increase in

self esteem that they experienced as a result of being in Project ESCALERA. By returning to school, they had earned the respect and admiration of family and friends, which increased their motivation to reach their goals. One scholar explained, “My family and I...were very proud of what I achieved” (fg6) and another mentioned, “[You are] more secure and confident in yourself…you can achieve whatever you want” (fg6). The prestige of the project also enhanced the prestige of its students. As one scholar said, “You know the program got a good reputation to the point that you know they say, ‘Oh. ESCALERA, you know it’s a trustworthy program.’ It’s got prestige” (fg5).

This increase in self esteem may be due to their view of teaching as a high prestige profession. In his survey of minority students in six teacher training programs, Gonzalez (1997) found that "in contrast to the generalized view of teaching as a low prestige profession, many of the students in these programs expressed a different attitude. Often, and with considerable conviction, the minority students said they regarded teaching as an honorable profession” (Gonzalez, 1997, p. 62).

Being a positive role model for students, family, and friends. An important ancillary factor that the scholars mentioned was the effect that they

had on young Hispanic students struggling with whether to remain in or return to school. Some scholars mentioned being role models to their young students: “For girls, especially…working with Latinas, young girls, the role model that we provide for our students is very, very powerful” (fg6) and “Now that I am a teacher, every time I enter the classroom, I have the opportunity to share part of me with my students as to how beautiful education is and the opportunity they have to acquire it. I think especially for the bilingual children. Sometimes they have that sense maybe it isn’t for them” (fg5). Students also mentioned the effect on their family members: “It’s also an incentive for my family, mainly for my nephews and nieces. They see that their older aunt is still in school so that there’s not an end to studying. My younger sister also is continuing studying because she sees me and it’s an incentive not only for myself but for my whole family” (fg5) and “Since I went back to school, my younger [son], he quit his job, he went back to school” (fg6).

The desire to provide guidance and to serve as role models for Hispanic students was also found by Mullen (1997) in her study of Hispanic preservice teachers. She noted that these students were involved in “apprenticeship forms of guidance” (p. 13) as a way to support and strengthen their communities.

Being part of a bilingual teacher training project also gave the ESCALERA scholars the ability to help high school students understand the US educational system. One of the scholars commented on mentoring students to stay in school and prepare for attending college: “[I’m] mentoring my nephews and nieces…telling them ‘look, you guys can do this. But you need to be savvy about this kind of stuff because that’s how the successful kids get through four and five years of college” (fg6).


The opportunity to have more influence on family, school, and community.

One of the most important aspects of Project ESCALERA was to train and retain bilingual teachers who would, hopefully, remain in the area and teach in one of the four local school districts. There were, however, no requirements that the graduates of the project do so. Nevertheless, most scholars indicated that they intended to remain in their community and return to teaching the students in the area schools. Many of them discussed their responsibility to their family and community as a result of being in the teacher training project. One scholar commented, “How can I disregard this opportunity? Everything is given to me and…they are giving me the opportunity to achieve my dream since I was a teenager” (fg2). Another spoke about how being in the project had affected her view of herself: “It has helped my teaching [by] enhancing the way I feel about my own language, my own culture, my own capabilities as a person, as a woman. I see myself as an example. I’ve been maintaining my language and my culture through education and I always tell them that it’s the best thing that they can do. Learn to become a whole person. When you lose part of your language, you lost part of your personality” (fg5). Similarly, Gonzalez (1997) found that many of the students in the six programs he surveyed “spoke of the responsibility associated with the teacher's role within minority families and communities” (p. 62).

The scholars also spoke of their role as advocates for the educational rights of Hispanic children and parents. One scholar spoke eloquently about how being in the project had prepared her to help in her community when she commented, “It showed me the rights for my students, what they can ask for, what they should have that they don’t have. So, it made me aware of a lot of things and I really sometimes get really upset because I say these kids or these parents can fight more for their children’s rights. And they don’t fight because nobody tell them that they have those rights to fight for. We as a Hispanic or Mexican we are very passive parents and we say he’s the teacher, he knows the best, but sometimes they don’t say all the rights that they have.…We as teachers should do more for these kids, especially in special education” (fg2). Scholars also mentioned the need to instill a sense of self-identity and cultural pride in Hispanic children. As one scholar explained, “During Thanksgiving, our [Hispanic] kids were the Indians, of course. [My kids asked] why do we have to be the Indians sitting on the floor? It was such an emotional thing for them that they were very dejected. I said why are you walking like that, you come from Mayans, and Aztec Kings. You’re somebody important. Think of what your culture is” (fg5).

Michael-Bandele (1993) noted that well-prepared minority teachers "provide students with a positive example of the teacher profession and encourage them, based on their own positive learning experiences, to consider pursuing the profession" (p. 15). Similarly the ESCALERA scholars indicated that the pursuit of a teaching degree not only allowed them to enter the teaching profession, but also to be taken more seriously in their community and to have a larger impact on their community. In essence, the degree gave them the voice that they had been previously denied. As one scholar noted, “I’ve been involved in the community almost all my life and I have been able to learn a lot that I’ve been able to share with the community. But because I didn’t have the degree before, they viewed me as a person without the [knowledge]. Now, with the degree, is a totally


different thing. I can tell them the same thing I told them before the degree, but because of the degree, it makes a difference” (fg5).

Implications and Conclusion

The research questions that guided this study asked what factors make a minority bilingual teacher training project successful from the students’ point of view, and how it affected their personal lives. Through the voices of the ESCALERA scholars, structural factors in a teacher training project that had a positive effect on helping minority bilingual students remain in and successfully complete their educational programs were identified. This study also revealed ancillary factors that developed outside the structure of the project, but were equally important to the scholars and motivated them to continue pursuing their goals. Our findings support Gonzalez’ suggestions that "a new type of project design is emerging for recruiting and retaining minority students in the teaching profession…based on a more holistic view of minority students...which recognizes the personal as well as the academic dimensions...[and] the importance of a supportive and nurturing environment" (1997, p. 63).

We can draw important educational implications from this study about both the future design of minority and bilingual teacher training projects and the recruitment of students to those projects. When students have a centralized location for information and advising, convenient class locations, a personal and caring supportive staff, and cohorts for study and peer support, they are able to achieve academically. Projects that provide help with managing institutional paperwork, informational meetings and conferences, and financial assistance allow students to manage their lives as students, employees, and caregivers more successfully.

Another equally important implication comes from the fact that the majority of Project ESCALERA scholars were non-traditional; that is, they were returning to school or experiencing their first opportunity to pursue a college education and career. They exhibited a willingness to sacrifice and reprioritize their lives for their studies and they also had a strong sense of responsibility for working in their communities. Similarly, Birrell, Allred, and Butler (1999) noted that nontraditional students often make great emotional, personal, and financial sacrifices to pursue their educational goals and are very committed to their learning and to their goals. Therefore, focusing recruitment efforts on older, non-traditional, and female Hispanic students, like those in Project ESCALERA, may produce a significant number of new minority bilingual teachers who have the cultural and linguistic background to provide Hispanic students with the high quality education to which they are entitled. The benefit to the community brought about by the ancillary factors such as those we found in our study should not be overlooked. In addition to producing qualified teachers and teacher aides, ancillary factors can influence students to become influential role models and powerful advocates for the Hispanic community.

The findings of this study contribute to a theoretical foundation for understanding the design and the functioning of minority and bilingual teacher training projects, as well as their evaluation. Combined with the findings of other similar studies, a theoretical


framework should be designed to help researchers understand and derive meaning from the interactions of students in minority and bilingual teacher training projects.

Because of the increasing linguistic and cultural diversity of our nation’s schools, the need to identify, recruit, and retain bilingual teachers, especially minority bilingual teachers, will continue. Ongoing research into the factors that promote the successful recruiting and retention of these teachers is needed. This study represents a successful model that should be replicated in future investigations of teacher training projects. Other methodologies such as surveys, individual interviews, and participant observations of students from entering to exiting these projects can provide richer and more longitudinal data to validate and extend the findings of the studies that have been done thus far. Also, we cannot assume that lack of success is due to the absence of the factors that have accompanied success for some students. Therefore, research is also needed on factors that prevent students from remaining and/or succeeding in minority and bilingual teacher training projects.

Research into the factors that help minority and bilingual students create personal and professional success for themselves has far-reaching implications. As Birrell and colleagues so aptly pointed out, "By attending more thoughtfully to the development of the whole person during teacher education, we may contribute more fully to the depth and value of ordinary living in the mind, heart, and soul of the people we teach, and if we take seriously the influence that teachers have on their students as role models, then we contribute more fully to the development of the whole student as well, in particular, Hispanic students” (1999, p. 42).

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Endnotes 1 Students in Project ESCALERA were referred to as scholars by administrators,

instructors, Board members, and the students themselves. The decision to refer to the students as scholars was indicative of the high expectations for them. This was manifested in various ways throughout the duration of the project; for example, in the mini-conferences held exclusively for the scholars that drew important speakers such as James Crawford, and in the volunteer hours required of the scholars, in which they could share the expertise they were developing.

2 While we recognize the fact that not all Hispanic students are bilingual, it is still this population of students who are the largest pool of candidates for bilingual teacher training programs.

3 Coding of the focus group participants’ quotes refers to the number of the focus group. For example, fg3 refers to the transcript of Focus Group 3.

Dual Language Abilities of Bilingual Four-Year Olds: Initial Findings from the Early Childhood Study of Language and

Literacy Development of Spanish-speaking Children

Patton O. Tabors Mariela M. Páez Lisa M. López

Harvard Graduate School of Education

Abstract

This article describes language and early literacy skills in Spanish and English for a sample of 344 bilingual children in Massachusetts and Maryland (ECS) and a comparative group of 152 monolingual Spanish-speaking children in Puerto Rico (PRC). The children in the study were assessed as 4 year-olds entering pre-kindergarten programs. There were no performance differences across languages or between samples on a phonological awareness task. The ECS sample scored, on average, two standard deviations below the monolingual population mean in oral language subtests of the Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery in both languages. On average, the PRC sample scored significantly better than the ECS sample in Spanish oral language skills. Dual language analyses demonstrate a negative correlation across languages for vocabulary, but positive correlations across languages for all other oral language and early literacy tasks. Future analyses are outlined.

During the past several decades, many immigrant families, most of whom do not use English as their home language, have arrived and settled in the United States. Consequently, in the decade between 1990 and 2000, the number of school-aged children in the US who were English language learners doubled; these children now make up close to 10% of this population. Although as many as 329 different languages may be spoken in the homes of these children (U.S. English, Inc., 2002), the largest proportion - 77% - speak Spanish at home (Office of English Language Acquisition, Language Enhancement, and Academic Achievement for Limited English Proficient Students, 2002).

As well as having an impact on public elementary and secondary education, this pattern of increasing numbers of children who are English language learners has also had an impact on pre-kindergarten (pre-K) education. For example, in 2000-2001, 26% of Head Start children nationwide were considered dominant in a language other than English. Of these children, 83% speak Spanish at home (Administration for Children and Families, 2001). Given the trend of recent immigration and the tendency of immigrants to under-report the use of non-English languages at home (Suárez-Orozco & Páez, 2002), these numbers may even under-represent the actual totals. Successfully educating these children, beginning in pre-K, is now a major challenge throughout the United States.


The Early Childhood Study of Language and Literacy Development of Spanish-speaking Children (ECS) was developed to answer some basic questions about this population of young English language learners. The purpose of the study is twofold: (a) to collect data longitudinally from pre-K to second grade for a group of young children from homes where Spanish is spoken, and (b) to identify factors related to their development of language and literacy skills in their two languages. In this article we will be reporting the initial findings of this study on the dual language abilities of the children as 4-year-olds.

The pre-K period is a critical time for young children as they begin to make the transition from home to school. One of the most important aspects of this time period is the development of language skills that will be needed as the foundation for the literacy skills that they will be expected to acquire in the schooling context (Snow & Tabors, 1993). However, we assume that this developmental sequence of language to literacy skills may be different if a child is exposed to a second language during this time period. Given that children need to have considerable control over a variety of aspects of language, including phonology, vocabulary, syntax, discourse, and pragmatics, prior to starting the beginning-to-read process (Snow, Burns, & Griffin, 1998), it is clear that second language learners are faced with a difficult task if they are asked to develop these language skills in a new language in a short amount of time, or must begin the beginning-to-read process without having developed these language skills in their new language.

Further, when children begin to acquire a second language in a situation where that language is the societal language, as is the case for Spanish-speaking children learning English in the US, there is a very real threat that they will, at the same time, suspend development in or even begin to lose use of, their first language (Wong Fillmore, 1991). Although other researchers have not found this to be true for children in a bilingual preschool setting (Rodríguez, Díaz, Duran & Espinosa, 1995), there is no mandate that preschool children be provided with bilingual settings and most pre-K programs for second language learners are predominantly English-language environments. Unless an English-language pre-K program makes a particular effort to let parents and children know that their home language is considered an important element in development, the conclusion reached by parents and children may well be that their home language is undervalued, irrelevant, or an impediment to learning English, and therefore an impediment to school success (see Tabors, Aceves, Bartolomé, Páez, & Wolf, 2000).

Knowing what the pre-K experience is and how it is related to young children's language and literacy skills in Spanish and English, however, is only the first step in the process of investigating bilingual children's literacy development. As they enter kindergarten and as they continue into first and second grade, the children in this study will continue to experience a variety of circumstances, including being provided with literacy instruction in English, in Spanish, or in both languages (simultaneously or serially) depending upon the school program. One of the mainstays of bilingual education has always been that children should be taught to read in the language that they know best (Collier & Thomas, 1989), because literacy skills in one language are assumed to transfer to second language literacy as soon as oral control has been established over the second language. This, in fact, may be true, but we still do not have a deep enough understanding about what skills are transferable, under what programmatic circumstances, with children of what age, and with what level of language proficiency.

Finally, we need to know, specifically, what precursor factors are related to children's literacy skills in English and Spanish by the time they reach second grade. There is, of course, a


constellation of factors to be considered, including background variables such as child's non-verbal IQ, parents' level of education and income, and number of years in the US; variables related to language input from the home environment; and school language of instruction and literacy program type variables. By collecting data across the time period from pre-K to second grade on children with differing levels of language and early literacy skills in Spanish and English, attending different types of programs, we will be in a position to begin to unravel some of these complexities.

The Early Childhood Study, therefore, has been designed to answer the following three interrelated research questions: (a) What are the language and early literacy skills in Spanish and English of young Spanish-speaking children as they enter and as they leave pre-kindergarten?; (b) How do these children’s language and early literacy skills in Spanish and English change over time from pre-K to second grade?; and (c) What precursor factors, from their home and school contexts, predict Spanish-speaking children’s Spanish and English literacy abilities in second grade?

In this article, we report on the findings from the initial data collection period in the fall of 2001. The research questions for this article are:

1. What are the language and early literacy skills in Spanish and English of young children from Spanish-speaking homes as they enter a pre-kindergarten program as 4-year-olds?

2. How do these language and early literacy skills compare to similar, monolingual Spanish-speaking children?

Method Participants

Child participants for the Early Childhood Study were recruited by contacting parents in Head Start and public pre-K programs in three communities in Massachusetts (Boston, Framingham, and Lawrence1), one community in Maryland (Montgomery County2 ), and two communities in Puerto Rico (Loiza and Trujillo Alto3). All of the children were 4 years old and were age-qualified to attend kindergarten the following year. Additionally, the children in the sample in Massachusetts and Maryland were living in homes where Spanish was at least one of the languages spoken. The Massachusetts and Maryland participants became the Early Childhood Study (ECS) sample and the Puerto Rico participants became the Puerto Rican Comparative (PRC) sample.

Early Childhood Study (ECS) Sample

A total of 350 children and their families were successfully recruited for the ECS sample. In the fall of 2001, 6 of these children refused to be involved in the data collection (although they have been maintained in the sample for later data collection), thus the ECS sample being reported on in this article consists of 344 children. Eighty-four percent of the children in the sample were born in the United States and 5% were born in the US territory of Puerto Rico. The remainder were born in different countries in Latin America.4

73 Tabors et al /Dual Language Abilities of Bilingual Four-Years Old

Although most of the children in the sample were born in the US, their parents come from 22 countries and the US territory of Puerto Rico. Table 1 presents a list of the top four places of birth for the mothers and fathers of the participating children. Note that 24% of the sample did not have a father or male figure present in the home. Table 1 Percent Distribution of Country of Origin for Mothers and Fathers of Participating Children (n=321) Mothers Fathers Dominican Republic 26.9% 16.2% El Salvador 21.7% 18.5% Puerto Rico 12.8% 8.4% United States 10.2% 7.0% The ECS sample is also diverse in terms of language use at home, years of education, and family income. Of the participating families, 69.8% report that they use only Spanish at home, while the remainder report that they use both Spanish and English at home. Levels of parental education range from 0 to 22 years. Nineteen percent of the mothers had completed eight years or less of education, 29.2% have completed 12 years of education, and 29.3% have some higher education. Twenty-five percent of the fathers have completed eight years or less of education, 17.5% have completed 12 years, and 26.6% have some higher education. The average years of formal education for mothers (M=10.96, SD= 3.72) and for fathers (M=10.69, SD= 3.75) is similar. In terms of family annual income, 77% of the families in the sample report making less than $30,000 with 21% reporting they make less than $10,000.

Puerto Rican Comparative (PRC) Sample

The Puerto Rican comparative sample consists of 152 Spanish-speaking 4-year-old children living in Puerto Rico. The sample was selected to be similar in age, gender, and socio-economic background to the ECS sample. Inclusion of the PRC sample enables us to determine expectable Spanish performance levels for the ECS sample. In future analyses, the use of this comparative group will allow us to disentangle the effects that different instructional practices might have on the language and literacy development of the children in the ECS sample, since the children in Puerto Rico will experience a Spanish-only instructional language environment.

Almost all the children in the PRC sample were born in Puerto Rico (96.6%). This is also true for the parents of participating children. Ninety-two percent of the mothers and 94% of the fathers were born in Puerto Rico; the remaining parents were born in the United States. Thirty-three percent of the sample does not have a father or male figure in the home. The majority of the families report using only Spanish in their home (87.4%). Mothers’ years of education range from 4 to 17, while fathers’ education range from 0 to 16 years. Eleven percent of the mothers have completed eight years or less of education, 31.1% have completed 12 years of education, and 42.9% have some higher education. Ten percent of the fathers have completed eight years or less of education, 28.6% have completed 12 years, and 25.6% have some higher education. The average years of formal education for mothers (M=12.11, SD= 2.46) is slightly higher than that for fathers (M=11.37, SD= 2.44). Ninety-nine percent of the families report an


income of less than $30,000. Fifty-eight percent of the families report an income of less than $10,000.

Instruments

The language and literacy battery being used for this study is based on previous work on the language and literacy skills of young children (Snow, Tabors, Nicholson & Kurland, 1995), while taking into consideration three further criteria: (a) the need to have tasks in both Spanish and English, (b) the need to have as many instruments as possible that are of high reliability and validity, and (c) the need to have tasks that are appropriate for the age range (ages 4 to 7) under consideration.

The complete battery has been designed to provide data about a group of constructs that have been shown to be related to children’s later literacy achievement (Dickinson & Tabors, 2001). Table 2 displays the constructs and the instruments that are being used to collect the data for these constructs.

Table 2 Constructs and Instruments Constructs Instrumentsa Phonological awareness Phonological Awareness Task

Vocabulary WLPB-R Picture Vocabulary

Letter and word recognition WLPB-R Letter-Word Identification

Writing and spelling WLPB-R Dictation

General language ability WLPB-R Memory for Sentences Discourse skill Narrative Production Taskb

Concepts about print, listening comprehension, story retelling, decoding

Book Taskc

Note. WLPB-R is the Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised a Each instrument has a Spanish and an English version. bThis task requires transcription and coding; not available for the present analysis. cThis task was piloted in 2001-2002; not included in the present analysis.

The data being reported on in this article are from the Phonological Awareness Task and

the four subtests of the Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised (Woodcock, 1991a).

The Phonological Awareness Task The Phonological Awareness Task was developed by the research team specifically for

this study as we were unable to find any equivalent test that was available in Spanish and English that was appropriate across the needed age range.5 There are five subtests: rhyme recognition, rhyme production, initial phoneme recognition, sentence segmenting, and syllable segmenting.


There are two versions of the test, one in Spanish and one in English. These two versions tap the same skills, but have been constructed separately to demonstrate the children’s phonological abilities in each of their languages.6

The rhyme recognition subtest consists of two practice items followed by six test items. Children are shown a target picture (such as a picture of a cat) and choice pictures (such as pictures of a hat and a ball) and provided with the names of each of the pictures. They are then asked to point to the picture whose name rhymes with the name of the target picture. For test items 1 through 3, the child chooses the correct picture from two pictures, and for test items 4 through 6, the child chooses the correct picture from four pictures. The rhyme production subtest consists of two practice items and four test items. Children are asked to produce a rhyme for a word spoken by the assessor, such as “day” or “fly.” If the child completes one of the two practice items correctly, the four subtest items are administered. Credit is given if the word the child provides is a rhyme, regardless of whether it is a real word or not.

The initial phoneme recognition subtest is similar in format to the rhyme recognition subtest, differing only in that the child is asked to match pictures of words that have names with the same initial sound. Again for the first three items the child chooses the correct picture from two pictures. For the second three items the child chooses the correct picture from four pictures.

The sentence-segmenting subtest consists of two practice items and five test items. The child is provided with a set of colorful tiles to use in this task. The assessor reads a sentence from two to five words in length, and the child is asked to move one tile for each word in the sentence. The syllable-segmenting subtest is similar in format to the sentence-segmenting task, differing only in that the assessor says a word and the child is asked to move one tile for each syllable in that word.

For each subtest, the child needs to pass at least one of two practice items in order for the subtest to be administered. Additionally, rhyme production is not administered if the child does not correctly answer at least four out of the six rhyme recognition items, and syllable segmenting is not administered if the child does not correctly answer at least three of the five sentence segmenting items.

The Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery - Revised (WLPB-R)

The Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery - Revised is a standardized assessment consisting of a set of subtests used to measure different aspects of language and literacy skills. There are two versions of these tests, one in Spanish and one in English.

The English Form of the subtests was normed on a randomly selected population of 6,359 English-speaking subjects in the United States. The sample was stratified and weighted so that the population is representative of the distribution and characteristics of the US population. Consequently, the norms for these assessments were developed from monolingual English-speaking children.

The Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised - Spanish Form (Woodcock & Muñoz-Sandoval, 1995) is parallel in content and structure to the English Form. The Spanish Form of the subtests was normed on 3,911 native Spanish-speaking subjects from both inside and outside the United States. Of these subjects, 116 were tested in Costa Rica, 1,512 in Mexico, 196 in Peru, 634 in Puerto Rico, 128 in Spain, and 1,325 in the United States. Although some of the subjects used to provide norming data for these assessments lived in the US, these children


were, by design, monolingual Spanish speakers (Woodcock & Muñoz, 1995b). Consequently, the norms for these assessments were essentially developed from monolingual Spanish-speaking children.

The reliability and validity characteristics of both forms of the WLPB-R meet basic technical requirements (see Woodcock, 1991b, p. 124). Standard scores for all of the WLPB-R subtests are normed on a mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15.

The four subtests being used in this study from the WLPB-R include Picture Vocabulary (Vocabulario Sobre Dibujos), Letter-Word Identification (Identificación de Letras y Palabras), Dictation (Dictado), and Memory for Sentences (Memoria para Frases). In the Picture Vocabulary subtest children are asked to select pictures to match words and to say a word when shown a picture. Although a child’s receptive vocabulary skills are measured at the beginning of this test, this is primarily an expressive vocabulary task. The Letter-Word Identification subtest first measures symbolic learning through the use of rebuses, followed by identification of letters and then word decoding. The first items in the Dictation subtest measure children’s prewriting skills, followed by items measuring their knowledge of letter forms, spelling, punctuation, capitalization, and word usage. In Memory for Sentences children are asked to repeat words, phrases, then whole sentences. This subtest requires the use of both short-term memory and ability to extract meaning from the sentences in order to aid recall.

The Use of Parallel Instruments in Spanish and English

The decision to use parallel instruments in Spanish and English for this study was premised on the need to document young children’s dual language abilities (see Oller & Pearson, 2002, pp. 8-12). Given that bilingual children are often tested in only one language – most often in English – we felt that being able to show young bilingual children’s skills in each of their languages, and then to show how their abilities in each language are related, would contribute to our understanding of the process of dual language and dual literacy acquisition over time.

For the researcher-developed measures, like the Phonological Awareness Task, this meant that two versions of the test were developed which tapped the same constructs in the two languages. As no norms have yet been developed for this measure it is being used descriptively and to document individual children’s growth over time. For the Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery, however, there are norms based on monolingual children’s abilities in each of the subtests. Consequently, when we use the standardized scores as comparisons for the bilingual children in the sample, we are comparing them to monolingual children of the same age.

We are aware that there are pitfalls involved with this approach when the instruments being used have been normed and validated on a monolingual population (Valdés & Figueroa, 1996). Clearly the greatest concern is that the use of any test that has been constructed for and normed on a monolingual population means that bilingual children are being compared to children who have had different linguistic experiences from their own. However, as we are not aware of any assessments that are both appropriate for this age range and are normed on a bilingual population7, our decision was to use instruments that were developed for this age range, and to take into account in our interpretation of the results of these tests that we are comparing bilingual with monolingual children when we use standardized scores.


Procedures

Assessment sessions were conducted one-on-one at the school sites and lasted approximately 45 minutes. During the assessment session, children were allowed to discontinue the testing situation at any time8. To make children in the ECS sample as comfortable as possible with the testing situation, they were assessed in their stronger language first and then in the other language. Their stronger language was determined by asking parents on the consent forms what language they thought their children knew best. Sixty-three percent of the children were first tested in Spanish. The children who were tested first in Spanish were tested in English an average of 12 days later. The children who were tested first in English were tested in Spanish an average of 15 days later.

For the ECS sample, there were two teams of assessors, one for each language. The assessors received extensive training on administering the assessment battery. Prior to assessing a child, the assessor spent some time in the classroom getting to know the child. Assessors spoke only in the language of the assessment during both the warm-up session in the classroom and the assessment session. These procedures - having separate language teams and using only the language of the assessment - were used to minimize code-switching during testing sessions.

Procedures for the PRC sample were similar, although the children were assessed only once, in Spanish.

Data Analysis

Descriptive and Inferential Analysis.

As a first step, measures of central tendency and measures of variance were calculated for the scores on the subtests of the Phonological Awareness Task and the standardized scores for each of the subtests of the WLPB-R9. These analyses were done for both languages for the ECS sample and in Spanish for the PRC sample.

Second, two sets of comparisons were made using the Phonological Awareness Task total score and the standardized scores of the WLPB-R subtests. Paired-samples t tests were conducted within the ECS sample to compare individual performance across languages. As a result of this analysis, the value of Cohen’s d was calculated, in order to determine the effect sizes of these comparisons, using the means and standard deviations for the standardized scores of the WLPB-R subtests in each language.

Independent-samples t tests were also conducted to explore the differences in performance in Spanish between the ECS sample and the PRC sample on the Phonological Awareness Task total score and the standardized scores of the WLPB-R subtests. In order to determine effect sizes of these comparisons, the value of Cohen’s d was calculated using the t test value and the degrees of freedom generated by the independent-samples t tests. Additionally, Levene’s test of homogeneity was used in testing for possible violations of homogeneity of variance.

Dual Language Analysis.

In order to demonstrate the ECS sample children’s dual language abilities, bivariate displays were developed by plotting each child’s score in English against the score in Spanish for the Phonological Awareness Task total score and the standardized scores on the four subtests of


the WLPB-R. These displays allow for the depiction of individual children’s performance in both languages simultaneously. Bivariate correlations were also computed to determine the strength of the relationship between individual children’s performances in English and Spanish on the Phonological Awareness Task total score and the standardized scores on each individual subtest of the WLPB-R.

Results

Descriptive and Inferential Results

Phonological Awareness Task.

The descriptive results for the Phonological Awareness Task are presented in Table 3. Three sets of results are presented for each subtest and for the total score: (a) the results for the ECS sample in English, (b) the results for the ECS sample in Spanish, and (c) the results for the PRC sample in Spanish. For the ECS sample, a total of 332 children took the Phonological Awareness Task in English and 337 children took the task in Spanish. For the PRC sample, a total of 152 children took the test. The reported n for each subtest represents the number of children who were administered the subtest, based on the criteria mentioned previously. As can be seen in the table, there were considerable numbers of children who did not pass the practice items for the subtests or who did not reach criterion to take the rhyme production or syllable segmenting subtests.


Table 3 Means and Standard Deviations for Phonological Awareness Task

Rhyme Recognition

Rhyme Production

Initial Phoneme

Sentence Segmenting

Syllable Segmenting

Total

ECS English

n 194 15 189 213 32 332 range 0-6 0-4 0-6 0-5 0-5 0-25

M 2.77 2.27 2.33 1.85 2.66 4.49 SD 1.64 1.75 1.23 1.09 1.58 4.06

Spanish n 237 12 198 191 15 337

range 0-6 0-3 0-6 0-4 0-4 0-16 M 2.61 .58 2.32 1.34 2.13 4.07

SD 1.38 1.17 1.50 .94 1.25 3.33 PRC Spanish

n 100 1 97 72 3 15range 0-5 0 0-6 0-4 1-2 0-12

M

2

2.42 .00 2.10 1.33 1.67 3.61

SD 1.32 . 1.29 .90 .58 2.84

Note. A paired-samples t test indicated no cross-language difference on the total scores for the ECS sample. An independent samples t test indicated no difference on the total scores in Spanish between ECS sample and the PRC sample. ECS refers to the Early Childhood Study sample; PRC refers to the Puerto Rico Comparative sample.

As we anticipated, this task was quite difficult for the children in the study. The highest

possible total score for this test is 26, and although one child in the ECS sample achieved a total score of 25 in English, the highest score for the ECS sample in Spanish was 16 and for the PRC sample the highest score was 12. As this task will be used through second grade, however, these results indicate that there are opportunities for children to demonstrate growth in phonological awareness in the future.

The paired-samples t test indicated no cross-language difference on the total scores for the ECS sample. The independent-samples t test indicated no difference on the total scores in Spanish between the ECS sample and the PRC sample.

Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised.

Table 4 presents means, standard deviations, and ranges of the standard scores for each of the four subtests of the WLPB-R administered to the ECS and the PRC sample. The reported n for each subtest indicates that a number of children did not complete all of the subtests.


Table 4 Means and Standard Deviations for Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised (WLPB-R)

Picture Vocabulary

Letter-Word Identification

Dictation Memory for Sentences

ECS English

n 336 336 335 330 range 14-114 61-120 18-124 0-138

M 68.47 90.78 88.73 73.54 SD 19.12 9.68 14.26 19.45

Spanish n 340 338 338 330

range 7-130 63-120 14-121 0-115 M 65.13 88.87 90.38 69.77

SD 16.73 7.43 12.82 17.53 PRC

Spanish n 152 152 152 151

range 63-117 68-115 15-117 19-131 M 84.04 87.99 86.73 83.87

SD 10.78 6.35 15.88 17.59 Note. A paired-samples t test indicated a significant cross-language difference on Picture Vocabulary (t (331)=2.32, p <.05), Letter-Word Identification (t (329)=4.12, p <.001), Dictation (t (328)=-2.93, p <.01) and Memory for Sentences (t (317)=3.20, p <.01) for the ECS sample. The effect sizes, measured with Cohen’s d, were calculated using the means and standard deviations of the English and Spanish subtests for Picture Vocabulary (d = 0.19), Letter-Word Identification (d = 0.22), Dictation (d = 0.12), and Memory for Sentences (d = 0.20). An independent samples t test indicated a significant difference in Spanish for Picture Vocabulary (t (429)=15.01, p<.001), Dictation (t (243)=2.70, p <.05), and Memory for Sentences (t (479)= 8.18, p <.001) between the ECS sample and the PRC sample. The effect sizes, measured with Cohen’s d, were calculated based on the significance tests for Picture Vocabulary (d = 1.16), Dictation (d = 0.24), and Memory for Sentences (d = 0.75). ECS refers to the Early Childhood Study sample; PRC refers to the Puerto Rico Comparative sample. As indicated in Table 4, the abilities of the ECS and PRC samples on the four subtests of the WLPB-R are extremely varied. For the ECS sample, the standard deviations for Picture Vocabulary and Memory for Sentences in both languages exceed the expected value of 15. For the PRC sample, the standard deviation for Memory for Sentences also exceeds the expected value of 15.

When the means on the subtests are compared to the means of the monolingual norming populations on the WLPB-R, the children in the ECS sample are performing, on average, more than two standard deviations below the population mean on the Picture Vocabulary test in both English and Spanish. On average, the children in the PRC sample are performing one standard deviation below the population mean in Spanish. Similar results are found on another oral language task, Memory for Sentences, in which the children in the ECS sample are performing, on average, close to two standard deviations below the population mean in both English and


Spanish. The children in the PRC sample are performing, on average, one standard deviation below the population mean on this task. Less extreme differences are found for the two literacy tasks, Letter-Word Identification and Dictation, in which the children in the ECS sample (in both languages) and the PRC sample (in Spanish) are performing, on average, slightly less than one standard deviation below the population mean.

Results from the paired-samples t tests show significant differences across languages for the ECS sample. As reported in Table 4, significant mean differences were found for all four of the subtests of the WLPB-R when children were paired against themselves with regard to language performance. The children in the ECS sample performed significantly better in English on the Picture Vocabulary, Letter-Word Identification, and Memory for Sentences subtests, and significantly better in Spanish on the Dictation subtest. However, calculations of effect sizes show that these differences would be characterized as small as defined by Cohen (1988).

Results from the independent-samples t test show some significant differences between the ECS sample and the PRC sample in Spanish. After corrections for violations of assumption of equal variances for Picture Vocabulary and Dictation, differences were identified in three of the four subtests on the WLPB-R. The PRC sample performed significantly better on the two oral language subtests, Picture Vocabulary and Memory for Sentences, and the ECS sample performed significantly better on Dictation, one of the literacy subtests. Calculations of effect sizes show large effects for Picture Vocabulary and Memory for Sentences and a small effect for Dictation, as defined by Cohen (1988).

Dual Language Results

Dual language analysis results are presented in the bivariate displays in Figures 1 through 5. In each of these displays, four distinct groups of children are defined: one group has scores below the sample mean in both languages; two groups show differential abilities, being above the sample mean in one language, but below the sample mean in the other; and the final group is above the sample mean in each language, demonstrating more advanced abilities in both languages when compared to the overall ECS sample.

Figure 1 portrays each child’s total score in English and Spanish for the Phonological Awareness Task. Because this is a researcher-developed measure, there is no population mean for this task. There is a slight positive correlation between the English and Spanish scores (r=.342, p<.001).


Phonological Awareness - Spanish

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Figure 1. Bivariate plot depicting individual children’s total scores in English and Spanish on the Phonological Awareness Task. The dashed line indicates the sample mean in each language.

As demonstrated by Figure 2, children’s English and Spanish scores in Picture

Vocabulary were negatively correlated with each other (r= -.284, p<.001). Children who scored higher in English vocabulary tended to score lower in Spanish vocabulary and vice versa. There is one outlier case of a child who scored above the norming population mean in both languages.


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Figure 2. Bivariate plot depicting individual children’s total scores in English and Spanish on the Picture Vocabulary subtest of the WLPB-R. The lighter dashed line indicates the sample mean in each language; the darker dashed line indicates the population mean of 100.

Figure 3 shows the relationship of scores for the Letter-Word Identification subtest.

There is less variability of scores in the two languages on this subtest than on the Picture Vocabulary subtest. There is a moderately positive correlation between English and Spanish (r=.512, p<.001). Children have similar symbolic learning and letter identification skills across languages.


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Figure 3. Bivariate plot depicting individual children’s total scores in English and Spanish on the Letter-Word Identification subtest of the WLPB-R. The lighter dashed line indicates the sample mean in each language; the darker dashed line indicates the population mean of 100.

Figure 4 shows the scores for the Dictation subtest. Like the Letter-Word Identification subtest, these scores show less variability than the Picture Vocabulary subtest, but more variability than the Letter-Word Identification subtest. There is a moderate, positive correlation between the scores in English and Spanish (r=.500, p<.001).


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Figure 4. Bivariate plot depicting individual children’s total scores in English and Spanish on the Dictation subtest of the WLPB-R. The lighter dashed line indicates the sample mean in each language; the darker dashed line indicates the population mean of 100.

Figure 5 depicts the English and Spanish scores for the subtest of Memory for Sentences.

These scores are similar to the Picture Vocabulary scores in that children are scoring below the norming population mean and are showing wide variability of skills. There is a slight positive relationship between languages (r=.252, p<.001), so there is a tendency for children to score similarly in English and in Spanish.


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Figure 5. Bivariate plot depicting individual children’s total scores in English and Spanish on the Memory for Sentences subtest of the WLPB-R. The lighter dashed line indicates the sample mean in each language; the darker dashed line indicates the population mean of 100.

Discussion

The primary purpose of this initial data collection period of the Early Childhood Study of Language and Literacy Development of Spanish-speaking Children was to establish baseline information about these young children’s language and early literacy skills. We assessed children’s phonological awareness (as measured by the Phonological Awareness Task), vocabulary skills (as measured by Picture Vocabulary), symbolic learning and letter identification skills (as measured by Letter-Word Identification), prewriting skills (as measured



by Dictation), and language recalling skills (as measured by Memory for Sentences). We think of these skills as falling into two broad categories: (a) oral language abilities, as expressed in phonological awareness, vocabulary skills, and recalling skills; and (b) early literacy skills, as expressed in symbolic learning and letter identification, and prewriting skills.

Selecting measures to gauge 4-year-old children’s English and Spanish language and early literacy skills that would be appropriate into the early grades of elementary school was not an easy task. In fact, we had to develop some of the measures to investigate specific skills that we were interested in assessing, such as phonological awareness. Our results from the Phonological Awareness Task and the subtests of the WLPB-R show that we have a battery of tests with appropriate distributions that will allow us to track the language and early literacy skills of the children through second grade.

This data collection period was also successful in that we were able to recruit a diverse sample in terms of language skills and family background. We have a group of 4-year-old children in the ECS sample who are demonstrating varying skills in the assessment battery in both English and Spanish, and a group of 4-year-old children in the PRC sample who are showing varying skills across the assessment battery in Spanish. This diversity of language and literacy skills will make the future investigation of growth for this sample very interesting.

Children’s Language and Early Literacy Skills in Spanish and English as They Enter Pre-K Programs

As mentioned in the results section, one comparison that can be made with this baseline data is the comparison between the ECS sample means of the standardized scores on the subtests of the WLPB-R with the population means on these subtests, keeping in mind that these standardized scores are based on norms from monolingual populations.

Results from the WLPB-R subtests show that children in the ECS sample performed better in the early literacy tasks than in the oral language tasks in both English and Spanish. Given that these children are young English-language learners, it is not surprising that they scored, on average, considerably below the norm in the oral language subtests in English when compared to English monolingual children. However, they also scored, on average, considerably below the norm in the oral language subtests in Spanish (see Cobo-Lewis, Pearson, Eilers, & Umbel, 2002, for a similar finding). These results may well point to the vulnerability of young bilingual children to language loss in the context of acquiring a societal language as their second language. Continuing assessment in both languages will make it possible to follow individual children’s trajectories in terms of gains and losses, and contextual data from home and school will help us pinpoint the influences that are at work in the language and literacy development of these children. Comparisons between the Early Childhood Study Sample and the Puerto Rican Comparative Sample

Results showing significant differences between the Early Childhood Study sample performance in Spanish and the performance of the Puerto Rico Comparative sample are also important. Children in the ECS sample performed better in the Dictation tests than children in the PRC sample. This shows, perhaps, that children in the ECS sample have had more experience with the type of tasks that involve prewriting skills such as holding and using a


pencil. On the other hand, the PRC sample scored significantly higher than the ECS sample in the two oral language skills tests—Picture Vocabulary and Memory for Sentences. Whereas the PRC sample scored, on average, nearly one standard deviation below the population mean on these two subtests, the ECS sample scored, on average, more than two standard deviations below the population mean.

This comparison is important because it means that something other than family background and low socio-economic status may be at play in these children’s language learning process. Perhaps, the PRC sample has an advantage over the ECS sample on oral language skills because these children are learning only one language – Spanish - in the context of a Spanish-speaking community. It might be that because the children in the ECS sample have to divide their abilities across two languages, their performances on these two oral language tasks in Spanish are impacted by their bilingualism.

Future research with these groups will allow us to examine what happens to these differences in Spanish skills over time. Do children in the ECS sample catch up with the Spanish skills of the children in Puerto Rico? Or do the differences between these two samples widen as growth in language and early literacy development progresses in Spanish only for the PRC sample, and in English and, perhaps Spanish, for the ECS sample? In addition, we will be able to investigate how different factors in the home and classroom contribute to these differences over time. For example, how does the type of instructional environment (i.e. English-only instruction, bilingual instruction, or two-way English-Spanish instruction) impact these differences?

Dual Language Abilities: Relationships between English and Spanish Language and Early Literacy Skills in the Early Childhood Study Sample

Results from the correlation analysis show that there is a significant relationship between the ECS sample children’s language and early literacy skills in English and their language and early literacy skills in Spanish. Specifically, children’s phonological awareness, vocabulary skills, symbolic learning and letter identification skills, prewriting, and language recalling skills are significantly related in English and Spanish. With the exception of vocabulary skills, all of these relationships are positive, indicating that there is a tendency for children to perform similarly across languages.

The finding that there is a positive correlation between the Spanish and the English versions of the Phonological Awareness Task reinforces the theory that the foundation for phonological awareness involves conceptual knowledge about rhymes and phonemes. Spanish is similar to English in terms of linguistic levels with words being divided into syllables, onsets, rimes, and phonemes. Although previous research indicates differences between Spanish and English with regard to writing, phonological awareness is similar for both languages (Borzone de Manrique & Signorini, 1998; Jimenez Gonzalez & Haro Garcia, 1995; Lopez, 1999). Given that English and Spanish are both languages that use the alphabetic principle, and that at this early stage children are being asked to manipulate similar concepts, this positive correlation means that, on average, these children are already applying their conceptual knowledge across their two languages (Durgunoglu, Nagy, & Hancin-Bhatt,1993).

Findings that the ECS sample children performed similarly across languages in the Letter-Word Identification and the Dictation subtests are also not surprising, given that the initial items on these tasks are not really language specific, but are tapping into more general abilities,


such as symbolic learning and representations, and prewriting skills, such as holding a pencil, writing a straight line or a circle, and tracing letters.

The negative correlation between English vocabulary and Spanish vocabulary is, however, an important finding in this study. Children who had larger English vocabularies tended to have smaller Spanish vocabularies and vice versa as indexed by their English and Spanish performances in the Picture Vocabulary Test of the WLPB-R. This inverse relationship between English and Spanish vocabulary has been found in current research dealing with the topic of depth and breadth of vocabulary in these two languages (Ordóñez, Carlo, Snow & McLaughlin, 2002). It points to the importance of following these children through their language and early literacy learning process to find out if they are likely to lose Spanish knowledge as they learn more English, i.e. if they are in a subtractive bilingualism situation. Or alternatively, depending on the support at home and/or school for dual language development, some of these children might engage in an additive bilingual process in which skills in both languages continue to grow.

Conclusion

This research has provided a baseline description of the language skills that a group of

Spanish-speaking 4-year old children brings to the beginning of their educational experience. Clearly, these children are entering pre-K programs with a diversity of skills in their two languages and these skill levels will have an impact on what the children learn in the pre-K classroom and what they continue to learn at home.

Our findings regarding the low levels of vocabulary demonstrated by the children in the ECS sample are important given the well-documented link between vocabulary size and early reading ability (Snow, Burns, & Griffin, 1998). These findings suggest that this group of young bilingual children may well be at risk for early literacy development due to their low levels of vocabulary in both languages.

Future analyses on these data will examine changes in these children’s dual language and early literacy skills after spending a year in a pre-K classroom. These analyses will take into account the language or languages used in the classroom and at home, as well as the richness of the language and literacy environment in these contexts. Future research on this sample will track how their dual language and early literacy skills develop over time from pre-K to second grade and how their growth trajectories vary systematically as a function of selected contextual variables, such as characteristics of the individual children, language background, and language experiences at home and at school.

Author Note Patton O. Tabors, Harvard Graduate School of Education; Mariela M. Páez, Harvard

Graduate School of Education; Lisa M. López, National Science Foundation, Minority Post-Doctoral Fellow, Harvard Graduate School of Education.


This study is a sub-project of a program project titled Acquiring Literacy in English directed by the Center for Applied Linguistics, Washington, DC. The program project is funded by the National Institute for Child Health and Human Development and the Office for Educational Research and Improvement, US Department of Education (Grant No. P01 HD39530).

The research reported in this article was presented at the conference of the National Association for Bilingual Education, Philadelphia, PA, March 23, 2002.

Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Patton O. Tabors, 307 Larsen Hall, Harvard Graduate School of Education, 14 Appian Way, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 02138. E-mail: [email protected].

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Cobo-Lewis, A. B., Pearson, B. Z., Eilers, R. E., & Umbel, V. C. (2002). Effects of bilingualism and bilingual education on oral and written Spanish skills: A multifactor study of standardized test outcomes. In D. K. Oller, & R. E. Eilers (Eds.), Language and literacy in bilingual children (pp. 3-21). Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters.

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Muñoz-Sandoval, A.F., Cummins, J, Alvarado, C.G., & Ruef, M.L. (1998). Bilingual Verbal Ability Tests: Comprehensive manual. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing,

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Oller, D. K., & Pearson, B. Z. (2002). Assessing the effects of bilingualism: A background. In D. K. Oller, & R. E. Eilers (Eds.), Language and literacy in bilingual children (pp. 3-21). Clevedon, England: Multilingual Matters.

Ordóñez, C. L., Carlo, M. S., Snow, C. E., & McLaughlin, B. (2002). Depth and breadth of vocabulary in two languages: Which vocabulary skills transfer? Journal of Educational Psychology 94(4), 719-728.

Pearson, B. Z. (2002). Bilingual Infants: Mapping the Research Agenda. In M. M. Suárez-Orozco and M. M. Páez (Eds.), Latinos: Remaking America (pp. 306-320). Berkeley: University of California Press.

Rodríguez, J. L., Díaz, R. M., Duran, D., & Espinosa, L. (1995). The impact of bilingual preschool education on the language development of Spanish-speaking children. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 10, 475-490.

Snow, C. E., Burns, M. S., & Griffin, P. (Eds.). (1998). Preventing reading difficulties in young children. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

Snow, C. E, & Tabors, P. O. (1993). Language skills that relate to literacy development. In Spodek, B. & Saracho, O. (Eds.), Yearbook in Early Childhood Education, 4. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.

Snow, C., Tabors, P., Nicholson, P., & Kurland, B. (1995). SHELL: A method for assessing oral language and early literacy skills in kindergarten and first grade children. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 10 (1), 37-48.

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Valdés, G., & Figueroa, R. A. (1996). Bilingualism and testing: A special case of bias. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.

Wong Fillmore, L. (1991). When learning a second language means losing the first. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 6, 323-346.

Woodcock, R. W. (1991a). Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing.

Woodcock, R. W. (1991b). Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery-Revised: English and Spanish Forms: Examiner’s manual. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing.

Woodcock, R. W. & Muñoz-Sandoval, A. F. (1995a). Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery—Revised: Spanish Form. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing.

Woodcock, R. W. & Muñoz-Sandoval, A. F. (1995b). Woodcock Language Proficiency Battery—Revised: Spanish Form: Supplementary manual. Itasca, IL: Riverside Publishing.

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Endnotes

1 Cooperating partners in Boston for the pre-K year were ABCD Boston Head Start and the East Boston Early Education Center, a Boston Public School. Cooperating partners in Framingham were SMOC Head Start and BLOCKS, a Framingham Public School. The cooperating partner in Lawrence was the Greater Lawrence Head Start. 2 Cooperating partners in Montgomery County for the pre-K year were Head Start of Montgomery County and the Extended Elementary Education Program of the Montgomery County Public Schools. 3 The cooperating partner in Puerto Rico for the pre-K year was the Council for Preschool Children of Puerto Rico, Inc. Head Start. 4 All family demographic information is derived from the parent interview which was administered by telephone or in person. Most of the interviews were done with the mothers of the participating children and lasted 15 to 20 minutes. The information from these interviews was available for 321 of the 344 families in the ECS sample and 119 of the PRC sample. 5 This test is based on previous work by Lisa M. López, when she was at the University of Miami, David K. Dickinson, when he was at the Education Development Center, Andrea Rolla San Francisco, at the Harvard Graduate School of Education, and Adele Miccio, at Pennsylvania State University. 6 Rasch analyses indicate a reliability of .68 on the English version of the test and a reliability of .59 for the Spanish version. Rank order correlations indicate that each subtest contributes positively to the total score for both versions of the test, therefore all subtests have been retained in the measures. 7 In fact, the only language proficiency assessment that has been validated with Spanish-English bilingual children of differing abilities is the Bilingual Verbal Ability Tests (Muñoz-Sandoval, Cummins, Alvarado, and Ruef, 1998). This test is, however, not appropriate for children younger than five years old. 8 In the ECS sample, 8 children who were assessed in Spanish refused to be assessed in English, while 4 children who were assessed in English refused the assessment battery in Spanish. Some children refused to complete individual subtests within the battery. 9 Raw scores for each of the subtests were converted into standard scores using the Woodcock Compuscore and Program Profiles software program.

Preventing Reading Failure for English Language Learners: Interventions for Struggling First-Grade L2 Students

Iliana Alanís University of Texas at Brownsville

Judith Munter and Josefina Villamil Tinajero

University of Texas at El Paso

Abstract

Student outcomes following the first year of implementation of an early reading intervention project designed to improve L1 literacy in first grade English language learners (ELLs) are described. Two schools in south Texas are the sites for this study. The interventions were delivered in Spanish (L1) through on-going supplemental reading instruction for ELLs at-risk of reading failure. Results indicated a steady improvement in reading levels as measured by the Tejas Lee, running records, interviews and classroom observations. Preliminary findings support the practice of providing ELLs with interventions that use an intensive, systematic, culturally responsive approach to reading instruction.

Introduction

Recently the failure of schools to facilitate literacy development for growing numbers of children has led to national concern (Haycock, 2001). Poor reading skills across all levels lead to lower overall academic achievement, and the first grade seems to be a critical developmental period for ensuring optimum literacy learning (Chall, 2000). Multiple factors contribute to persistent low reading achievement outcomes, including a lack of qualified teachers, socioeconomic factors, and non-native proficiency in English (Snow, Burns, & Griffin, 1998). Students who experience early reading difficulty often continue to experience failure in later grades as well as later in life. Numerous research studies (e.g., Simmons, 2000; Tinajero & Hurley, 2001; Zelasko & Antunez, 2000) indicate that young children who acquire early literacy skills have the tools to exponentially grow in their knowledge and skills while those who do not develop early skills fall further and further behind.

Intervention has increasingly replaced remediation as an effective approach to help students struggling in the process of learning to read (Askew, Fountas, Lyons, Pinnell, & Schmitt, 1998; Berninger, Abbott, Vermeulen, Ogier, Brooksher, Zook, & Lemos, 2002; Bradshaw, 2001). Reading intervention programs are designed to hinder or alter the action of reading failure by preventing it from occurring or stopping it early on if it has already started. Students who participate in intervention programs either attain the


goal of reading or, alternatively, the program is discontinued and other options are considered (Hiebert & Taylor, 1994). Convergent research findings indicate that English monolingual students who struggle with reading benefit from intensive reading instruction (O’Connor, 2000; Torgesen, 2000), using early intervention programs such as Reading Recovery (Clay, 1985), Right Start (Hiebert, Colt, Catto, & Gury, 1992), and Early Intervention in Reading (Taylor, Frye, Short, & Shearer, 1992). These programs have many elements in common (Pikulski, 1994) such as: (1) structured and fast paced format, (2) strong effective program of regular classroom reading instruction, (3) reading for meaning as an overriding consideration, (4) low pupil-to-teacher ratio, (5) fluency as a major goal, and (6) writing as a means to teach and extend word identification skills. These components are consistent with what research recommends for closing the gap for struggling readers (Allington & Walmsley, 1995).

Less is known however, about the effects of supplemental reading instruction for English language learners (ELLs) and about the instructional components that are most critical for the development of reading skills for second-language learners in general. Of particular interest to our study were intervention strategies for ELLs showing early signs of reading failure. While it is clear that early intervention is essential to improving achievement outcomes there is no consensus in the research literature on how to select the most effective procedures for teaching reading to ELL students at risk of reading difficulties as early as the first grade (Gersten & Baker, 2000).

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this paper is to report the effectiveness of focused early intervention for first-grade ELLs with reading difficulties and to identify the key components supporting the learners’ gains in performance outcomes. The following descriptions represent two distinct efforts in schools along the Texas-Mexico border. The first (School A) utilizes university-based tutors and the second (School B) taps into classroom teacher expertise. Critical to this project was the design of effective implementation strategies for the intervention that would lead to improvements in achievement levels for students in “at-risk” situations, incorporating sound pedagogical strategies for teaching struggling readers with special attention to the ELL student.

Theoretical Framework Critical Features of Literacy Development

A careful review of the literature (e.g., Begoray, 2001; Burns, Griffin, Snow, 1999; Homan, King & Hogarty, 2001) on successful intervention for struggling readers points to several important elements (i.e., phonemic awareness, vocabulary development, the use of decoding and word analysis strategies, listening/reading comprehension, and reading/writing fluency) that are crucial for early literacy instruction. In the case of ELLs, additional factors to be considered include contextual factors, such as the school personnel’s use of native language, family involvement, understanding and valuing of cultural diversity.

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Emphasis on Essential Reading Skills.

First, letter-sound relationships and word identification strategies should be taught explicitly. In early literacy the three key features are phonological awareness, alphabetic principle, and fluency with connected text (Ehri, 1998; Snow, Burns, & Griffin, 1998). An important element of phonological awareness is phonemic awareness (i.e., the ability to manipulate the individual sounds, or phonemes, in spoken words). This understanding facilitates acquisition of the alphabetic principle and involves learning the letter-sound correspondences as well as spelling patterns and applying this knowledge in reading text. Lastly, fluency with connected text represents a level of expertise beyond the alphabetic code. In this study, ELL students were given opportunities to read repeated text while reviewing decoding strategies in context.

Listening and Reading Comprehension.

Reading comprehension is influenced by a broad range of factors, such as vocabulary knowledge, appreciation for text structure, thinking and reasoning skills, ability to apply reading comprehension strategies and word reading ability. When children do not acquire good word reading skills early in elementary school, they are denied ready access to the rich knowledge resources available in print. This may be particularly unfortunate for children who are speakers of other languages and are in the process of developing general verbal knowledge and ability in L2 (Torgesen, 2000). Therefore, one of the goals for this research project was to build on students’ prior knowledge and word recognition skills.

Vocabulary Development.

Language and literacy skills in the primary grades are directly related to later academic success (Cunningham & Stanovich, 1997). Children’s reading comprehension levels are affected by the types of opportunities available to them for building an extensive lexicon, which, in turn, is dependent on exposure to a language-rich environment. As such, learners with extensive vocabularies are likely to achieve reading success (Anderson & Freebody, 1981). During the intervention sessions in this study, students had opportunities to practice language and literacy skills in context and enhance L1 verbal ability through group dialogue.

Emphasis on writing skills.

Emergent readers and writers are just beginning to grasp the concept that oral language can be written down and others can then read and derive meaning from the written word. As children engage in shared reading activities and as they develop writing skills, they begin to discover relationships between the sounds of the language and the symbols that represent those sounds. In this study, opportunities were provided for students to analyze new words by saying them slowly and predicting the sequence of sounds. The intervention presented explicit models that provided high-quality instruction and strategies enabling children to achieve high standards in their writing. Through independent writing, students had numerous opportunities to apply newly learned techniques and strategies.


Use of Native Language and Culture for Instruction.

Teaching children to read and write first in their mother tongue has long been a cornerstone of effective bilingual instruction programs (Faltis & Hudelson, 1998; Lapp, Fisher, Flood & Cabello, 2001). There is a high correlation between learning to read in the native language and subsequent reading achievement in L2 (August & Hakuta, 1997; Greene, 1998; Thomas & Collier, 1997). Research indicates that literacy strategies learned in one language transfer to reading and writing situations in a second language without having to be relearned. In this study, tutors encouraged students to develop the language and culture they brought from home and build on their prior experiences, challenging the perception in the broader society that these attributes should be viewed as deficits or hindrances to learners’ academic progress.

Synthesis of Constructs.

Ongoing and thorough review of the literature set the foundation for this study, guiding its direction and development. The researchers paid close attention to the centrality of the roles to be played by the critical factors outlined in the preceding sections: reading skills; listening and reading comprehension; vocabulary development; writing skills, and the use of native language and culture. Each of these has been woven carefully into the intervention as it was designed, implemented and evaluated.

Overview of the Study

The study is conducted in the tradition of action research, an approach that is arguably one of the most powerful approaches to scholarly writing on school improvement today (McLaughlin, Watts, & Beard, 2000). Action research is a vehicle for deepening the knowledge base on education/social issues by linking the words and work of participants (e.g., teachers, students, parents) to the extant theoretical understandings of the research literature. From this perspective, both basic and applied research are viewed as useful tools for developing a balanced inquiry and analysis process that blends the knowledge of teachers as reflective practitioners with the basic knowledge of scholarly works and academic experts.

In this study, veteran teacher-researchers with more than two decades of personal and professional experience as bilingual teachers and learners, program administrators, parents and mentors, actualize the Deweyan (1916) notion of “democratic participation in classrooms and schools” (Campbell, 1998, p. 194). Researchers who adopt this participatory, active view of knowledge generation draw on an epistemology of “insiderness” that sees life and work as intertwined (Delgado-Gaitan, 1993). In order to develop analytical schemes grounded in empirical data, the researchers used a research design that combines quantitative methods (i.e., t-test, chi-square) and qualitative methods (i.e., journals, questionnaires, interviews, running records) collected systematically over a period of 12 months.

As patterns began to emerge in the data collection process, they became the themes of the research and the bases of the analytical framework. This grounded theory process (Bogdan & Biklen, 1998), like a funnel, allowed the teacher-researchers to

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observe many possible themes early on in the study, with a gradual focus on a particular set of themes as the patterns began to emerge. Research Questions

At the initial stages in the design of the research project, the following preliminary research questions were addressed:

1. What are the effects of supplemental reading instruction for first-grade Spanish-speaking readers in bilingual programs?

2. What are the instructional components critical for developing reading skills in ELLs?

The interventions used in both studies were based on the researchers’ ongoing review of the research-based evidence that identifies critical elements of reading instruction for monolingual English speakers at-risk of reading failure (Allington & Walmsley, 1995; National Reading Panel, 2000; Snow et al., 1998) in combination with reflective analysis on the experiential context of the schools and classrooms in question. While specific interventions that benefit ELLs have yet to be more fully investigated, this study explores the notion that elements known to prevent reading difficulties among monolingual (L1) students have much in common with the cognitive development of ELLs. As the data was analyzed over time, the researchers’ inquiry focused increasingly on the role of systematic intervention, applied in a culturally responsive context, for children from non English-speaking homes and communities.

Preliminary research findings drawn from the two schools in this study indicate that the instructional components most critical for the development of reading skills for monolingual children lead to effective development of literacy for language minority children as well, while critical attention to the role of native language, context and culture must not be dismissed in the case of children who are second-language learners.

Method Research Design

This study uses an eclectic combination of scientifically based research methods to provide a fuller understanding of the range and complexity of issues faced by the teacher of L2 children in reading classrooms today. Although qualitative research has gained currency in the field of educational research, many school districts and research reports are still bound to quantitative measures in describing and assessing the work they do. This study attempts to combine methods by using t-tests and statistical measures in one school site, while viewing the ethnographic methods used in the second school as equally valid scientific research, grounded in the processes of professional inquiry and reflection. The synthesis of the procedures, conducted in two distinct sites with distinct approaches to the research process puts a human face on the numbers, providing the reader with a deeper knowledge of the problem under study


Participants

Tutors.

Participants for School A included 5 pre-service teachers in their junior year of college enrolled in an instructional methods course that served as tutors for 25 first-grade Spanish-speaking students on one elementary campus. Participation in the project was voluntary. In January 2002, 2 tutors dropped from the project due to other course work and matriculation. The remaining 3 tutors worked with 13 of the original 25 first-grade students. All three were female, of Mexican American descent and bilingual speakers with varying levels of English proficiency. All were in the first year of their teacher preparation program enrolled in an instructional planning and curriculum development course.

In School B, a fully certified bilingual classroom teacher with over 20 years of experience participated as teacher/tutor. This teacher had extensive preparation in the use of the Reading Recovery Program.

Students.

Two tutors dropped from School A in January 2002, consequently 13 of the original 25 students received the year-long intervention. All 13 students identified themselves as Mexican American and indicated Spanish as their native language. The 13 students included 10 males and three females. Their classroom teachers identified all 13 as considerably below level readers through scores on the first-grade assessment, Tejas Lee (assessment described in Student Data Sources section). The 13 students who participated in School B were all native language Spanish speakers, identified by their teacher as at risk of reading failure.

The neighborhood schools are Title I campuses where all students qualify for free and reduced lunch. In these border community schools, the student ethnic distribution is more than 80% Mexican American and over 50% of the student population is designated as limited English proficient by state standards. Measures

Formative evaluation data was gathered throughout the year to evaluate and refine the project efforts. Information was gathered regarding student progress, tutor participation and teacher reflections. Standardized test scores, running records, and informal classroom observations were collected to monitor student progress.

Students’ early reading skills were assessed using a variety of evaluation procedures, such as Reading Recovery instruments (i.e., pre- and post-testing, observations, and survey instruments). Students’ early reading skills were assessed using the Tejas Lee, the Spanish version of the Texas Primary Reading Inventory. The Tejas Lee (see Appendix A) is an informal, individually administered assessment that provides teachers with an additional tool for determining how well students are progressing as readers in Spanish. The Tejas Lee consists of a diagnostic screening and an inventory. The reading inventory section includes tasks that ask children to demonstrate their understanding of book and print awareness, phonemic awareness, graphophonemic

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knowledge, oral reading ability, and comprehension development (TEA, 1998). The screen is used as a second grade benchmark for the state’s high stakes assessment given in third grade and is a predictor of reading difficulties. The Tejas Lee was used as pre- and post measures for the study. The pre-testing occurred within the first four weeks of school and the post testing took place during the last three weeks of May 2002. Students were also administered the Tejas Lee during December for mid-year benchmarks. The classroom teacher conducted assessments that included pre- and post-tests using the Tejas Lee Inventory, interviews, weekly logs, running records and classroom observations. Procedures

Based on the common elements of successful early intervention programs for monolingual children (Gaskins, 1999; Gullatt & Lofton, 1998; Zelasko & Antunez, 2000) the intervention model was designed to consist of structured, fast-paced lessons delivered in addition to the classroom instruction as a small-group tutoring program with 3-4 students (see Appendices B and C for lesson plan guides). The intervention was done as a pullout in addition to classroom instruction. The intervention was conducted in classrooms or occasionally in the library. The interventions took place during the 2001-2002 academic year.

Intervention for School A consisted of 66 sessions three times a week implemented over 23 weeks due to campus and university holidays. A one-three teacher-student ratio was utilized based on research that investigated the effect of group size during supplemental reading instruction (Vaughn, Linan-Thompson, Bryant, Kouzekanani, & Dickson, 2001) indicating minimal difference between a one-to-one and one-to-three ratio. In both studies each session was approximately 20 minutes in length and conducted in the students’ primary language, Spanish.

Procedures in School B consisted of a one-to-one teacher-student ratio, intensive tutoring implemented over a period of 15 weeks. School B classroom teachers used ‘Descrubriendo la Lectura’ (Escamilla & Andrade, 1992) as a framework for developing procedures and principles of the intervention. Some of the important principles of this program included teaching for independent strategic processing within the zone of proximal development, providing frequent and intensive opportunities to read, exposure to frequent, regular spelling-sound relationships, and using reading to obtain meaning from print (Clay, 1993; Sensenbaugh, 1995). Follow-up procedures were implemented after 4 months.

A systematic, structured intervention plan was developed around the critical features of reading for both school sites (see Appendices B and C). Much of the time was spent on explicit skill instruction coordinated with opportunities to practice skills in context. Students were provided with many opportunities to practice skills, with assistance from the tutor as well as independently. Project participants kept a record of the number of days taught and results of on-going assessments. Tutors in School A consulted with their University Supervisor on a weekly basis for support, feedback, and guidance. Classroom teachers consulted and received regular visits from project directors to receive ongoing supervision and feedback.


Results Student Outcomes

Data from School A were analyzed using raw scores on the Tejas Lee subtests. Scores were analyzed using a compared means paired t-test. Presented in Table 1 are the paired t-test results for the Tejas Lee (pre-and-post-test scores). Subtests for the Tejas Lee included Reconocimiento de Palabras (Word recognition, see Table 2), Comprensión de Oraciones (Sentence Comprehension), Conocimiento de Sonidos, Difícil Y Fácil (Sound Recognition, Difficult and Easy), and Conocimiento de Fonológico (Phoneme Awareness, see Table 3) which includes Unión de Silabas, Unión de Sonidos y Omision de Sonidos (Blending of Syllables and Sounds and Omitting Sounds). Table 1 Paired t-test Results for Tejas Lee Subtests Mean Percent Correct PreTest Post Test Subtest Name M SD M SD t(12) Reconocimiento de Palabras 28 .32 91 .10 7.3*** Comprensión de Oraciones 11 .29 85 .25 7.7*** Conocimiento de Sonidos Difícil 50 .33 90 .17 4.7*** Fácil 74 .27 99 .03 3.2* Conocimiento de Fonológico Unión de Silabas 63 .44 100 .00 2.9* Sonidos 40 .34 100 .00 6.2*** Omisión de Sonidos 26 .38 94 .10 6.7

****p<.05. ***p<.001.

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Table 2 Tejas Lee Results: Word Recognition and Sentence Comprehension (Reconocimiento de Palabras y Comprensión de Oraciones)

Name Word Recognition Sentence Comprehension Pre Post Pre Post

Child A 11/15 15/15 0/6 6/6 Child B 3/15 15/15 3/6 6/6 Child C 0/15 11/15 0/6 2/6 Child D 2/15 15/15 0/6 6/6 Child E 0/15 13/15 0/6 4/6 Child F 0/15 15/15 0/6 6/6 Child G 0/15 14/15 0/6 2/6 Child H 0/15 15/15 0/6 6/6 Child I 6/15 13/15 0/6 6/6 Child J 11/15 15/15 0/6 6/6 Child K 9/15 12/15 0/6 5/6 Child L 12/15 15/15 6/6 6/6 Child M 1/15 11/15 0/6 6/6

Table 3 Tejas Lee Results: Phonological Awareness (Conocimiento de Fonológico)

Student Union of Syllables Union of Sounds Omission of Sounds

Pre Post Pre Post Pre Post Child A 0/4 4/4 3/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 Chlild B 4/4 4/4 3/4 4/4 2/4 4/4 Child C 0/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 Child D 4/4 4/4 2/4 4/4 2/4 4/4 Child E 0/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 Child F 1/4 4/4 3/4 4/4 0/4 3/4 Child G 4/4 4/4 1/4 4/4 0/4 3/4 Child H 2/4 4/4 2/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 Child I 4/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 4/4 4/4 Child J 2/4 4/4 2/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 Child K 4/4 4/4 4/4 4/4 4/4 4/4 Child L 4/4 4/4 1/4 4/4 2/4 4/4 Child M 4/4 4/4 0/4 4/4 0/4 3/4


Pre-tests were administered in September with post-tests administered in May. Students showed varying levels of achievement for each area, with all 13 students exhibiting gains on pre-post test comparison at the minimum statistical significance level of .05. Based on student results it was concluded the tutoring model should be tested more carefully to see if similar gains would be obtained in a more controlled situation.

The results from School B, reported through running records, weekly logs, interviews and observation field notes indicated similar gains in student performance (see Tables 4 and 5). However, the greater reliance on qualitative methodology at this school site created sets of data that provide information about the impacts of the intervention on other central stakeholders in the reading intervention process, including teachers, tutors, and program policy makers (i.e., administrators and supervisors). The combined results are summarized in the section that follows. Table 4 Tejas Lee Results: Sound Recognition (Reconocimiento de Sonidos)

Name Difficult Easy Pre Post Pre Post

Child A 0/13 13/13 8/14 14/14 Child B 12/13 13/13 14/14 14/14 Child C 0/15 5/13 3/14 14/14 Child D 7/13 13/13 12/14 14/14 Child E 12/13 12/13 12/14 14/14 Child F 13/13 13/13 14/14 14/14 Child G 1/13 11/13 4/14 14/14 Child H 5/13 12/13 8/14 14/14 Child I 10/13 13/13 14/14 14/14 Child J 7/13 13/13 14/14 14/14 Child K 7/13 9/13 14/14 14/14 Child L 7/13 13/13 10/14 14/14 Child M 5/13 12/13 8/14 12/14

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Table 5 Reading Recovery Results: Observation Survey in Spanish (Examen de Observación en Español)

Child A

(pre-test) Child A (post-

test) Child B

(pre-test) Child B

(post-test) Letter ID 60 61 59 61

Word Test 18 25 9 20 Concepts 20 20 16 25

Vocabulary 24 27 ¿ ¿ Dictation 37 39 21 39

Total Level ------------- 3 -------- 1

Discussion

The purpose of the study was to document the implementation of early reading intervention for ELL students and to examine the student outcomes following 23 weeks of implementation. The classroom teachers, tutors and university supervisor throughout this study made reflective observations through weekly journal writing. Four merit discussion at this time: teacher-student relationships, vocabulary development, student motivation, and training. Teacher-Student Relationships

The interactions that took place between students and tutors were central to student success. Authentic trust and communication between teachers and students frequently can transcend the economic and social disadvantages that afflict communities and schools alike in inner city and rural areas (Cummins, 2000). These interactions are fundamental to the academic success of culturally diverse students. Through the intervention sessions students’ sense of self was affirmed. The affirmation of identity established respect and trust between tutors and students that was crucial for the development of students’ reading skills. The positive development of students’ identities as readers played out in the interactions between instructors and students. Consequently they were more likely to participate actively in instruction and apply themselves to academic effort. Vocabulary Development

Tutors created a vocabulary-rich environment by sharing authentic literature and developing literacy both in context and through content areas. Vocabulary words were taught and extended through oral language activities prior to reading them. Students were encouraged to used varied words in sessions that included a large selection of vocabulary. Interestingly, what mattered was not just the variety of words that the tutors used, but also the variety of words that the children used as they spoke with the tutors and listened


to others (Dickinson & Tabors, 2002). During book reading, conversations encouraged students to think about each story and how it connected to their experiences. Student Motivation

Tutors at both schools indicated student motivation remained high throughout the study based on student reactions, contributions, comments, and progress. Instructors were concerned at the beginning of the study with the low levels of reading achievement for each student. Both teachers and tutors were concerned that the interventions not become boring for the students with the repetition of the lessons. The repetition and fast pace of the lessons appeared to keep the students on task and excited. The instructors felt that the students were reading successfully for the first time and progressing in reading development. This also resulted in many positive notes and responses from parents and classroom teachers. Training

A final observation made by instructors indicated that ongoing reflection, feedback and training were essential in helping them learn to follow the lesson model, create interesting learning situations, and use assessment to inform practice. The structured lessons were part of the training process. It was observed that as tutors taught the lessons, they improved as instructional leaders and needed guidance from supervisors less and less. Finally, on-going coaching was important in helping tutors make the strategies their own and in reinforcing tutors responsibility for their students. Tutors also need to be trained to have a basic understanding of the reading process. The tutors in this project were in the process of developing that understanding. Their university reading courses taken in concurrence with this project focused on a basic understanding of concepts of print, decoding, sight-word learning, and common problems that new and inexperienced readers share. This information was essential for tutors to understand in order to be effective. Implications for Practice

Both pre-service teachers (i.e., university students) and classroom teachers as reading tutors can provide children with a valued mentor and friend. To have an intervention result in true gains however, structure, training, supervision and planning are needed. Schools and teacher preparation programs must make a strong commitment to ensure that tutors are given the training and assistance they need. School-based preventive efforts should be developed to maintain growth in critical reading skills. Culturally responsive materials and instructional techniques should be developed that are well integrated with ongoing classroom instruction. Adequate development of these skills in first grade does not guarantee that children will continue to maintain growth in second grade without extra help; however, if we allow children to fail at any point during early schooling experience we are moving to a “remedial” rather than a “preventive” model of intervention.

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The results of this study demonstrate that it is possible to facilitate the literacy development of struggling L1 first graders in a relatively short amount of time. The intervention however, must meet the following criteria:

a. Intervention is frequent and of sufficient duration to make a difference; b. Pupil-to-teacher ratio is kept small (1-4); c. Texts are carefully selected and sequenced to ensure student success; d. Word learning activities are used to help children become familiar with

print; e. Writing is used to teach and extend word identification skills; f. Assessment is meaningful, practical, and ongoing; g. Pupils build confidence and see themselves as readers. h. Culturally responsive principles of instruction must be embedded in the

model. i. Use of the mother tongue (L1) must be incorporated into the reading

intervention in the case of ELLs.

Training and coaching are essential components in helping tutors learn to adjust to the model utilized in the project. The general principles of good reading instruction (Weiler, 1998) should be used in intervention programs with focus on culture and language as assets to enrich ELLs participation in all levels of literacy learning. Teachers and tutors with appropriate cultural and linguistic “funds of knowledge” (Grisham, 2000; Gutierrez, 2002) develop an increased sense of responsibility for teaching students in at-risk situations. It is important to keep in mind that although the students who participated in this study have made gains in their reading ability, their classroom peers have also continued to make academic gains. Further research should be conducted to collect longitudinal data and further substantiate these initial results.

Limitations

This study has several limitations. First, it does not control for all student background variables (i.e., home intellectual climate and motivation) that are likely to have an influence on student achievement. Second, there were no comparable control groups to compare students who received and did not receive the intervention. Third, teacher effect was not taken into account when measuring intervention effectiveness. Fourth, the short-term nature of the study was an additional limitation, taken into consideration when the data were elaborated and analyzed. However, changes in attitude and self-esteem, are ultimately measured by the achievements of an individual over a lifetime; as is quite common in the literature that studies such as this one use short-term predictors of long-term changes. Although the results cannot be generalized, the findings obtained from this preliminary study serve as a basis for further investigation and provide the reader with a deeper understanding of the dynamics of the problem facing the teachers of non English-speaking children in reading classrooms today.


Suggestions for Further Research

The results of this preliminary study invite further reflection and inquiry on the many unanswered questions about successful reading intervention strategies for ELL students. The students from this study should be followed for the next several years to determine whether the gains made were maintained and transferred to other areas. Studies should be conducted to determine which elements of the project plan are most important. In addition to continuing to refine our knowledge about specific instructional techniques and elements we must examine the intensity and duration of intervention required to eliminate reading failure. Finally, further attention must be given to the potential for studies that incorporate multiple research methods to illuminate our understanding of the problem of overall school improvement to benefit all children.

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Appendix A

The Tejas Lee Reading Inventory

The Tejas Lee consists of a diagnostic screening and an inventory. The reading inventory section includes tasks that ask children to demonstrate their understanding of book and print awareness, phonemic awareness, graphophonemic knowledge, oral reading ability, and comprehension development (TEA, 1998). The screen is used as a second grade benchmark for the state’s high stakes assessment given in third grade and is a predictor of reading difficulties. The Tejas Lee was used to develop pre- and post measures for the study. The pre-testing occurred within the first four weeks of school and the post testing took place during the last three weeks of May 2002. Students were also administered the Tejas Lee during December for mid-year benchmarks. The classroom teacher also conducted ongoing informal assessments.


Appendix B

Lesson Plan Guide Used by University Tutors in School A

Shared Reading (2 minutes)

Song, listen to a story read by the teacher

Building relationships

Phonological Awareness (10 minutes)

Review initial sounds Blend, segment, phonemes

Students have opportunities to both blend and segment. All Activities are oral

-Syllables -Onset/rime

Identifying Create new patterns

Count syllables/use children's names Provide non-examples

-Rhymes Creating/Identifying Opportunities to practice Word Study (3 mintues) Alphabetic Principle

Make a word/ word building

Opportunities to practice

Writing (3 minutes) Write letters/words/sentences

Dictation

Closing Activity (2 minutes)

Talk about something that was learned

Summarize/praise

I. Alanís University of Texas at Brownsville October 2001

Each lesson should follow a predictable sequence that uses what works to help struggling readers develop independent reading strategies. Each component of the lesson has a specific purpose and procedure, which will be described here.

Shared Reading (2 minutes): the first two minutes should be used to acquaint your students to the activities and to allow students to share personal experiences related to the text you will be reading.

Phonemic Awareness Activities (10 minutes): PA activities include playing with the language, identifying rhymes, counting syllables, and working with onset/rime.

Word Study/Alphabetic Principle(3 minutes): Hands-on, manipulative, every-pupil response activity designed to help children learn how letters go together to make words and how small changes make different words (Cunningham).

Writing (3 minutes): Writing helps children move along in their reading development. As they write and are coached by the tutor, they develop the PA and letter-sound patterns essential to continued progress in reading. You will also use sound boxes to develop PA.

Closing Activity (2 minutes). Review key sounds/words from lesson. Have children summarize their learning. Praise students for their approximations and successes.

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Appendix C

Parts of a Lesson/Timing Guide Used by Reading Recovery School B Classroom Teachers

Minutes Activity Examples 2 minutes

Fluent writing/Reading Flash cards, frequency words,

dry erase. 10 minutes

Familiar Reading Re-reading of at least 2 familiar

books10 minutes

Running Record (once each week)

Use results to plan instruction and regroup students

3 minutes

Letter Work/Making and Breaking

Letter names, letter sounds, formation, beginning sounds, embedded

7 minutes

Writing a story Compose a message that carries meaning

2 minutes Cut-up story/Sentence Construct sentences. 3 minutes Orientation to new book Use title, illustrations, etc

3 minutes New book attempted Encourage children to use reading strategies

2 minutes Closing Ask students what they have learned today, praise good behavior, etc.

Helping Middle and High School Age English Language Learners Achieve Academic Success

Yvonne Freeman and David Freeman University of Texas Pan American

Sandra Mercuri

Fresno Pacific University

Abstract

Middle and high school-age English language learners present a challenge for teachers. Some arrive with adequate formal schooling. Others have limited formal or interrupted schooling. A third group consists of long-term English learners who may have conversational proficiency in two languages but lack the academic language required for school success. The authors provide brief case studies of students representing each of these groups and then present four research-based keys for working successfully with struggling older English learners. They conclude by describing how one teacher implements the four keys with her English learners.

The number of English language learners in schools in the United States has increased dramatically. According to the National Center for Bilingual Education (NCBE), over the last ten years, while the general school population in the United States has increased by only 24%, the number of English language learners (ELL) has increased by 105% ("The growing numbers of limited English proficient students," 2000). In a review of the research on concerns about English learners, García ( 2000) found that policy makers and school administrators at state and local levels have three main concerns. These are: (1) a growing number of students come to school unprepared, (2) a steady increase in foreign born children and youth enrolling in schools at every grade level, and (3) large numbers of native and non-native students with limited English proficiency.

These changes in school demographics have had an impact on teachers across the country. As we have worked with pre-service and in-service teachers, questions such as the following often arise: “Why do some older students who have only been here a few months learn to read and write English so well while others, who have been here since kindergarten, still struggle?” “How can I help my English learners to read and write in English when they cannot read or write in their first language at all?” “What strategies and texts should I be using with bilingual students? “Who can expect me to get my bilingual students to read at grade level when they are all at so many different levels of


English proficiency?” New and experienced teachers alike may feel overwhelmed as they attempt to meet the needs of all their students, including their English learners.

There are several potential reasons why English learners struggle in schools. Many of them live in households and neighborhoods with high and sustained poverty, attend schools with other poor children, and are members of families that are likely to move from one school or district to another at least once during the school year. Secondly, in many schools, all English learners are given the same curriculum despite the differences among them. In relation to this latter reason, García ( 2000) points out, “There is no typical LEP child”(p3). A third reason, as Valdés (2001) has shown is that frequently older students are trapped in a cycle of ESL classes in which they do low level tasks that do not help them develop academic English or content area concepts As teachers plan instruction for their middle and high school-age English learners, it is important that they consider some basic differences among these students and provide instruction that will challenge all their students without overwhelming them.

In this article we first present brief case studies of students who represent three distinct types of older English learners identified by Olsen and Jaramillo (1999). The first group consists of students who are recent arrivals who have had adequate formal schooling in their native country and have developed literacy in their first language. The second group are those recent arrivals who have had limited formal schooling and who have not developed literacy in their primary language. The third group is made up of students who have been schooled in the United States for at least seven years but have not developed adequate literacy skills or academic concepts in either their first language or in English.

All three types of older English learners face a considerable challenge. They need to learn academic English and subject area content to succeed academically. We present four research-based keys teachers can use to plan the kind of instruction that will enable their middle and high school-age English language learners to succeed. Next, we describe a thematic unit one teacher developed to put the four keys into action in her classroom. We conclude by considering the implications for best practices for older bilingual students

Types of English Learners Students with Adequate Formal Schooling: Stephanie

Stephanie’s parents came to the United States from Argentina five years ago when she was in the second grade. Both parents are educated professionals. Her mother is bilingual and her father speaks German in addition to English and Spanish. Her father owned a successful travel agency in Argentina, and her mother owned and operated a ballet school. The family, concerned about the growing economic uncertainty in Argentina, came to the United States supported by Rotary, an organization that promotes international understanding. As soon as they arrived, Stephanie’s parents sought advice from professionals in this country, and they carefully selected schools and extra curricular activities that would help their daughter succeed socially and academically. Now, five years later, Stephanie is in junior high school doing well in college preparatory

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coursework. Proof of Stephanie’s successful social adaptation to mainstream school culture is that her parents’ main concern is that she is too much like a typical U.S. adolescent!

Stephanie represents the first of the three types of English learners described by Olsen and Jaramillo ( 1999). She is a new arrival with adequate formal schooling. She came to this country within the last five years with a strong educational background and literacy in her first language. Her parents are upper middle class and well-educated. Stephanie had already developed academic language and content knowledge in Spanish that transferred to her academic studies in English. When she first arrived, she lacked conversational skills in English, but her school experiences and extra curricular activities soon made her the most proficient user of conversational English in her household.

Students like Stephanie do well in transitional or maintenance bilingual programs and can also succeed in ESL (English as a Second Language) programs. Such students are usually integrated into the mainstream after one or two years although it still may take several years for them to score at national norms on standardized test. Teachers often ask why all their English learners don’t succeed as quickly as these students. The answer lies in looking at the differences between Stephanie’s background and the backgrounds of two other types of older bilingual students.

Students with Limited Formal Schooling: Blia

Blia represents the second group of English language learners identified by Olsen and Jaramillo (1999): recent arrivals with limited or interrupted formal schooling. These students come to school in this country with limited academic knowledge and limited English proficiency. Such students struggle with reading and writing in their first languages or do not read or write their native languages at all. In addition, because of their limited experiences in school, they lack basic concepts in the different subject areas. For example, they are often at least two years below grade level in math, a subject that is not heavily language dependent.

Blia is a Hmong student from Laos. Because of the Vietnam War, she did not receive any schooling in Laos. The family escaped to Thailand where she attended school at a refugee camp. Classes at the camp were informal. Teachers did not have adequate preparation, supplies, or a well-designed curriculum. Blia learned some survival English and a few academic concepts.

Blia came to the U.S. in 1994, right before the closure of the camp. Her parents are not literature and went through culture shock as they tried to adjust to life in the U.S. They had no marketable skills and very limited English. They lived in a large apartment complex with other Hmong refugees, depending on welfare subsidies for their daily needs.

Blia attended a newcomer school in a large district in California for one year and then, at age fifteen, enrolled in the 10th grade at the regular high school. Not surprisingly, she struggled academically in high school. Her aunt, a Hmong teacher in the district, helped her pass her high school writing proficiency test. Without her tutoring, Blia probably wouldn’t have graduated. As Doua, her aunt, explained, “I realized Blia had not

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acquired enough English and it was her last year; she would either graduate or not, so I decided to give her extra help. Well, she did eventually pass. She did have to repeat summer school. She is at the local community college now.”

Recent arrivals with limited formal schooling, like Blia, are faced with the complex task of developing conversational English, becoming literate in English, and gaining the academic knowledge and skills they need to compete academically with native English speakers. Because they do not have the academic background to draw upon in their native languages, they often struggle with course work and do not score well on standardized tests. Many also lack an understanding of how schools are organized and how students are expected to act in schools. Fortunately for Blia, her aunt is well-educated and served as a mentor. Without Doua’s support it is unlikely that Blia could have completed high school. She still faces great difficulties in the community college because she has not had adequate time to develop the academic English proficiency required for college classes.

Long Term English Learners: Mireya

Mireya is typical of the third type of bilingual student identified by Olsen and Jaramillo (1999), the long-term English learner. All her schooling has been in the United States. She did not experience a bilingual program that allowed her to develop first language literacy and academic content knowledge while she was learning English. As a result, she never developed literacy in Spanish, and although she has conversational language proficiency in both Spanish and English, she has not developed academic proficiency in either language.

Fifteen year-old Mireya was born in San Bernardino, California, on a sidewalk next to her home to a single mother. Most of her schooling has been in a small, rural town. Mireya grew up in the section of town known for crime and poverty. Her older brothers and sisters are all known members of a local gang. Mireya’s mother died when she was in fifth grade, and as the youngest in the family, Mireya felt abandoned by her father and her older siblings. Until recently, in fact, Mireya was a known troublemaker, but at the beginning of her eighth grade year she wrote to her teacher that she was going to change her ways.

Mireya’s academic performance up to the year she entered the eighth grade was dismal. Her records showed frequent “F’s” in different subjects. Mireya explained to her teacher that early in her schooling classmates made fun of her for her accent and her struggles to learn English. She responded by striking back and out and making no effort in school. She now speaks both Spanish and English, but she has not developed grade level academic proficiency in either language.

Long-term English learners like Mireya have attended U.S. schools for seven or more years. Indeed, many are high school students who began kindergarten in the U.S. Often, their parents have limited schooling, and the families live in poverty. Usually, these students have been in and out of various ESL and bilingual classes without ever having received any kind of consistent support program. They also have often missed school during extended periods at different times. These students are below grade level in


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reading and writing and usually math as well. Often, they get passing grades, C’s and even sometimes B’s when they do the required work. Because teachers may be passing them simply because they turn in the work, their grades give many of these students a false perception of their academic achievement. However, when they take standardized tests, their scores are low.

Differences Among Middle and High School-Age English Language Learners and Recommendations

for Instruction

Students like Stephanie, the newly-arrived English learners with adequate formal schooling, are the most likely to succeed academically. They generally come from middle class backgrounds, and their parents are often well-educated. Such students have already developed academic language proficiency and academic content knowledge in their first language. They still need effective bilingual or ESL programs that will allow them to continue to develop subject matter knowledge and skills as they acquire English. They need knowledgeable teachers who can make the English instruction comprehensible. They also need support as they go through culture shock and the adjustments involved in living in a new culture and speaking a new language.

Recent immigrants with limited formal schooling, like Blia,, face a much greater challenge. Often, their parents have only minimal education and the families live in poverty. These students need to learn both academic English and subject matter content. In many cases, no bilingual program is available for these older learners to provide first language support while they learn English. They are quickly placed in mainstream classes even though they may not understand much of the language of instruction.

Long-term English learners like Mireya understand conversational English, but they haven’t developed the academic English needed for school success. These students also often come from low-income homes, and their parents generally have limited education. Many long-term English learners have experienced a great deal of school failure, and often they develop negative attitudes toward school.

For students with limited formal schooling and for long-term English learners, it is crucial that teachers implement a research-based curriculum that will challenge them without overwhelming them. In the following sections, we summarize the research on effective practice for older bilingual learners.

Four Keys for Academic Success Key #1: Engage Students in Challenging, Theme-Based Curriculum to Develop Academic Concepts

García ( 1999) conducted research on attributes of effective teachers. One of his findings was that the teachers focused on meaningful instruction and organized curriculum around themes. He noted, “Students became ‘experts’ in thematic domains while also acquiring the requisite academic skills” (p. 311). García reported on a special

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program for high school students that featured student-generated themes. As one teacher commented:

Having student-generated themes formalized student input for curriculum [because] they create the theme, [and] we [teachers] let them imagine what they want to study. They write the curriculum at the start of the six-week unit. From assignment to assessment, they are more involved” (p. 362)

This program, highlighted by García (1999), was successful in part because teachers organized curriculum around themes that students helped choose.

Similarly, Freeman and Freeman (2001) described how an interdisciplinary team of teachers at a middle school worked together to develop a unified curriculum. Student schedules were organized so that each group of students worked with a team of four teachers. The language arts, social studies, science, and mathematics teachers planned thematic units together. For example, during the theme study, One World/One Family the language arts teacher had students read The Acorn People (Jones, 1976), a powerful book that tells the true story of the author’s work as a counselor at a summer camp for severely handicapped children.

The middle school students read this book, discussed it, and completed writing and art projects. Through these activities, they came to realize that despite differences among people, everyone belongs to One World and One Family. The other teachers in the team focused on this same topic with activities in social studies, science, and math. Older English learners benefit from this kind of unified curriculum developed around a topic that is meaningful and relevant to them. Key #2: Draw On Students’ Background:- Their Experiences, Cultures, and Languages

Moran, Tinajero, Stobbe, and Tinajero (1993) point out that limited formal schooling and long-term English learners do well when “they are accepted, respected, made to feel that they belong, and given opportunities to be in charge of their own learning”(p. 117). In addition, they need teachers who build personal relationships with them and their families. Grace, Mireya’s eighth grade Language Arts teacher begins the school year asking students to write to her, telling her about themselves and telling her what they want from her as a teacher. Students respond to Grace’s sincere attempts to get to know them and their needs. They write asking for help because they know they are struggling readers and writers. Mireya wrote, “The important thing for me is pass 8th grade. I will tell you the true I never like reading or write. But I want to be better on those two things. I hope you could help me.”

Grace does help her students. She and her students begin the year by reading books, short stories, and poems to get at the question, “Who are we?” “Where have we come from” and “Who are the people who have influenced us?” Grace selects culturally relevant texts for readings including Living Up the Street (Soto, 1992), which contains excerpts from the lives of Hispanics in the central valley of California where her students live. Her class also reads about young migrant workers in The Circuit (F. Jiménez, 1997) and about the experiences of other Hispanics in The House on Mango Street (Cisneros, 1984). In their written responses, the students connect the readings to themselves personally by writing poetry, and doing projects about their lives.


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Jiménez (2001) found that the struggling Latino/a students he worked with thrived when their specific background and national origin were recognized and when the challenge they faced at becoming competent bilinguals was acknowledged. In the school that Jiménez studied, the Spanish-speaking students were not all lumped together and treated alike. Students from El Salvador or Guatemala as well as those from Mexico were validated for their specific national origin, and students who served as language brokers for their monolingual Spanish-speaking relatives were given recognition. At the same time, those who were not proficient in their native Spanish were not criticized. All the students were encouraged to connect their reading and writing in English to their own cultural backgrounds and to value the literacy of their communities, including oral literary traditions. In these ways, educators at the school showed respect for the students’ cultures, languages, and backgrounds.

Shifini (1997) studied older struggling immigrant students, including those with limited formal schooling. He makes specific suggestions for improving their literacy. These involve helping students feel part of the classroom community, drawing on students’ background knowledge, and encouraging skill development through successful engagements with texts. A key is to build on what students bring to the classroom – their language, culture, and previous experience – to help them develop the knowledge and skills they need to succeed academically. Key #3: Organize Collaborative Activities and Scaffold Instruction to Build Students’ Academic English Proficiency

Gersten and Jiménez (1994) observed successful teachers during reading instruction. They looked particularly at ways teachers supported intermediate students who lacked first-language literacy and experienced difficulties in reading in English. The researchers concluded that effective instruction for language-minority students was challenging, encouraged involvement, provided opportunities for success, and included scaffolding and a variety of graphic organizers to draw on background knowledge and give students access to content. In addition, they found that effective teachers give frequent feedback, make the content comprehensible, encourage collaborative interactions, and show respect for cultural diversity.

While it is important to provide challenging curriculum for older English learners, it is equally important to support them as they study. Teachers can use a variety of techniques to make the input comprehensible, including visuals, gestures, and graphic organizers. In addition, research by Kagan (1986) has shown the benefits of cooperative learning for language minority students. Key #4: - Create Confident Students Who Value School and Value Themselves as Learners

Many older English learners enter schools in the United States with little confidence. They know that they are behind the other students in both their English proficiency and their knowledge of academic content areas. However, when teachers follow the first three keys (engaging students in challenging, theme-based curriculum, drawing on their backgrounds, and organizing collaborative activities to scaffold instruction), they create classroom communities in which students build confidence in

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themselves as learners and in which they begin to see the value in school. As students experience academic success, their attitudes begin to change, and they engage more fully in the curriculum. In the final section, we describe how one teacher puts the four keys into action in her fourth, fifth, sixth grade newcomer class. Sandra’s Theme Study: Putting all Four Keys into Action

The physical environment of Sandra’s 4th, 5th, 6th grade classroom promotes literacy and learning. Every portion of the small classroom and three adjoining alcoves is filled with professional and student made posters, class produced big books, student art work, song and poetry charts, a computer, a listening center, a board game an activity corner, a math section, and a science corner. Everywhere there are books in Spanish and English, including many literature and content books in card racks and in large accessible, open boxes. The classroom belongs to the students, and they all know where materials and books are kept. Because the class is a community the students know that they all have the responsibility of taking care of what is there.

Students in Sandra’s classroom understand how the classroom is set up, and what routines to expect as they engage in learning. Since her students have had little previous schooling and suffer from various degrees of culture shock, Sandra has found that having classroom routines helps them adjust to school and concentrate on learning to read, write, and problem solve. Her students must not only develop literacy in their first language but also prepare themselves to survive academically in English. Therefore, the daily routine includes many opportunities for students to develop literacy in their first and second languages while learning language through academic content.

The class frequently works in heterogeneous groups so students with different talents can share their knowledge and help others. Sandra also includes many opportunities for them to use different modalities as they learn. For example, the indigenous Mixteco and Trique students from southern Mexico, who have had little schooling, shine when illustrating class publications. When students work in centers, they are paired up so that a stronger student can help a classmate who needs more support.

Whenever possible Sandra encourages students to take responsibility for leading activities. She provides ample time daily for students to read and write. She reads to and with students several times during the day and encourages them to analyze texts and think critically. She also ensures that there is ample time for students to choose books and engage in free voluntary reading.

Sandra’s students are almost all children of migrant farm workers from Mexico including the indigenous students from southern Mexico. Sandra builds on what they bring to school by developing a theme study each year around agriculture. This theme draws on students' prior knowledge and personal experiences. It is meaningful for them since it directly relates to their lives. Through teaching this theme, Sandra can present concepts the students may have missed due to their limited prior schooling.

Last year Sandra’s From the Field to the Table theme study was part of a broader unit that lasted twelve weeks and included the study of seeds, plants, nutrition and health. Each topic flowed into the next giving the students the opportunity to develop vocabulary in the target language while developing key concepts. Sandra began with the topic of


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seeds, and this naturally moved into plants, and because plants are the main source of the daily diet, she introduced the topic of food and nutrition. She brought the cycle to completion by helping her students see that good nutrition depends on the plants and crops their families provide for everyone.

Sandra involved parents from the beginning. She started the theme study by sending a note home asking parents to share with their children traditional recipes that they usually eat. The idea of this activity was to later prepare some of those recipes in the classroom, analyzing the nutritional value of their ingredients and discussing how those products travel from the field to the table. Sandra commented, “It is incredible the response that I got and the quality of information that the parents and students brought to the activity. The students were proud of their knowledge and that of their parents. This activity let me learn from my students and their parents.”

A key book for her theme was The Tortilla Factory (Paulsen, 1995a, 1995b), a book available in English and Spanish. Sandra read the book in Spanish to her class and was soon interrupted by her indigenous Triqui and Mixteco students. When she read how the earth was worked to plant the corn and then dried to make flour, these usually shy students excitedly told her how they had done that in their villages and began to explain in detail how they helped grind the dry corn, make the flour, and how they knew how to make tortillas. Sandra is from Argentina and knew little about tortillas, but her students told her that they wanted to teach her. They wanted to show her how to make tortillas. The students were eager to take on the role of teacher, sharing their knowledge. The class discussed the ingredients they needed for their tortilla project. They investigated where the ingredients came from. They researched the different varieties of tortillas and the kinds of foods eaten with tortillas. The Mixteco and Triqui students, who were usually ashamed of their culture and language backgrounds, organized to bring all the needed items to class for a cooking demonstration. The students who were not involved in the demonstration were assigned to take notes during the whole process.

Sandra and the students gathered the materials and the utensils needed for the demonstration. They arranged the room so the students taking notes would have a clear view of what was happening at each table. Sandra labeled each utensil to build vocabulary. Sandra remembered well the day of the demonstration. Since students from indigenous groups of southern Mexico have corn as the main element of their daily food, there is a tradition within the families that every female member needs to have the tools necessary to pick, to grind and to cook the corn. The students brought different utensils given to them by relatives as gifts. They were all hand made. The petate, a basket that women hang back from their shoulders or heads is used to collect the corn as it is picked; the metate , a stone used to grind the kernels with water to make corn flour; the molcajete, a stone bowl in which the ingredients are mashed to make sauce; and the comal , a circular metal grill on which the tortillas are cooked.

Once all the utensils and ingredients were placed on the tables, the students went straight to work. At the first table, they explained how the corn is gathered and how the people in their community arrange and keep it for later use. One of the students in this group showed the class different techniques for removing the kernels from the cob. After the corn was removed from the cob, one girl soaked the grains and ground them in the

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metate by hand. This process is done each week by their mothers at home or by the students themselves.

After this step was completed, students moved to the next table where another group of students was preparing green chili sauce and red chili sauce to eat later on with the homemade tortillas being prepared by their classmates. The students put the chilies and tomatoes over the comal to cook the skin so they could be peeled more easily. Once the chilis and tomatoes were ready, they put then into the molcajete and mashed them together. They added salt, water and a little bit of fresh garlic. They tasted the sauce and when it was done, the students moved to the next station.

At the third table, a student who cooks for her family daily when she gets home from school, was in charge of making the dough for the tortillas. She showed mastery in preparing it, and she directed her helpers, showing them how to prepare each tortilla by hand or by using a pressing machine. In a short period of time everybody at this table was working together to get the tortillas ready to be cooked. The collaborative work they did showed also the community created in the classroom. The students observing and taking notes were respectful of others working, and they were attentive to the whole process. Everybody was an active participant, and the cooks shined at being the experts in front of their peers and the teacher.

When the tortillas were ready, the students at the fourth table started cooking the tortillas and flipping them over by hand as their mothers do every day. The students even taught their teacher how to turn the tortillas over by hand. As soon as the tortillas were ready students started to prepare tacos. They used different ingredients Sandra had brought including cheese, lettuce, tomatoes, and refried beans. Then everybody ate tortillas.

During the following days, students worked at writing science books about making tortillas. Since students in the class have brothers and sisters in other classes at the school, the word about the tortilla presentation spread through the school. Teachers in the lower grades who were making a recipe book and had invited parents to do a presentation decided to ask Sandra’s students to do the same presentation to second graders. When Sandra told the students about the invitation, they were proud of themselves and they were eager to share with the little ones what they knew. The second grade teachers who invited them were amazed to see their self- confidence, their self-esteem, and the ability that the students showed at their presentation.

Throughout this theme study, Sandra’s students continued to read and write as they learned important concepts related to health and nutrition. In the process, they began to build the academic vocabulary and the literacy they lacked due to their limited previous schooling.


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Discussion

Sandra’s newcomer class has many students who would be classified as recent immigrants with limited formal schooling following the typology developed by Olsen and Jaramillo (1999). Like the case study student, Blia, these students arrive at middle or high school in the United States with little schooling background. Most of them have not developed literacy in their primary language. They lack many basic academic concepts expected of students their age. They may be unfamiliar with school routines. Such students face the challenge of developing both conversational and academic English along with subject matter concepts.

Few older students receive the benefits of placement into a bilingual program where they can receive primary language instruction while learning English. Teachers like Sandra can at least preview and review concepts in the first language of most of her students, and this helps her make the instruction more comprehensible. Sandra also has the same students for up to three years. Recent immigrants with limited formal schooling need time, a stable classroom environment, and appropriate curriculum is they are to make the gains they must make to succeed academically.

Sandra also has long-term English learners in her class. These students, like the case study student, Mireya, have attended school in the United States for several years. However, they have not received effective bilingual education. They were either placed in English only classes or in early transition bilingual classes. As a result, they did not develop primary language literacy, and while they were developing conversational English they fell behind in academic subject matter knowledge.

Sandra knows that for long-term English learners to succeed, academic English proficiency is the key. She challenges these students with demanding curriculum. She provides many reading and writing experiences. Sandra’s approach has enabled some long-term English learners to succeed, but they do need time to catch up with their mainstream peers. Even those that do well in Sandra’s class, often struggle with the standardized tests that are being given with greater frequency to all students in all schools.

A few of Sandra’s students come with adequate formal schooling. These students have grade-level literacy in their primary language and knowledge of academic subject areas. In some cases, their parents are also literate. Like the case study student, Stephanie, these recent arrivals succeed in Sandra’s class relatively quickly. They often become class leaders, and Sandra has them direct class activities. Recent arrivals with adequate formal schooling still face challenges. They must learn to understand English instruction, and they need to be able to read fairly complex texts in English. Teachers need to challenge them and still provide the support they need to succeed academically.

All three types of students; the recent arrivals with limited formal schooling, the long-term English learners, and the recent arrivals with adequate schooling, benefit from a curriculum that incorporates the four research-based keys identified in this article. Teachers like Sandra provide effective instruction for her older English learners. She organizes her year around a series of related themes. Through these theme studies, students begin to develop key academic concepts. Sandra chooses themes that allow her

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to build on her students’ background knowledge, their language and culture. She includes challenging activities in her curriculum, but she provides many kinds of support. She plans collaborative activities and scaffolds instruction to help her students develop academic English proficiency. Sandra’s goal is to help her students build both confidence and competence so that they can come to value school and value themselves as learners.

Conclusion The increasing number of English language learners in schools present a challenge to teachers. Many of these students are in middle school or high school. However in these upper grades, there are few effective bilingual programs for older students whose English is limited. In some cases, teachers are not adequately prepared to teach these students.

The first step in providing effective instruction for older English language learners is to recognize differences among them. Some, like Stephanie, come with adequate primary language schooling. Since they have academic proficiency in their primary language and subject matter knowledge, they can transfer this knowledge into English. Students like Stephanie often succeed in a short time. They move into mainstream classes and achieve good grades. Others, however, like Blia and Mireya, struggle. Both recent arrivals with limited formal schooling and long-term English learners lack the academic English language and the subject matter knowledge needed for academic success.

A review of the research on effective instruction for middle and high school-age English language learners points to certain key practices that promote academic achievement. These practices include organizing curriculum around relevant themes, building on students’ background knowledge and experiences, and planning collaborative activities that scaffold instruction and build academic English proficiency. When teachers incorporate these practices, their students become more confident. They begin to value school and value themselves as learners. When teachers follow the four keys identified in this article, they provide the most effective instruction for their bilingual students and help them achieve academic success.

References

Cisneros, S. (1984). The House on Mango Street. New York: Vintage Contemporaries. Freeman, D. E., & Freeman, Y. S. (2001). Between worlds: Access to second language

acquisition, (2nd ed.). Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. García, E. (1999). Student cultural diversity: Understanding and meeting the challenge

(second ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. García, G. (2000). Lessons from research: What is the length of time it takes limited

English proficient students to acquire English and succeed in an all-English classroom? Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education.


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Gersten, R., & Jiménez, R. T. (1994). A Delicate balance: Enhancing literature instruction for students of English as a second language. The Reading Teacher, 47(6), 438-449.

The growing numbers of limited English proficient students. (2000). (Vol. 2000). Washington, DC: National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education.

Jiménez, F. (1997). The circuit: Stories from the life of a migrant child. Albuquerque, N.M.: University of New Mexico Press.

Jiménez, R. (2001). "It's a difference that changes us": An alternative view of the language and literacy learning needs of Latina/o students. The Reading Teacher, 54(8), 736-742.

Jones, R. (1976). The acorn people. New York: Bantam. Kagan, S. (1986). Cooperative learning and sociocultural factors in schooling. In Beyond

language: Social and cultural factors in schooling language minority students (pp. 231-298). Los Angeles: Evaluation, Dissemination and Assessment Center.

Moran, C., Tinajero, J. V., Stobbe, J., & Tinajero, I. (1993). Strategies for working with overage students. In A. F. Ada (Ed.), The power of two languages. New York: MacMillan/McGraw Hill.

Olsen, L., & Jaramillo, A. (1999). Turning the tides of exclusion: A guide for educators and advocates for immigrant students. Oakland: California Tomorrow.

Paulsen, G. (1995a). La tortillería (B. d. A. Andújar, Trans.). Orlando, Florida: Harcourt Brace & Company.

Paulsen, G. (1995b). The tortilla factory. New York: Harcourt Brace and Company. Schifini, A. (1997). Reading instruction for the pre-literate and struggling older student.

Scholastic Literacy Research Paper, 3(13). Soto, G. (1992). Living up the street. New York: Dell Publications. Valdes, G. (2001). Learning and not learning English: Latino students in American

schools. New York: Teachers College Press.

The Relationship to Achievement on the California High School Exit Exam for Language Minority Students

Paul A. Garcia Malati Gopal

Fresno Unified School District

Abstract

This report examines first year results of the California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) required for students to earn a high school diploma. Results suggest this high stakes test failed to meet legislative objectives to increase achievement and close the achievement gap. Instead, language-minority students with passing scores achieved significantly below white students on CAHSEE and on a grade level standards-based assessment. Critical theory and the concepts of the hidden curriculum and cultural capital aided interpretation of results. CAHSEE results and legislative requirements reinforced educational inequities by assigning students to remedial instruction and special classes based on test scores found as inadequate measures of meaningful levels of achievement. CAHSEE regulations disadvantaged English Learners and supported the argument that there is a mismatch between high-stakes tests and second-language acquisition theory.

The increase in high-stakes testing has been a central feature in the current reform

in public education to raise achievement levels, improve school accountability, and close the achievement gap between language-minority and language-majority students (Linn, 2000). However, there is concern that the increase in high-stakes tests may narrow the curriculum (Kohn, 1999) and be inappropriate for English Learners at low levels of English language proficiency (National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education, 1997; August and Hakuta, 1997). In addition, high-stakes tests are innocuous educational practices that often result in such detrimental effects as the assignment of many language-minority students to school tracking, overrepresentation in vocational classes and special education programs, and increased dropout rates (Cuenca, 1991). Yet estimates are that by 2008, 80% of states with larger percentages of Hispanic and African American students compared to the nation, will have implemented high school exit exams (Amerein & Berliner, 2002).

Research on high-stakes tests has not provided convincing evidence that improved student learning has occurred. For example, McNeil and Valenzuela (2001) found compelling evidence the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills widened the achievement gap between poor and privileged children, and that teachers of non-Anglo children


devoted class time to practice test materials and emphasized instruction aimed at tested skills. More recently, Amerein and Berliner (2002) challenge the validity of high-stakes tests when no corresponding achievement gains were found on other tests in 18 states that instituted high-stakes tests. Examination of results on te Scholastic Achievement Test, American College Test, National Assessment of Educational Progress, and Advanced Placement tests indicated transfer of achievement levels did not increase in states with high-stakes tests.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to examine the extent a high-stakes test contributed to existing inequalities among language-minority students. The relationship of the California High School Exit Exam (CAHSEE) achievement levels to results on separate tests were examined to shed light on the potential of CAHSEE to close the achievement gap between language-minority and language-majority students, to determine the extent CAHSEE test scores are meaningful measures of achievement, and to increase understanding of how policy issues governing high-stakes tests affect language-minority students.

CAHSEE test scores were examined to determine if differences in achievement occurred between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students. Little or no differences in test scores among students who passed sections of the test suggest improvements toward closing the achievement gap. The relationship between CAHSEE achievement levels and student performance on the California Standards Test (CST) is also examined to determine the extent CAHSEE test scores correspond to achievement levels on other state tests. Finally, CAHSEE and CST test scores were compared between students with different levels of English language proficiency and primary languages. Results from the California English Language Development Test were used as objective measure of English language proficiency. Differences in achievement between language groups would warrant close attention to the diverse educational experiences of English Learners.

This study contributes to an increased understanding of how one high-stakes test, the California High School Exit Exam, has not met state legislative objectives, and instead, resulted in the unnecessary assignment of students to harmful educational experiences. Results of this study support the argument that inferences about results of high-stakes tests are uncertain and challenge the validity of such tests (Amerein & Berliner, 2002). After two years of implementation, CAHSEE has not demonstrated to be an effective instrument to increase student achievement, improve educational reform, or close the achievement gap between language-minority and language-majority students. Instead, this high-stakes test has led to misguided educational practices that have masked a fundamental civil right, the opportunity to learn. Evidence is provided that CAHSEE narrowed the curriculum and reduced access to grade level curriculum and instruction for large numbers of language-minority students. The potential implications of CAHSEE upon high school graduation for different groups of students warranted this study.

CAHSEE was established by California Senate Bill 2X in 1999. The bill requires all high school students beginning with the class of 2004 to pass CAHSEE to earn a high

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school diploma. The purpose of the exam is to improve student achievement by ensuring high school graduates can demonstrate competency in content standards for reading, writing, and mathematics. In the United States, 28 states require tests for graduation (Rivera & Stansfield, 2000). CAHSEE was given for the first time in the spring of 2001. The test was optional for ninth grade students, however, all tenth grade students were required to take the test in 2002. An estimated 81% or about 400,000 ninth grade students took the test in California.

Under Senate Bill 2X, English Learners may be deferred from having to pass the CAHSEE for up to 24 months and until they have received six months of instruction in reading, writing, and comprehension in English. After the minimum time period, English Learners must meet CAHSEE requirements regardless of English language proficiency level. However, research on second-language acquisition theory found it takes 4 to 7 years for English Learners to gain academic language skills in English (Cummins, 1989). In addition, the diverse language, cultural, immigration, and historical experiences among English Learners suggests CAHSEE test score will vary by language group.

Conceptual models to explain the educational experiences and academic achievement levels of language-minority students have been inadequate in focus and narrow in scope. Research based on deficit models or cultural explanations have ignored school-related factors outside the context of families and communities that contribute to harmful educational experiences for many language-minority children. On the other hand, critical theory provides a deeper understanding of how education promotes, reinforces, and reproduces social inequalities (Apple, 1990).

Educational critical theorists (Apple, 1990; Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977; Jackson, 1968) argue that social facts are perceived and organized in ways that hide particular interests. For example, reproductionists claim some school mechanisms reinforce and legitimize the unequal distribution of knowledge, educational outcomes, and learning opportunities. A critical analysis of the educational arrangements that result from high-stakes tests can illuminate how groups of students are provided limited learning opportunities that perpetuate inequalities. Results of this study suggest CAHSEE test scores did not increase achievement, but served to sort and select students into unequal learning opportunities.

Two concepts from educational critical theory will help explain results in this study, the hidden curriculum and cultural capital. Jackson (1968) described the hidden curriculum as the tacit school teaching of social and economic norms, values, and expectations. Through critical analysis of school practices the hidden curriculum of schools can be revealed (Giroux, 1983). Giroux (1983) argued against the mere description of the hidden curriculum in school settings, and favors a critical analysis of how the hidden curriculum operates as a vehicle of social control.

Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) refered to cultural capital as certain kinds of prior knowledge, abilities, and language skills considered to be unequally distributed throughout society and related to social class divisions. Schools use cultural capital as an effective filtering device to define the position of students of different social classes.


Method Data Analysis Design Extant test and student demographic data were examined from a large urban school district in central California. Test scores were collected from the first year administration of CAHSEE. Statistical analysis of quantitative data were applied to answer the research questions in this study:

1. What were the differences in achievement between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students on CAHSEE?

2. What is the relationship between students with different primary languages and levels of English language proficiency on CAHSEE achievement levels?

3. What is the relationship of CAHSEE achievement levels to student performance on a grade level standards-based assessment, and an English language proficiency test?

Participants

The school district in this study has approximately 80,000 students. The school district has a very ethnically diverse student population with the fourth largest population of English Learners in California (about 25,000 students). Approximately 5,100 (80%) ninth grade students in the school district completed the exam. The ninth grade students eligible to take CAHSEE were largely Hispanic (49%), white (20%), Asian (18%), and African American (12%). About 63% of the students were economically disadvantaged as indicated by the qualification for free or reduced lunch.

In this report, English language proficiency levels of English Language Learners (ELL) were defined by school district benchmark profiles. Comparison of English language proficiency levels with results from a state required English language proficiency test (California English Language Development Test), yielded close and corresponding levels of English language proficiency. Large percentages of students were identified at early levels of English Language Development (ELD) on both assessments. Most of the English Learners had higher levels of English language proficiency (Intermediate or Advanced, 81%). The primary languages of ELL students were determined by parent surveys conducted at enrollment. About 45% of the students indicated a primary language other than English (Spanish, 57%; Hmong, 28%; Khmer, 6%; Lao, 5%; other, 4%).

Measures

CAHSEE is based on content standards that coincide with grades 7 through 10 for English language arts and grades 6 through 9 for mathematics. The test includes multiple-choice items and a writing sample. The test was administered in a group setting and was un-timed. The two content areas of the test were administered on separate days. Two statewide field tests were conducted to determine the highest technical quality for test questions and scores.

The California Standards Test (CST) is a state required grade level test on content standards in English language arts (ELA) and mathematics. All students in grades 2 through 11 are required to take the test. The purpose of the CST is to increase access to


grade level instruction for all students and to represent one component of the state’s school accountability system. Schools that fail to meet annual growth targets in academic achievement are subject to state sanctions. High schools are required to have 90% of all students complete the test.

The California English Language Development Test (CELDT) is a standards-based assessment on state English language development standards. The test is based on the Language Assessment Scales (De Avila & Duncan, 1983), an English language assessment. Standards in English language development are pathways to English language arts standards. English language development and English language arts standards are closely aligned at higher levels of English proficiency (Early advanced and Advanced). The CELDT includes sub-test scores for listening/speaking, reading, and writing. All English Learners are required to take the CELDT annually.

Procedures

Test results were collected for all students completing any portion of CAHSEE. Student records were matched with test results from the California Standards Test in English Language Arts, and if appropriate, the CELDT. Test data was coded to identify students with passing CAHSEE scores in either English Language Arts or Mathematics. Student demographic data was also collected to identify English Learners, level of English language proficiency, and student’s primary language. English Learners were grouped into high or low levels of English proficiency skills based on district benchmarks.

Data Analysis Design

Quantitative data analysis was conducted to determine achievement differences on CAHSEE and the California Standards Test between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students. Significant differences in test scores between students with passing CAHSEE scores suggest a persistent achievement gap. To corroborate the disparity in achievement between students with passing scores, test results were compared with the grade level California Standards Test in English Language Arts. The relationship between English Language Proficiency and results on CAHSEE was also examined to determine language group differences. Scaled scores were derived from CAHSEE and CELDT results and raw scores were examined from the California Standards Test in English Language Arts. One-way ANOVA and post hoc statistical procedures were performed to determine significance differences in test scores between student populations.

Results

Results are divided into three sections: (1) Descriptive statistics on CAHSEE achievement differences between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students; (2) Comparison of test results between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students on a state required standards-based assessment (CST); and (3) Examination of the relationship between CAHSEE achievement levels and results on an English language proficiency test for English Learners (CELDT).


As indicated in Table 1, a larger percentage of white than Hispanic, African American, or Asian students passed both sections of CAHSEE. Of the largest language groups, more Hmong and Lao students passed the English language arts section and more Vietnamese, Lao, and Khmer students passed the mathematics section. Students with higher levels of English language proficiency (Early advanced and Advanced) were more likely to pass both sections of CAHSEE. All students were more likely to pass the English language arts than the mathematics section.

Table 1 Percent of Students Passing CAHSEE

Demographics N English Language Arts

N Mathematics N Both

Gender Male 2355 50% 2229 38% 2352 30% Female 2086 64% 2078 30% 2174 28% Ethnicity White 1073 75% 1068 55% 1118 49% Hispanic 2279 45% 2266 22% 2459 17% African American 547 49% 529 20% 583 16% Asian 1092 49% 1092 33% 1113 27% Native American 27 59% 26 39% 28 36% Filipino 28 79% 26 50% 28 46% Pacific Islander 14 50% 15 40% 16 25% Home language English 2841 31% Spanish 340 35% 339 9% 1308 14% Hmong 193 50% 190 23% 703 23% Khmer 42 43% 41 27% 163 27% Lao 41 56% 41 27% 134 32% Vietnamese 8 25% 7 29% 36 42% Other 31 45% 34 18% 155 39% English Language Proficiency

English only 3077 61% 3029 37% 3271 32% FEP-R* 476 89% 472 61% 483 56% English Learners 1323 26% 1342 11% 1351 6% Beginning 44 7% 47 4% 52 0% Early Intermediate 109 0 118 2% 118 0% Intermediate 493 11% 503 8% 504 2% Early Advanced 576 39% 574 15% 580 10% Advanced 101 54% 100 17% 97 14% * Fluent English Proficient-Redesignated


CAHSEE Achievement differences between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students.

Ethnic and racial group membership.

While the relatively low CAHSEE passing rates for ethnic and racial minority students underscore the existing achievement gap, closer examination indicated the achievement gap persisted even among students with passing scores. CAHSEE passing scores did not eliminate wide achievement differences between white and ethnic/racial minority students A one-way ANOVA comparing passing test scores between white and ethnic/racial minority groups yielded statistically significant differences in English language arts [F(6,2289) = 47.78; p < .001] and mathematics [F(6,1411) = 14.08; p < .001]. A Tukey post hoc multiple comparison test indicated white students had significantly higher test scores than Hispanic, African American, and Asian students in English language arts and mathematics (p < .05).

ELL students were removed from the analysis to examine the extent achievement differences between ethnic and racial minority students were related to English language proficiency skills. ELL test scores may mask achievement levels related more to language than ethnicity. When ELL students were removed from the analysis, significant differences continued to exist between white and ethnic/racial minority students on CAHSEE English language arts. However, in mathematics, significant differences were found between white and Hispanic and African American students (p < .05), but not for Asian students. Post hoc comparisons indicated Asian students scored significantly higher than Hispanic and African American students in English language arts, and significantly higher than African American students in mathematics. Among Asian students, increased English language proficiency skills seemed to be a contributing factor toward achievement on CAHSEE.

Language group membership.

This section examines CAHSEE results with close attention to the English language proficiency level and language group membership of students. Disaggregation of test scores for language groups provides increased understanding of divergent achievement levels among ELL students (California Department of Education, 2000).

Test score data for ELL students are typically aggregated without regard to level of English language proficiency, language group membership, country of origin, or instructional program placement. Examination of ELL achievement levels when disaggregated can provide increased understanding and accurate determination of the achievement gap with non-English Learners, (English only students). For example, the educational experiences of students may vary in schools and school districts due to the differential availability of primary language curricular materials, bilingual teachers, or community resources.

Test scores were grouped for ELL students with higher levels of English language proficiency and former ELL students. Typically, ELL students who reach fluent English proficiency are redefined in research studies and not reported with ELL achievement levels (Hakuta, 1999). Consequently, a population of high performing ELL students is unnecessarily removed from the analysis. A one-way ANOVA comparing CAHSEE passing test scores between English only and major language groups yielded statistically


significant differences in English language arts [F(6,2662) = 31.848; p < .001] and mathematics [F(6,1566) = 11.85; p < .001]. Post hoc comparisons indicated English only students scored significantly higher than Spanish, Khmer, and Hmong language students in English language arts, and significantly higher than Spanish and Hmong language students in mathematics. No significant differences were found between non-English language groups.

Comparison of test results between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students on the California Standards Test.

Elements of the hidden curriculum can also be found in the limited access language-minority students had to grade level curricular content, irrespective of CAHSEE achievement levels. As outlined in the legislation, the purpose of Senate Bill 2X is to develop a high school exit examination …in accordance with the statewide academically rigorous content standards adopted by the state board of education.

However, examination of passing CAHSEE scores suggests achievement levels were not related to mastery of grade level content. Therefore, passing scores do not guarantee students will be prepared for post high school educational opportunities.

This section examines the relationship between CAHSEE achievement and performance on the CST.

Ethnic and racial group differences.

A one-way ANOVA that compared CST test scores for students passing CAHSEE yielded statistically significant differences between white and ethnic/racial minority students on CST in English language arts [F(6,2170) = 35.61; p < .001] and mathematics [F(6,1211) = 9.04; p < .001]. Post hoc comparisons indicated white students scored significantly higher than Hispanic, African American, and Asian students in English language arts. In addition, Asian students scored significantly higher than Hispanic (p < .004) and African American students (p < .001).

In CST mathematics, significant differences were found between white and Hispanic and African American students. Asian students also scored significantly higher than Hispanic (p < .002) and African America (p < .04) students.

Language group differences.

Examination of language group achievement differences on CST included only English Learners with higher levels of English language proficiency skills. This prevented low levels of English language proficiency as a major contributing factor to poor achievement among English Learners (Association of Educational Researchers Association, 2000). A one-way ANOVA comparing English only students to all language groups with passing CAHSEE scores yielded statistically significant differences on CST in English language arts [F(6,2525) = 29.18; p < .001] and mathematics [F(6,1339) = 7.94; p < .001]. On CST English language arts, English only students scored significantly higher than Spanish, Lao (p < .002), Khmer, and Hmong language students. In


mathematics, English only students scored significantly higher than Spanish language students.

The Relationship between CAHSEE achievement levels and results on the California English Language Development Test.

This section examines the relationship of CAHSEE achievement levels to English language proficiency skills as indicated on the California English Language Development Test (CELDT). High-stakes tests perpetuate inequalities when they marginalize or extend opportunities to some students over others. As others have argued, the status and opportunities of students is elevated when they possess valued cultural capital. As a form of cultural capital, English language proficiency is an effective filtering device in the reproduction of power. Students with proficient English language skills were privileged when taking CAHSEE, while non-English language skills were devalued and invalidated.

While ELL students are deferred from passing CAHSEE until 24 months of enrollment in public schools have been obtained, there is a mismatch between CAHSEE requirements and second-language acquisition theory. Under CAHSEE requirements, English Learners are expected in three years to gain content knowledge and academic skills in English language arts and mathematics while learning English. Yet others have found the time period for English Learners to become English proficient to last from four to seven years (Cummins, 1989).

English learners at Advanced levels of CELDT were more likely to pass CAHSEE. For example, 57% of students at Advanced proficiency level passed CAHSEE in English Language Arts compared to 39% of students at Early advanced proficiency level (See Table 2). A larger percentage of students at Advanced (17%) than Early Advanced (15%) level of English language proficiency passed CAHSEE mathematics (See Table 3). Results indicate that students who score at proficient levels on English Language Development standards do not necessarily have academic skills to pass CAHSEE.

Table 2 Percent of Early Advanced and Advanced Students Passing CAHSEE English Language Arts by Primary Language

Percent Passing

Primary Language Early Advanced Advanced

Spanish 32.6% 50.0%

Hmong 46.0% 73.7%

Khmer 38.9% 71.4%

Lao 51.4% 71.4%

Vietnamese 25.0%

Other Non-English 43.5% 50.0%

Total 39% 57%


Table 3 Percent of Early Advanced and Advanced Students Passing CAHSEE Mathematics by Primary Language

Percent Passing

Primary Language Early Advanced Advanced

Spanish 8.4% 12.1%

Hmong 23.7% 15.8%

Khmer 22.9% 42.9%

Lao 26.5% 25.0%

Vietnamese 28.6%

Other Non-English 11.5% 25.0%

Total 15% 17%

Discussion

The concepts of the hidden curriculum and cultural capital help illustrate how CAHSEE failed to improve achievement levels for all students and exacerbated educational inequalities for students who failed the test. This discussion will focus on how CAHSEE test scores have been mistakenly attributed to reflect achievement levels that differentiate students qualified to earn a high school diploma; masked a fundamental educational barrier to academic achievement, the opportunity to learn; and led to regulated instruction for students who failed the test.

Wide Achievement differences between ethnic, racial, and language-minority students.

Analysis of passing test scores suggests CAHSEE did not close the achievement gap between language-minority and language-majority students. While emphasis has been on the disproportionately low CAHSEE passing rates among language-minority students, little attention has focused on the meaning of CAHSEE passing scores. CAHSEE passing test scores were not meaningful and masked the critical issue of the opportunity to learn. Wide differences in achievement between ethnic/racial and language minority students may cause many students who passed the test to be ill prepared to succeed in institutions of higher learning.

Moreover, findings in this study suggest achievement levels among language-minority students were related to the large numbers of English Learners who constitute some minority groups more than others. Therefore, caution should be exercised when conclusions are made about academic deficiencies of students when English language proficiency is an important factor. The failure of a high-stakes test to increase achievement brings into question the purpose and unintentional effects of a critical element of school reform. Corroborating evidence that CAHSEE test scores were not meaningful indicators of achievement is discussed below.


The relationship to achievement between CAHSEE and the California Standards Test.

CASHSEE regulations require the test to have curricular and instructional validity and measure the high standards adopted by the California State Board of Education. Senate Bill 2X reads in part that the state shall develop a high school exit examination …in accordance with the statewide academically rigorous content standards adopted by the state board of education (Senate Bill 2X, 1999). Yet students who passed CAHSEE had wide variability in performance on the grade level California Standards Test, rendering CAHSEE achievement levels as unreliable indicators of increased achievement.

The emphasis on CAHSEE test scores has effectively shifted attention away from equal access issues for language-minority students. The control and regulation of curricular access to grade level content for language-minority students is evidenced by the relatively small percentage of ELL students who completed grade level mathematics in 2002. For example, 2002 statewide test results indicated 29% of all eighth grade students completed the appropriate grade level algebra test compared to 3% of ELL students. Among eleventh grade students expected to complete algebra II, 14% of all students took the appropriate grade level test compared to 1% of ELL students.

The concept of the hidden curriculum is a useful device to explain how the cause of poor performance on CAHSEE was attributed to the academic deficiencies of students. Students who failed CAHSEE suffer severe consequences such as remedial instruction, required summer school, and enrollment in special classes. Legislative regulations require academic interventions for students who fail CAHSEE.

The governing board of each district …shall offer summer school instructional programs … for pupils…who do not demonstrate sufficient progress toward passing the exit examination (Senate Bill 2X, 1999).

An insidious effect of this high-stakes test is narrowing of the curriculum through the assignment of students to remedial curricular programs and interventions that impact learning opportunities. School districts were asked to restructure academic offerings reducing the electives available to any pupil who has not demonstrated the skills necessary to succeed on the exit exam, so that the pupil can be provided supplemental instruction during the regularly scheduled academic year (Senate Bill 2X, 1999).

Comparison of CAHSEE and CST Test scores for students with different levels of English language proficiency.

The concept of cultural capital best describes how preferred language skills advantaged native English speakers and penalized ELL students. While CAHSEE legislative requirements defer ELL students from passing the test for up to 24 months, in practice, many students require four to seven years of instruction to acquire the level of English language skills necessary to compete with native English speakers (Cummins, 1989). Results in this study supported the argument that a mismatch exits between the requirements of high-stakes tests and second-language acquisition theory. Even English Learners at higher levels of English language skills were unable to pass CAHSEE. The problem is exacerbated when English Learners are denied access to core content areas


while instructional time is spent on learning English. This sequential model prevents many English Learners from equal access to grade level curriculum before their four years of high school education is exhausted.

Research on correlates to academic achievement among English Learner populations has often focused attention on such student background variables as gender, ethnic/racial minority group membership, socioeconomic status, and immigrant experience (Rumberger, 1991). Studies often over simplify the relationship of student background variables to achievement because ELL students are treated as homogeneous student populations with common educational, socio-cultural, and historical experiences. Yet ELL students represent populations from diverse language groups, with unique immigrant experiences, and various levels of English language proficiency. Others have found language-minority groups to experience diverse educational experiences (Ogbu, 1988), opportunities (Salazar, 1997), and expectations (Matute-Bianchi, 1986).

The 24-month CAHSEE regulation applied to all ELL students, suggests qualifying criteria for CAHSEE testing reflected what Bourdieu and Passeron (1977) refer to as cultural capital. Bourdieu and Passeron argue that schools use cultural capital as an effective filtering device in the reproduction of power. In this study, disparate CAHSEE test scores suggested that English language proficiency as a form of cultural capital operated as an exclusionary device, and increased understanding about how high-stakes test contributed to the reproduction of educational inequalities.

One aim of CAHSEE is to provide all students with equal access to a quality curriculum without assigning advantages based on language skills. However, the research data indicated ELL students lacked appropriate and sufficient access to grade level curricular programs. Instead, CAHSEE test scores exacerbated the exclusionary role of cultural capital through the assignment of students to regulated curricular programs. The implication is that CAHSEE is a hegemonic instrument that sorts and selects students into educational paths based on test scores that are capricious and meaningless.

Conclusion and Implications

Research evidence in this study on the failure of CAHSEE to close the achievement gap between language-minority and language-majority students and reflect corresponding achievement levels on a grade level test, have important educational, instructional, and research implications. These are discussed below. Educational Implications

Increased dropout rates have been found in states that have instituted high school exit exams (Thurlow et.al., 1997). However, the rates may underestimate the number of students who drop out of school. Anecdotal evidence suggests students who fail exit exams are redirected to other educational institutions such as adult school, community colleges or vocational schools. Because language-minority students enter U.S. schools at


an older age than their native born peers, there is a decreased opportunity to pass CAHSEE before students turn 18 and are no longer required to attend public schools.

The apparent low level of achievement skills necessary to pass CAHSEE may not be sufficient preparation for students to be successful in institutions of higher learning. Others have found the increased number of students required to take remedial courses in state universities. Further research is needed to determine the extent high school exit exams affect the number of students requiring college remediation classes. Instructional Implications

High school exit exams may lead to a two-tiered curricular system, one for students who pass and another one for students who fail the tests. Previous approaches to increase achievement levels of high school graduates have focused on remedial instruction and coursework. Remedial programs are typically designed to teach basic academic and test taking skills. Targeting resources toward students who failed exit exams may be ill advised since even students with passing scores may warrant increased academic preparation.

Instructional effects of exit exams may exacerbate achievement differences between language-minority and language-majority students. For example, recent research suggests English Learners do not have equal access to rigorous curricular content standards (Oakes, Gamoran, & Page, 1992). Many ELL students take English language development classes in high school that leave little or no room in their schedule for the completion of all requirements for graduation. In some cases, students are not given some academic courses until certain levels of English language proficiency skills are attained. Further research is needed to determine the extent the achievement gap between students who passed or failed CAHSEE is attributed to differential opportunities to learn rather than deficit academic skills.

Currently, CAHSEE only focuses on content standards in English language arts and mathematics. However, achievement gaps in science and social studies may become apparent when other content areas are added to the test. The potential implication is that factors that contribute to student achievement may be related more to access to content standards more than poor academic skills. The academic focus may be better suited by increased access to college preparatory classes rather than increased remediation. Research Implications

The apparent mismatch in achievement levels between CAHSEE and a state required standards based assessment suggests the current assessment system is disjointed and incoherent. Results in this study suggest achievement levels required for passing CAHSEE may impede the creation of a coherent state assessment system with viable instruments to increase student achievement and improve school accountability. Students may graduate without grade level academic skills as indicated on other state tests. In addition, there are no consistent testing requirements for ELL students on high school exit exams (Rivera & Vincent, 1996). The recent federal No Child Left Behind Act legislation provides ELL students with up to three years in the U.S. schools before state


testing is required. However, many states test ELL students based on such criteria as years in the U.S., English language proficiency, or years of enrollment in public schools.

The critical research question of when is it appropriate to test ELL students on high-stakes tests (National Clearinghouse for Bilingual Education, 1997) is difficult to address when test results cannot be compared due to non-aligned state tests, and criteria for testing students varies by states. Instead, the testing of English Learners is often based on political decisions rather than sound educational practices. Future research should focus on theories and models that improve our understanding of political pressures, processes, and interest groups that define issues surrounding high-stakes tests. We would like to acknowledge the valuable comments made by anonymous reviewers in previous drafts of this paper.

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Educating for Bilingualism in Mexican Transnational Communities

Natalia Martínez-León Patrick H. Smith

Universidad de las Américas, Puebla

Abstract

This position paper describes the educational situation facing retornado families and children, Mexican transnational immigrants moving between the New York City region and Puebla, Mexico. Following an overview of issues in transnational migration and education, we describe factors underlying the current lack of adequate first language and second language instruction for the Spanish-English bilinguals returning to live in Mexico. We offer suggestions for how Mexican educators can better serve transnational bilingual students through instruction, taking into account the views of parents and the need for teacher education which contemplates the specific linguistic, cultural, and academic needs of returning immigrant children.

Transnational Migration and Bilingualism

According to Wei and Sherman (2001, p. 378) "indigenous children of immigrant parents are emerging as the largest new bilingual population across the world." Significantly, a great deal of work on language development and language use in immigrant populations is based on the assumption that immigrants settle permanently in their adopted country. Thus, researchers, policy makers, and educators have focused primarily on the processes by which immigrants assimilate linguistically, culturally and ideologically to the receiving community. In many places, however, immigrants maintain their language and cultural identities and practices with the expectation of returning to their communities of origin. A significantly different form of migration, “transnationalism” is characterized by the “dense networks of social relations that transcend national boundaries” (Binford, 2000, p. 1; c.f. Guerra, 1998) created when individuals and families move physically, emotionally and economically back and forth across borders and between cultures.

In this position paper we are concerned with the linguistic and educational effects of transnationalism, the two-way movement of families and children between countries. Specifically, we argue that Mexican schools and host communities are poorly organized


to deal with, and perhaps augment, the bilingualism that is often the by-product of international migration.

Transnationalism Between New York and Puebla, Mexico

Our stance here derives in part from our experiences as researchers and teacher trainers in the central Mexican state of Puebla, one of the states with the highest levels of migration to the US1 out of a population of slightly more than five million residents, it is thought that perhaps one million people—nearly one in five—spend some part of each year in the US (Martínez, 2002). Of three principal expulsion zones in the state, the region just south of the capital city of Puebla, (including the communities of Atlixco, Izúcar de Matamoros, Cholula, and Calpan) provides a compelling context because of the rapid increase in international migration over the past decade. In addition, and in contrast to migratory flows from indigenous-speaking regions to the north and south, the central region has abundant water and natural resources, as well as well established systems of electricity and irrigation (Cortés, 2001). These communities are also interesting linguistically because many residents have undergone language shift (from Nahuatl to Spanish) in recent generations, a process that has been hastened through participation in state-sponsored schools (Cifuentes, 1998).

Migration from Puebla to the New York City/New Jersey area began in the 1970s, and has accelerated considerably since the early 1990s (Binford, 2000; Smith, 1994). Today, approximately 50% of the Mexicans living in New York City--perhaps as many as 200,000 people--are from Atlixco and other communities in the State of Puebla (Consulado General de Mexico en Nueva York, 2000). Employed primarily in low-paying service jobs, many dream of saving enough money in the US to open a small business that will permit them to leave the impoverished agricultural sector upon their return to Mexico (Gendreau & Giménez, 2000). Although the migrant population continues to be dominated by unmarried males, a growing number of poblano women and families with children live in the greater New York area. Return rates, typically higher for families (Cortés, 2001), have understandably increased since the events of September 11, 2001 and subsequent economic downturn in the US. Indeed, in the weeks following the attacks, officials in the national Secretariat of Education prepared for the return of as many as 400,000 transnationals, including many students who had spent at least some of their growing up and school years living in the US (Reyes, C., 2001, October 5).2

Transnationals as Spanish/English Bilinguals

Known locally as ‘retornados’ [returnees], some of these children had never lived outside the US. Indeed, those who have lived a significant portion of their daily lives in English return to Mexico with differing degrees of competence and schooling in English. Importantly, because only a minority of Latino children in New York City schools receive content instruction in Spanish (MacSwan, 2000), transnational children who return to Mexican schools may fare poorly because of limited academic proficiency in Spanish.


Unlike their counterparts in US schools, transnational students in Mexico are not highly concentrated in particular schools. Rather, they attend a number of urban and rural schools scattered across the region. Indeed, in nearly every classroom we have visited, at least one student has lived in the US, and many more have parents and other close relatives with that experience.

Among Mexico's elite, bilingualism is closely associated with academic and economic success. This is seldom the case for the country's folk bilinguals (Romaine, 1999), particularly those who speak an indigenous language in addition to Spanish. Transnationals constitute an interesting group because they tend to be poor (like folk bilinguals) and to speak English (like elite bilinguals) rather than (or in addition to) an indigenous language.

Transnational families share a strong belief in English-Spanish bilingualism, often perceived as a tool for escaping the need to migrate to the US a mother whose two young children were born in New York City reported, “Por eso me doy cuenta que para mi hija sea mejor estudiar, porque ellas (mis dos sobrinas) son bilingües. Me doy cuenta que ella tiene más oportunidad por ser bilingüe.”3 [That’s how I realized that for my daughter it would be better to study, because my two nieces are bilingual. I can see that she will have more opportunities by being bilingual.] Thus, families of retornado students employ various strategies in order to help their children develop and retain bilingualism. Some parents send children home to Mexico in order to help them maintain proficiency in Spanish (Malkin, 2000). An English teacher confirmed this pattern, commenting, “Los padres vienen con los niños, (dicen) 'es que nació en Estados Unidos, ha estado allá cinco años pero ya nos venimos para acá y queremos que no pierda el inglés.'”[The parents come in with their kids, (saying) ‘He/she was born in the United States, he/she was there for five years, but now we’re back here and we want to make sure that he/she doesn't forget English.’].

However, unlike Spanish proficiency, which may be quickly regained or developed through participation in numerous, overlapping domains once in Mexico, there are fewer viable options for the continued development and maintenance of English. Because public English instruction does not begin until the secondary level (equivalent to grade 7 in the US system), and due to a perceived lack of quality of English instruction in public schools (described in the following section), middle-class Mexican families often send their children to one of the growing number of language institutes. However, the cost of private instruction, ranging from a few dollars per class to more than one thousand dollars per month, is typically far beyond the budget of most transnationals.

143 Martínez, Smith / Bilingualism in Mexican Transnational Communities

Support for Transnational Bilingualism in Mexican Schools

In the following section we describe the considerable challenges Mexican schools face in meeting the language needs of the growing retornado population. Barriers to Appropriate Bilingual Instruction for Retornados

As in the US, few schools in Mexico provide instruction that is linguistically and culturally appropriate instruction for their transnational students. In this section we discuss what we see as the three major factors contributing to this problem: (a) the shortage of linguistically qualified teachers trained to recognize and meet the special needs of transnational bilinguals; (b) limited access to or the non-existence of materials relevant to these learners; and (c) perhaps most difficult to remediate, prescriptivist and pejorative attitudes towards the language varieties spoken by retornado students and their families.

In terms of English language proficiency, relatively few Mexican teachers have been trained to meet the special needs of transnational learners. Despite the fact that the national curriculum mandates English instruction at the secundaria [middle school] level, few teachers have developed high levels of proficiency in that language (Domínguez Betancourt, 1995). Vega González (2002) describes the case of in-service teachers whose aural comprehension in English made it difficult for them to effectively use the audio cassettes featured in the national curriculum’s communicative approach to English language instruction. Indeed, teachers-in training often choose to specialize in English instruction in order to improve their own English for future job prospects in other fields, rather than from a desire to become practicing teachers (Smith, 2001a).

The lack of English proficiency on the part of teachers has particular consequences for retornado students. Students whose initial literacy has been developed primarily or partially through English seldom receive reading support from teachers trained to recognize developmental issues due to cross-linguistic influence from English. In terms of emerging writing, Spanish monolingual teachers are less apt to understand English proficient students’ tendency to represent the consonants of the language rather than the vowels (Goodman, 2002). At the secondary level, students with highly developed English are typically given an examination which exempts them from further instruction. In some cases, English proficient students are regarded as a threat by their less proficient teachers, who simply tell students not to attend class during the period of English instruction. Perhaps most disturbing is the effect on children’s perceptions of their own potential to achieve advanced levels of bilingualism. The words of a six-year-old girl two months after her return to Mexico, illustrate this point: “Voy a tener que ir a los Estados Unidos para recordar mis colores…ya no me acuerdo.” [I’ll have to go back to the United States to remember my colors…I can’t remember them anymore]. Thus, as early as first grade, children are capable of equating a language with a country, and are capable of expressing beliefs about the possibility of maintaining bilingualism while living in Mexico.

A second factor is limited access to materials that are culturally and linguistically appropriate for transnational bilinguals. Books are generally more expensive in Mexico than in the United States and Europe, and English-language books are particularly


expensive and difficult to find in the smaller towns and rural areas where many retornados live. Even in larger cities one rarely finds bookstores or libraries with bilingual children’s books. In terms of Spanish language reading materials, the considerable effort and investment by the national government to provide millions of copies of free primary readers (libros gratuitos) at each grade level has resulted in texts that are directed almost exclusively to the experiences and interests of monolingual, urban learners (Hamel, 1999). Only recently, through the Libros del Rincón and other programs, has the government begun to commission books by Mexican authors dealing with issues of immigration (see Anza Costabile, 2000). Thus, educators who wish to address such themes in their classes face limited options in terms of appropriate materials.

A third barrier to appropriate instruction for transnational students is rooted in widely-shared prescriptivist notions of language. Elsewhere, we have considered the effects on oral and written language use of ‘layered colonialism’, in which participants in Mexican schools must negotiate an overlapping series of language ideologies constructed during the Spanish colonial period, French imperial rule, orthographic conventions dictated by the Real Academia Española [Spanish Royal Academy], and, more recently, the growing economic and cultural hegemony of the United States (Jiménez, Smith & Martínez León, 2002). Like their non-migrant peers, transnational students receive instruction which allows them great freedom to say what they want, while their written language is tightly controlled and closely monitored to ensure adherence to conventional forms. This emphasis on form is hardly new, as illustrated by the following statement announcing the creation of a Mexican Academia de la Lengua in 1835: "La decadencia á que ha llegado entre nosotros la lengua castellana...por falta de principios en la mayor parte de los que la hablan y escriben..." [The poor state to which our Spanish has fallen…due to the lack of principles by most of those who speak it and write it] (Cifuentes, 1998, p. 292). Compare the above statement with the comments of a local secondary school teacher:

Tengo como proyecto promover y colaborar en el conocimiento y uso correcto del español a través de la lectura y escritura en la región, en donde puede advertirse un empobrecimiento de nuestro idioma en la expresión oral y sobre todo en la escritura, donde la ortografía queda marginada.

My goal is to promote and contribute to knowledge and proper use of Spanish in this area, where there is an obvious impoverishment of our written and spoken language, especially in spelling.

It is not surprising, then, that transnational parents report being told by teachers that their children do not speak ‘correct’ or even ‘real’ Spanish. Like their non-immigrant peers, transnational bilinguals face strongly prescriptivist language attitudes, particularly with regard to written language (Kalmar, 2001).


This focus on form over content is also apparent in educators’ views on the varieties of English used by transnational students. A powerful example comes from the director of an English institute, who reported “Viene mucha gente a pedir siempre, gente que viene de Estados Unidos. ‘Es que yo estuve seis años en Estados Unidos y yo ya lo hablo.’” [Lots of people come to ask about working here, people who have lived in the United States. ‘I was in the US for six years and I can speak English.’] Despite the fact that their oral proficiency in English is often more advanced than that of English teachers, such speakers are typically not regarded as worthy language resources or models for schools. The director explained:

La idea del inglés americano que tenemos es que como hay una congregación de razas y de gente de todo el mundo, lo han deformado. Entonces lo que ha pasado con el americano es de que cada quien lo habla como quiere ¿no? Los negros tienen una entonación, su vocabulario, los chinos su entonación, su vocabulario, a parte, ¡los mexicanos incluso! Entonces, no hay un inglés real, un inglés puro, pues.

The idea we have of American English is that it’s been deformed by the mix of cultures and people from all over the world. So what’s happened with American English is that everyone just speaks it however they like, you know? The African Americans have their own intonation, their own vocabulary, the Chinese have theirs, even the Mexicans! So there’s no real English, no pure English.

In this school, then, as in other private schools and institutes in the region, British English is taught in the belief that it is the purest form of English, one with which a speaker will always be well received. Despite the growing demand for linguistically qualified teachers of English in the region, such prescriptive attitudes make it unlikely that transnational bilinguals will be sought out as English teachers.

Thus, educational systems in Mexico, like many counterparts in the US, tend to view transnational learners in fixed ways that have little to do with children's lived experiences or actual bilingual proficiency. By recognizing only those experiences immediately consonant with nationally determined priorities, these official perspectives lack the sophistication needed to understand the rich experiences of transnationals. In the following section we turn to recommendations we believe can help Mexican educators meet the specific linguistic, cultural, and academic needs of retornados. Towards Appropriate Pedagogies for Transnational Bilingual Learners

Given the barriers we have described to the promotion of transnational bilingualism in Mexican schools, what can educators do to move towards more appropriate pedagogies for transnational bilingual learners? We offer suggestions in three areas: (a) use of learners’ and families’ Spanish and English funds of linguistic knowledge to improve instruction for all learners; (b) consideration of the perspectives of


the families and community members regarding education and language instruction; and (c) the need for increased sociolinguistic awareness on the part of educators and educational policy makers.

How can educators in Mexico prepare themselves to work with transnational bilinguals? First, we believe that the English and Spanish language funds of knowledge held by retornados should be utilized as resources to improve instruction for all learners. Earlier, we gave the example of a school director who would not hire retornado bilinguals to teach in her English language school. However, there is evidence that some public schools are beginning to do just that. Having lived in the US on and off for most of his teens and early twenties, José now teaches English to children and young adults in both private and public schools. In the private school, where British English is considered the prestige variety, José is careful to accommodate linguistically. In contrast, in the public school attended by the children of retornados, José’s attractiveness as a teacher lies precisely in his linguistic transnationalism, his ability to teach using the English of the community. While schools should certainly insist on language teachers with the most advanced proficiency possible, the ability to successfully use more than one variety or register of English should be seen as an asset rather than as a handicap. Teachers with this knowledge can assist students to become more aware of the differences through use of basic contrastive analysis techniques.

Similarly, retornados who have acquired elements of other varieties of Spanish through their life and school experiences in New York should be recognized and cultivated as linguistic resources, rather than made to feel that they do not speak the ‘correct’ variety of Spanish. The notion of “funds of linguistic knowledge” provides a model for teachers can develop bilingual curriculum based on the language variety spoken in minority language households (Smith, 2001b). Some simple but concrete ways to do this with transnational bilinguals would be to have students write and conduct surveys involving classmates who have had contact with other varieties of Spanish, and to compile a glossary of regionally specific terms and expressions. Oral history interviews with transnationals, in English and in Spanish, could be transcribed and transformed into locally appropriate, inexpensive texts for first language (L1) and second language (L2) learning for all students.

Second, to create more appropriate forms of instruction for transnational bilingual learners, schools need to attend more closely to family and student perspectives. Retornados hold strong views about their experiences in US and Mexican schools. Although some studies have found that Mexican and Mexican-origin students believe that Mexican schools are superior to US schools in terms of attention from and preparation by teachers (Valenzuela, 1999) and formation of group identity (Levinson, 2001), transnational bilinguals in Puebla express their preference for aspects of US schools. For example, Victoria, the mother of a six-year girl, contrasted her daughter's kindergarten classroom in New York City with her first-grade classroom in Atlixco.

“Yo creo que allí había más apoyo, porque allá son dos maestras por grupo por lo regular siempre. Entonces hay más ayuda para ellos y es gratis también. Aquí no. No, no me gusta. Está muy mal, vaya, no se, tal vez la maestra o tal vez es la


escuela a lo mejor... Por ejemplo, (aquí) hay una maestra, como que yo creo que allá les tenían más control. Son como treinta (alumnos en la escuela de Atlixco) y allá eran menos y dos maestras….No, aquí hay demasiados (niños).”

I think there was more support there, because each group always had two teachers. So there’s more help for the children and it’s free too. Not here. No, no I don’t like it. It’s really bad, I mean, I don’t know if it’s because of the teachers or maybe the school… For example (here) there’s only one teacher, but there I think they had more control. Here, there are like thirty (students in the school in Atlixco) and there were fewer with two teachers… No, here there are too many (students).

The importance that Victoria places on small class size is shared by José, who moved to Connecticut at the age of thirteen. Recalling his surprise at how few students there were in his junior high classroom in the US, José reported

“Los grupos allá son más pequeños y acá son grandes. Aquí estábamos hasta 40 alumnos y allá, pues, éramos como 20 más o menos. Llegué y dije, ‘!Ay, qué poquitos son!’ Y ellos luego decían, no, pues ya arriba de 20 sentían que eran muchos, pero sí, eso sí, en serio.” The classes there are smaller and here they are large. Here we were as many as 40 students and there, well, there were about 20. When I got there I said, “Wow, there are so few students!” And they said no, here they think that more 20 students is too many. They really said that.

However, as José observed, the favorable material conditions (low student-to-teacher ration, quantity and quality of books, and appearance of classrooms) in many US classrooms do not necessarily lead to better instruction.

Pues, en la enseñanza no vi mucha diferencia. Es casi igual allá que acá. Pasa lo mismo, como en todas las escuelas, el maestro está dando su clase y algunos (estudiantes) ni lo escuchan. Están volteando, haciendo cosas…. Igual que aquí, unos ponen atención y otros no. A veces los maestros tenían dificultad para controlar a veces al grupo porque están plática y plática. Entonces, es igual que acá. Well, I didn’t see much difference in the teaching. It’s basically the same there as here. Like in all schools, the teacher is giving his/her class and some (students) aren’t even listening. They’re moving, messing around….The same as here, some pay attention and some don’t. Sometimes the teachers had problems controlling the class


because the students won’t stop talking. So, it’s the same there as here.

Thus, as Valero (2002) suggests, conditions for successful pedagogy with transnational learners are not limited to appropriate materials or linguistically qualified teachers, but must include attention to the attitudes, emotions, and beliefs held by such learners and their families. Currently, however, few institutional practices encourage teachers to identify the range of individual needs and experiences of their students. As a result, the particular needs of transnational learners go unnoticed. By listening to what Mexican students and parents have to say about schools in the US and Mexico, educators can more easily meet the expectations transnationals bring to the education of their children.

Third, in the areas of educational policy and teacher education there is a need for increased knowledge of bilingualism, language acquisition and second language teaching methods. The need for greater sociolinguistic awareness on the part of educators who work with retornados is especially pressing. Binational teacher exchange programs are a step in the right direction, as are recent efforts by the Mexican government to send teachers from Puebla and other regions of high out-migration to spend time observing and assisting in US classrooms. Unfortunately, based on the assumption that migration is a one-way street, the focus of such programs tends to be limited to meeting the needs of Mexican students in US schools. We would like to see the scope of these programs extended to address the knowledge base of teachers returning to Mexico. Specifically, programs like the Programa Binacional, in which Puebla and other states send public school teachers to US communities to assist Mexican-born children in US schools (Martínez, 2002), could be changed to give teachers academic or professional development credits for demonstrating increased awareness of the cultural and linguistic resources acquired by retornados in US schools. We envision such teachers as two-way “cultural workers” (Freire, 1998) capable of engaging their colleagues on both sides of the border in a dialogue about how best to work with transnational bilinguals.

Implications for Further Research

In terms of future research, we foresee an important role for research that documents the school and language experiences of transnational bilinguals on both sides of the border. Due to the complex logistics of maintaining contact over extended periods of time with participants who are, by definition, highly mobile, (see Guerra, 1998; Levinson, 2001 for examples), case studies of single families and even single students seem a likely means of beginning to build a knowledge base. Ideally, the voices of transnationals themselves will be central in future research, as we have tried to make them here.

Finally, because Mexican schools are not unique in facing the uncertainties and challenges posed by the task of educating transnational bilinguals, we believe that the experiences and insights of researchers and educators working in other contexts of transnational migration--linguistic and cultural borders such as those between Belize and Mexico, Germany and Turkey, and Spain, South Africa and the Maghreb--can prove


useful. Siguán’s (2000, p. 15) observation about the accommodation of North African children in Spanish schools is fitting here: “Nos estamos acercando a sociedades pluriculturales. Y no sabemos cuál es el sistema educativo adecuado para estas sociedades." [We are approaching pluricultural societies. And yet we are not sure which educational system is most appropriate for these societies]. Similarly, although we are far from a state of precise knowledge of the best practices for transnational bilinguals in Mexico, we are hopeful that the ideas presented here may contribute to a linguistically and culturally appropriate pedagogy for this new type of bilingual learner.

References

Anza Costabile, A. L. (2000). Amigos del otro lado. Monterrey, Mexico: Ediciones Castillo.

Binford, L. (2000) Accelerated migration between Puebla and New York. La Vitrina [On-line] Available: http://www.lavitrina.com/html/back/frameset.html

Cifuentes, B. (1998). Letras sobre voces. Mexico, D.F.: Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social.

Consulado General de Mexico en Nueva York (2000). Informe sobre migración: Características de la comunidad mexicana en Nueva York.

Cortés, S. (2001, October). Flujo migratorio laboral hacia Estados Unidos: Puebla en el decenio de los noventa. V Congreso de las Américas. Puebla: Universidad de las Américas, Puebla.

Domínguez, E. (1995). La efectividad del enfoque comunicativo para la enseñanza del inglés en las escuelas públicas secundarias de México. Unpublished Masters thesis, Universidad de las Américas, Puebla. Cholula, Mexico.

Freire, P. (1998). Teachers as cultural workers: Letters to those who dare teach. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Gendreau, M., & Giménez, G. (2000). Impacto de la migración y de los medio en las culturas regionales tradicionales. In M. A. Castillo, A. Lattes, & J. Santibañez (Eds.), Migración y fronteras. (pp. 173-196). Tijuana, Baja California Norte: El Colegio de la Frontera Norte.

Goodman, Y. (2002, October). How teachers build on children’s home and community literacy practices in the classroom. Plenary address at the VII Latin American Congress for the Development of Reading and Writing. Puebla, Mexico.

Guerra, J. C. (1998). Close to home: Oral and literate practices in a transnational Mexicano community. New York: Teachers College Press.

Hamel, R. E. (2000). Indigenous literacy teaching in public primary schools: A case of bilingual maintenance education in Mexico. México: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana.

Jiménez, R. T., Smith, P. H., & Martínez León, N. (2002). Freedom and form: The language and literacy practices of two Mexican schools. Manuscript submitted for publication.


http://www.lavitrina.com/html/back/frameset.html

Kalmar, T. M. (2001). Illegal alphabets and adult biliteracy: Latino migrants crossing the linguistic border. Mahway, NH: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Levinson, B. A. U. (2001). We are all equal: Student culture and identity at a Mexican secondary school, 1988-1998. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

MacSwan. J. (2000). The New York City Schools Research Report: Implications for Arizona’s Proposition 203, the English-Only initiative. Unpublished manuscript: Arizona State University.

Malkin, V. (2000). Divergent visions of education and anxieties over ‘los jovenes en Estados Unidos’: Mexican parents in New Rochelle, New York. La Vitrina [On-line] Available: http://www.lavitrina.com/html/curren9/program.htm.

Martínez, F. E. (2002, June 5). Maestros que irán a EU atenderán a 2 mil niños emigrantes poblanos. El Sol de Puebla, p. 2-A.

Reyes, C. (2001, October 5). Diseña SEP apoyo a hijos de migrantes. Reforma, pp. A-6. Romaine, S. (1999). Early bilingual development: From elite to folk. En G. Extra, & L.

Verhoeven (Eds.), Bilingualism and migration. (pp. 61-73). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Siguán, M. (2000). Inmigrantes en la escuela. Textos de didáctica de la lengua y de la literatura, 23: 13-21.

Smith, P. H. (2001a). Tendencias en el desarrollo de Licenciaturas en Lenguas: Perspectivas desde la planificación lingüística. MEXTESOL Journal, 25(1), 75- 86.

Smith, P. H. (2001b). Community language resources in dual language schooling. Bilingual Research Journal [Special issue on recently completed dissertations] 25, (30), 375-404.

Smith, R. (1994). Los ausentes siempre presentes: The making of a transnational community between Brooklyn, New York and Ticuani, Puebla. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Columbia University.

Valenzuela, A. (1999). Subtractive schooling: US-Mexican youth and the politics of caring. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Valero, J. R. (2002). Inmigración y escuela: La escolarización en España de los hijos de inmigrantes africanos. Universidad de Alicante, Alicante.

Vega González, A. (2002). Práctica reflexiva y actitudes de profesores de inglés como lengua extranjera en formación inicial hacia la superación profesional en México. Unpublished Masters thesis, Universidad de las Américas, Puebla. Cholula, Mexico.

Wei, L. & Lee, S. (2001). L1 development in an L2 environment: the use of Cantonese classifiers and quantifiers by young British born Chinese in Tyneside. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 4, (6), 359-382.


http://www.lavitrina.com/html/curren9/program.htm)


Notes

1 Some of the data in this paper were reported at the 30th Annual Conference of the National Association for Bilingual Education, Philadelphia, March 22, 2002.

2 In the months since the September 11 attacks, the flow of return migration to Puebla appears to have been on a smaller scale than originally feared by government officials.

3 In all cases, we have preserved the interviewees’ exact words in Spanish.

Daring To Be: Identity, Healing, and Mentoring in Minority Scholars

Virginia González University of Cincinnati

Carmen Mercado

Hunter College of CUNY, New York

Abstract

It is our objective in this article to engage in moral reasoning by discussing the effect of our ethnic and language minority background on our personal and professional identities at the individual and collective levels. In the first section of this article the multiple layers of internal factors (e.g., gender and ethnicity), and of external ethnosociocultural factors (e.g., living in a cultural environment, using academic language, institutional barriers, stereotypes, ethnoracial and gender discrimination, and oppression) that are influencing the formation of our personal and collective identity as minority scholars will be discussed. The similarities and differences between female minority and majority scholars, and men minority scholars will be also explored. The critical discussion presented in this article is guided by questions such as Where do we belong?; How do other colleagues, relatives, and the public perceive us?; What is the influence of these perceptions on our personal and professional identities?; and What responsibilities do we need and want to accept ? In the second section of this article, some solutions to the marginalization that minority scholars are suffering within institutions and professional associations are presented. In the third section, some possible solutions for beginning the process of healing our personal and collective identities, in light of suggestions coming from the mental health area of therapy for minority professional women, are also explored. Mentoring is presented in the fourth section of this article as a healing process for junior minority female faculty and students. For closure, a discussion of our vision for the future in light of conclusions derived from this article is included.


Identity Who am I

Someone who is free Someone who laughs and

cries and is willing to be just me Identity

Knowing who I am And liking who I see

Helping and caring for others Not only thinking of me

Identity Never to let another shake

my confidence in all I can be knowing who I am

Is enough for me (Sandra Monge-Calderón, 1990)

A poem by Calderón (1990) helps to illustrate the difficult process of the search for identity. Multiple factors affect the self-concept of men, and especially, women of color. The goal of this article is to explore the personal and professional identities of minority scholars through experiences encountered by ethnic minority women and men. This text will not only be used as the objective representation of the identities of minority scholars that are traditionally constructed. But, this text will be used as a legitimate space to narrate our subjective experiences as minority scholars. The tensions of belonging to different worlds represented in the commonly used dichotomies of objectivity versus subjectivity, and an advocate versus a distant observer, will be explored. That is, in order to initiate a healing process, the reconstruction of the new subjective identities of minority scholars as moral advocates reflecting their experiences in different worlds is needed. Moreover, by acknowledging that the objective text is not the only way to communicate, it will be initiated a validation process for minority scholars that will help them to affirm their voices and accept the challenge of daring to be. It is our intention to be proactive, and to value and strengthen our personal identities as minority scholars by connecting to others in order to develop a collective identity. It is also our intention to make the identities of minority scholars heard, and to make a presence so that minority scholars can resist marginalization and become part of the new multicultural mainstream. In addition, it is considered important to engage in a discussion of the dangers of stigmatization, categorization, divisionism, and compartamentalization for minority scholars and minority individuals in general. Moreover, it is also important to discuss the danger of assuming that there are no differences between minority and majority individuals. In fact, it is important to emphasize that the personal and professional identities of minority scholars will be different than the identities of majority scholars because of the influence of external factors, such as a bilingual and bicultural environments. That is, it is also our intention to dispel the myth that if differences exist between minority and majority individuals it is due to internal factors such as race and genetics, when in fact differences are the result of external factors. Thus, it is our intention in this article to express the existence of an intrinsic motivation to affirm the identities of minority scholars and to initiate a process of healing. It is important for us to use writing as an emotional and affective process for healing through self-affirmation. Writing is also used in this article as a tool for fulfilling our social responsibility and moral


commitment for assuming advocacy roles for colleagues who are minority scholars and for minority individuals in our community. In addition, writing is used as a metacognitive tool for making explicit our otherwise implicit beliefs and thoughts. Writing also provides for us a means of communication of the need for interaction among minority scholars. Thus, it is our objective in this paper to engage in moral reasoning because we believe that as minority scholars we have denied much our personal and collective identities. In the first section of this article, the multiple layers of internal and external ethnosociocultural factors influencing the formation of our personal and collective identities as minority scholars are explored. The effect of internal factors, such as gender and ethnicity, on the personal identities of minority scholars is discussed by exploring the similarities and differences between female minority and majority scholars, and men minority scholars. The effect of external factors, such as living in a cultural environment and using academic language on the personal and collective identities of minority scholars, are also discussed. Other external factors that are discussed in relation to the collective identities of minority scholars and their career development will include institutional barriers, stereotypes, ethnoracial and gender discrimination, and oppression. Throughout the discussion several questions are included, such as Where do we belong?; How do other colleagues, relatives, and the public perceive us?; What is the influence of these perceptions on our personal and professional identities?; and What responsibilities do we need and want to accept ? In the second section of this article, some solutions to the marginalization that minority scholars are suffering within institutions and professional associations are discussed. In the third section of this article some possible solutions for beginning the process of de-marginalization and healing of the personal and collective identities of minority scholars are explored. Some of these suggestions come from the mental health area of therapy for minority professional women. In the fourth section, mentoring is explored as a healing process for junior minority female faculty and students. Finally, closure is given by discussing our vision for the future in light of conclusions derived from this article.

Our Multiple Identities as Minority Scholars

Personal Identities of Minority Scholars Why are minority scholars singled out? It is important to learn to respect individual differences and emphasize that each individual, minority or majority, has a unique array of internal and external factors interacting that act as additive layers influencing their personal identities. It is our belief, as pointed out by several authors, that in addition to cultural diversity, minority scholars also share human diverse characteristics with majority scholars. For instance, Banks and McGee Banks (1989) pointed out the danger of stereotyping minority groups due to overgeneralizing their ethnic characteristics. Jenkins (1994) stated that we need to appreciate human diversity as broader than cultural diversity as the former acknowledges the unique characteristics of every individual. He proposed a change from "objective" reasoning to moral reasoning in which we engage in authentic spiritual discourse and discuss "matters of the heart" related to our personal identities as minority scholars. "Objective" reasoning refers to the scientific model assumptions that if we use standard procedures for conducting research, then validity and reliability of our findings will be established and subjectivity would be controlled. However, the scientific model may work for

155 González, Mercado / Identity In Minority Scholars

hard sciences that have as an object of study processes that are independent from the subjectivity of the human being. But, for social sciences (i.e., psychology) that have as an object of study the same subjective processes that are used for creating knowledge (i.e., the human mind) the "objectivity assumption" cannot be applied to research endeavors. That is, a metaprocess is created in which the social scientist uses his or her own subjectivity to select schools of thought, to state hypothesis, to select methodologies, to interpret findings, and to demonstrate ideologies for serving a practical purpose (Jenkins, 1994; Scheurich & Young, 1997). Another example of this subjective metaprocess of conducting research in the social sciences is that results are based on behaviors that are hypothesized as expressions of constructs created socially. Therefore, it is a fallacy to assume that research results lead to "objective" knowledge just because a data-driven process of applying the scientific method has been used. In fact, researchers are the social agents in charge who add subjectivity to this metaprocess of studying their own subjective human minds. Professional dimensions of personal identities in scholars.

The professional identities of scholars encompass also personal dimensions because being a scholar is a career and not an occupation. Becoming a university professor does not only mean to assume some professional responsibilities as in a "normal" occupation in the mainstream society. "Normal" occupations only require the individual to do his or her duties within an 8-hour a day schedule, and then to continue with his or her own personal life. However, becoming university professors means to start a career in which their professional goals are intertwined with their personal goals. The personal identities of scholars also define their professional identities. That is, their "whole" personalities will be expressed in the multiple elements of their professional identities such as their values, ethical principles, ideologies, attitudes, beliefs, cultural traditions, ethnic and social groups of identification, etc. At the same time, professional identities of scholars include some expectations within the college culture that will influence their personal identities. Within the college culture, scholars have the responsibility to develop new knowledge, to become an intellectual leader in order to initiate novices as scholars, and to communicate this newly acquired knowledge through instructional activities and publications or professional presentations. However, society gives scholars the freedom to choose the method to develop new knowledge. As suggested by Jenkins (1994) and Scheurich and Young (1997), scholars can choose to engage in moral discourse motivated by spiritual and moral philosophical imperatives that relate to their subjective personal and collective identities as minority or majority individuals. Scholars can also choose to engage in the traditional scientific model for the creation of new "objective" knowledge, resulting in denial of how their personal identities influence their scholarly activities. However, it is our argument that because of the lack of boundaries between the personal and professional identities of scholars, they need to write narratives of a subjective nature (such as this article) besides their scholarly work that is supposed to be "objective." As discussed above, scholarly research is an experiential subjective process that reflects human diversity (Jenkins, 1994; Scheurich & Young, 1997). Social groups and personal identities of minority scholars.

Minority scholars also belong to social groups that influence their personal identities. According to Banks and McGee Banks (1989) culture encompasses behaviors, and symbolic and ideational products as well as tangible products that are interpreted dynamically by the members of social groups, who assign meanings to these cultural products. Thus, individuals are members of social groups due to their gender, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, age, etc.; and they are not members of cultures. One kind of a social group are ethnic groups formed by individuals who


share a unique identity formed by cultural products such as religion, language, nationality, political and social ideologies, values, and distinctive traditions and customs (Banks & McGee Banks, 1989; Trueba, 1999; Zou & Trueba, 1998). Values are an important part of the identities of members of ethnic groups because they refer to ideals, ethical and aesthetic standards, criteria for evaluating common goals, and knowledge (Banks & McGee Banks, 1989). For example, a social group of scholars who share a feminist pedagogy ideology defend that women prefer first-hand and personalized knowledge based on observations, rather than abstract and "out-of-context" scientific knowledge that is male constructed and dominated (Banks & McGee Banks, 1989 Trueba, 1999; Zou & Trueba, 1998). That is, women scholars or students would prefer to engage in moral reasoning which encompass also their personal identities and subjective beings. In contrast, men scholars or students would prefer to engage in the construction of "objective" knowledge that follows the traditional methodological procedures of the scientific model. In relation to how personal identity is influenced by membership in ethnic groups, Vasquez (1994) stated that identity is a complex concept that "involves the way one views oneself in regard to qualities, characteristics, and values" (p. 120). In addition, identity is also related to our understanding of how we relate to others in our sociocultural environment. Thus, the social status that our ethnic group has in society will also influence our identity. For instance, the dominant status and minority status of languages influences our attitudes for learning and using specific verbal codes. Moreover, Vasquez (1994) argued that the media portrays negative stereotypic views of women of color who are discriminated and oppressed due to their multiple identities stemming from gender and ethnicity dimensions. Finally, several authors (e.g., Boice, 1992; Gonzalez, 1994, 1995; Vasquez, 1994; Trueba, 1999; Zou & Trueba, 1998) have suggested that due to their different identity perceived as "deviant" by mainstream individuals, minority women, including junior faculty, often feel lonely and alienated. Strengthening personal identities of minority scholars by thinking critically.

Several authors have referred to the need of minority scholars to become critical thinkers in order to strengthen their personal identities. According to Brookfield (1987), becoming a critical thinker involves: (1) questioning the validity of any claims for universal truth, (2) realizing the presence of connections between personal experiences and social issues and changes, (3) reflecting honestly about values and beliefs underlying our behaviors, (4) recognizing and exploring different interpretations of the world held by others who are influenced by diverse sociocultural contexts, and (5) becoming risk-takers to accept the challenge of change. Mezinow (1981, cited in Brookfield, 1987) argued that the realization of the existence of external causes for problems lived as subjective experiences, is a major stage in the process of liberation attained when becoming a critical thinker. Moreover, Brookfield (1987) stated, "When problems are seen as partly the result of broader social factors rather than as wholly the consequence of individual inadequacies, some possibility exists for taking action" (p. 61). He referred particularly to the powerful role of collective action for infusing social change in shared experiences in personal histories of minority group members. Hart (1985, cited in Brookfield, 1987) suggested that recognizing commonalties among lived experiences can also be liberating and become a powerful tool for validating shared idiosyncratic feelings when living in difficult sociocultural environments. By thinking critically minority scholars can understand that personal histories become social products, realization leading to a "liberating experience" (Mills, 1954, cited in Brookfield, 1987, p. 58). Mills (1954, cited in Brookfield, 1987) recognized the need for social change to occur for dispelling the myth of internal factors causing the ethnoracial and gender


discrimination and oppression that minority scholars face within academe. Thus, by linking external with internal factors, solutions can be produced by networking and collaborating among minority scholars for strengthening their personal identities. Thus, as pointed out by Gonzalez (1994, 1995), a major liberating realization strengthening the personal identities of minority scholars is to connect barriers that they encounter in their personal experiences within academe with sociohistorical factors. Some strategies that minority scholars can use to help them place their personal experiences in the context of the sociopolitical academic milieu can be found in Gonzalez (1994, 1995). It is difficult for minority scholars to face challenging sociohistorical problems while protecting their psychological well being by using strategies that include (1) to assume that most problems affecting minority scholars are sociohistorical, (2) to acknowledge the importance of finding mentors, (3) to stop replying to stereotypic views and to use energy and time more productively, (4) to respond selectively to collegial and student feedback, (5) to proactively establish collaborative and networking activities, and (6) to clearly state career development objectives (Gonzalez, 1994, 1995). Minority scholars need to become aware that the problems that they have to face in academia are the result of sociohistorical external, rather than of internal factors. When this realization takes place, minority scholars feel liberated by recognizing that It is not only me! Collective Identities of Minority Scholars. Our collective identities as minority scholars include our membership in ethnic groups because we mediate, interpret, and express differently values, ideologies, and symbols of the macroculture (Banks & McGee Banks, 1989; Trueba, 1999; Zou & Trueba, 1998). Minority scholars may experience conflicts and dilemmas as we belong to different worlds representing multiple disciplines that make different demands on us. That is, our collective identities encompass institutional as well as professional community dimensions. For instance, major national professional associations such as the American Educational Research Association (AERA), the American Psychological Association (APA), and the National Association for Bilingual Education (NABE) provide for majority and minority scholars outlets for publication and dissemination of scholarly work that can strengthen our collective identities. Moreover, when interactional contexts are created as minority and majority scholars engage in professional activities, an intersubjective identity emerges that can be negatively influenced by factors such as status, prejudices, and values. For instance, Pope-Davis and Ottavi (1992) found that identity and attitudes of faculty were predictive of racism, and that men faculty members had higher levels of discomfort with interpersonal interactions with African-American individuals. They suggested that there is a need to reduce racial tensions by stimulating White faculty to explore their identity, and by increasing cross-cultural communication and interaction. Thus, instructors and mentors need to create pedagogical experiences so that minority and majority students can develop critical thinking processes, and can mutually respect and reconstruct their collective identities. It is also important to create interactional contexts of mutual respect for minority and majority scholars so that we get to know our collective identities across professional communities that defend diverse ideologies and cultural attitudes.

Commonalties and individual differences among women of color. Women of color share commonalties in the important role given to family, group, and

community for self-definition. Vasquez (1994) highlighted the important role of family in the identity of Latinas as the extended kinship system is used as a network for seeking support for stressful situations. Among Latinos, three dimensions of familism have been identified, including (1) family obligations to provide material and emotional support to relatives, (2)


perceived support from family as a reliable source of help, and (3) family as referents for a behavioral and attitudinal model of identity (Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sabogal, Marin, & Perez-Stable, 1987, cited in Vasquez, 1994). Therefore, as suggested by Vasquez (1994), mainstream values of independence, individuality, and competition can even be a source of identity conflict for Latinas that may result in transculturation. According to Comas-Díaz (1987, cited in Vasquez, 1994), acculturation differs from transculturation, as the latter refers to the resolution of conflict of cultural values by the emergence of a new culture. Moreover, in relation to gender roles of Latinas within the family cultural system, Vasquez (1994) stated, "...Latinas internalize the expectation to nurture, care for, and maintain the family unity and connections" (p. 124). At the same time, as pointed out by Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994), every woman has a unique interaction of internal and external factors affecting her identity with particular needs, strengths, and limitations. For example, some individual differences among women of color refer to internal factors such as phenotypic characteristics reflected in skin color and racial features, and psychological factors reflected in adjustment to changes and coping style. In contrast, other individuals refer to external factors such as degree of acculturation and transculturation to the mainstream society, and socioeconomic class. Moreover, Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) pointed out that definitions of identities of women of color are dynamic as they are affected by external sociohistorical changing factors. For example, Amaro, Russo, and Johnson (1987, cited in Vasquez, 1994) found that income and discrimination were the most important factors affecting the psychological well-being of highly educated and high-income professional Latinas. According to Vasquez (1994), employment and attitudes toward work are important factors affecting mental health. Thus, for the case of minority female scholars, their occupation can contribute to a positive or a negative sense of identity, given that their work situation can be highly-stressful due to oppression and ethnoracial and gender discrimination. For instance, the presence of a glass ceiling or a subtle barrier for career advancement is an expression of discrimination that can cause distress and lower satisfaction in the personal lives of minority women (Amaro et al., 1977, cited in Vasquez, 1994). Another important factor in the identity of women of color, that brings similarities and differences among them, is which identity factor (i.e., gender or ethnicity) they choose to affiliate with in academia. Sometimes, tensions are created because of the decision made by minority women to belong to the "women's faculty group," and not to align themselves with the "minority faculty group," or vice versa. When minority women faculty decide to align themselves on only one dimension, they may ignore the wealth of experiences and values developed from the total picture, and may create tension with the non chosen group. However, when minority scholars decide to align themselves with both identity groups, women and minority faculty, some tensions can also arise due to different goals and ideologies defended by both groups. In occasion where no choice is made, problems can also arise, as feelings of alienation and isolation can be present. When minority women faculty decide not to make a choice, both doors of women and minority faculty groups, may be closed for the scholar. Thus, whatever the choice of group of affiliation, and whether or not a choice is made, the result may be problematic and dissatisfying. In fact, the only way to go around this problem of double affiliation for minority women faculty is to affiliate with a group that represents their double identity: "the women minority faculty group." These kinds of groups are not yet popular within the college culture. Finally, as a word of caution, affiliation with academic groups that represent identity factors that are too specific may also bring isolation and compartamentalization.


Women of color and White professional women. Multiple layers of factors can influence collective identities of female minority scholars

such as their ethnicity, culture, degree of acculturation, history of immigration and generation, citizenship, language status, social class, age, family size, socioeconomic level, education, employment, and religion (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Thus, these authors proposed that White women are culturally and emotionally different than women of color, as both groups have been exposed to diverse sociocultural experiences and belong to different ethnoracial groups that are affecting uniquely their identities and their level of fear of success. As suggested by Person (1982), women may feel anxious and guilty about their competence for success as they may "...Equate success or the wish for it with loss of femininity and attractiveness, loss of significant relationships, and loss of health and overall functioning" (cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994, p. 350). They explained differences in lived experiences of minority and majority women as the effect of racial phenotypical characteristics that impinge on the differences in their social status and acceptability. However, in spite of their ethnoracial differences, professional minority and majority women also share common experiences of sexism, oppression, and subordination as they live within a patriarchal system. In addition, professional minority and majority women also share similar concerns such as career advancement and avoiding the glass ceiling, equal pay for equal work, and maternal leave (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). However, minority and majority women experience tension and conflict when trying to form coalitions due to their multiple identities stemming from gender, race, and class (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Women and men of color.

Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) pointed out that women of color experience oppression and sexism within their minority groups. In addition, they pointed out, women and men of color share experiences of oppression and ethnoracial discrimination from the dominant group and they tend to create bonding relationships for survival. Moreover, Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) argued that females have a relatively easier access than male minority individuals to the mainstream career ladder, because they are perceived as non-assertive and submissive; and thus non-threatening for the status quo of the system. Furthermore, because minorities value education as a means to survival and progress within the mainstream society, the number of professional minority women has increased (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994; Turner & Myers, 2000). In relation to the commonalties present in the experiences of female and male minority faculty, Aguirre (1987) conducted a survey study of Chicano faculty at higher education institutions in the Southwest region of the United States. Aguirre (1987) reported that female minority faculty were concentrated in junior ranks, whereas male minority faculty were concentrated in senior ranks, indicating the double jeopardy of being female and minority. Aguirre's study (1987) indicated that Chicano faculty participated in minority-oriented peripheral "affirmative action" service activities because they internalize organizational logic into personal expectations. As pointed out by Arce (1978, cited; in Aguirre, 1987), Chicano faculty is excluded from making institutional mainstream decisions and are channeled into token positions for dealing with minority issues. Thus, the participation of Chicano faculty mostly on minority activities disempowers them from creating change for established social ideologies. Tokenism and career advancement of women of color.

As pointed out by Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994), due to the presence of only few women of color in most professional settings, we may become a double token or role model symbol due to our double gender and minority status. Kanter (1977) suggested that tokenism leads to


powerlessness which in turn decreases the number of women of color in professional settings (cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). As stated by Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994), "... A token position is designed to give affirmative action credibility to an institution" (p. 353), and also for "... proving that by hiring a woman of color they have progressive attitudes and are above prejudice" (p. 354). Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) also pointed out that even though racial discrimination suffered by women of color may be not direct, they are also perceived as attaining professional positions not because of their qualifications and merit but because of their gender and minority status. Moreover, Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) argued that women of color perceived as tokens need to have extraordinary achievements in order to be noticed, because mainstream members of the professional settings will try to alienate the token in order to preserve their commonalty. Due to the need to be overachievers for being noticed within professional settings, women of color may suffer from the superwoman syndrome that also causes stress as they tend to ignore their limitations (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Especially this superwoman syndrome is present when personal and professional roles may conflict such as being a mother, a wife, and a scholar. Thus, women of color who are given the role of tokens within professional settings may suffer from high visibility and loss of their individuality, freedom, and privacy; and they may also suffer from invisibility as they tend to be ignored in meetings and their contributions are overlooked (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994; Turner & Myers, 2000). The perception of women of color as a token can also lead to a denial of their capabilities, such as attributing success to external factors and failure to internal causes. Moreover, as pointed out by Kanter (1977), out-performing majority group members can also lead to peer resentment and retaliation (cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Successful professional women of color may also suffer from a conflict in their dual identities as professional and minority persons, because they need to function within their mainstream and minority cultural systems. Some minority women who become successful within the mainstream university system can introduce some sociopolitical changes. However, lost of energy needs to be wasted by this successful minority women, who dare to create change, due to the backlash movement created against them by colleagues who defend the status quo of the system. Personal emotional responses create stress and waste of psychological energy in minority women, which can negatively impact their professional identities. Thus, women of color need to be creative in how they integrate their personal and professional identities (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994; Turner & Myers, 2000). Some proactive strategies for dealing with daring to introduce change when in positions of power within the academic setting would be for minority women (1) to create a collegial support group by using networking; (2) to realize that sociohistorical external factors, and not their own personal characteristics, are affecting the reactions of faculty supporting the maintenance of the status quo; (3) to resist tokenism by emphasizing their professional qualifications and other personality internal factors as causes of positive change introduced in the academic milieu, and (4) to engage in mentor and protégé roles with minority and majority individuals so that resistance is not directed only toward the minority woman introducing change. In relation to the double jeopardy of being female and minority for career advancement, Williams (1989) pointed out that African-American women need to endure the double barrier of sexism and racism created for them at mainstream institutions by demonstrating a high level of professionalism and hard work. Williams (1989) urged to create opportunities for minority women to pursue administrative careers within universities, given the need to create structural changes for developing a nurturing environment for the academic success of junior minority faculty and students. Relatedly, Wyche and Graves (1992) examined the degree to which the


interaction of gender, ethnicity, and race influences the advancement within academic psychology. They concluded that minority women are "... less likely to be represented among the faculty of 4-year colleges, among the ranks of tenured faculty, on editorial boards, and in other positions of power within the field of psychology" (p. 434). Wyche and Graves (1989) called for the need to conduct more research on the barriers stemming from economic and social-psychological processes such as performance selection, hiring, and recruitment practices; and appraisal and promotion tracking systems within universities. For instance, some of these barriers include stereotyping minority women for undermining their achievement, especially when they study ethnic issues (Wyche & Graves, 1992). In addition, Young, Chamley, and Withers (1990) reported that minorities were more likely to be in non-academic and part-time positions, and therefore were underrepresented within academic psychology programs. It is true that the equal representation of minorities among faculty members may help to dispel myths of tokenism and prejudices such as ethnoracial discrimination and oppression. However, it is also true that the barriers within institutions also need to disappear for assuring their realistic professional success and attainment of power. Thus, the presence of women of color in professional settings attest for their endurance, resilience, strength in the face of adversity, self-reliance, and tenacity (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994; Turner & Myers, 2000). McCombs (1989) pointed out that African-American women are committed to remain in higher education because they can become leaders for adding their perspective to mainstream theories and social ideologies that have created sociohistorical problems for them. Moreover, McCombs (1989) suggested that minority women can study insightfully the social, political, and psychological contexts in which their personal and collective identities have developed. According to McCombs (1989), universities have a powerful function in society as they produce theories that provide the basis for social ideologies. For instance, lower scores on intelligence scales for minority individuals in comparison to majority counterparts have been explained by mainstream models, such as the medical one, as the results of internal neurological problems. However, mainstream models do not take into consideration external factors affecting only minorities. For instance, ethnoracial discrimination and oppression result in undervaluing minority individuals' cultural and linguistic diversity. Furthermore, as pointed out by McCombs (1989), the traditional university collective identity reflects White male-oriented ideologies, which minority women cannot assume. McCombs (1989) argued that minority women bring into the university their unique developmental experiences that form their personal history, as well as their social history with their unique ethnocultural inheritance. However, in order to promote change in the development of theories and to impact social ideologies, minority women need to have strong and intact personal and collective identities (McCombs, 1989). Within the university environment minority women experience tokenism and isolation, making difficult their commitment for introducing change as their personal and collective identities are threatened. McCombs (1989) identified collaborative work and the existence of professional networks across disciplines and universities as a process of strong affirmation of minority women's scholarship. This process of self affirmation of personal and collective identities of minority women will come from their own ethnic communities within the university system, and not from the mainstream university system (McCombs, 1989). Thus, it is important for minority women to identify within their own ethnic and cultural heritage community within the university system, and not to assume the university mainstream identity.


Minority scholars and students as commodities. It is our argument that part of the problem of marginalization is related to the fact that

some minority scholars use external problems as excuses for not fighting internal barriers (e.g., hopelessness, self-absorption, and an opportunistic attitude). It is indeed a challenge to accept the ethical and moral responsibility that comes with being a minority scholar who identifies with ethnic research, challenge that not every minority scholar is prepared to face. Thus, the most dangerous situation for minority scholars to create is to make ourselves commodities by adopting mainstream value systems and acting in a "politically correct" manner. That is, it is dangerous for a minority scholar to assume and identify with the political ideologies of the mainstream academic system. Moreover, it is also our argument that research topics, subjects used for research studies, and students can also become a commodity. Some individuals allow themselves to be used as a commodity, especially minority and female faculty are influenced by collective identities as they help the mainstream academic environment to meet legal and legislative issues reflected in quotas. In some situations, minority faculty may be hired or given tenure just because they represent legal and legislative requirements that institutions need to meet. This problem is related to tokenism that is part of the marginalization process because some minority scholars may not feel valued for what they are, but they feel valued for what they represent. Moreover, within the traditional "ivory tower research" model, patterns of enslaving students or subjects as commodities for research activities can be identified. This is a dangerous situation within mentorship relationships that may lead to cloning. Collective identity of minority scholars and terminology use.

Identity is related to language use as the terminology that we select reflects how constructs are conceptualized within different disciplines. The content level of terminology use within different schools of thought has been widely discussed (see e.g., Alexander, Schallert, & Hare, 1991), and it is assumed that this more obvious and surface level is the only one. This content level serves referential as well as ideological purposes because terminology is deliberately chosen to represent the connection between language and identity in academia. Scholars gain entry or maintain membership in a community by appropriating their specialized language that gives them a voice. Being a scholar means acting and speaking in certain ways, but belonging to a group goes beyond that acting and speaking and it has to do with identity. Scholars may use or misuse certain terminology for preserving their identity or for disguising permanent or transitory lack of knowledge, self-doubt, and honesty. Moreover, the use of terminology and jargon is also associated with the pedagogical identities of minority scholars. When teaching, minority scholars communicate ideas and their research findings by using forms of verbal and non-verbal representation for stimulating students to critically construct concepts. The myth of using only logic scientific discourse and rhetoric, convoluted, and abstract jargon for instructional activities needs to be broken. Academic terminology and jargon can build barriers for students, colleagues that belong to different professional communities, and the general public. Mitchell (1992) pointed out that educators and professionals in general have difficulty in communicating with the public due to the use of jargon that the non-initiated cannot understand leading to barriers for educating society about academic issues of public interest. In response to the use of this professional jargon, the public develops negative attitudes, misconceptions, and myths in relation to education. Thus, language can be used as a "shield" for protecting our collective identities as professionals. At the same time, language can also be used as a barrier that marginalizes some scholars and students from


gaining entry into a community. Moreover, the use of specialized language can prevent scholars from communicating with the general public. In addition, besides the most surface level of language use related to our collective identities as professionals, language is also a reflection of culture that influences our personal identities. For instance, Latinos feel that speaking in Spanish is a form of validating themselves and of preserving their personal identities. It is a common practice among Latino scholars to use Spanish as a social language for conveying affective and personal meanings, and as a form of creating an intersubjective space that validates their personal identities as minority scholars. It is interesting how Latino scholars switch to English whenever academic topics are being discussed, as if a different intersubjective space would need to be created for validating their professional identities. It may be that English is used among Latino scholars for conveying academic contents for achieving efficacy and clarity in communication due to different connotations of terminology in Spanish and English, or due to lack of experience with academic language in Spanish. One of the real problems that exist in Spanish is that because academic terminology has been coined in English, Latino scholars feel that these terms do not have an equivalent translation in Spanish leaving us with the need to create new terms, attempt literal translations, or use code switching or code mixing. Thus, Latino scholars feel that they can capture more appropriately some academic concepts in English than in Spanish. Moreover, another reason for Latino scholars to use English within academic contexts is that this code is the lingua franca for communicating with the international scholarly community. Finally, when communicating among majority and minority scholars within the United States and with the international scholarly community, accents can be used as barriers for fulfilling mainstream discrimination. Healing Affirmative action policies and federal legislation has facilitated hiring professional women by forbidding discrimination on the basis of sex, race, color, religion, or national origin (Romero & Garza, 1986, cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). However, minority female scholars need to go through a healing process because of the presence of their multiple personal and collective identities creating conflicts and dilemmas. According to McCombs (1989), affirmative action is a temporary measure that can ensure fair and equitable treatment for African-American women in higher education, and it represents liberal values and ideology. However, as the imbalance and preferential consideration of Whites and males for positions is still present regardless of affirmative action policies, McCombs (1989) proposed that a permanent solution to discriminatory hiring practices in higher education is to institutionalize these mechanisms. But, in spite of the possible institutionalization of federal policy and legislation, women of color are still subject to oppression and ethnoracial and gender discrimination. In addition, federal policy and legislation may not always support affirmative action, as we are facing possible changes during the middle of the 1990s. Moreover, McCombs (1989) pointed out the presence of a contradiction between liberal values traditionally endorsed by universities and the lack of commitment from university administrators to design, implement, and enforce policies that assure greater diversity in personnel. McCombs (1989) described the university environment as "hostile at worst and indifferent at best" for minority women (p. 131). Liberal values such as pluralism and diversity cannot be observed in the tenure system, committee structures, and salary scales; which continue to undervalue minority women (McCombs, 1989). For instance, African-American women are primarily junior faculty and


because of their status they never compose committee mainstream structures. In addition, the service activities delivered to minority students, mostly by minority faculty, are not rewarded. The first step for solving a problem is to acknowledge its existence so that minority scholars can be proactive and not reactive. Coping strategies have been suggested for facing challenges and problems, (as proposed by Dr. Raymond Padilla, 1993), but the term "coping" denotes a reactive attitude. Instead, minority scholars need to develop a proactive attitude towards the reconstruction of their personal and professional identities at the individual and collective levels. That is, minority scholars need to dare to be by discovering their new identities and by envisioning their new multicultural mainstream. In relation to the need to de-marginalize minority scholars, they can experience pressure to conform to the macroculture leading to feelings of alienation and loneliness, and also to identity confusion as they may reject themselves in their intention to acculturalize (Vasquez, 1994). As stated by Vasquez (1994), "Recurrent racist events may lead to depression, anxiety, and postraumatic stress disorder." (p. 122). Vasquez (1994) suggested that feminist and cross-cultural therapies emphasize and validate strengths of the client, and focus on the examination of external factors "...as causative in the client's problem" (p. 128). Vasquez (1994) reported that minority women, such as Latinas, "...enter therapy with a significant lack of confidence, resulting from the lack of societal validation of her worth, and a clear message that she is responsible for her problems" (p. 135). Then, the clinician needs to communicate to the client a caring and sensitive attitude, to treat her with respect and admiration, and to develop a vision for empowering the client in valuing her unique characteristics forming her minority identity. Empowerment is defined by Surrey (1987, cited in Vasquez, 1994) as "...the motivation, freedom, and capacity to act purposefully, with mobilization of the energy, resources, strengths or power of each person through a mutual relational process" (p. 130). Individuals can be empowered by being stimulated to effectively express and become aware of their feelings, reactions, and needs (Vasquez, 1994). In addition, Vasquez (1994) also suggested that group interactions in psychotherapy can also empower minority women by increasing their knowledge, self-worth, salience, and desire for more connection. Applying these recommendations for the context of improving the mental health of minority female scholars, they may be empowered for changing proactively our professional situations by engaging in networking relations and finding a support system through mentorship relationships inside and outside their institutions (including national level professional associations such as APA and AERA). Given that being the target of racism, ageism, oppression, and ethnoracial and gender discriminatory events is particularly stressful for female minority students and junior minority faculty. These same feminist and cross-cultural therapeutic philosophies can be adapted for mentoring relationships within academia. If junior minority scholars believe in the attributions of mainstream individuals pointing to internal factors as the causes of aversive events, they will learn to believe that they are helpless leading to possible damage to their self-concept and identity, and even to depression. Then, self-attributions of expressions of racism, sexism, and oppression can influence negatively the self-esteem of minority female scholars. According to Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994), conflicted self-esteem is a symptom of depression and is also a reaction to oppressive and stressful events such as racist and sexist discrimination within professional settings. If prolonged, these symptoms can result in attributing the causes of problems to internal factors. A depressed individual becomes more rigid and less motivated to adapt successfully, especially when surrounded by a stressful environment. Moreover, isolation and withdrawal can create even more maladaptive coping styles. Depressed individuals feel hopeless, helpless, powerless, meaningless, confused, anxious, resented, guilty, and unworthy.


These symptoms of depression can lead to self-accusation and self-depreciation that affects dramatically the identity, self-concept, and self-esteem of minority individuals. Stress and anxiety may be also symptoms developed by minority women in response to discrimination and oppression, which may lead them to continue their fast pace aggravating their stress (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Thus, in the long run if frustrating events are recurrent, the mental health of minority women can be affected. Being the victim of racial and gender inequalities develops in minority women feelings of anger and rage. These negative feelings may lead to dysfunctional behaviors such as to fighting back openly racism and being considered potentially aggressive or violent (Almeida, 1993, cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). In opposition, the same dysfunctional behaviors may be perceived in White women as the expression of assertiveness (Almeida, 1993, cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Anger felt by women of color in response to racism can also be expressed in a non-self-destructive manner by validating and facilitating "... management of that anger as a source of strength in oppressive contexts" (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994, p. 366). In order to cope with depressive symptoms, minority women can learn stress management techniques such as committing to take time off for themselves and learning to delegate authority (Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). It will be also helpful for minority women to develop skills such as assertiveness and conflict management, and strategies such as positive self-talk and seeking support (Vasquez, 1994). Thus, through learning strategies, minority women can be empowered for developing a more positive sense of identity, mental health, and well-being. Then, minority women need to receive messages of appreciation of their unique characteristics, so that a strong self-esteem and self-concept can be formed to sustain a secure minority identity. Junior minority women faculty is at-high-risk for being oppressed and victimized by historical and political variables affecting the societal barriers that they encounter in academia. Mainstream colleagues may perceive minority faculty as if they have an inferior status due to their gender, ethnicity, and age. Then, mentors with a supportive and caring attitude are very important for young female minority scholars who need to reaffirm their identity. Mentors can serve as buffers for avoiding confrontation with racism, sexism, oppression, and discrimination. Female minority scholars should make use of external support systems through networking with colleagues in order to learn that they share similar experiences of oppression, racism, sexism, and victimization. Sharing lived experiences will provide minority female scholars with the insightful understanding that causes of problems are external factors such as sociohistorical and ideological forces (see Gonzalez, 1995 for a further discussion of this topic). Having a support system will also assist minority female scholars to enhance their adaptive mechanisms and will provide accommodations (i. e., changes in behaviors and in conceptualizations of problematic events as the result of external, and not of internal factors). Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) suggested that treatment for depressed professional women of color needs to have as a goal to reinforce and restore their sense of competence, self-reliance, and balance functioning. Taking into consideration these recommendations for the case of mentoring minority female scholars, mentors need to empower them by supporting their conflicted self-esteem and identity. Minority female scholars need to develop strategies for seeking appropriate support systems (as suggested by Vasquez, 1994), and for maintaining an emotional and spiritual balance (as suggested by Witz, 1991, cited in Comas-Díaz & Greene, 1994). Moreover, Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) proposed that women of color also need to develop strategies for dealing appropriately with discrimination, for avoiding the discouragement of the glass ceiling, and for developing more realistic self-expectations in their personal and professional lives. Thus, learning stress management techniques and developing skills and


strategies can be empowering for women of color leading to a more positive sense of identity, mental health, and well-being. De-marginalization as a healing process.

As part of the healing process for our individual and collective identities, minority scholars need to undergo a de-marginalization process. As proposed by Banks and McGee Banks (1989), ethnic minorities do not need more marginalization, but they need integration with the macroculture and also across microcultures. Nieto (1993) proposed that minority scholars should initiate a de-marginalization movement in which we assume responsibility for expanding the present limits of educational reform. Minority scholars should not limit the educational reform movement to multiculturalism in the schools and in teacher education. Instead, minority scholars should use the educational reform movement for defining what kind of integration and mainstream they want to create. Minority scholars need to make the effort to familiarize their mainstream colleagues and students with their different symbolic expressions of culture (e.g., values, attitudes, ideologies, religion, language, distinctive traditions and customs, etc.). Stereotypes of women of color arise because mainstream individuals ignore their cultural backgrounds primarily due to lack of contact. Every individual is exposed to biases, prejudices, values, attitudes, and ideologies when he or she is socialized within personal and professional contexts. Familiarization and contact become central for minority scholars to proactively avoid ethnoracial discrimination and oppression. Minority scholars need to develop in mainstream colleagues respect for diversity and to reduce feeling threatened cultural differences between majority and minority individuals. As Vasquez (1994) has pointed out, clinicians need to be aware of their clients' cultural backgrounds and world views, so that they do not project their own ethnocentric visions on the client. Minority scholars need to apply this same principle to their communication with mainstream scholars. That is, minority scholars need to have a proactive attitude for familiarizing majority scholars with their cultural differences. In this process of familiarization, de-marginalization will occur. Furthermore, minority faculty has a need to engage in ethnic research which is multidisciplinary and multiethnic in nature. This inherent multidisciplinary characteristic of ethnic research creates tensions for minority scholars as they may not have access to the resources that will make it possible. In addition, because of the multidisciplinary nature of ethnic research, minority scholars have created a unique data analysis framework that allows them to discover the complexity and richness of cultural worlds. Resources are essential for minority scholars to buy time to write, engage in rich data analysis, collaborate and contextualize their work in relation to contributions of colleagues, to initiate others acting as mentors, and at the same time to be mentored by senior researchers. Most importantly, minority scholars need to find the resources to be productive so that they can increase the likelihood to be mentored within the professional community. Minority scholars can create opportunities for themselves if they are productive, but at the same time they need the resources in order to be productive. Then, the essential element for minority scholars to be productive becomes to engage in rich interaction through mentoring activities. The drive to be productive is the product of the interaction of internal factors (i.e., motivation and perseverance) with external factors (i.e., the presence of advocates and of external resources). As discussed above, mentors for minority junior female faculty members and students can be from a majority or a minority background, and can be females or males. However, in order to establish successful collaborative efforts in multidisciplinary research, majority and minority scholars need to interact as "personas." That is, minority and majority scholars need to interact


as individuals with personal and professional identities, who also have collective identities and belong to specific communities. Part of the marginalization, as pointed out by Nieto (1994), is related to the fact that most minority scholars conduct ethnic research and communicate their findings mostly to their minority colleagues. In addition, Comas-Díaz and Greene (1994) pointed out that women of color may develop the self-imposed role of challenging discrimination and oppression. One way in which this commitment to challenge discrimination and oppression may be expressed within academic settings is by becoming an ethnic researcher. It is not a new observation that minority scholars are "preaching to the converted" at national and regional professional meetings. It can clearly be observed in annual events of major professional associations that minority and majority scholars tend to belong to divisions and special interest groups identified with ethnic or mainstream research topics. Even the structure at professional associations leads towards marginalization for scholars interested in ethnic research topics, who are primarily minority individuals. If this situation continues, it will be very difficult for minority scholars to have the opportunity to communicate and be proactive to de-marginalize themselves. We wonder, Why issues of human diversity such as culture and ethnicity are not considered mainstream topics?, and Why other factors affecting individual differences such as intelligence and language development are considered mainstream topics? We agree with Jenkins (1994) in acknowledging that human diversity is embedded within all research endeavors that every scholar, minority or majority, engages in. Thus, it is considered than an important part of the de-marginalization process of minority scholars will be to acknowledge ethnocultural factors as part of the individual differences that are studied within mainstream topics. Moreover, there are two major myths perpetuated by majority and minority scholars. Firstly, majority scholars perpetuate the "myth" that ethnic researchers need to publish in first class mainstream journals, but content analyses studies of major journals have pointed out the underrepresentation of ethnic research studies. For instance, Rogers Wiese (1992) found that only 5-to-9% of research papers published between 1975-1990 in three major school psychology journals (i.e., Journal of School Psychology, Psychology in the Schools, and School Psychology Review) referred to ethnic minorities, especially African-Americans and Mexican-Americans. Rogers Wiese (1992) pointed out the need for research articles on the assessment of ethnic minorities due to the overrepresentation of minority students in special education across the nation, and to the need "to identify features of the culturally skilled school psychologist" (p. 271). Graham (1992) also analyzed six leading APA journals published during 1970-1989 for articles on African-Americans, showing a small percentage only. Padilla (1992) explained this underrepresentation in APA as well as in other major association journals (e.g., AERA) not as scarcity of research studies on African-Americans (or other minority groups), but as the result of editorial policies in leading journals that serve as gatekeepers for ethnic research that does not conform to the mainstream paradigm. Secondly, there are several "myths" in relation to the perception of the reasons for the underrepresentation of minority scholars in boards of journals, book publishers, task forces, policy making, and professional communities. For instance, a survey conducted by APA that was reported by Young et al. (1990) can illustrate the underrepresentation of minority women in editorial boards. In this survey it was estimated that about 20% of consultants and reviewers of APA journals were minority women. These myths for the underrepresentation of minorities on editorial boards can be illustrated by the following comments that every minority scholar has heard such as "We cannot publish because minority scholars do not write," and "We have tried to invite minority scholars to be part of the editorial boards, but there are none qualified." That


is, the power of minority scholars, especially females, within academia is limited by social-psychological factors. Some of these factors include biased perceptions and prejudices held by mainstream colleagues that result in "myths" that are perpetuated to the detriment of minority scholars. As a result of these "myths," minority scholars are being given well intention but misguided advice that can be captured in the following comment "You need to publish in first class journals so that you form part of the scholar community." As if the only way of entry into these communities would be to publish in these first class journals, or as if your identity as a scholar would be contingent upon the acceptance of your work as a "first class contribution." If you cannot gain entry then you are either not a scholar who belongs in the mainstream community or you have contributed to your own marginalization as a minority scholar. In order to dispel these "myths" and proactively initiate the de-marginalization process of minority scholars, Padilla (1994) suggested that there is need to create a minority knowledge base, associations, and journals that represent the new research paradigm that we ethnic researchers have created. Minority scholars differ from mainstream research paradigms in a number of ways: (1) they depart from different philosophical paradigms, (2) they aim for different research objectives and applications (e.g., understanding empathically minority groups and avoiding cross-cultural comparisons); and (3) they have different motivations, interests, and personal and collective identities. Minority scholars need to examine their own beliefs and redefine their identities by discussing issues such as What does it mean to publish in prestigious mainstream journals?; Why are minority scholars insisting in this "first class" publications ?; and Do minority scholars know what are the consequences of publishing or not in "first class" research journals? Thus, in this section these "myths" have been examined using critical inquiry, in order to think about a futuristic vision for minority scholars who engage in ethnic research. Healing Junior Female Minority Scholars Through Mentoring Functions of mentors.

Mentors have three major functions including (1) to validate the identity of younger ethnic researchers such as junior faculty and students, (2) to be a cultural mediator, and (3) to initiate the protégé in certain principles and the implicit culture existing in academia acting as a God father or a God mother ("padrino" or "madrina" in Spanish). The relationship between the mentor and the protégé is of a long-term, long-lasting nature, in which mutual respect and benefits need to exist between kindred spirits in order to establish a friendship. Moreover, mentoring has also being linked with recruitment and retention, but not with an attitude that reflects our collective identity for "reaching out." We have so many needs, and it is not just that we need to bring in more people, but to redefine our collective identity and to plan more carefully how mentorship relationships can positively contribute to the mental well being of both the protégé and the mentor. Furthermore, mentorship relationships can also be established as a result of instructional activities because the personal and collective identities of the instructor and the students interact within a sociohistorical context provided by the curriculum. That is, the classroom environment provides a context in which occurs the construction and reconstruction of personal identities of minority scholars. Thus, within a mentorship relationship there is blurring between boundaries of personal and professional identities. Establishing mentoring relationships.

For junior minority faculty and students it is important to establish mentorship relationships for a variety of reasons. For instance, Brinson and Kottler (1993) recommended strongly mentoring as a way to empower minority faculty to develop their careers. According to


Brinson and Kottler (1993), mentoring involves a personal and professional relationship for assisting the protégé during stressful situations, and for assuming the role of a model, an advocate, and an advisor for research activities. Mentoring is also important for adapting to the political environment and culture within the departmental and university settings. That is, a mentor can positively strengthen the personal and collective identities of the protégé by valuing her unique personal and ethnic/cultural characteristics as an enrichment to the diversity of the university environment. However, there are only few senior female minority faculty who are in a secure position within the university setting who can mentor their junior counterparts. According to Brinson and Kottler (1993), collegial support is crucial for junior faculty to attain success in their career development. Thus, they proposed the development of mentoring relationships between majority senior and minority junior faculty members. Selection of mentors.

When selecting mentors, junior minority faculty and students, need to take into consideration the personal and professional identities of their mentors. Younger ethnic researchers need support for assuring entrance and access to their professional communities (an idea that would be portrayed in Spanish by the phrase "abrir camino"). We connect to others whom we know will understand what we know and that is why their feedback is important to us. That is, encounters are lived experiences that lead to relationships for mutual benefit. It has been our experience that in order for a mentoring relationship to succeed, both the mentor and the protégé need to share values, ideologies, philosophies, and respect for their cultural/ethnic and racial heritage. We have been able to establish successful mentoring relationships with either majority female or minority male faculty members. These successful mentoring relationships could happen because there was a commonalty between the personal and collective identities of mentors and protégés. These commonalties are present because mentors and protégés share either their gender or minority status. We believe that when there are differences in the personal and collective identities of mentors and protégés, it is more difficult, but not impossible, to establish a successful mentorship relationship. In the absence of similar identity factors, the presence of sensitivity and openness will help mentor and protégé to learn and respect their different cultural world views and experiences. However, this learning process will take developmental time and energy. As suggested by Brinson and Kottler (1993), both, mentor and protégé will need to overcome misunderstandings, misconceptions, myths, and prejudices commonly held and used against minority faculty, in order to communicate intimately and respectfully for their mentoring relationship to succeed. Strategies for establishing successful mentoring relationships.

Brinson and Kottler (1993) recommended some strategies to junior minority faculty for establishing successful mentoring relationships, including: (1) developing a proactive attitude for recruiting a mentor, (2) selecting a mentor based on compatibility of ideologies and expertise in common academic interests, (3) teaching the mentor about the cultural/racial/ethnic heritage of the protégé, and (4) finding support by developing networking systems with other minority senior and junior faculty across institutions. In addition, Brinson and Kottler (1993) also recommended some strategies to senior majority faculty interested in acting as mentors of minority junior faculty, including: (1) endorsing publicly the importance of establishing successful mentorship relationships, (2) offering their assistance for ameliorating feelings of loneliness and isolation among minority junior faculty, (3) being sensitive to cultural differences, (4) starting a dialogue with minority junior faculty about cross-cultural mentoring, and (5) demonstrating interest in minority issues by participating in community activities.


Influence of the mentor on the protégé. The mentor plays a very important role in the self-definition and self-affirmation of the

personal and professional identities of the protégé. Mentors are considered guides, role models, and ultimately advocates who create a relationship for nurturing potentials and leading to positive growth. Mentoring can also be considered as a form of counseling because a personal connection needs to be created for accepting the protégé as a member of the professional community. Moreover, mentoring also includes valuing the individual as a human being who has idiosyncratic characteristics and unique contributions to make. Thus, mentoring relationships contribute positively to the growth of personal and professional identities of. The mentoring process can also contribute positively to the mental well being of the mentors as they can reconstruct their personal and professional identities. Barriers preventing the establishment of mentoring relationships.

One of the most common reactions that minority scholars have when facing negative experiences in academia is to develop a "thick skin" or a "shield." We consider this a reaction for self-preservation and a barrier for involving ourselves in mentoring relationships. The lack of mentoring relationships and mentoring dispositions among female and male minority faculty, may lead to isolation and feelings of loneliness and self-doubt. This strong defensive individualistic attitude is not particular of minority faculty, but is also common among majority faculty. The opposite attitude of reaching out across institutions by establishing mentoring relationships is needed especially among minority faculty. Developing mechanisms to escape their contextual realities and to transcend their institutional boundaries is especially needed among minority faculty. In this way, minority faculty can create opportunities for establishing mentoring relationships such as meeting other ethnic researchers in annual organizational meetings or communicating "electronically" through e-mail.

Developing a collective identity for engaging in collaborative research and mentoring activities.

Minority scholars seem to have a strong collective identity for social activities, but not for collaborative research and mentoring relationships. Some of the factors affecting this lack of collaboration among minority scholars may be ethnic issues, and differences of collaboration patterns of female and male scholars. It seems that male scholars do not need to collaborate in the same way than females, and that different kinds of mentoring relationships are established between female and male scholars. Moreover, in some situations what seems to be collaborative activities can just be individual performances. Thus, minority faculty do not tend to be group oriented when they are faced with moral responsibilities such as mentoring and doing ethnic research.

Conclusions: A Vision for the Future

A futuristic vision includes creating a more positive identity for minority scholars that stimulates them to develop: (1) intrinsic motivation, (2) an adequate self-concept and self-esteem, and (3) self-imposed life objectives as individuals and as a professional community. It is through lived experiences and communication processes that healing for minority scholars will begin. Therefore, minority faculty need to define their personal and collective identities, assume a proactive attitude for gaining acceptance and respect, and de-marginalize themselves. Thus, we propose that minority scholars need to dare to be, they need to take the risk to reconstruct their multiple personal and collective identities encompassing gender and ethnoracial issues.


Several identity dilemmas and conflicts that exist for minority scholars doing ethnic research have been discussed above. It is our argument that minority scholars have a problem with their collective identities because they are not cultivating their social and moral responsibilities. Minority scholars are yet too busy protecting their battered personal identities from further harm. This difficulty for developing their personal and collective identities is especially experienced by junior female minority faculty and students because of the presence of sociohistorical discriminatory and oppressive factors within the academic milieu. Then, minority scholars need to develop a strategic plan for mentoring minority students and junior faculty for increasing their presence in academia. That is, minority scholars need to realize the powerful impact of the systematic development of focused and purposeful mentoring programs for initiating students and junior faculty interested in ethnic research into the academic world. It is our argument that the most important way of contributing to our professional community is to integrate the traditional areas of research, teaching, and service with mentoring relationships by using critical pedagogy and engaging in collaborative endeavors. That is minority scholars need to redefine themselves and to overcome boundaries by reconstructing their identities and de- their presence in professional communities and in academia. In this way, minority scholars can reach higher "stages" in the development of their collective identities by transcending their "adolescent identity crisis," and by searching for their reconstructed identities.

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About the Authors

Iliana Alanís Dr. Alanís is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at The University of Texas at Brownsville. Her research interests include early childhood biliteracy, two-way bilingual programs, and oral language development. She is the Co- Principle Investigator for the Bilingual Education: Training for All Teachers Grant; a 1.5 million dollar grant designed to work with teachers in bilingual and ESL settings. She has a Ph.D. in multilingual studies from the University of Texas at Austin.

Karen A. Carrier

Karen Carrier is Assistant Professor in the Department of Literacy Education at Northern Illinois University and Coordinator of Project QUILL, a Title III teacher training project.. She works with teachers serving English language learners and other diverse populations. Her research interests include second language listening strategies and minority teacher training.

James A Cohen

James Cohen is currently a Ph.D. student in Language and Literacy at Arizona State University. His interests include teacher education, second language acquisition, and educational language policy. He has taught in a variety of cultural and international contexts and is presently the Coordinator for the 4th International Symposium on Bilingualism.

R. William Doherty

Dr. R. William Doherty is an Assistant Researcher at the Center for Researchon Education, Diversity, & Excellence at the University of California, SantaCruz. His areas of expertise include the relationship between pedagogy andstudent achievement, experimental design in school-based research, and program evaluation.

Yvonne Freeman & David Freeman

Dr. Yvonne Freeman is a professor of bilingual education and Dr. David Freeman is a professor of reading at University of Texas-Pan American. Both are interested in literacy education for English language learners. Their newest books are Closing the Achievement Gap: How to Reach Limited Formal Schooling and Long-Term English

About the Authors 175

Learners , Between Worlds: Access to Second Language Acquisition, and Teaching Reading in Multicultural Classrooms, all published by Heinemann. They are also authors of Rigby's new ESL program, On Our Way to English.

Paul A. García

Dr. Garcia is an administrative analyst in the Office of Research, Evaluation and Assessment for the Fresno Unified School District. His research interests include the effects of high stakes tests on language minority students and factors that contribute to school tracking.

Virginia González

Dr. Gonzalez is an Associate Professor at the Division of Teacher Education, Teaching English as a Second Language (TESL)/Literacy Programs, College of Education, University of Cincinnati. Her major area of expertise is the development of innovative models and educational applications for the assessment and instruction of ESL children and adults.

Malati Gopal

Malati I. Gopal is an Administrative Analyst with the Office of Research, Evaluation and Assessment at Fresno Unified School District and a core faculty with Alliant International University, Department of Educational Leadership teaching Research Methods. Her major area of expertise/interest are program evaluation models and systemic/sustainable educational reform processes.

R. Soleste Hilberg

R. Soleste Hilberg is an Education Research Specialist at the Center for Research on Education, Diversity & Excellence (CREDE) at the University of California, Santa Cruz, where she earned an MA in education research in 1998. She was the project manager for a five-year Native American education project and worked with the University of California All Campus Collaborative on Outreach, Research and Dissemination (UC ACCORD) Mathematics Research Group. In her recent work, she co-developed the Standards Performance Continuum, a rubric for assessing teachers' use of the Standards for Effective Pedagogy, produced and directed a teaching professional development video, Studies in Native American Education - Improving Education for Zuni Children, and co-edited a book on classroom observation measures, Observational Research in U.S. Classrooms: New Approaches for Understanding Cultural and Linguistic Diversity. She has taught mathematics to diverse students in grades seven through twelve in California and Hawaii and has written extensively on the topic of diversity education.


Lisa M. López

Dr. López is a National Science Foundation Postdoctoral Fellow at the Harvard University Graduate School of Education. Her primary research interests focus on the development of language, literacy, and phonological skills of English language learners. Additional interests include home, family, and cultural factors influencing these children's academic achievement.

Natalia Martínez-León

Dr. Martínez-León, Associate Professor of Applied Linguistics and French at the Universidad de las Américas-Puebla in Cholula, Mexico. Her research focuses on literacy practices in the Mexican context, connected with the U.S. and how the transnational migration of central Mexicans to the New York/New Jersey area affects their bilingualism.

Sandra Mercuri

Sandra Mercuri has taught a grade 4-6 multiage class of limited formal schooling students and now teaches bilingual education classes and coordinates a Title VII dual immersion grant at Fresno Pacific University. Sandra's classroom is featured in the Freeman's latest book: Closing the Achievement Gap: How to Reach Limited Formal Schooling and Long-Term English Learners.

Judith Munter

Judith Munter is an Assistant Professor at the University of Texas at El Paso where she teaches courses on Multicultural Education and Action Research. She holds a Ph.D. in Educational Foundations and Policy Studies from Florida State University, a Master's Degree in TESOL, and a Bachelor's Degree in Elementary Education. She worked as a classroom teacher in Latin America for 12 years, designing instruction at all levels in both formal and nonformal educational programs.

Mariela M. Páez Dr. Páez is Research Associate in the Human Development and Psychology Department at the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Her primary research interests are English language learners and early childhood education with emphasis on variations in language and early-literacy skills related to home environments, immigration histories, and ethnic background.


America Pinal América Pinal is an Education Researcher working in the Language Testing Division at the Center for Applied Linguistics (CAL) in Washington D.C. Prior to joining CAL Ms. Pinal worked at the Center for Research on Education Diversity and Excellence, (CREDE), a National Research center at the University of California Santa Cruz.

Abie L. Quiñones-Benitez

Dr. Quinones-Benitez is a coordinator and curriculum-staff developer for a comprehensive school reform project in an inner city New England elementary school. She has a Ph. D. with a major area of study in Curriculum and Instruction from the University of Connecticut. Her major area of expertise is thedevelopment of innovative models and educational applications for the development of in-service teachers teaching English language learners in both bilingual and mainstream programs.

Patrick H. Smith

Dr. Smith is Associate Professor of Applied Linguistics at the Universidad de las Américas-Puebla in Cholula, Mexico. His research examines the bilingualism/biliteracy of transnational migrants and connections between language minority communities and schooling in Mexico and the U.S.

Patton O. Tabors

Patton O. Tabors, Ed.D., has been a Research Associate at the Harvard Graduate School of Education since 1987 where she has been involved in research related to language and literacy acquisition of both young English-speaking and second-language-learning children. She has published both scholarly and practitioner-accessible articles based on her research.

Josefina V. Tinajero

Dr. Tinajero specializes in staff development and school-university partnership programs, and has consulted with school districts in the U.S. to design ESL, bilingual, literacy, and bi-literacy programs. She has served on state and national advisory committees for standards development, including the English as a New Language Advisory Panel of the National Board of Professional Teaching Standards and the Texas Reading Academies. She is currently professor of Bilingual Education and Interim Dean of the College of Education at the University of Texas at El Paso, and was President of the National Association for Bilingual Education, 1997-2000.



Roland G. Tharp

Roland G. Tharp is Director of the Center for Research on Education, Diversity & Excellence (CREDE), Professor of Education and Psychology at the University of California, Santa Cruz, author of the books Rousing Minds to Life and Teaching Transformed, and over 100 publications on education and diversity.

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