kerala: a post-mortem

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 28, 1959 Kerala: A Post-mortem AN important feature of contem- porary political discussion in this country is the great interest shown in communist theory and practice in their relation to the Indian situation. There has been considerable speculation since the last General Elections about the role of the Communist Party in Indian politics- Can the CPI provide an effective opposition and an alterna- tive government to the ruling party? Will the Amritsar thesis succeed in accommodating the principles of communism to the principles of the Indian Constitution? These questions have often been asked. The attempt to put the Amritsar thesis into prac- tice in Kerala, discussion of the direct action in Kerala and of the prospects of an Entente between the major non-communist parties not only in Kerala but elsewhere too, as well as the repurcussions of the Chinese actions in Tibet and on In- dian borders on the internal politics of this country—all these are evidences of the growing signifi- cance of the problem of communism. Such evidence has led political ob- servers to analyse the inter-relation- ships between the experience of Ke- rala, the growing firmness of Pandit Nehru on the issue of Chinese ag- gression, his strong invectives against communists at home and even the decision to split the bilin- gual Bombay State, which would isolate the communists from other leftist parties. IMPORTANCE OF THE KERALA EXPERIENCE In this general picture the experi- ence of Communist rule in Kerala occupies a central place. It has led some to charge the Congress Party with wanting to monopolise all poli- tical power in the country; others have questioned the efficacy of a political system where the machine- ry of democratic government could become the instrument of a party which, to all interests and purposes, is bent upon subverting democracy itself. The situation as it developed in Kerala naturally attracted atten- tion all over the country. Quite apart from its wider ramifications mentioned above, the story of Ke- rala in its most stormy period de- serves a careful study in itself. It led to a great deal of controversy in the country almost right since the communists came to power in that State. It is one of the merits of Dr Singh's work* that it takes the rea- der into the heart of this controver- sy by presenting divergent interpre- tations of the more important events in Kerala in a lucid and intelligible manner. It is the first serious study of the Kerala situation and is based on the personal observations of the author. As much of the book had been written before the 'direct action' started in Kerala, the author has not given his own analysis of that move- ment. This is, in a way, unfortunate. On the other hand, there is ample material in the book on the crisis that was developing in Kerala. It is the purpose of this review to ana- lyse and evaluate on the basis of Dr Singh's observations the crisis which culminated in the direct action and led to the fall of the Communist Government. Such an analysis, it is hoped, would bring out the nature and dynamics of a conflict that took place under circumstances where a government wedded to the commu- nist ideology tried to function within the framework of a parliamentary democracy. ASSUMPTION OF POWER It seems that it is possible to work out the sequence of events that led to the final showdown. The start was, in a sense, ominous. The op- position parties in Kerala "doubted the sincerity of the communist at- tempt to work constitutionally" They believed that "the communist tactic" was "to infiltrate into various bodies and disrupt them from inside." Thus the Communist Party came to power in Kerala in an atmosphere of sus- picion and distrust. To that extent, it can be said to have started with an initial disadvantage. On the other hand, there was a fund of goodwill for the communists among large sections of the people who wanted to give them a chance and who also vaguely believed that they might solve the problems of poverty * Communist Rule in Kerala by Jitendra Singh. Diwan Chand Indian Information Centre. New Delhi, 1959. Pp V I I I + 136. Price Rs 3. and unemployment that were so rampant in Kerala. What did the Government do to remove the suspi- cion of its opponents and vindicate the hopes of its sympathisers? The very first steps taken by the communists accentuated the fears of their opponents. All political pri- soners, a majority of whom were communists, were released. Along with this, there was also a withdra- wal, on the Government's own re- ckoning, of more than 350 criminal cases from the Courts, Later on, Chief Justice Shankaran characteris- ed these large-scale remissions as "legalised discrimination." As he said then, "There is always the risk of motives being imputed to the exercise of these powers by a de- mocratic government." A similar feeling was created by the announce- ment of the Government's new Po- lice policy regarding disputes invol- ving workers, tenants, students, debt- ors, etc. Commenting on the pre- vailing practice of the police taking security measures in the event of such a dispute, the Communist Gov- ernment took the view "that such use of the police in favour of the owning classes is a violation of the fundamental rights of the toiling classes." This and similar state- ments by the communists soon after- assumption of power could hardly create a climate of confidence among those who were already apprehensive of the communists. GOODWILL FOR GOVERNMENT In spite of these measures, how- ever, there were large sections of the people in Kerala who viewed the communist experiment including the measures discussed above with sym- pathy. An examination of the com- munist rule in Kerala shows, how- ever, that instead of consolidating its position among these sections, the Government took steps which gradually estranged and antagonised them one after another. Let us look, for example, at the positive programme of the Govern- ment. The Government stood by a programme of increased employ- ment speedy industrialisation and a fair deal for the 'exploited' sec- tions. The familiar techniques em- ployed by communists elsewhere, however, were not available to them 1595 Rajni Kothari

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Page 1: Kerala: A Post-mortem

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 28, 1959

Kerala: A Post-mortem A N impor t an t feature o f contem­

p o r a r y po l i t i c a l discussion i n this country is the great interest shown in communis t theory and pract ice in the i r re la t ion to the I n d i a n s i tuat ion. There has been considerable speculation since the last General Elections about the role o f the Communis t Par ty i n I n d i a n poli t ics- Can the C P I provide an effective opposi t ion and an alterna­t ive government to the r u l i n g pa r ty? W i l l the A m r i t s a r thesis succeed in accommodat ing the p r inc ip les of communism to the pr inc ip les of the I n d i a n Const i tu t ion? These questions have often been asked. The attempt to put the A m r i t s a r thesis in to prac­t ice in Ke ra l a , discussion of the direct action in Kera la and of the prospects of an Entente between the major non-communist parties not on ly in Ke ra l a but elsewhere too, as well as the repurcussions of the Chinese actions in T ibe t and on I n ­d ian borders on the in ternal pol i t ics of this c o u n t r y — a l l these are evidences of the g r o w i n g s igni f i ­cance of the p rob lem of communism. Such evidence has led p o l i t i c a l ob­servers to analyse the in ter - re la t ion-ships between the experience of Ke­rala, the g r o w i n g f i rmness of Pandi t N e h r u on the issue of Chinese ag­gression, his s trong invectives against communists at home and even the decision to spli t the b i l i n ­gua l Bombay State, w h i c h w o u l d isolate the communists f r o m other leftist parties.

I M P O R T A N C E O F T H E K E R A L A

E X P E R I E N C E

In this general p ic ture the exper i ­ence of Communis t rule in Kera la occupies a central place. It has led some to charge the Congress Par ty w i t h wan t ing to monopolise all p o l i ­t i ca l power in the coun t ry ; others have questioned the efficacy of a p o l i t i c a l system where the machine­ry o f democrat ic government cou ld become the ins t rument of a pa r ty w h i c h , to a l l interests and purposes, is bent upon subvert ing democracy itself . The s i tua t ion as i t developed in Kera la na tura l ly attracted atten­t i o n a l l over the country . Qui te apar t f r o m its w ide r ramificat ions ment ioned above, the story of Ke­ra la in i ts most s to rmy pe r iod de­serves a careful s tudy in i tself . I t

led to a great deal of controversy in the count ry almost r i g h t since the communists came to power in that State. I t is one of the meri ts of Dr Singh's w o r k * that i t takes the rea­der into the heart of this controver­sy by presenting divergent interpre­tations of the more impor tan t events in Kera la in a luc id and in te l l ig ib le manner. It is the first serious study of the Kera l a s i tuat ion and is based on the personal observations of the author.

As much of the book had been wr i t t en before the 'd i rec t act ion ' started in Kerala , the author has not given his own analysis of that move­ment. Th i s is, in a way, unfortunate . On the other hand, there is ample mater ia l in the book on the crisis that was developing in K e r a l a . I t is the purpose of this review to ana­lyse and evaluate on the basis of Dr Singh's observations the crisis w h i c h culminated in the direct act ion and led to the fa l l of the Communis t Government. Such an analysis, it is hoped, w o u l d b r i n g out the nature and dynamics of a conflict that took place under circumstances where a government wedded to the commu­nist ideology t r i ed to funct ion w i t h i n the f ramework of a par l iamentary democracy.

A S S U M P T I O N O F P O W E R

I t seems that i t is possible to w o r k out the sequence of events that led to the final showdown. The start was, in a sense, ominous. The op­posi t ion parties in Ke ra l a "doubted the s incer i ty of the communist at­tempt to w o r k c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y " They believed that " the communist tact ic" was " to inf i l t ra te in to various bodies and d is rup t them f r o m ins ide ." Thus the Communis t Par ty came to power in Kera la in an atmosphere of sus­p ic ion and distrust . To that extent, i t can be said to have started w i t h an i n i t i a l disadvantage. On the other hand, there was a fund of goodwi l l f o r the communists among large sections of the people who wanted to give them a chance and who also vaguely believed that they migh t solve the problems of poverty

* Communist Rule in Kerala by J i tendra S ingh . D i w a n Chand I n d i a n In fo rma t ion Centre. New Delh i , 1959. P p V I I I + 136. Pr ice Rs 3.

and unemployment that were so rampant i n Kera la . W h a t d i d the Government do to remove the suspi­cion of its opponents and vindicate the hopes of its sympathisers?

The very first steps taken by the communists accentuated the fears of their opponents. A l l pol i t ica l p r i ­soners, a m a j o r i t y of w h o m were communists, were released. A l o n g w i t h this, there was also a wi thdra ­wal , on the Government 's own re­ckoning , of more than 350 c r i m i n a l cases f r o m the Courts, Later on, Chief Justice Shankaran characteris­ed these large-scale remissions as "legalised d i s c r i m i n a t i o n . " As he said then, "There is always the r isk of motives being imputed to the exercise of these powers by a de­mocratic government ." A s imilar feel ing was created by the announce­ment of the Government 's new Po­lice po l i cy regard ing disputes invol­v i n g workers, tenants, students, debt­ors, etc. Comment ing on the pre­va i l ing practice of the police taking security measures in the event of such a dispute, the Communist Gov­ernment took the view "that such use of the police in favour of the o w n i n g classes is a v io la t ion of the fundamental r ights of the t o i l i n g classes." This and s imi la r state­ments by the communists soon after-assumption of power could ha rd ly create a climate of confidence among those who were already apprehensive of the communists.

G O O D W I L L FOR G O V E R N M E N T

In spite of these measures, how­ever, there were large sections of the people in Kerala who viewed the communist exper iment i nc lud ing the measures discussed above w i t h sym­pathy. An examinat ion of the com­munist rule in Kera l a shows, how­ever, that instead of consolidat ing its posi t ion among these sections, the Government took steps w h i c h gradua l ly estranged and antagonised them one after another.

Let us look, for example, at the positive p rogramme of the Govern­ment. The Government stood by a p rogramme of increased employ­m e n t speedy industr ia l isat ion and a fa i r deal f o r the ' exploi ted ' sec­tions. The f a m i l i a r techniques em­ployed by communists elsewhere, however, were not avai lable to them

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in Kera la . They could not nationalise foreign-owned plantat ions in the State, they could not l iquidate other p r iva te enterprise in the State; they could not even expand the scope of State action any more than i t was possible in other States. In other words, the communists in Kera la found themselves in a posi t ion where they could not 'expropria te the expropr ia tors . ' On the contrary, to fur ther thei r economic goal they were led in the opposite d i rec t ion . They t r i ed to placate b i g business by offering l ibera l economic incen­tives in the f o r m of special conces­sions of the type w h i c h even the Congress Governments were reluc­tant to offer in their respective States. Such a pol icy inflamed the progressive elements in the State. There were also sharp differences between the Government and the Communist Party on this issue in Kerala . The incident brought out the conflict between ideology and practical considerations.

Loss OF P R E S T I G E

The Government suffered a fur-ther loss of prestige over its appro­ach to the problems of labour un­rest in the State. Af ter reviewing the various incidents in considerable factual detai l . Dr Singh comes to the conclusion that "the Communist Government has been par t ia l to workers belonging to its own trade unions." When a r i va l union was involved, the "Kera la Government d i d all that lay in its power to pro­tect the management." When, how­ever, the union concerned belonged to the communists, the Government followed the pol icy of police neutra­l i t y . This at t i tude of the Govern­ment alienated a sizeable section of the w o r k i n g class and also led to a considerable loss of prestige among the progressive sections of the people.

The next step of the Government involved one of the chief supporters of the communists, namely the stu­dent-community in Kerala . The de­cision of the Government-controlled Water Transpor t Corpora t ion to squash the one-anna concession en­joyed by the students of Ku t t anad led to a headlong struggle between a recalcitrant Government which treated the incident as a 'pres-tige issue' and a determined body of students who felt humi l i a t ed by such an at t i tude on the par t of the Government. The dispute according

to the author u was a show of stren­g th between the communists and the students," There were also other i n ­cidents i n v o l v i n g the students. Such incidents cost the Government the support and sympathy of a large section of the younger generation, as became evident f r o m the results of college union elections w h i c h showed that "whereas former ly the communists had control over more than 30 unions, they now control less than 8 unions." Th is loss of support of the students was to prove even more costly later d u r i n g the agi tat ion against the Educat ion B i l l .

R E C O R D O F T H E G O V E R N M E N T

Thus the communists began by their own actions to alienate i m ­portant sections of the people of Kerala. Nor had the Government any noticeable achievement to its credit w i t h wh ich i t could enthuse the s t i l l uncommit ted sections of the people or jus t i fy its c la im of being the only par ty that could deliver the goods. It even fai led to utilise f u l l y the financial al lotment made to Ke­rala under the Second Plan. W i t h only two years more to go, Rs 47 crores out of a total of Rs 87 crores s t i l l remained unspent and as the P lann ing Commission's yearly evaluation Report U 9 5 8 ) admit ted, " i t w i l l be almost impossible for the State Government to uti l ise this amount before the close of 1960-61." The Government of Kerala also fa i l ­ed to raise its own share of the financial target (Rs 48 crores) f r o m internal resources as was admit ted in the Governor 's address to the le­gislative assembly. There was also, on the Planning Commission's and the Government's own admission, in­creasing evidence of the growth of non-Plan and non-developmental ex­penditure. Nor could the Govern­ment take credit for any outstanding piece of legislat ion.

On the Agra r i an Relations Bi l l , itself a mi id measure of agr icu l tura l reform based on the recommenda­tions of the land re form Panel of the Planning Commission, the Govern­ment found its own par ty sharply d iv ided on the issue of p rov id ing special concessions to the small land­holders of Travancore-Cochin who were po l i t i ca l ly inc l ined towards the communists. The result of this " long drawn-out debate w i t h i n the Com­munist Par ty of K e r a l a " was that the passinsr of the B i l l was delayed un t i l barely two months before the

Government fe l l f rom power. Thus the electoral promise " to make fun-damentat changes in agrar ian rela­t ions" remained unfulf i l led as a re­sult of vested interests w i t h i n the pa r ty . Another much-publicised promise made by the communists before they came to power was "to put down cor rup t ion , nepotism, and favour i t i sm and thereby give a clean and efficient adminis t ra t ion to the State." The A n d h r a Rice Deal, the cor rupt ion w i t h i n the State-inspired co-operatives and the "decidedly communal game" played by the Gov­ernment on the question of reserva­t ion of government jobs for back­ward classes in order to retain the support of the Ezhava communi ty stood in sharp contrast to such a promise.

E D U C A T I O N B I L L

It is against this background that the agi tat ion against the Education R i l l has to be viewed. Of course, the B i l l itself created much passion and i l l feel ing. But without the ge­neral dissatisfaction w i t h the par ty in power and the estrangement of large sections of the people as dis­cussed above, the agitat ion could not have spread as it d i d .

The Education B i l l completed the process of isolating the communists in Kera la . Among other things, i t brought the r iva l communities of Nairs and Christians together on a common p la t fo rm. Accord ing to the findings of an unpublished research used by the author of the book un­der review, the Nairs. who had be­come seared of the g rowing Chris­t ian influence over the Congress, hail du r ing the 1957 elections cast as many votes, for the communists (2 lakhs) as they d i d for the Con­gress. It is said that the Educat ion B i l l was itself enacted by the com­munists to isolate the Christians f rom the Hindus, who constitute 61 per cent of the popula t ion . The move misfired. The Nairs found out. f irst ly, that as they themselves own-ed a great number of educational endowments they were going to be as much affected by the B i l l as the Christians and. secondly, that the 50 per cent reservation of seats for the backward classes meant "the Christians ' loss would only benefit the backward classes, not the Na i r s . " When the communsists received

proposal of the Adminis t ra t ive Re­forms Committee that in view of changed economic conditions of dif-

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November 28, 1959 T H E E C O N O M I C W E E K L Y

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 26, 1959

ferent communit ies in the last 60 years, the special reservation f ac i l i ­ties should be extended to the poor of a l l communit ies , the Nai r s were f inal ly antagonised. The Na i r s now j o i n e d the Christ ians and the Mus­l ims in a common f ron t against the Educat ion B i l l .

The other effect of the Educat ion B i l l was to force a l l opposi t ion par­ties to j o i n on a common p l a f o r m . An impression s t i l l prevai ls among some that the opposi t ion part ies in Kera la conspired together and start­ed the movement against the Govern­ment in that State. The fact is qui te the contrary . When the Congress showed an ambivalent a t t i tude to the agi tat ion, the Christ ians and also a section of Na i r s who were its m a i n supporters, are said to have made i t clear that they w o u l d j o i n the P S P and R S P-Ied movement even* if the Coagress stayed out. I t is this that explains the actions of the local Congress Party despite directives f r o m the Congress H i g h Command u r g i n g i t to keep away f r o m the movement. On p a i n of be­ing totally isolated, the Congress in Kerala was forced to j o i n the move­ment. Later on , Shr i Nehru jus t i ­fied the Congress pa r t i c ipa t ion as a res t ra ining influence on the d i rec t action but the fact of the matter was qui te di f ferent . "The leaders of Kerala were surprised and swept away by the response of the people." Even S h r i N a m b o o d i r i p a d had to admi t " tha t a l l the b i g and smal l grievances of different sections of the people of Kera la had been cana­lized in to this movement."

L A W A N D O R D E R S I T U A T I O N

That the agi tat ion against the Educat ion B i l l became so wide­spread, so sustained and so effective was the result of many other fac­tors besides the uncompromis ing at t i tude taken by the Government on the B i l l i tself. Cer ta in actions taken by the Communists gave a sharp edge to the g r o w i n g opposi­t i o n to their ru le . The Government began to tamper w i t h the adminis­t r a t i o n of just ice. T h i s was na tu ra l fo r a government w h i c h placed its loya l ty to the Pa r ty above any other ' formal is t ic ' considerations. But those sections of the people that had i m b i b e d a democratic value were bound to be seriously dis turbed by such a development.

T h e subservience of the govern-

mental process to the interests of the Communis t Par ty began to pervade a l l po l i t i ca l relations i n K e r a l a . The pa r ty cells in towns and villages began to wie ld increasing power. The unchallenged au thor i ty of the local secretary and his accomplices began to replace the normal chan­nels of adminis t ra t ion . W h e n such power was given to local potentates, i t was natura l f o r lawlessness to fo l low. There were several incidents of i n t i m i d a t i o n and harassment of non-communists w h i c h led to an i n ­creasing sense of insecuri ty.

R U L E B Y T H E P A R T Y

A l l this created an impression that Government and A d m i n i s t r a t i o n were becoming synonymous w i t h Par ty . Instead of adjust ing the ends of the Communis t Par ty to the dic­tates of a democratic consti tut ion it became clearer and clearer that it was the latter that was being sacri­ficed to the former . This gave rise to a sense of oppression among the people. Rather than wai t and see, more and more people began to j o i n the agi ta t ion . The direct act ion was on, what began as a protest against a specific measure of pol icy trans­formed itself in to a widespread popular movement against the Gov­ernment. The process was cumula­t ive, being the result of so many factors.

There is no doubt that the direct action that took place in K e r a l a was a mass upsurge. F o l l o w i n g their f ami l i a r theme of a conspiracy of reactionary forces, the communists l a id a l l blame at the door of the opposi t ion parties. But as we have already shown, the Opposi t ion par-

ties were forced to j o i n on a com­mon p la t fo rm of ant i -communism by the gather ing temper of the people. It is no less mis leading to charac­terise the direct act ion as a product o f communal i sm. I f the m i n o r i t y communit ies , wh ich were also the worst affected by the communist ru le , j o i n e d the movement th rough the i r respective organisations, that does not change the character of the upsurge f r o m being one in wh ich a l l po l i t i ca l ly conscious sections of the people except the communists jo ined together.

I t is possible, to draw f r o m the above analysis some general con­clusions, f i r s t , there was a conti­nuous tension between the loyal ty of the Government to the communist ideology and the necessity of its func t ion ing w i t h i n the f ramework of a democratic const i tut ion. As we saw, this tension u l t imate ly resulted in t i l t i n g the balance in favour o f the Par ty . Secondly, the r i g i d i t y w i t h wh ich the communists in Ke­rala approached every problem pro­ved them to be incapable of that m i n i m u m sensitivity to publ ic op i ­n ion that is so essential to the effec­t ive funct ioning of a par l iamentary democracy. F i n a l l y , there was a continuous pressure f rom the rank-and-file of the Party on the Govern­ment wh ich led the latter away f rom moderation and pract ical considera­tions and made i t more and more partisan in its general approach. A pre-requisite of democratic govern­ment is that the interests of the na­t ion (or the State) are placed above the interests of the Par ty . This was not achieved in Kerala .

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November 28, 1959 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

T h i s Announcement I s N o t an I n v i t a t i o n to Subscribe fo r Debenture Stock bu t I s Issued f o r t he Purpose o f Giving I n f o r m a t i o n Concerning: the Company. A F o r m a l Prospectus, Da ted 20th November, 1959, H a s Been Delivered to the Regis t rar of Companies, West B e n g a l ) fo r Reg i s t ra t ion a n d Copies Thereof, a long w i t h App l i ca t i on Forms , A r e Obtainable f r o m the Banks and Broke r s Named Below.

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INDIAN ALUMINIUM COMPANY, LTD.

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T H E E C O N O M I C W E E K L Y November 28, 1959

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Company's plans fo r an in tegra ted expansion of i ts faci l i t ies .

DEVELOPMENT PLANS I t i s proposed to expand the annua l capacity of the

Company's smelter a t H i r a k u d f r o m 10,000 tons to 20,000 tons, thus g i v i n g the Company an ingot capacity of 25,600 tons per year. Simultaneously, the Company plans to t r ip le the capaci ty of i t s a l u m i n a p lan t a t M u r i (and related bauxite faci l i t ies a t Loha rdaga ) to enable the Company to produce 54,000 tons of a l u m i n a per year. In c a r r y i n g out this expansion, process improve­ments r equ i r ing considerable modi f ica t ion of the exist­i n g p lan t w i l l be made. This , in conjunct ion w i t h the e l imina t ion of impor ts of a lumina , should result in sub­s t an t i a l opera t ing economies.

In addi t ion , the Company's r o l l i n g m i l l a t Belur, West Bengal , w i l l be expanded f r o m a capaci ty of 9,000 tons of ro l led products per year to 16,500 tons per year. The expansion of the Belur w o r k s w i l l enable the Com­pany to produce f o i l stock, container stock, s t rong al loy sheet ( inc luding sheet fo r a i r c r a f t product ion) and a wider range of rol led products for const ruct ion, a rchi ­tec tura l and other i ndus t r i a l uses.

The Company also proposes to ins ta l a new ex t ru­sion press a t A l u p u r a m , Kera la , w h i c h w i l l be capable of producing heavy a n d large ext ruded sections and powerful enough to handle an extensive range of med ium and s t rong a l u m i n i u m alloys. The Company believes tha t the new press, in conjunct ion w i t h the present one, w i l l give much greater flexibility to extrus ion operations and w i l l enable the Company to meet the demands for a wide va r i e ty of a l u m i n i u m extrusions. The ra ted capacity o f the press w i l l be approximate ly 2,500 tons of extruded sections per year.

F I N A N C I N G A N D F I N A N C I A L I N F O R M A T I O N

The amount required fo r the expansion programme, inc lud ing add i t iona l w o r k i n g capi ta l , i s es t imated to be Rs. 9.1 crores, pa r t of w h i c h w i l l be f inanced by the issue of Rs. 3,00,00,000 6¼% Debenture Stock. In addi t ion , the Company has made ar rangements f o r a do l la r loan f r o m A l u m i n i u m L i m i t e d , Canada. The balance w i l l be financed by depreciat ion reserves, deve­lopment rebate reserves, undis t r ibu ted earnings and bank loans.

I t i s es t imated t ha t , a t the end of December 1959, the w r i t t e n down value o f the F i x e d Assets w i l l exceed Rs. 6.5 crores.

The f o l l o w i n g is an ex t rac t f r o m the accounts of the Company as reported on by i ts A u d i t o r s :

Year ended 31st December 1958 7,42,97,113 1,37,52,940 57,71,738

8 months ended 31st Augus t 1959 6,02,95,303 1,54,96.229 66,80,661

Figures m a r k e d w i t h * have been adjusted in v iew of i n f o r m a t i o n subsequently received f r o m the f igures shown in the Report dated 12th December, 1956, incor-porated in the Prospectus issued by the Company on 20th December, 1956.

Assets and Liabi l i t ies as at 31st August , 1959.

Rs. Fixed Assets—At Or ig ina l Cost less

Depreciation 6,54,29,521 Inves tments—At Cost . . . . 12,519 Current Assets . . . . 5,44,68,802

T o t a l Assets . . 11,99,10,842 Less Liab i l i t i es and other Provis ions . . 5,20,96,929

Net Assets as at 31st August 1959 .. 6,78,13,913

Dividend on Paid Up Capital

Dividends paid on Ord ina ry Shares were 9% for the year ended 31st December 1955, 10% fo r the year ended 31st December 1956, 6% for the year ended 31st December 1957, and 7% for the year ended 31st Dec­ember 1958.

PROSPECTUS AND APPLICATION FORMS

Copies of the Prospectus, on the terms of w h i c h alone applicat ions w i l l be considered, and Appl ica t ion Forms may be obtained f rom the fo l l owing :

(a) any b ranch o f Lloyds Bank L i m i t e d in Ind ia ,

(b) any branch of The F i r s t N a t i o n a l C i ty B a n k of New Y o r k in Ind ia ,

(c) any branch of The B a n k of I n d i a L i m i t e d si tuated at Calcut ta , Bombay, Madras , Delhi , New Delhi , Cochin, Kanpur , Ahmedabad and Hyderabad (Deccan),

(d) Place, Siddons & Gough (Pr iva te ) L i m i t e d , 6, Lyons Range, Calcut ta-1 ,

(e) Messrs. B a t l i v a l a & K a r a n i , Un ion B a n k B u i l d ­ing, D a l a i Street. Port , Bombay-1 ,

( f ) Messrs. Lewis & Jones, B a n k of Baroda Bu i ld ­ing, Apo l lo Street, Fo r t , Bombay-1 ,

(g) Messrs. Paterson & Co., Badsha Bu i ld ing , 22, E r r a b a l u Chet ty Street, P.O. Box 48, Madras-1 ,

(h) Messrs. Harbans Singh Mehta & Co,, S3, Regal Bui ldings, Pa r l i ament Street, P.O. Box 300, New Delh i -1 .

S U B S C R I P T I O N L I S T

The subscript ion l i s t w i l l open a t the commence­ment of b a n k i n g hours on the 1st December, 1959 and w i l t r emain open u n t i l the close o f b a n k i n g hours on the 3 rd December, 1959, or l a t e r a t the discre t ion of the Directors .