The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 150Front Page: HYDAJET HYSENI: NOT SERIOUS ENOUGH FOR INDEPENDENCEDate: 26 May 1997

EDITORIAL

THE TRIAL: CONFLICT OF CIVILIZATIONS

by VETON SURROI

In 1989, in Gazimestan, the President of Serbia delivered his famous speech in front of thegathered masses, intoxicated by nationalism, to whom he said that Serbia would be facingfuture conflicts, and in which he didn't exclude the chances of an armed conflict. Then, manyof us understood the meaning of his words. Two years later, this became clear to the wholeworld, with the terrifying images of the war in Croatia and Bosnia. The former - and present -criminal code could have served as grounds for indicting the Serbian president for inciting anarmed conflict.

And, despite the fact that I don't wish further good health to the Serbian president (to say theleast), I also wouldn't wish to see him standing trial for the political speech he delivered atGazimestan. If standing trial, why not The Hague and the War Tribunal for Crimes againstHumanity, where his key role for the realization of the Gazimestan speech, should be proven.This is where, more or less, a thick dividing line between the Albanian and Serbian politics isdrawn.

Last week, who knows what time in a row, this division became obvious with the newSerbian trial against 18 Albanians accused of terrorism.

As many things that identify the Serbian regime, even the trial got tragic and comicaldimensions with the insistence of the public prosecutor that the main incriminating proof oftheir terrorist activity was LKÇK's pamphlet "Çlirimi" and its distribution.

The ridiculousness of the accusation on the distribution became obvious with the partialpublication of "Çlirimi" by KOHA Ditore; parts of a publication that came to our editorialboard's offices through the Serbian post-office. There is no need to elaborate on howgrotesque is the accusation that someone is a terrorist if he/she advocates the armed strugglein Kosova.

In fact, no one can explain anything to the actual concept of Serbian politics: there is adividing civilizing wall. To tell it that political debate is not an act of violence is futile,because violence is politics to the Serbian regime. To tell it that the distribution of aphotocopied pamphlet is not an illegal act, is difficult to a regime that can't understand that

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the world has entered the Internet, where there are no more publishers and distributors, wherethere are no more borders between the users of the information.

Moreover, it is a relict of both fascism and communism to insist on the use of violence andphysical torture in order to extract an admission from the accused. It is almost crazy to put ontrial people who admit that they don't recognize the "territorial integrity" of the accusing state.Yes. This is what the majority of the Kosovars said in the 1992 Referendum. Why are 18 ofthem set aside, when another two million think the same? The trial, as a result of a totalitarianbear in hibernation, doesn't recognize these logical categories.

And the Albanians? To them, this is another proof of the regression of the Serbian regime.But, at the same time, it is also one of the most serious warnings to the Albanian politicalleadership so far.

The Albanian society, tolerant, as it has been during this decade full of violence, has enteredthe phase of debate where armed resistance is evermore mentioned. And, although thepossibility to discuss even about such topics shows the strength of a society, this also revealsthe evermore unstable balance that once used to lean exclusively on the side of those thatpromised everything and have not much to show as a success.

INTERVIEW

HYDAJET HYSENI, Vice-Chairman of the LDK

“PRESIDENT RUGOVA WAS WARNED ABOUT THE CONSTITUTIONAL BASIS”

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtinë

KOHA: We have been asking you for an interview since three yearsago. You gave interviews to several other newspapers andmagazines, but this is the first interview you speak to KOHA. Whythese reserves?

HYSENI: You couldn't say that I was not present in pages of yourmagazine. If you insist, I may have had some justified reservestoward the magazine and especially because of some anonymouswritings in which people were offended with or without a reason.But this can’t influence my stand towards the magazine and it’seditorial board.

KOHA: Five days ago, president Rugova prolonged the elections foranother six months. You, as a MP, as vice-chairman of the largestparty, are also responsible for such a decision, taking inconsideration that you are influential within the LDK.

HYSENI: As MP and as vice-chairman of the LDK, as much as itdepended on me, I always worked, even in public, for theconstitution and real functioning of the Kosova Parliament. I was

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also in favor of the organization of new presidential,parliamentarian and local elections, when due and as described inthe Constitution of the Republic of Kosova. The truth is thatthis stand was always dominant among the other members of theParliament and of the LDK Presidency, the Main Board and in themeetings with the representatives of the party branches. In themeantime, some initiatives for the constitution and functioningof the Parliament came. But this was not done. By decision of thePresident of the Republic, the elections were prolonged again,passing by the Parliament, which should have decided about theelections. Let me remind you that the decision made one year agofor the postponement of the elections and for the prolongation ofthe mandate of the MPs, was justifiable and in a way, it wasconditioned by the constitution of the Parliament and it’sfunctioning. I can not understand why was it acted thus in regardto the first Parliament of the Republic of Kosova, with thehighest institution of the new authorities of the independentKosova. Whatever the reason, I can't justify it. I consider thatthis is a big mistake. The responsibility...is implied. We areresponsible not only when we do something that we shouldn't havedone, but also when we don't do something that we should havedone. The Parliament was one of those that should have been done.Even in times of Rankovic, Kosova had its Parliament. Kosovashould have and will have it's Parliament no matter the solutionfor Kosova. The constitution of the parliament was demanded byour people, by MPs, but also by time and by the interest ofKosova. Why not do it then? The action taken is justified by somepressures and suggestions, but, it's forgotten that someinternational support and resolutions in favor of the functioningof the Parliament existed too. Then, it seems, that anotherimportant fact is forgotten: pressures and suggestions are madenot only to delay the elections but also to participate in theSerbian elections and to join the Serbian parliament. No! Withsuch redraws and hesitations in these matters that should not beobject of dispute and discussions, the pressures of Serbia andit's friends and those of our friends, which sometimes can be notso right or can be a result only of impressions that we causewith our postures, will become more unpleasant and moreunaccepted. You know, traffic accidents happen even when the carstops without any need and especially when hesitations exist.

KOHA: Six years have passed since you were elected MP. As a MP,did you accomplish the given pledge, and do you feel anyresponsibility towards the people that voted for you?

HYSENI: I repeat: in the present situation of Kosova theresponsibility is implied and unavoidable. I was convinced thatthe Parliament will function, because Kosova needs it badly inthis situation, and this is why I accepted the candidacy. I wouldhave never participated in elections that served only as an

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electoral game and were organize for some political andpropaganda effect. Others, voters in first place are those whowill judge my stand. I can say that, generally, I haverepresented stands, feelings and opinions of my voters. Idefended their interest and their will, but, I can not besatisfied with what we have accomplished, with it's quality.

KOHA: For the postponement of the elections, you used the Third(constitutional) Amendment. The party whose vice-chairman you aredecided this. Can you tell your voters what was the real reasonfor the postponement of the elections?

HYSENI: As I said before, even before the decision, thePresidency of the LDK had declared itself in favor of theconstitution of the Parliament and then in favor elections in alllevels. These stands were known to the President of the Republic.A warning was made about the constitutional and legal foundationof the decision the President was about to take. But, thePresident of the Republic took it anyway. If this is a rightdecision, like some say, then everybody must know that it's anexclusive merit of the president and of some of his advisers. Irepeat this is not that much a matter of elections as it is amatter of passing by the Parliament and the effects that theposture towards the Parliament has produced so far and stillproduces.

KOHA: In his last press conference President Rugova said that"even the consultations are a consensus". Does this mean that allof you in the LDK, remain silent when the Constitution and it'sprinciples are not respected, and does this mean that you have noinfluence in the decisions taken by President?

HYSENI: We don't remain silent always, but also things we say arenot always taken in consideration. President Rugova made thisdecision as the President of the Republic. Time will tell if thiswas a right decision or not.

KOHA: Two other parties PPK and Luljeta Pula's Social-Democratswere against the decision on the postponement of the elections.Many see your silence as a stand close to Demaçi's option. Whatis your opinion on such pronunciations?

HYSENI: I am not touched by that and in general I do not commentthem. I feel very pleased when I hear that my stands are close orsimilar to those of Demaçi, whom I respect very much, even whenhis stands are different from my viewpoints. As regards theelections and the constituting of the Parliament, you can't saythat I was silent. The stands of MPs and representatives of theKosovar political subjects were close and this could have beenseen also in the round table organized on Albanian TV, just prior

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to the decision of the President of the Republic. Strange! Thereis a certain group of people fearing from ties, from the unity ofour political subjects and influential personalities and whoenjoy the separations and confrontations among them.

KOHA: Those who speak about the relations in the LDK, consideryou as a person who plays a double role in it. They say yourspirit belongs to the PPK, but you are physically member of theLDK. Often your were declared "undesirable" in the party whosevice-chairman you are, do you think you have enough influence inthe LDK, especially when concerning some strange relations insideof it?

HYSENI: Yes, and it's good that people keep writing and talking,because I believe that thus they reveal the source of nastytricks played in the Kosovar political life. I see theParliamentarian Party and other parties as participants of theunited front of efforts for freedom and independence, and not asa rival or enemy of the LDK. If I would belong spiritually to thePPK, I would join it physically too. Who keeps me from goingthere? Before I became engaged in the LDK, I was offered a highpost in the PPK.

I became engaged in the LDK as a simple member of my village’sbranch. Although I am not satisfied with the effect of myengagement as well with the engagement of the LDK itself, I donot feel sorry for being engaged in the LDK. I still believe thatthe LDK is and can become the most serious and most organizedforce of our national and democratic movement. Of course, only ifit changes seriously, if it undergoes reformation anddemocratization of it's leading politics.

I do not exclude that there are people in the LDK who consider me"undesirable", and I feel this and I read this every day in theirpostures, but this can't influence my stand toward the LDK, or mystand toward them. Kosova needs a joint engagement even of thosewho don't love each other much.

I am sorry to say it, but these people are very few in LDK. Inthe LDK Convention and in the Main Board both, I got the biggestnumber of votes.

KOHA: Let's say that there are three groups within the LDK. Thefirst one is led by Fehmi Agani and Edita Tahiri, the second oneby you and the third one by representatives of Bujar Bukoshi.Where does Hyseni find himself in this political chaos?

HYSENI: Let's say that this is the truth, even it is not theexact truth. I always wanted, and many times, even if I washarmed, I made efforts to be a body and not a group in the LDK or

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in our national and democratic movement. A body, a broad body, a well organized and active body. To accomplish this, sometimes youare forced to step over yourself and become a bridge that isstepped by others. This is not easy, and in our conditions it isnot seen well either.

KOHA: Rumors say you have bad relations with the Secretary forForeign Relations, Edita Tahiri. It is because of her continuoustravelling abroad, they say.

HYSENI: No. I don't have bad relations with anybody. It isunderstood that complaints exist and they are justified.Including the travelling, naturally.

KOHA: New York was your first meeting with the Serbs in a roundtable. Before you came back, Kornblum visited Prishtinë. You arefamiliar with statements of the EU and US on Kosova. In everypress conference, President Rugova keeps repeating: "theindependence is supported and sympathies for it grow every day".You were the first to hear directly the American opinion onKosova. Where you informed before about the American stand or didyou constantly believe what President Rugova said on the supportof the independence from international community?

HYSENI: It's certain that direct contacts help you understand thewhole truth. And the truth on the international position ofKosova and it's issue. I do not agree with making the pictureprettier by exaggerating the understanding and the support forthe Kosova question, but I do not agree with the other extremealso. The truth is somewhere in the middle. The stand of the USA,EU and other international factors toward Kosova isn't one and itisn't defined, it's not a static stand. It depends much on whatwe do and what we don't do.

KOHA: We were silent and patient for 16 years of repressionwhereas you sacrificed your life for the Republic and theindependence. However, now you do so little for our freedom(except of press statements). Being aware of the American and theEU stand, can you promise that the present political staff willnot sign the autonomy within Serbia?

HYSENI: I don't believe that in the present Kosovar politics,there is someone that will sign the legitimation of the newoccupation of Kosova. I don’t believe there is anyone who canplay with the will of the people. "Vox populi - suprema lex isto"I would say.

I worked, I work and I will work with all my forces not to allowthis to happen to Kosova. Will this happen or not depends on manyfactors...

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KOHA: Will your resignation be enough, if after pressure thestatus of Kosova in this Yugoslavia is accepted? This, having inmind that you have been carrying on the politics together withRugova and Agani?

HYSENI: I don’t like when issues are personalized. And here, thegeneral issues are getting personalized and the personal issuesare becoming general. It’s not important what will happen withsome person, but what will happen with Kosova, with it’s childrenand their future.

In our conditions resignation is a retreat, and the retreat in away is a surrender, a defect. Why defect, retreat and resign? Whynot consolidate, reform, and democratize our politics. Theretreats get you back and the Kosova issue should be advanced.With or without me, with or without somebody else. This is notimportant. Others decide for this, the elections decide it. Inour politics, as Goethe says, there should be more light, andmore space I would say, more transparency and especially moredemocracy.

KOHA: So far, your party and some other parties accusedcommunists for treason. Can you make a comparison between yourposition and the position of the communists, not of the ideologybut in the political situation that you are in now and of the onethey were in some time ago? What should we say to you if youdon’t achieve the independence of Kosova and you are forced tosign for the status of Kosova within Yugoslavia?

HYSENI: The Albanian communists made many mistakes, and they canand should be criticized for that, but the whole responsibilityfor the reoccupation of Kosova and other Albanian lands afterWorld War II, cannot be blamed on them. It was influenced by manyother internal and external reasons.

The past should be criticized, but keeping in mind thecircumstances and the conditions existing in that time. The bestcriticism of the past is built on the superior alternative, asuperior and more qualitative reality. Anyway the level of theaccomplishment of the goals cannot be a criteria for anevaluation of an political movement. By this absurd logic, allAlbanian rebellions and almost all our national movement would bequestioned, because it has never managed to accomplish it’sprogram. The successes and failures are, of course never totallybig or totally none.

I don’t believe that there can be some parallels or historicalanalogies. We have such a bitter experience and so many failuresthat we can’t afford to repeat mistakes of the past. It would beunforgiven, and I believe something impossible. Ordinary people

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and the youth of Kosova do not allow a new national treason. Itis not 1945 and it can’t ever come back.

KOHA: Sincerely, do you believe that the independence of Kosovacan be won like this? Do you feel that being who you are, sometime ago the symbol of the independence and of the Republic, youhave lost your revolutionary spirit and you have become apolitician with a pragmatic vision who believes that theindependence of Kosova should come later (step-by-step) and youhave become a person who obeys the orders of the party?

HYSENI: No, I don’t believe that with this level of seriousness,of efforts and of organizatio, freedom and independence can bewon. But I believe and I am convinced that our political,national and democratic movement can be much more united, moreorganized, more active and thus more efficient and moreproductive. Having these characteristics, it doesn’t exclude therevolutionarity, in the best meaning of this word, or thepragmatism and realism. On contrary...

In Kosovar circumstances and conditions, the peaceful politics,the politics of liberation and democracy has all necessarypreconditions to prove it’s qualities. But only if the peacefulpolitics and Ghandism is not identified with pacifism or withpacification, passiveness and paralyzation.

The true peaceful politics has nothing in common with cowardness,eternal waiting, or with building up illusions. The true peacefulpolitics does not go together with clans, blockades,exclusiveness or destruction.

Today, Kosova and the Albanian issue need a strong policy ofpeace, a policy that would be a combination of resistance andmovement, of passive and active peaceful politics. They need apolicy that would be in the same time a determined boycott ofeverything imposed by occupation, and firstly a policy ofpeaceful built of new, free and independent reality no matter theprice paid for it. Our politics can be much more organized, muchmore dynamic, much more all including and therefore much moresuccessful. I stand for such a politics and I am convinced thatonly that politics can make Kosova free and independent.

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KOSOVA

GOVERNMENT: “DECENT WITHDRAWAL?”

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtinë

"Kosova’s politics should be put on trial’ - says the lateststatement of Kosova’s Government which was released on theoccasion of the initiation of the trial of 20 Albanian youths,which the Serbian court qualifies as “terrorists”.

“For more than 50 years Kosova has been facing Serbian terrorism,political crime, killings and political trials”, it is said inthe Government’s statement. Further on, it says that `it has beena long time since the Serbian regime, time after time and foralready known aims, frames-up political trials, either forinternal reasons or for international consumption. Belgrade hasalways tried to stigmatize our movement as terrorist movement,says the statement adding that, for this reason, the regime wasobliged to invent enemies in order to punish them.

This is how the Government’s evaluation sounds in regard to thetrial and the circumstances it is taking place in. But, theKosova Government’s statement, motivated by this trial, seems tobe going deeper into the public analysis of this case; but alsoof the political situation in general in Kosova. And, taking thetrial as a starting point, this analysis and the Government’sevaluation, convert into harsh and public criticism, addressed tothe leading structures in Kosova. “We haven’t practically toldSerbia that we don’t accept it's regime. This is usually done byprotests, demonstrations, with the refusal to pay taxes, withresistance”. Such a clear pronunciation of the Government is morethan open and public (self)criticism, which targets directly atthe present political leading course. No matter how much it canbe understood as self-criticism, with its direct and publicapproach, it obliges the political structures in Prishtinë.

That’s why “the Government announces that our mandate hasexpired, and with it, our moral mandate is also ending”.

This criticism looks more like a public announcement, not aimedthat much at reanalysing the actual leading political course, asmuch as at the possibility for the Government in exile’s "decent"withdrawal.

A case like this comes following the criticism that happened notonly in the LDK-Government relations, but also after thecriticism that lately came from UÇK and LKÇK. UÇK with itsconcrete “call” to the Albanian people, asked to stop paying the3 % contribution for the Government. Likewise, LKÇK, in its

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recent bulletin “Çlirimi” (Liberation) dedicated it's maineditorial to the exiled Albanians, asking them “Whose Governmentis this?. The Kosova Government, can’t, but also is not trying toachieve its duties based on it’s competencies”, says LKÇK's“Çlirimi”.

Harsh and public criticism erupting now and directed against theGovernment or the leading political structures in Kosova; theGovernment’s criticism against the actual political course; themutual criticism, seem to start opening a new season of politicalapproach in Kosova and around it. This comes precisely in timeswhen a situation, characterized as stalemate, is actual. And itcomes immediately following the announcement on the postponementof the elections. And no matter whether the elections arepostponed upon the “friendly advise” or upon the “unreadiness forsacrifices”, or upon any other reason, this kind of situationdefinitely has caused a unbalance that opened the door tocriticism, analyses and reevaluations. Here, criticism within theLDK structures should be included too, as was the case with theBBC “duel”, between two of the vice-chairmen of the LDK, HydajetHyseni and Fehmi Agani. In their pronunciations, they declareddiametrically opposite things, so much opposite that the averageKosovars have difficulties to understand whether we are stilltalking of the officials of one same party?

In such a political mess, with much disappointment around,criticism is expressed with no hesitations at all. In thissituation, it seems that the Government is decisive to harshlyattack the leading political course in Kosova, in such a scalethat it leaves one with the dilemma on whether the Government hasdecided to interrupt the existing circle, by conceptuallychanging Kosova’s politics, or, knowing that this might nothappen, it decided to announce it’s withdrawal on time. But, there’s no need to rush. The effect and echo of the laststatement of the Government has to be awaited for...

KOSOVA

WHEN THE BEAT TALKS - PRINCIPLES ARE SILENT

by GJERAQINA TUHINA / Prishtinë

During a short pause, on the first day of the trial against 20Albanians, a defending attorney told us in “confidence”: “We knowthat we can’t do anything, because in fact, all of this has beensettled before. It is known who’s going to be punished - and forhow long he or she is going to be imprisoned”. A few minuteslater, coincidentally, the judge confirmed this during the

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session, when the “arbiter” himself breached the main principleof criminal procedure.

During the questioning of the second accused, Mujë Prokupi, judgeDragoljub Zdravkovic asked him whether he had heard of theguerrilla units, something the accused denied. Later, Zdravkovic,mentioned the names of Agron Rrahmani, Dylber Beka, Liburn Aliu,Nijazi Gashi and Agim Kuleta. And, when Mujë Prokupi, againstated that he didn't know them, Zdravkovic told him: “These aremembers of the guerrilla units”.

As already known, the main principle in justice is: “Every man isinnocent, until proven guilty”. Here, this principle is far frombeing respected, even superficially. Before the other trialagainst “Albanian terrorists” even starts, it looks like thejudge (because he knows of the existence of guerrilla units, andit’s members) has long before taken the decision, so the newsession, looked from this point of view, is unnecessary. Again,on the third day of the trial, as the first accused, AvniKlinaku, insisted on saying that “their organization is notterrorist”, Zdravkovic reacted with frustration, and said: “Howabout the killing of two policemen? Isn’t this terrorism?!”. Onceagain, an anticipated, invented and framed conclusion. Onceagain, a flagrant breach of the main principle by “arbiter”.But, the truth is even sadder: justice principles in this trial -like in so many others - have been breached from the beginning.The preparations for this trial started with the campaign ofarrests of Albanian civilians at the beginning of this year, whenwithout a shred of evidence, they where qualified as“terrorists”.

Immediately following the arrests, the Serbian regime chief,Slobodan Milosevic, met with the representatives of the SerbianInterior Ministry, in which he didn’t hesitate to evaluate thepolice operation as “a successful action against terrorism”. Onthe other side, the Serbian state-run media covered this campaignwith images from archives, where the weapons, ammunition, booksand other brochures could be seen, a part of which, honestly, canbe bought in any book store.

The killing of three Albanians was justified as the result of thestruggle against terrorism. On the other side, Albanian politicalsubjects state that this is another “political construction” inorder to incriminate the freedom of speech.

During the time when (formally) the verbal delict doesn't existand when the public word is defined as free, 20 Albanians areaccused (their chances to be released are small) of a crime basedon proofs that don’t offer any revealing elements. EvenZdravkovic considered the proofs as "little to go on with".

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According to such a logic, say observers, all independentjournalists who express their opinion freely should be arrested.So, “rubber batons and electric sticks” remain the main “aces” ofthe public prosecutor.

The statements that the accused gave to the investigation judge(mainly during the night), were not excluded from the case,although the Law on Criminal Procedure foresees that onlystatements given in the public session should be taken intoaccount. Nevertheless, these still remain as the main grounds fortheir punishment.

Ivanka Kostic, from the Humanitarian Law Center, an observer ofthe trial, expressed her frustrations with the case and stated“her concerns because of the inclusion of the statements given toinvestigators - which will be taken as definitive for theverdict”.

What else can be added? All these transparent combinations ofpseudo-trials described here are not new. On the contrary, itseems that since long ago these have been transformed into arefined practice of legal repression. The same routine was usedin the trial against 72 former Albanian policemen: then, theprosecution didn’t admit that the accused where questioned duringthe night. One of the defending attorneys had even suggested thatevidence from prison be taken, because it clearly indicated theexact time of interrogations and the time when they returned totheir cells. Of course, this suggestion was never taken intoconsideration.

On the other hand, no one really knows what kind of otherevidence on the accused could the Regional Prison hold...

KOSOVA

DESPERATE FOR COOPERATION

by ARBANA ISLAMI / Prishtinë

Following the accusations made by the director of the Text-BookPublishing Institute, Abdullah Vokrri, on the "abuse of financialfunds by Osmani", on 22 May, the chairman of the Teachers'Association of Kosova (LASH "Naim Frashëri"), Rexhep Osmani, sawhimself forced to call a "justification meting". As he said, `hefelt a moral obligation to present a short information about theactivities of the association he chaired'.

A number of documents that contained data about the money paid to

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this institution were presented in this meeting, attended by allchairmen of the municipal Educational Councils and theEducational Adviser to president Rugova, Zejnullah Rrahmani.Osmani, who has been very much present in the pages of ournewspapers in the past days, stated that "the documentation onthe income and expenses of LASH can be presented for control onlyto the competent organ, in this case, the State ControlCommission. "The revision of these documents cannot be done byindividuals or different clans", he said. It took almost an hourto present the data. In the first year the Albanian educationstarted working in 1992/93, Osmani said that "the gross incomewas 77.318 DEM and 2.220 CHF, and the expenses, according to hisdocuments, were 73.700 DEM and 2.200 CHF". LASH's chairman,Rexhep Osmani, continued reporting about 1994, noting that "thegross income for this year was 82.770 DEM and 32.020 CHF, andthat 81.251 DEM and 32.020 CHF were spent. In 1995, the incomewas 100.525 DEM and the expenses 98.437 DEM".

Denying the accusations made by Abdullah Vokrri, he alsopresented a report on the expenses related to pedagogicaldocumentation, certificates, grade-books, etc.. As it regards thecontract for the printing of books signed with a printer inPreshevë, Osmani stated that: "according to their offer, we wereto pay 407.988 DEM. Instead we paid 355.500 DEM, because Imanaged to megotiate the reduction of the price."

In order to deny any allegations on fraud, Osmani presented areport on the income and the expenses of LASH for the years 1990- 96. He said that "the total of income was 388.097 DEM and176.600 CHF, or, if we calculate only in DEM, this makes a totalof 596.485 DEM. And, the expenses of this association duringthese years were 596.391 DEM."

After presenting the documents that Osmani used to, in way, denyVokrri's accusations, the meeting continued. The chairmen of themunicipal Educational Councils discussed the situation ofeducation in Kosova. The most worrying for them, was the lack ofthese kind of meetings in the past. According to them, "it isvery hard to ask the people to pay their contributions, now whena man like Abdullah Vokrri comes in public with a accusation ofabuse of the funds". Some of the participants even criticized thenewspapers for publishing these accusations.

Since it became very clear that discussions about the educationalmatters were needed desperately, Osmani, called a new meeting ofthe chairmen the Municipal Councils on 28 May.

A number of the participants demanded a meeting which would beattended also by Vokrri. We talked on the phone with Vokrri andasked him for a statement about this meeting. "I will send an

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answer to all media. I'm already working on it" said Vokrri.Otherwise, during the meeting, journalists were not allowed toask any questions. However, Osmani announced that he will hold apress-conference in which they could "ask questions as manyquestions as they want".

INTERVIEW

PASKAL MILO, Chairman of the Social-Democratic Party of Albania

"BERISHA SPLIT THE POLITICAL CLASS OF KOSOVA"

Interviewed by ARTAN PUTO /Tirana

KOHA: What is your evaluation of the 9 March and 9 Mayagreements, in times when the media accuses the opposition ofbeing "mild" to Berisha?

MILO: I was an actor on both occasions, when the oppositionreached an agreement with Berisha and the Democratic Party. Inorder to make an exact evaluation of these two events and thencompare them is hard, for each one belongs to its time.

Otherwise, one can be subjective. In a way, I agree with thecriticizers of the opposition that claim that on 9 March we madeBerisha some concessions, and allowed him to keep on holding thepower, regardless of the fact that there were no legitimategrounds nor practical possibilities at that time. I wish tostress that on 9 March, the agreement was reached about two mainissues. The people on the street had spent two months in thestreets asking for a technical government and anticipatedelections. The Agreement reached a solution for both. Thus, theAlbanian opposition legitimated the people's requests. Thequestion asked is "why Berisha didn't step down, or why didn'tyou insist on his resignation?" First of all, we thought that theprocess for his dictatorship's dismount from power would begradual and democratic. I.e., we wouldn't have a putsch, norwould we use the force, but by using the democratic right to makepolitical changes. The 9 March agreement allowed, if correctlyapplied, such a possibility. But Berisha, as usual, manifestedhis most negative characteristics: distrust and hypocrisy. Thevery next day he violated this political agreement and startedmanipulating and preparing his political revenge. In this plane,the opposition proved itself to be naive and "honest", in thenegative sense of the word, i.e., it trusted Berisha more than itshould. So the things went on till 9 May when Vranitzky had tocome back and intervene so what was called the political contractwith the parties would be signed. Although this was an agreement

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that would lead the country to the new elections, it was again afluid agreement, a compromise agreement which, despite theintervention of the mediators, didn't manage to clarify itssecond point - the future electoral system. And again, Berishaand his party started interpreting this political contact andits second point as it pleased them, and in a very deceptiveway, in Fino's absence, they didn't present his draft electorallaw to the Parliament. Rather, they presented a draft elaboratedby Arbnori and Spahia which would later be adopted by theDemocratic Party MPs. We have a Parliament used to bemanipulated, an assembly full of unconscious people and are beingused by Berisha as puppets.

The two agreements fulfil each-other, regardless of their faults.Anyhow, they represent a step forward in the reconstructionprocess of the Albanian democratic society, of the brokenpolitical faith among the Albanian parties, and we will rememberthem tomorrow, when the history of these tragic days will bewritten, as an event that meant a change in the Albaniandemocracy.

KOHA: Which are the main problems of the Electoral Law?

MILO: The two main things that we dispute in regard to this lawgo in two directions. The first one regards the electoral systemand the second one has to do with the administration of theelectoral process.

As regards the first one, we have expressed ourselves in favor ofa pure proportional system, but with the wish to compromise, weaccepted the mixed system, similar to that of 1992, which gavethe Democratic Party 63% of the votes. On the other hand, theDemocratic Party was in favor of the majority system, aiming atpreserving the situation created in 1996, which allows it tomanipulate. The second dispute regarded the electoral commissionsat all levels. Seemingly, Berisha has agreed that the members ofthe commission would be appointed by the Government, as it usedto be before. Thirdly, a very important issue is the voting term.The Law foresees that the polling stations close at 9 p.m., wedemand they are closed at 6 p.m.. In Albanian conditions, thisthree-hours difference is very important, because we should notforget that the night is not to trust.

We have a bitter experience from the past elections, when thesquadrons of the Democratic Party have acted in the night, inorder to steal the votes.

Fourthly, we dispute the TV propaganda, which is very important,without its status. We demand that it is controlled by allpolitical forces during the campaign. Fifthly, we demand full

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international guarantees, first of all the OSCE, that shouldprepare the electoral infrastructure, starting from the votingboxes, minutes, the electoral lists and polling stations.

Finally, the electoral division is another problem. In 1996,according to a defined electoral geography, the DP supported itsown manipulations. Now it has no interest in bringing back the1992 scheme, because it would ruin its present scheme. Here weare determined, not only because it is against internationalnorms that more or less ask for an equal number of voters in eachzone, but because we must think of tomorrow. It would be hard foran MP to work in a electoral zone composed of two or threedistricts. We have a correct administrative division in thecountry, and if the zones would be the same as the regions, as itwas in 1992, everything would be fine. Berisha has made a mess,because aided by some foreign elements he studied the field, andcreated homogenous zones where his party would win withoutproblems.

KOHA: If Berisha would reject your suggestions, which would bethe posture of the opposition towards the elections?

MILO: The opposition is asking for a free and fair electoralprocess. Berisha is, in fact, only one and he is followed by aclan, the largest part of it being incriminated that wish to stayin power. We can compromise, and not touch the essence of thedemocratic process in the elections. We will insist on correctingit, with all possible means, but also with the help of theinternational community. We wish to go, but wish not to deceivethe people once again, because in that case, our responsibilityis double.

KOHA: How do you perceive Europe's posture towards the events inAlbania?

MILO: We believe that Europe finally thought it deeply, and foundout finally who Berisha and his clan are, always having in mindits posture before the 26 May elections last year. Even the mostloyal people to Berisha in Europe, finally gave up on him andunderstood that he was a pseudo-democrat who discredited them to.If they didn't agree to oust him, they remained silent. Somecircles still support him, and here I would mention someambassadors of the EU in Tirana. I believe that these are hislast attempt.

KOHA: What will the electoral allies of the SDP be?

MILO: If the corrections of the Electoral Law take place, we willparticipate alone, but this decision has not been taken yet. Ifalliances are necessary, then we will jointly participate with

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parties that belong to our spectre.

KOHA: What would be the best government for Albania?

MILO: Albania, not only now, but in the future too needs to begoverned by a broad political basis. Albania is missing politicaland democratic culture. Albanians and the majority of thepolitical class have no idea on how to respect the legitimatewinner. They don't know what is loyal and democratic opposition.Albanians, historically, are used to think about the politicalopponent was an enemy and not an opponent. Taking this asstarting point, I believe that the next government must be acoalition made up of at least three to four parties. No singlepolitical force could hold the power for a long time, for thiswould be an experiment that would again lead us to anticipatedelections.

KOHA: Have the events in Albania influenced on Kosova?

MILO: Unfortunately, in the past years and at the beginning ofthe Albanian crisis, Berisha and his party tried to politicizethe Kosova issue as much as possible. He wished to use thismatter for his internal needs in Albania, but fortunately, hefailed. I believe that the majority of the political circles inKosova, made up of people with political sense, and that have apolitical culture of a higher level, managed to discoverBerisha's intentions. At one stage, with the propaganda, hemanaged to present himself as the man that would help solve theKosova problem. But, time proved that he seriously affected anddamaged the national question, first of all that in Kosova,because he played with it in the most banal way possible.Finally, when the Kosova question needed to be fully observed,Berisha sought to break into pieces and by splitting thepolitical class in Kosova, he was about the undermine thenational question in general. He failed, thanks to the politicalclass and intellectuals of Kosova, that realized that he is aproblem.

I would suggest my friends and brothers not to rush in makingregional alliances after the elections in Albania. The questionof Kosova is a matter concerning all Albanians, from North to theSouth. This must be born in mind and thus avoiding to inherit oldmentalities, which have done us so much harm. If we keep oncarrying them on our back, we will continue suffering theconsequences for long.

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MACEDONIA

UNITED AROUND THE FLAG

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

The mayor of Gostivar, Rufi Osmani, evaluated that the decisionof the Constitutional Court of Macedonia (on the ban to fly theAlbanian and Turkish flags besides the Macedonian in the buildingof the prefecture), is a hasty and mistaken one. "It is a mistakethat will have negative consequences for the relations betweenAlbanians and Macedonians, not only in the region, but in thewhole Republic of Macedonia. Probably the citizens will reactaccordingly," notices Osmani, adding that the Municipal Assemblywill remain faithful to the decision on the use of the flags, andhe himself "will continue to push for this decision no matter thejuridical consequences against".

However, some time ago, the Minister of Justice Vlado Popovski(one of the authors of the Constitution), who actually is notholding the post, when speaking of the function of the localself-administration units, said that there are cases ofconfrontation of the competencies between them (localadministration) and the state, and in this case, theconstitutional court regulates the disputes. As for the use ofthe flags of the nationalities (the Albanian flag - to be morespecific) in some municipalities of Western Macedonia, he saidthat the nationalities have the right to use their nationalsymbols (regardless of all juridical vacuum), whereas thesanctions based on the '73 law, are applied only if "the symbolsare not used parallel to the flag of the country, or if they areof different sizes - one is bigger and the other is smaller". Popovski stated that the new law foresees that the nationalsymbols can't be identic to that of another sovereign state. In connection to this, the chairman of the PPD, AbdurrahmanAliti, says that the representatives of this party in the cabinetof Prime Minister Branko Crvenkovski, rejected the first versionof the elaborate on how will the flag of Albanians in Macedonialook. "We won't let the profanation of our sacred symbol. TheMacedonian establishment must have it clear that there will be nobargaining about the Albanian flag and language. Because weconsider that the disrespect of the specifics of one-another, inthis case by the Macedonians, could come back as a boomerang. Apolicy that denies everything that is Albanian is harmful forthose who prefer it. In issues like this, Albanians are united,despite their differences in political opinions."

A general impression is that the problems of inter-ethnic naturein Macedonia, are slowly being put in the function of theelectoral campaign...