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The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar jou rnalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Ko hasoon becam e a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be pub lished daily under thename of Ko ha Ditor. With the kind perm ission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 144Front Page: NEW YORK - THE SQUARE OF THE ROUND TABLEDate: 9 April 1997

EDITORIAL

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

by VETON SURROI

As I was preparing myself for the coming Albanian-Serb round table to be held next week inNew York, I was thinking of the deeply incrusted historicism in our collective mind, in factthe need to treat every political problem as a gesture that will become part of history. It is

nothing new, this is how we were brought up for years, when we were taught about thehistorical Meetings (in capital M) of the Central Committee of the Communist Party.Moreover, it is not linked only to the communist education, there is pre and post history. Asfor example, we still consider as history the letters that an Albanian leader has sent todifferent Conferences at the beginning of the century, when Albania's borders were set, tolater find out that these letters have had only one destination, the files. Or, in the

post-communist history, I remember how the meeting of the then leader of the Albanianopposition and the leaders of what was then known as "Albanian alternative" was called theSecond Lezh Assembly, the Prizren League, the first unification of Albanians afterSknderbej, and who knows what else.

In fact, it was a meeting, as hundreds of others that take place. The same is the case,nowadays, prior to New York. Many think that this will be the historical meeting that willundo the Kosovar knot and many will be missing only the black&white photographs that willseal in our memories the moment when the fate of this area was solved. Or to use terms as"New York's Kosova" or "Dayton Bosnia".

Exaggerated, as exaggerated is the implication that the speeches to be delivered at the roundtable, will be delivered to the domestic public opinion, expecting this opinion to reactspontaneously with "..did you see what this guy told them..." For people used to historicism,maybe the lack of big words means the failure of the Conference. In this plane I don't expect

this Conference to escape big words. But, what I am interested about is whether the elementwe are not used to will be there: the political technology, an imaginary list of different stepsthat should lead towards negotiations, the Albanian-Serb agreement and the full expression ofthe will of the people of Kosova. In the Balkans, it is very hard to find this approach. This is

probably why this meeting will take place in New York, where issues of political mechanismsare routine.

And, what contradiction to the introduction of this text, maybe in New York there will be ahistorical turning point: to understand that same as in construction the one ordering the

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project is initially interested in the foundations of the house not in the way the roof will looklike, in the same way in politics and our problem, that it is much important to expressourselves about how will we achieve our democratic aspirations of the citizens of Kosova,and not what these aspirations are like.

What are these aspirations like - no trip is necessary to find this out. It is something that anychild in Kosova can reveal.

KOSOVA

THE NEW YORK ROUND TABLE

by BESIM ABAZI / Prishtin

After the two announced Albanian-Serb meetings were postponed,it finally came out that the round table to be held in New Yorkon 7-9 April, remained the most serious and important initiative.

As such, it also became object of different conversations andspeculations. Initially, it was planned as a round table in which

problems in education and health-care would be discussed, andthen gradually came to a stage in which even more serious issueswould be opened. Moreover, the Albanian side declared that "...it

was unnecessary to discuss about separate issues, includingeducation, for in those cases agreements in principle have beenreached, but can't be applied in practice because of the Serbianobstructions..."

The speculations increased as different voices and rumors comingfrom the Serbian side stressed that New York will be the placewhere concrete problems and the status of Kosova will bediscussed. Thus, on this plane, Dragoljub Micunovic from theDemocratic Center and following an incognito visit to Prishtin,declared that "New York will be the place where the final status

of Kosova will be discussed" and added that "Albanians havealready created a unique platform, according to which althoughthey opt for the independence of Kosova, they would also agreeto the status of the Republic and even the autonomy". This is whyhe made a "call to the Serbian side to meet and agree upon aunique platform".

The representatives of both sides started the consultations onthe unique standpoints. The discussions arose in Kosovaespecially after Demai published his political project on the

creation of a confederation he calls Balkania and theannouncements that he will present this option in New York. Theproject which was accepted by his PPK in principle, was harshlycriticized by some Albanian political parties. The comments were

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ranging from "Demai is trying to save the Albanian cause whichis rolling down, even if it takes his own sacrifice" to "This

project is contrary to the 1991 Referendum". Demai and hispeople replied that the last accusation has no grounds, because

who ever remembers the question asked in the referendum, it willbecome evident that there was an option for Kosova to get intofederal/confederacy links with the units of the formerYugoslavia". However, the others replied that independenceexcluded the other links, and added that Balkania is notachievable first of all, because Serbia would more easily agreeto the independence of Kosova than the confederalization ofMontenegro".

Anyhow, as it regards the first matter, Demai eliminated alldoubts in a press conference when he declared that he would not

present Balkania in New York, because in a meeting that hesummoned and chaired, "an agreement was reached about the unique

platform to be presented in New York". The "consensus" wasconfirmed by the other Albanian participants in these talks.LDK's vice-chairman, Hyseni, declared after the meeting that "allof us were engaged in favor of a just and durable solution ofKosova's problem. Mahmut Bakalli stressed that "differentmodalities for reaching the independence of Kosova were presentedon this occasion".

An attempt of the Serbian Resistance Movement (SRM), to gatherthe Serb participants of this meeting, organized in the DeanMonastery, failed. This incited the leader of the SRM, MomaTrajkovic, to declare that "...this proves that there is no

platform, there is only a minimum stand, because there are nonational forces in Serbia that would agree to the solution of theAlbanian-Serb relations within the Republic of Kosova". Trajkovichad also declared that his party would participate in New York,however the organizer has informed him that he could only submita written statement. Anyhow, the SRM has held a closed meetingwith the representatives of the Serbian political parties of

Kosova, including the SPS branch in Kosova, which proves theimportance they give to the dialogue for the solution of Kosova's

problem.

But, the chosen moment for the talks is disputable. There arequite some opinions stating that Albanians are going to thesetalks with "broken wings" because of the situation in Albania,which have apparently made the Serbian side rush into thesetalks. Trajkovic considers that the position of Albanians has

been affected and that now their requests are more realistic.

"Albanians have had their state since 85 years ago, but have notmade it strong yet", is something that he considers supports theopposition to the Republic of Kosova, because "...how will weSerbs live in an Albanian state that has no tradition? Who would

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guarantee us our civil rights, when such an old people like theAlbanian has not yet strengthened its state", further adding thatthe solutions in this part of the region stand not on thecreation of new states, but the democratization of the existing.

"Thus, all of us should make efforts to have Albania as anadvanced and democratic state. What is happening there, will onlyhave repercussions for Yugoslavia and all of us living inKosova", concluded Trajkovic.

It seems though that things have gone into a new direction afterSPS declared that "its representatives will not go to New York".It's decision was followed by a harsh criticism against theSerbian political forces that will be in New York. They were evenaccused being "traitors to the Serbian interests".

The Albanian side, on the other hand, considers that the absenceof the SPS will not "weaken" the role of this meeting. Albanians

believe that this step was actually pre-electoral marketing.Agani considers that "this step is not that surprising, knowingthat SPS has its own problems to participate in the meeting.First, it is facing a difficult situation, because a new balancehas been established in Serbia, and SPS has since long been usedto the dominant role and finds it hard to adapt to the newcircumstances. Second, since the initiative for this meeting was

made by the opposition, it is deliberately stalling the matter".However, said Agani, "we didn't determine ourselves based on theSerbian political movements".

Whatever the case, the seven Albanian representatives went to NewYork at least in a gesture of good will, regardless of the factthat they "were not expecting something extraordinary" from it.The New York meeting will be a place for them to express theirarguments for future political solutions, but will not be thefinal conversation". The viewpoints of both sides could andshould be presented and then will probably be evaluated by "Uncle

Sam" that will probably give them the final image, after havingthoroughly looked through all the proposals.

INTERVIEW

Fehmi AGANI, Vice-Chairman of the LDK

INTRODUCTION TO TALKS ABOUT KOSOVA

Interviewed by ARBR VLLAHIU / Prishtin

KOHA: It seems that the New York round table is accompanied by

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many contradictions. Do you perceive this as a simple politicaldialogue that obliges no party or the beginning of the Albanian-Serb negotiations?

AGANI: Being a round table, the talks in New York have noobligatory character. But, realistically, this is a confrontationof opinions, a presentation of demands but since it also willtake place in the serious presence of the Americans, this is anattempt to incite the international subject, in this concretecase the USA, to eventually undertake an initiative to find asolution for Kosova. This can be considered as an introductionto more serious Albanian-Serb talks on Kosova.

KOHA: It seems that a consensus among Albanians has been reached.Does this mean that there could have been different options

presented by Albanians in New York?

AGANI: No. I think that it is not adequate to say that aconsensus was reached in that meeting, because the presentedopinions were so similar, not to say identic, that there was noneed for coordination or harmonization. It is clear thatAlbanians in New York will present one only demand - independenceof Kosova. This would include the ways of realization, the

phases, etc.

KOHA: Yes, but the rumor is that a compromise was reached betweenindependent Kosova open towards Albania and Serbia and Balkania.

AGANI: I again would say that this is not a compromise. This isan unanimous opinion expressed among the participants of theround table. At first sight, one could think that there is adifference between independent Kosova and Balkania, howeverDemai said that his concept of an eventual confederation isgrounded on the independence of Kosova. Therefore, independenceis the main issue and we needed no compromise on this.

KOHA: But, do you think that Balkania can incite the curiosityof the organizers or the other participants?

AGANI: It can incite the interest of the international subjects,not as a confederacy but as an attempt to seek solutions withinYugoslavia. I don't believe the interest would be long-lasting.

KOHA: LDK has changed the composition of its New York team. Yourmember was replaced by Mark Krasniqi from the Albanian Christian-Democratic Party of Kosova. Is this a matter of principle or as

strengthening the LDK option?

AGANI: No change occurred in fact. LDK had no need to strengthenits concept, because what we are defending is actually the

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standpoint of all political parties and all subjects that willparticipate in this meeting, therefore we needed no other helpfrom the outside.

KOHA: Do you believe that New York could bring in somethingconcrete?

AGANI: I don't expect any big concrete things from this meeting,but there is a primary advantage: first, that we can presentarguments on our demands to the Serbian side and secondly, toconvince Americans that we have a serious approach towards thesolution of our problem and thus we incite their engagementeventually in a concrete initiative.

When it comes to concrete initiatives, despite the understanding

and support we find in Europe, we believe that it is USA'sinitiatives that would guarantee a better result.

KOHA: Do you see that the Albanian-Serb contest could find acompromise solution and what compromise would be acceptable in

New York?

AGANI: Naturally, negotiations and talks can't evade compromise,but this shouldn't imply the retraction of both sides, but ratherfinding a reasonable solution, and since we are convinced in our

just demand, we believe that it is not hard to find a solutionsuch as independence with all the restrictions that we have putto it; by treating the other ethnic communities as equal, orstating that Kosova will be open to all, including Serbia so itcan not only achieve its cultural and historical values but alsoits actual interests.

KOHA: SPS has confirmed that it will not participate in new York,whereas the opposition declared that it "will reduce the level"of its participants. What will the Albanian posture be?

AGANI: We would be happier if SPS participates in New York. But,we can't make any movements according to their moves, knowingthat all political postures in Serbia are taken based on theirelectoral needs. We can't do this. It's non-participation in the

New York round table is also linked to its internal problems.First, it faces difficulties, because a new relation of forceshas been established in Serbia and SPS finds it very hard toaccommodate in new conditions after dominating for so long.Second, it seems that the initiative for this meeting came fromthe opposition and the SPS is thus stalling with its decision.

Having in mind the per-electoral marketing, it is also evadingit. We are not determining are posture based on the movements ofthe different Serbian political parties.

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KOHA: Then how valid are these talks if the main Serbian partyis not there?

AGANI: This is not a negotiation and no decision is expected in

New York. The presentation of our standpoints will be seriousregardless of SPS' participation. "Zajedno" shouldn't beunderestimated as well as the other political parties. Theyshould also be given a chance to see and evaluate the offered

postures and the reasonability of our demands.

INTERVIEW

Drago HIBER, author of "Zajedno's" proposal on Kosova

TWO OR THREE DAYS ARE NOT ENOUGH

Interviewed by GJERAQINA TUHINA / Prishtin

KOHA: Sometime ago, you proposal on Kosova was published in "NasaBorba". Could you tell us some more details about it?

HIBER: This is my personal standpoint, regardless of my party'spostures. I can tell you what are the latter. First, we are

conscious of the seriousness of the problem as it is today, andwe believe that should be our starting point. By all means,repression in Kosova should stop. The second point that isundisputable is that talks or dialogue should start where allrelevant political and non-political factors of Serbia andYugoslavia, including representatives of the Albanian peopleshould participate there. Dialogue is necessary not only for thesolution of the problems, but also for their identification. We

believe that dialogue should be unconditional. Any conditioningcloses the possibilities for the solution of any problem.Dialogue without conditions implies the participation of all

people, all groupings and political parties, options and ideas.Naturally, there is only one limit in that kind of dialogue, andthis is that there is no space for those who are not in favor ofa peaceful solution of the problem. The third point is that we

believe that the Albanian people should have all the rights asthe other people. This statement doesn't mean escaping the

problem with phrases on "the highest standards of human rights".

This means that the forms where these rights should beaccomplished will be determined later. I am against the initial

talks on the police or the political and territorialorganization, because this will only reduce the chances for areal dialogue.

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KOHA: What do you mean when you say human political rights?

HIBER: These imply the possibility for all collectivities forpolitical expression. This includes political self-organization,

political leadership to a certain extent and within one systemshared by all.

KOHA: Your common platform represents the minimum of consensusof the coalition parties. Tell us what are the differences

between parties in this respect?

HIBER: It is true that this is a consensus of coalition partiesand in each consensus there are differences between the subjectsthat are part of the coalition. There are differences in ideas,methods and ways of solving the problem. But, consensus is on the

problem and the need for its solution, that is important. Thesecond issue is that this should be solved in dialogue and thethird issue is that the individual and collective rights should

be respected.

KOHA: The Civic Alliance of Serbia (GSS) will participate in NewYork.

HIBER: Yes, Mrs. Pesic will be there on our behalf.

KOHA: Is she familiar with the other participants and is shesatisfied with their level?

HIBER: The list of participants has been unclear and it sufferedchanges a couple of times. The level of participants is hard toagree upon. Formally the high level doesn't also mean the highlevel of presentation of political options. We don't know whetherthe ruling parties in Serbia will participate, because we keepreceiving contradictory information. Anyhow, conversations makesense, even if they are absent.

KOHA: Do you think this will be only a presentation of posturesor can decisions also be made?

HIBER: I believe it is very hard to solve something serious inNew York. Unfortunately, this is not the place where a solutioncan be found. This is the third meeting this foundationorganizes, and Vesna Pesic has been our representative all over.

Now the list of Serbian participants has expanded. Anyhow, wedon't consider ourselves a Serbian party, but rather a civic

party - and our name proves this. This will be a meeting of

people that will have legitimate and extreme viewpoints. It ishard to foresee that a real consensus can be reached in two orthree days. I fear the inflated propaganda this meeting isaccompanied by and the high expectations people have, because if

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there are no results, then this can cause misbelief anddisappointment in the coming dialogues. In conclusion, I am notsure that all invited will attend the meeting, and I am notconvinced that the conditions are fulfilled to find a way to

solve the problems.

KOHA: What reflection will this meeting have among the Serbianpolitical specter? Will Kosova be on the agenda of the comingelections?

HIBER: I am sure that it will be. I will give you a concretereply to your question. Prior to the meeting, both sides triedto agree upon separate but unique standpoints. I believe this iswrong, because it is undisputable that there are differencesamong participants of both sides. I don't think that any of the

sides will come out with a completely unique stand. But, if allissues are presented clearly, then this will be an important steptowards the future solution.

KOHA: Does "Zajedno" have a common platform for the solution ofKosova's problem and will this be presented in New York?

HIBER: No, there is no common platform that has been made public.Not because, in principle, there are disagreements amongpartners, but because it is very unlikely to expect an opposition

partner to have a clear and precise state platform. Kosova isa complex problem. It is a problem of collective and individualhuman rights, but it is also a state problem. An oppositiongrouping should not be expected to come out with clear ideas onthis. It is in no position to solve the problem, but the New Yorktalks will help "Zajedno" observe the seriousness of the Kosova

problem. It is no secret that opposition parties had differentviewpoints on Kosova in the past. When the problem is discussedas a whole then the differences are more easy to identify. And,dialogue should then serve as a way to come to the jointsolution.

KOHA: Do you think that after New York this issue can become along-term process and could there be a mediator to it?

HIBER: I wish New York were the beginning and the opening pathtowards new meetings that will lead to the solution. In regardto the third party, at the beginning I said that there should beno conditions. Opposing the participation of a third party isalso a condition. GSS has nothing against the participation ofa third party, if this can help dialogue and finding a solution.

I have no right to talk on behalf of the coalition partners, butI can tell you that this was a topic of discussion that precededthe publication of our program declaration and we haven'texcluded this possibility.

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KOHA: What do you think about Demai's Balkania?

HIBER: It is an interesting idea, but it is hard to talk aboutit having in mind that it is a state platform. I believe that

the GSS can't make any statements in that regard. I can say thatit is one of the possible ideas which is legitimate as one of thestarting points to undo the "Kosova knot".

KOHA: Could there be any reflections of the situation in Albaniaon New York?

HIBER: I hope its influence will not be determinant nor too big.The starting point for all participants is the situation inKosova and not Albania. This is why the events in Albania shouldnot have any influence of the solution that we should find

regardless of Albania. I hope the people in Albania will find away out towards democratization which is necessary not only forthem by also the people in FRY.

KOHA: Would you add anything else?

HIBER: I wish to state that GSS is in favor of a solution thatwould maximally satisfy all participants. And this, in principle,means the respect of human rights of all and all groups, as wellas a better life for all.

ALBANIA

THE FORMULA OF SALVATION

by RIFAT BUZUKU / Vienna

Exhausted as never before, the former chancellor of Austria FranzVranitzky, showed up in front of the journalists on April 3. But,

his mind was still vigorous. This was the third time he met withthe European top politicians, engaged in saving Albania. By allmeans, a difficult task, especially for only one man, Vranitzky,who voluntarily gave up of his premier's post and chairmanshipof the ruling party in Austria.

Albania represents for Vranitzky, as for the whole world, asample sui generis. There is no war there, there are no borders

between the parties in conflict, there is no confrontation ofdifferent confessions; but, there is an unprecedented anarchy

that threatens to drown a European state, of ancient traditionsand culture. Vranitzky knows this and is doing all he can toprevent its disintegration.

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He took the first step on March 15, when he met with the Albanianauthorities and rebels on a ship in the Adriatic. Then he

presented his project for the salvation of the Albanians to theOSCE, a project that was adopted by the UN Security Council on

28 March.

Thus, by taking over the role of the savior of Albania, Vranitzkygot activated for the third time, without wasting time and on 2and 3 April, he gathered the most important European volunteers,those who proved to be ready to contribute to Albania'ssalvation, in Rome and Athens.

Following these meetings, although they took place outsideAlbania, Vranitzky conveyed the message of hope in Hofburg on 3April: "Europe will build a new Albania". On 7 April, a European

delegation went to Tirana in order to identify the long-term andurgent needs of the country. About 200 European experts willsettle close to Tirana and their task will be the reorganizationof the societal and political structure of the state.

Besides this, the international protection forces will contributeto the revitalization of the economy and the establishment oforder in Albania. According to Vranitzky, this will be done ona step-by-step basis. First, the Rinas airport, the ports ofDurrs and Vlor as well as the roads Tirana-Vlor and Tirana-

Durrs will be highly secured. However, Vranitzky claims thatorder can be restored only when all the regional roads are putunder control, which will also be done step-by-step. Thus, he

believes that the savage feelings of Albanians will be calmeddown.

The armed Albanians represent a threat not only for the localpopulation and the members of the international protectionforces, but also for the ambience - say the European officials.This is why they have to be disarmed. But, how? Berisha haslately been declaring to the press that Albanians have special

links with the arms, and that they can be taken away from themonly with patience or after some time. However, this statementmade by Berisha was immediately denied by the internationalmediator. Vranitzky said that the representatives of the rebelssaid that they will hand in their arms as soon as Berisha leaveshis post". But, says Vranitzky, it is not in the competencies ofthe OSCE to ask for Berisha's resignation. But, his other answersimply that Berisha has become a black spot not only inVranitzky's eyes, but also of the other internationalrepresentatives'.

This is the reason why none of the foreign diplomats wants tomeet with him. They'd rather to meet with Fino. In fact, Berishahas become the 1991 Ramiz Alija: he has gone back at least six

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years!

People are surprised to see what Berisha is doing or is planningto do. They ask themselves aren't his movements leading towards

civil war? Is he willing to go as far as to keep his post evenif his control doesn't go farther than Tirana? If Berisha'spersistency is grounded on this supposition, then Fino will nottolerate for long this situation. There is no doubt that thereis a strong struggle in the political backstage of Tirana.Foreign observers are very much concerned about the formation ofdifferent armed groups and the communications stating that SHIKhas been officially disintegrated, that lists for new arrests are

being prepared, as soon as order is established. A Dutch analystsays that for the time being, Berisha's agents are quiet, butchances are that they will use the arrival of the foreign forces

in Albania and make a series of unpredictable arrests.Vranitzky must know them all. This is why he relies his trust onFino and the strength of the international protection forces. Thefate of Albanians depends on these forces. Vranitzky is now atthe expectation to see whether "his" forces will be able to

persuade Albanians to hand-in their weapons. It is a matter ofstomach and strength. So far, Albanians had been dominated by thestomach, always.

Anyhow, the OSCE mission will disembark in Albania with a

promising recipe. In Athens, he set the adequate diagnosis forAlbania, which can be healed with three medicines: thedistribution of humanitarian assistance, the reinstallation oforder and the arrival of international aid.

Vranitzky said that all of these three points will be seriouslyconsidered by the international community, whose representativesare expected to meet in Rome very soon. Vranitzky wishes to usethis meeting as the place where he will discover his formula andsave Albania. He has already reached an agreement with Dutchforeign minister Van Mierlo, Fino and Greek foreign minister,

Pangalos.

At the end of the meeting with Vranitzky, Van Mierlo and Fino,Pangalos said that the international community will help Albaniato normalize the economic development and celebrate newelections. As sign of good will, Greece granted a very favorableloan to Albania, worth 136 million DEM. But, unfortunately, thissum is not enough to close down even one of the many holes thecountry has. Maybe this can be done only by Vranitzky, former

banker and a long-time premier of industrialized Austria.

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ALBANIA

TO GO OR NOT TO GO TO ALBANIA

by ARJANA LEKA / Tirana

It is 7 p.m. and as we hear the well known sign of BBC inAlbanian, first shooting is heard on the outside. "This is Londonspeaking, broadcasting in Albanian". Shooting. There is no more

passers-by on Tirana's streets. BBC's largest audience in theworld is in Tirana.

Even the censorship office in the capital of Albania is alsolistening to BBC. The censorship office has nothing to do. Onlyone newspaper is published in Tirana, "Rilindja Demokratike", the

ruling party's organ. The party that pretends not being in powerany longer. Other newspapers are closed-down. They have refusedto publish anything under censorship, but even if the latter islifted, God knows when will they restart again. The journalistsfeel threatened.

The lack of newspapers has been replaced by gossip or a kind oforal journalism that has more to do with folklore than

journalism. Nothing is true in Tirana and everything is true, atthe same time. Hotel Rogner, that used to serve as a kind of

tribune for journalists who would come to bring or getinformation, was closed down for them since "some unidentifiedpeople" beat the director of the largest daily in Albania. Whena couple of days later, a group of unidentified people threatenedto burn-down Rogner and the American Embassy, no one took thatseriously. But when, what is ironically called "Austrian land",i.e. the Rogner, became actually the ring, the managers opted toclose the doors.

BBC informs that there is another meeting on Albania going on inEurope. "To go or not to go to Albania - this is the question".

The phone rings and my friend ironically comments: "How manyother meetings will be needed to send the soldiers that will

protect the assistance worth 2,3 million ECU?"

"I have the feeling that they have already spent the double onlyin hotel and plane fees", I say to him. He replies: "It's theirmoney. We are to blame ourselves for our fate". Radio Londontalks now about Kosova, meanwhile the shooting in the peripheryof Tirana increases substantially. In fact, it happens everynight. As soon as the curfew starts. Then, it stops.

On the streets, we can all hear the noise of the armored vehiclesand police cars, that try to prove to the citizens that the stateis still functioning, at least in Tirana. People have become usedto this ritual and seem not to be impressed with what is going

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on.

Usually, the armored vehicle is surrounded by police cars. But,last Sunday, the citizens of Tirana witnessed almost an absurd

scene, which is nonetheless hard to forget.

A column of six or seven cars were beeping in the middle ofTirana's main boulevard. All thought that it was an urgent caserushing to the hospital, or a police patrol column. In fact, itwas none of them. It was a wedding. To be more precise, thosewere six Mercedes Benz. The seventh vehicle was a tank that wasdoing its routine patrolling in the middle of the day. "Weddingin Times of Armored Vehicles", Garca Mrquez would say.

No one invites you to dinner in Tirana nowadays and neither can

you invite someone to dinner. Restaurants, cafes, and even hotelsclose down at 7 p.m., even earlier. Discotheques are a luxurythat one can't even think of. It is the time of talks aboutflour, visas to Italy and Greece, the prices of the Kalashnykovand the "Simonova" rifles.

The news on Albanian TV have started. Berisha, exhausted, meetswith Fino on his way back from Rome. Was it Berisha or hisshadow? SHIK's chief, who has so far resigned ten times,according to the gossip, talks about the huge plot against

Albania organized by the foreign intelligence services, which atthe end comes out to be the Greek chauvinist circles. The solemntones of the MPs that actually accuse America as much as theyaccuse Greece, are altered by the voice of one of the MPs thatsays: "...the truth is that the enemy gave us 5 years of time,the enemy even gaves us money for our reforms, army, and secret

police". Another one reminds us of the situations in which Enverused to discover plots of the domestic and external enemies.Anyhow, the evening goes on. If you have a phone at home thenother news can come to you. 18 people were killed in Fier in aclash provoked by a band of criminals. A whole village attacked

a band of criminals that killed the oldest man in town.

From the other side of the Adriatic comes a shocking news: anAlbanian ship, not even good for museums, carrying 100 people,drowned in the Adriatic, following a mistake of an Italian patrol

boat that was forcing it back. The news starts with theinformation on the 36 survivors, not to say that the other 64were killed. It happened exactly as Irene Pivetti, former speakerof the Italian Parliament, wanted it to happen. Maybe as a rewardfor the fact that 50 and more years ago, Albanian peasants,

instead of throwing Mussolini's soldiers to the sea, hosted themin their homes and saved them from the executions by their ex-allies, the Germans. They even saw them off to Italy, with tearsin their eyes.

8/9/2019 Koha Digest 144 (1997)

15/15

15

It is late and now one can try and read something. IsmailKadare's "The Wrong Year", that had never been read as a shockingfuturology, but as a historical and symbolical piece of work, isnow in fashion. Nevertheless, a friend recommends me to read "The

Plague" again. Isn't there something similar between Tirana andOran? They are both closed towns. But, I don't know why I prefer"The Tartars' Desert" by Buzati. I see myself as sergeant Dogo,who just keeps waiting while leaning on his window-frame.