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The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar jou rnalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Ko hasoon becam e a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be pub lished daily under thename of Ko ha Ditor. With the kind perm ission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 153Front Page: EUROPEAN ARROWS FOR KOSOVA'S AUTONOMYDate: 18 June 1997

EDITORIAL

ONE EUROPEAN STROLL THROUGH KOSOVA

by VETON SURROI

Prepared since long ago, the visit of the Dutch ambassador to Belgrade, representative of thepresiding of the EU, finally took place. In it, he communicated to the Kosovar public opinionand politicians what does the EU foresee on the solution of Kosova's question.

The time chosen for that was directly linked to the previous visit by John Kornblum, a highUS State Department official, who also had come to express the American posture towardsKosova, although occasionally committing a "lapsus linguae" or two. The European reasoningwas: since the Americans opened the door of the direct communication with Albanians, nowour message can pass through.

Following these steps, the European Union, in fact admits it's stagnation in handling the crisiswhich appeared after the disintegration of Yugoslavia proving itself to be the follower of the

politics announced by the US diplomacy. And, however understandable this stagnation is (we

bear in mind that the EU is the compilation of 15 foreign politics of 15 foreign ministries ofthe member states), the EU proves a lack of invention even in the content of the messageconveyed to the people.

Perhaps, this is also understandable, since the EU made a mistake last year when itrecognized the FRY ( as post-Dayton reward), although this unfinished state emerged withoutdomestic legality and legitimacy. Within this frame, the EU is now trying to solve the Kosovaquestion. And this is where the huge conceptual mistake appears.

In the attempt to reach an improvement of the situation of Kosova through the Serb/Yugoslavconstitutional improvement, the EU is in fact inclining towards Milosevic's concept in dealing

with the "domestic enemy": so, "things have to be solved within the institutions of thesystem". And, this is all but helping the solution of Kosova's problem, because the presentSerb/Yugoslav forcible institutionalization has been, is and will be the key obstacle to theinstallation of peace in the Balkans. With it's last message, which needs to be analyzed morethoroughly than this space allows us to, the EU has in a way showed how far away is it fromthe Kosova question, and not how much it is interested in it.

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KOSOVA

WILL ALBANIANS SUBMIT TO STATEMENTS FOR AUTONOMY?

by ARBR VLLAHIU / Prishtin

According to Jan Sizzo, the new EU formula for the peacefulsolution of Kosovas problem based on Helsinki Charter's

principles, apparently is one of EUs efforts to see Kosovawithin the Yugoslav state. The message of this Europeanorganization, said in tremors by the Dutch ambassador, JanSizzo, looks like a lately defined statement by the EU offices,

but that doesnt surpass the frame of the latest determinationsof the big boss - USA.

Sizzo, also, made no big differences between the two politics,the American and European, in Kosovas case, when he said: Whenyou mention Kosovas autonomy within the FRY, the possibility ofthis to be done within Serbia's borders is not excluded. Willthe Albanians be the ones to submit to such statements, or maybeSerbs will be pushed to think again for another life togetherwith, as they say, the nation, that within 50 years will beequal in numbers with them, is left to be seen.

Even though the formula for solving the Kosova issue has not yet

been defined in the decision making centers' offices,calculations have begun. Such opening, no matter how surprisingfor Albanians, will help at least to understand that the carrotis not that sweet. While the Serb side will try to see Kosovas

problem only as a part of its problems, the Albanians in Kosovawill seriously try to prove that the field of human rights is anecessary segment in a society, however Kosovas problem,according to them, is not seen only in this aspect.

Careful observers, who anticipated the opening of Kosovapackage, evaluated that the agreement on Albanian education

offers a certain chance in the political field. Based on this,the actual growth of political rating, with the agreement onAlbanian education in Kosova, of the two heads, who are willing- as humanists to sit down and try to solve politically thisissue, remains only as a new bankonote in political marketing.Following some successes in the diplomatic field, and thecreation of a new political peace-making image, Milosevic willset a timing to the realization of this agreement, right intime when the international pressure will roll over to theother side. In fact, the talks with the Serbian side that started

in New York, without the presence of ruling party in Serbia, willput down the volume for one octave, where the Albanian sidewill be notified that world diplomacy is supporting only thereality created in one area. And, this reality, hidden with a

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thin ambiguous curtain since the start, will be another, amongthe many mistakes, as Rugovas opponents would say, in readingthe messages of foreign diplomacies. The ambiguous card, stressforeign diplomats, was the only one played by the Albanian

leadership, thats why the international communitys stands werealways unclear to Albanians. Definitely, since the times whenGerd Arens visited Kosova, the Albanian side was told that theinternational community will be ready to accept the solution ofKosovas problem, the way they want it, only if they are readyto force that solution. Even the new electoral problem inKosova, after Kornblums political lesson and the softened

pressure by Perina, are observed by the US diplomacy, as statedby Richard Miles, as the Albanian communitys matters, eventhough USA, he says, would not accept parallel elections. The

pressure on Albanians, which began as spring started, even before

the opening of Kosovas problem, happened in the most difficultperiod for the political subjects in Kosova, for it was facingthe biggest shocks within and in times when Kosovas positionseemed weak. Thats why, Rugovas decision for postponing theelections in Kosova, right now, means only another concession anda compromise by the Albanian side in the (non)creation ofKosovas independence.

Despite all the justifications of the Dutch ambassador, whobrought with him a diplomatic note for Dr. Rugova, stating

that commercial preferences towards what remains of ex-Yugoslavia, are some sort of a pressure on official Belgrade",the feeling remains that the political pressure is heavy on theAlbanian political subject.

Even, in a digression, Jan Sizzo expressed his admiration for Dr.Rugovas peaceful politics, even though diplomatically, he lethim know that the decision for the postponement of the electionsin Kosova will be succeeded by another one on a more delicateissue. Based on speculations, the next decision could be onlythe non-celebration of the elections in Kosova and accepting the

growing international pressure against it.

Even though the initiative presented by the EU in Prishtina,Kosovas autonomy within Yugoslavia, represents a new phase inthe developments regarding the solution of Kosovas problem, saysDr. Fehmi Agani, no rushing should be expected. According to him,the proposal will initially be refused by both sides: Serbiawill hope that the international community will get tired andwill give up on Kosova by accepting it as Serbias internalissue, and so for a certain time, it will not accept the proposed

autonomy. Whereas, in the meantime, the Albanians, for principledreasons, cant accept this EUs proposal because this solutionisnt a solution for Kosova, he says.

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First of all, Albanians will look at this European proposition,that hasnt changed much during these years, as a Serbgovernments effort to play with the nerves of, not only of theinternational factor, but also the Albanians. A good opportunity

for Serbia, to maneuver with the human rights level, will giveno space to the Albanian side for anything else, but facing thissituation and thus intensify the creation of independentinstitutions, that would be achieved with next elections, saidDr. Agani.

The new Kosova autonomy, within the new federal state, asanalysts say, is a consequence of insufficient politicalengagement of our subjects. Jonuz Salihaj, from the PPK,considers that the reason for this new pressure towards Albaniansis the fact that the elections were postponed because, according

to him, the international community knew that we arent ready totake steps forward in teh realization of the peoples will.But, the new European demand for Kosovas autonomy, according tosome political circles, could only radicalize the situation inKosova, and in this way to bring Albanian resistance to a hotlevel. Radical forces, that the Albanian political subjectrecognize only verbally, will never accept a solution proclaimedas a solution of subjugation, and they will even try to showthat todays leadership is very incapable of doing something inthe realization of its own goals.

Consequent or not in his stands, in his last press conference,Rugova said: Autonomy? Please dont even mention the word tome, adding that relations with the European countries have to

be kept, in the name of building Kosovas independence.

Careful observers say, however, that the Albanian political scenelacks the basic political principles.

On one hand, the American and European diplomacies' earlystatements, have made the new idea on the political parties

moratorium emerge precisely in times when a strengthening ofa new political force in Kosova is developing.

Nevertheless, it is up to Albanians to define themselves in favorof the pragmatic politics or something else. The least theyhave to do till the end of the year is think how to realize theirelections in front of big challenges set by the internationalcommunity. Kosovas autonomy, as analysts would say, preferred

by the EU, would have to be realized now with the person thatactually had suppressed it in 1989. Will this happen? That

depends on future Albanian political behavior and their steps inpolitics. Dr. Agani considers that now is the time when thelong and difficult journey towards independence starts with verylittle support from the international community. Or, as one of

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UNIKOMB's leaders, Tefik Geci, would say: we have determinedourselves only in favor of independence and nationalunification.

Anyhow, the Euro-American autonomy, will be a new challenge forAlbanians, maybe it will awaken them and incite a new demand fora stronger political movement here. Albrights wish to meet Dr.Rugova in Washington, is hoped to be a something else and nota new pressure on Albanians to accept an incomplete solution forKosova.

...Although, reality can many times be painful.

INTERVIEW

JAN SIZZO, Dutch Ambassador to Belgrade

KOSOVA A THIRD REPUBLIC IN YUGOSLAVIA, THEORETICALLY YES

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU & ARDIAN ARIFAJ / Prishtin

KOHA: You were in a very difficult position today - you had toexplain to Rugova how does the European Union see the future of

Kosova. Was it very difficult to talk with Rugova about what youtold us in the press conference?

SIZZO: Indeed, this was a very difficult message for Rugova. Andhe did understand that this is EU's philosophy, which he cannotchange. We ended as friends, and although we differ in opinionson the possible solutions for Kosova, we can still talk. Thestand that I presented to him, was taken by him as the stand ofthe European Union.

KOHA: Do you think that this ultimatum came in a wrong time, now

when the position of Rugova is weaker than ever, and now whensome radical fractions are appearing in the political scene ofKosova Albanians?

SIZZO: If we didnt explain clearly our stands, as I did today,I dont know how would develop the spiral of radicalization andterrorism. I dont think that it is late to prevent this and Ithink that with its declaration, EU is not stimulating extremeelements. The effect would be that people here would understandthat there is no international support for the independence of

Kosova.

KOHA: You met only with Rugova. But, today authority of Rugovais weaker than it used to be. Wouldnt it be better that you

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spoke also with other political figures of Kosova Albanians?

SIZZO: We deeply thought about this, but it was difficult todecide with whom else to talk. We think that Rugova is the

elected president of the Albanians of Kosova. If we met withother political leaders, then this would even more weaken hisposition. This way we showed that we consider him to be alegitimate president of the Albanians of Kosova.

KOHA: We would like to go back to the letter that you gave toRugova today. Do you think that Serbia, or better to sayMilosevic is ready to give this kind of autonomy, an extensiveone, to Kosova?

SIZZO: I think that if there is not going to be an international

pressure on Milosevic, he will not accept this. But, if wecontinue with the pressure, he will be forced to do it. But, itis very obvious that now, before elections in Serbia, he willhave no interest to start the dialogue on Kosova.

KOHA: The letter says that Albanians and Serbs should decide whatshould the future status of Kosova be. If EU thinks thatAlbanians and Serbs alone would do this, we think that they woulddecide about by war. Is there any kind of help that EU couldoffer, in order to prevent the violent solution of this problem?

SIZZO: If we start from the point that Belgrade is alsointerested to start the dialogue with Albanians of Kosova, Idont see any reason why they shouldnt do this, and if the EU,is asked to assist in this dialogue, we are ready to do so. But,of course, we can not impose the solution. But, I think that inthis moment the authorities in Belgrade are not willing to acceptour assistance, in the possible talks for the solution of theKosova problem. They want to talk only with the people here.

KOHA: We have been asking for a dialogue for eight years now, but

Belgrade did not show the slightest will for this. Serbianpolitics wishes to solve the problem of Kosova within the framesof its 1989 constitution. There are no signs of readiness forcompromise. How do you think that the dialogue can start with nowillingness for compromise?

SIZZO: In the present situation, the stands are very extreme, andvery far from one other. This could be noticed in the round tableheld in New York, some time ago. But that doesnt mean that this

positions cannot get closer. If you think that this is

impossible, then there is no other alternative but to fight. But,if war is something that you dont prefer, then you must startto talk. I think that also Belgrade knows this very clear. Whenyou sit once around the same table, then you will eventually find

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a solution.

KOHA: The international community had a similar attitude in thecase of Bosnia. Europeans and Americans said that it is the

people of Bosnia those who should find a solution but warstarted there. According to you, Albanians and Serbs alone shouldfind a solution. If we could do this, we would do it until now.But, the problem is so complex, that we cannot solve it alone.Therefore we need help. And not just to tell us that we shoulddo this alone.

SIZZO: Yes, but this is all that we can do at the moment. And wecan only keep our positions.

KOHA: But your positions are very abstract. You talk about an

extensive autonomy, but this can be interpreted in many ways, byboth Serbs and Albanians. Can you tell us what would thisautonomy look like?

SIZZO: This question I cannot answer! I came here as therepresentative of the EU, and EU hasnt got a posture about whatkind of autonomy would this be. And, my personal opinion is notimportant here.

KOHA: The letter that you gave to Rugova today does not mention

the repression of the Serbian police in Kosova.

SIZZO: As you know, EU thinks that the problem of Kosova must besolved in the scope of the respect of the human rights.

KOHA: Why did the EU decide to present clearly its stands aboutKosova in this particular moment, considering the situation thatwe have in Albania and Macedonia. Are they related in any way?

SIZZO: I would say that this step was taken rather because of thefear that the situation in Kosova is getting out of control. If

you think that we are using the current situation in Albania andits weak role in the international political scene, then you arewrong. There is no logical connection between our move here andthe situation in Albania.

KOHA: Do you think that a war can erupt in Kosova?

SIZZO: Perhaps not a war, but I am afraid that there can be someunrest. Both sides can start using more violence.

KOHA: How do you think that you will convince Albanians of Kosovato put a moratorium in their quest for independence and Serbs toput a moratorium on repression. Both sides refuse to give up ontheir positions.

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SIZZO: This is not our duty. Political forces here should do this- convince the people, and especially the extreme forces. Theinternational factor cannot do this.

KOHA: Do you think that the letter that you brought here today,will help solving the problem of Kosova. And do you think thatthis can be done this year?

SIZZO: I think that this will contribute in the stabilization ofthe situation. People here will realize that there is nointernational support for the independence of Kosova, and thiswill help in preventing the use of violence.

KOHA: Do you think that the solution for Kosova will be foundwithin the borders of Yugoslavia?

SIZZO: Yes, I think that this can be done.

KOHA: Do you think that Kosova can be the third republic ofYugoslavia?

SIZZO: Theoretically, yes. In practice - I dont know...

ALBANIA

"THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY HAS ALREADY DECIDED WHO IS GOINGTO WIN THE ELECTIONS"

by ARTAN PUTO / Tirana

Everybody knows that the main cause of the crisis in Albania wasthe bankruptcy of the pyramidal schemes, which have impoverishedthe Albanians for more than one billion dollars. Since that time,many suggestions were made on how to overcome this crisis, which

will be an enormous burden to all other Albanian governments fora long time. One should admit that the mentioning of this problemduring the electoral campaign has a characteristic meaning. Ifone tries to solve this problem, which would give hope andenthusiasm to the masses, it would mean a big responsibility atthe same time. And if one fails to keep the promise, thiswouldn't mean only disappointment, but we should fear thesituation where people wouldn't trust any other future governmentnor president.

That would mean that the people would be deceived for the thirdor fourth time in just a few years.

A statement made just recently by Fatos Nano, during the

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electoral rally in the southern city of Vlor, has renewed somediscussions.

In the middle of the Flag Square, and in front of the crowd which

counted more than ten thousand people, Nano said that his partywould be able to give the citizens back the money lost in thepyramidal schemes. This promise has immediately caused harshcriticism of the rightist newspapers. They started to accuse thesocialist leader, calling him an ordinary deceiver. Thecomparison to the campaign slogan launched by Gramoz Pashko, theleader of the Democratic Party in 1991, "the white cheque",

became actual again. But, one thing was different. The AlbanianLabor Party led by Ramiz Alia as the one accusing the democratsfor playing games with people, and now, it is the democrats thatare using this argument to strike their political opponents.

Anyhow, it looks like Nano was moved by the enthusiasm reachedduring the rally, and maybe he wasn't so conscious when heexpressed the "golden words". One day later, following thereactions to his statement, he was forced to explain the wholecase. "I didn't say textually that I will return hundred percentof the money, but I said that we are going to make a totallytransparent check-up on the pyramidal firms and we will give themaximum of the money found in them ", said Nano. So, in otherwords, this meant one step back. Anastas Angjeli, expert of theeconomic section within the Socialist Party, gives maybe the best

explanation what can an eventual socialist government in thefuture do regarding the pyramidal schemes. "This is going to bea long road, but with reliable results to be achieved". First,Angjeli says, the completion of a juridical team must take place,which would clarify the status of not only to the existing firms,

but to the ones that went bankrupt, as well. Second, it issuspected that the collapsed firms have transferred aconsiderable amount of their money to accounts outside thecountry. Rumors are that some 130 million dollars from Vlor have"escaped" by sea. The Austrian press writes about bank accountsin the Austrian bank, by one pyramidal firm from Albania. In this

way, thinks Angjeli, a new government elected on June 29, usingall the national and international juridical means, making useof all the rights, will verify those accounts. And, in the casethey find something, they will do all within the legal frame totransfer that money back to Albania.

Thirdly is the verification of the property of these firms. Afterthis, based on the present law and any legal act to be adoptedin the future, their property is going to be returned partiallyor fully. So, the Socialists think that if these firms have their

own property, a way to sell it will be found. Otherwise, thecreditors should accept to be co-owners and to take one part ofthe property in money.

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But, the news from outside Albania are more likely to add petrolto the fire. In a statement of the Italian deputy minister ofDefence, Massimo Brutti, it is said that the governments of theWestern countries, in case the elections come out to be regular

and fair, would help find the ways of returning part of the moneyto the Albanians.

So, will they get the money or not? This is most often askedquestion among Albanians these days.

But, there is another fact. A couple of days ago, the head ofODIHR in Tirana, Brian Prydam, resigned because of "personalreasons", as stated officially. But other circles say that heleft the country, because he didn't like the way how theelections were being prepared. He said, "...there have been no

proper conditions for the elections to be held". But several dayslater, one daily in Albanian quoted him saying that "theinternational community has already decided who is going to winin the Albanian elections".

If things are like this, then the Albanian electorate will, invane, go to the polling centers. The last favor that Prydam coulddo to the Albanians, would be telling them who is going to win,so they could simply vote for him and thus get their money back.

ALBANIA

BLACK DAYS FOR THE ALBANIAN LEK

by ARJANA LEKA / Tirana

There is panic in the Albanian currency market. Now the AlbanianLek, that once used to be unbreakable, the "SuperLek", isdropping not only by the day, but by the hour. One dollar could

be exchanged this week for 190 lek, that in fact is 20% less thanlast week, or 90% less when compared with the golden days beforeJanuary 1997. The American Dollar, along with Greek Drahma,Italian Lira and German Marks, the most useful currencies inAlbania, have been unmerciful towards the unprotected Lek.The political crisis is now connected to a devastating financialcrisis. After losing their savings in the pyramidal savingschemes, Albanians are threatened with with the depreciation oftheir wages because the value of their money is declining. Thedestitute life that Albanians seemed to be on the way to escape,

is coming back at a very fast pace. Reports from the towns ofthis country are indicating even some cases of starvation.

In the meantime, there are 6000 soldiers of the Alba operation

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that are waiting to accompany the humanitarian aids that weresupposed to arrive in Albania about 6 weeks ago, and that didn'tarrive or that are insufficient. Economists keep askingthemselves what caused the depreciation of the Albanian Lek. On

the other hand, citizens keep asking themselves: how long willthis last? The reason for this phenomenon is, without doubt, thedeep political crisis that had the widespread destructiveeconomical and financial outcome throughout the country drownedin chaos. Economists explain that large parts of the country'swealth and businesses are paralyzed, a large part of the tradeis also paralyzed, and that the inflation and huge budget deficitare the reasons for the circulation of large sums of money.One of the most well known Albanian economic analysts, AndreaStefani, wrote that "the Albanian monetary system seems to betempted into falling and losing all of it's value". Stefani adds

that "it seems that the arsenals for shielding the Lek are notonly seldom, but are also losing their effect". Last week, TheAlbanian National Bank, tried to save the Lek by raising an anti-inflation "wall". The bank interest rates rose from 30 to 34 percent. That was a move that was supposed to diminish the pressureof the Lek on the exchange market. But that didn't happen. Thenews that the interest rates were boosting didn't have any

positive impact on the stubborn monetary trade that burdened theBank of Albania. As if ironically, the foreign currenciescontinued to escalate to the point of the explosion occurred on

Black Tuesday. The main reason for that seems to be the people'sdistrust towards the Albanian monetary system. Stores sellingelectronic and domestic devices have started to "dollarize".Their products seem to speak in foreign languages. One has to payin foreign currencies or by converting the price into the day'svalue of the Lek. On the other hand the currency income fromrefugees has started to decrease, whilst the illegal activitiesin the past five years have substantially fallen, and exportationisn't like it used to be.

Even though it hasn't been officially confirmed, there are large

sums of banknotes circulating, to pay workers, teachers ordoctors. The money is new, but not as valuable as it should be.The Dollar Fever has started to spread more and more, while theelections are coming even closer. The savings left are beingconverted to dollars since the monetary barometer promises onlystormy days to come.

"We've lost everything now", says a man left out of work in hisforties, from Tirana. "The pyramids stole us in the beginning.

Now we're being "stolen" by the dollar. We have noisy

politicians, foreign peacekeeping forces, but we have no bread.To the hell with them all".

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MACEDONIA

THE NATIONAL FLAG DOESN'T CHANGE

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Shkup

The Macedonian government, during a marathon meeting lastTuesday, adopted the draft-law on the use of the nationalities'flags. The Albanian flag hasn't been changed, but it's use is nowlooked upon more rigorously. When the tensions that enforced thisact are considered, Albanian and Macedonian politicians should

be pleased...

The meeting in which the cabinet of premier Branko Crvenkovskigave green light to the draft on the use of national symbols of

nationalities, as one of the participants said, was verydifficult: PPD ministers didn't even want to hear about theversion according to which "there has to be a white (dotted) lineon the Albanian national flag in order to differ it fromAlbania's flag"; however they didn't manage to secure it's usein front of and in state organs. It can be used - in occasionsof national celebrations - in centers and units of localadministration in areas with national majorities as well as on"private celebrations, cultural, sports and other events".Experts on the matter say that considering the constitutional

frames, Albanians shouldn't have expected anything else, sinceboth the coalition partners and their opponents, must accept thisas a compromise solution, regardless of it's approval in the

parliament.

"Following all what has happened and what has to do with use ofthe Albanian flag in the municipalities where mayors are from our

parties, I think the government acted as it was supposed to",said Naser Zyberi, Secretary of PPD and vice-premier, and added:"We had a sturdy attitude towards the thought, that I think weshare with all Albanian people, that the image of the Albanian

national flag couldn't change. Even though with difficulties, wehad success in convincing our coalition partner that our nationalsymbol shouldn't be manipulated with, saying that we are readyto withdraw from the government. We also had success inmaintaining our flag in all cultural celebrations, without it

being accompanied by the state flag, which was a condition up tonow. We also achieved that it be used in state festivities in allmunicipalities where there is an Albanian majority. I think thatwe achieved all that we could in electrifying times as these. Weare conscious that there are going to be many words of

disapproval, but our opponents should have realized by now thatcompromise is a part of politics. Our achievement made way forfurther progress", ends Zyberi.

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Rufi Osmani, mayor of the municipality of Gostivar who activatedthe issue of "the use of Albanian national flag" and put it inthe center of the attention of the public opinion in Macedonia,even at wider range, expresses the Albanian opposition's

attitude: "This proposal doesn't fulfill the needs of Albaniansin Macedonia. This law is an essential degrading of the use ofour flag and isn't acceptable in the proposed variant. I

personally think that it's the PPD's fault for degradingAlbanian's national flag, and it is an unforgivable act. I thinkthey have the possibility to continue conditioning the level inwhich the Albanian flag is used through their MPs in the

parliament and their coalition partners. Otherwise, if thiscontinues to go on, we're not going to accept it" - says Osmani,who is member of the Albanian Democratic Party (the merged PPDSHand PD).

Meanwhile, the proposed solutions are also criticized by theMacedonian opposition. Ace Kocevski, from the Liberal-Democrats,says that Article 9 of the Draft, is rebuttable, according towhich nationalities get to use flags to identify their nationalcharacteristics: "For all I know, no minority in Macedonia hascharacteristic lawmaking organs that can approve the look of theflag in the name of minorities. The only organ that is competentto decide about how a flag looks in this country is Macedonia's

parliament"- says deputy Kocevski, on the other hand, the

spokesman for VMRO-DPMNE Party, Dragi Ivanovski thinks that "lawis a usual bargaining place for the government coalition ofBranko Crvenkovski, SDLM and PPD. The prediction of their use inlocal government rises speculation about the sovereignty of thecountry".

At the same time, Macedonia's Constitutional Court, bypronouncing it contrary and illegal, highlighted the article ofGostivar's Municipality's Statute that foresees the flag's usein front of the unit's local administration building. The newMinister of Justice, Djordji Spasov, declared that his government

won't apply the plea for abandoning the use of flags until thelaw is approved, as expected to be done by the Macedonian

parliament in a urgent procedure.

INTERVIEW

ARBN XHAFERI, Chairman of the Albanian Democratic Party (PDSH)

"WE ARE INVESTING IN LEADERS AND NOT IN INSTITUTIONS"

Interviewed by YMER ISMAILI / Tetov

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KOHA: What were the motives for the unification of the twoparties, PPDSH and PDP?

XHAFERI: The development of the political phenomenon and of the

political conscience, the deep conclusion on the real effects ofimpotent diversities, the delay in the political dimension in allAlbanian lands, the interior Albanian vitality of transformingand asking new, more effective methods for survival anddevelopment, then the practical, financial moral reasons, as wellas the pressure from people were the most important reasons thatinfluenced the unification of the two parties.

I think that among people, but also among intellectuals atendency, a good will for unification, for cooperative actionexists. And this should be taken into consideration.

We should also be aware that is very hard to put in action sucha determination, in conditions of such massive partition, in lackof experience, and especially because of the shortsightedreadiness of the political elites which try to abuse this idea

by creating administrative obstacles or by opposing the idea ofunification. But, there's no other way, we should find ways toinstitutionalize this immanent, rational need. Theinstitutionalization of this idea will eliminate the folklorevariants and the phony unity.

It has become clear now that the Albanian political scene shouldbe structured globally and it should be a fair of projects,knowledge, responsibility and braveness.

KOHA: This is the message of this unification. PDSH remains anopen party, other parties in Macedonia with similar programs can

join it. How possible is this?

XHAFERI: I estimate that the fast, euphoric variants ofunification are dangerous. We should act in several directions:

- in creating a new conviction for the structural globalization,where the productive syntheses of Albanian politics happen,always on the line of national and civil ideas;

- in finding functional models that make the realization of theconvictions proclaimed by political parties possible;

- in selection of the credible, professional, experienced people and

- the establishment of the sectors which deal professionally withthe political specter.

The readiness exists, it's as large as the risk of failure of the initiative.

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KOHA: The creation of the PDSH from PPDSH and PDP was greeted byAlbanians, but, is it possible that some section of one of thetwo parties will oppose the merge?

XHAFERI: Here, in Kosova and in the diaspora, we were greeted.But, we are aware that in this phase we are vulnerable, delicate,just like the growing baby. Against us are:

- the state structures which see this unification as a potentialdanger and work in subversive manners to create suspicion among

people, and which try to infiltrate their people among us;

- foreigners who have an interest for peace without conditions;

- different elites which with the creation of a strong party, of

a policy based on national foundation, lose their relevance andstart fearing the new context and new proofs;

- ambitious groups that understand this unification as a chancefor their affirmation, and not as a new project that asks

patience, and discipline;

- ordinary honest, sincere people, experienced activists, whogave their contribution to the parties and now feel touched

because they see mistakes in the formula of unification. However,

this has no influence in political macro-plan.

We have strong support, extremely positive mood, but alsoobstruction of real structures of the state, of interest groupsetc.

We have devoted ourselves to this idea seriously and withresponsibility, we have shown tolerance and courage and we willkeep implementing it.

KOHA: It was decided that the program of PDP should serve as a

foundation of the political actions in the future. What is thedifference between this program and the program of the PPDSH?

XHAFERI: PDP was created in a time when Yugoslavia wasdisintegrating and in times when the request for the self-determination was dominant. At that time political parties wereregistered based on these convictions. After the independence ofMacedonia, because of them, many administrative obstacles weremade during the registration of the parties. Since, PPDSH, forknown reasons had to register again on 1995, it should reword

some formulations in order to get registered in the court bodies.The PDP program holds this initial "spirit" of the Albanianparties which was very concretely put in action in the platformof the PPDSH, and I think that this way many aspects were

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harmonized. Now we are expecting a new round of obstructions fromthe Macedonian administration, but these matters will notinfluence our activities. With fresh forces, PDSH will keepinsisting on the Albanian issue in Macedonia and keep on offering

solutions for it.

KOHA: A complete integration of the Albanian political subjectin Macedonia is hard to be implemented, but can we expect acoordination with PPD in the future?

XHAFERI: Not only with PPD, but also with LDK, PPK, SDPK etc.because PDSH will not give up requests of integral opening ofAlbanian issue in former Yugoslavia and of finding integralsolutions which will offer relaxation to everybody.

As far as PPD is concerned, two years ago, responding positivelyto the initiative of the associations of the intellectuals andAlbanian writers in Macedonia, I offered a draft for the newstructuring of Albanians of Macedonia, where a positiveinteraction among political subjects, but also among otherassociations, should have been developed.

At that time this proposal was expected with interest, curiosity,but finally it was left behind. We still advocate for thisproposal, since it is very clear that the Macedonian society is

completely structured, specialized in all activities, withadministrators and people with titles who affirm the Macedonianissue and minimize or eliminate the Albanian one. Our currentorganization does not promise respectful competition and it

produces frustrations.

If the PPD doesn't make serious efforts for the creation ofAlbanian structures which will confront more successfully theMacedonian ones, which function on anti-Albanian principles ofthe eighties (a time when in the Yugoslav plan the status ofKosova and the status of Albanians in Macedonia was degraded),

then PDSH will be forced to start a new battle to gain undisputedlegitimization from the people in order to rationalize theAlbanian political project. Naturally, this new battle will spendlot of energy, will create a lot of tensions, but saying itclearly there's no other way.

KOHA: Who would benefit from the real coordination with PPD?

XHAFERI: My discourse is not demonic but explanatory, analytical.Macedonia is built on the political premises of 1989 in all its

structures and institutions. A person cannot know who is moreextremist, the politician, the judge, the bureaucrat, the priest,the policeman, the customs officer or the ordinary citizen.Saying it in a simpler way here is going on only the recycle of

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the climate that Macedonia belongs to Macedonians, that Albaniansrepresent a threat so they should be put in a ghetto, and leftuncultured. Their requests for the language, symbols, school areconsidered a danger for the state sovereignty, while UNREDEP or

foreign bases that will be established soon are not consideredthus.

In all aspects: political, democratic, civil, historical,economical, and demographic, this project is not real, becauseit confronts the will and the national interest of Albanians, itconfronts international regulations and standards also withhistory.

The political, structural improvement of Albanians is somethingthat the forces that worked on wipe off the Albanian roots from

the Balkans in the last hundreds of years, dislike.

Earlier in PPDSH, and now in PDSH there will be no obstructionsfor such structuring that will express the Albanian force here.KOHA: The agreement on the mayor of Tetova was treated as asensation in Macedonian mass-medias while now there is no specialeuphoria with the creation of the PDSH. How do you comment this?The creation of the PDSH has also made nervous some Albanianclans. How do you comment this phenomenon and with which partiesfrom all Albanian lands will the PDSH cooperate?

XHAFERI: We were very present in the Macedonian public, and theinternational one because of the dizzy tempo we imposed in thelatest events, concerning the University of Tetova etc. We

penetrated in every corner where we demonstrated publicly thatthere is an existing latent energy, that the political projecthas many supporters, that reality that can not be changed by anytrick.

Macedonian analysts asked publicly to ban our activities, theywanted to stop the flow of information on us, positive or

negative, they asked for the creation of a climate as if we dontexist. But the reality cannot be hidden. We were presenteverywhere, inside and outside the country, we ran veryintensified activities in the field to compensate the obstructionof the press. When our manifests were louder than their silencethan a new cycle of critics used to start. They called us on TVduels in order to discipline us politically, intellectually and

personally. We were asked different questions, mostly satanicinventions. But, we turned all these attacks in counter-attacks.So, now the order of silence, of minimizing is in force. This

will go on until we penetrate this obstacle with an action thatcan not be hidden nor turned back.

This silence expresses the refusal and the fear of the state

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structures as well as of those who will definitely lose theirrelevance in the Albanian political scene.

This new party is not created for building new blocks, but to

open the path for a new structure. We have a lot of experienceand knowledge on all variants which will be very useful for ourfuture projects.

KOHA: Some think that in a near future you are going to be theonly leader of the Albanians in Macedonia. What will your actions

be if you are placed in a such position?

XHAFERI: I think that among us in general a mistake is beingdone: we are investing in leaders and not in institutions, instructures.

I gave myself a mission to encourage efforts on focusing ourcreative energy in the creation of our political theory. Speakingof a leader, I think that we should take in account that in the

past four years I was always in the battle, in the ring, in thefront. The whole Macedonian public, and part of the Albanian onecalled me a foreigner, a newcomer, a Kosovar sent from the"Sigurimi" (Security) to destroy the Macedonian-Albanian haven.I needed to write hundreds of pages, to give hundreds ofinterviews, to participate in hundreds of meetings, almost in

every Albanian village of Macedonia, to surpass all traps, notbecause of my survival, but for the survival of a real, coherentpolitical line. I took and I gave punches, I ruined many deals,including mines and in the end I feel tired, wasted.

The leader you are talking about, should be a young person, fullof vitality, energy, ambitions, with intellectual capacity andabove all, he should be accepted by all.

I think that with tolerance, with a systematic inquiry and withstronger internal democracy such a leader could be found.

This leader, whoever he is, will be the second person inMacedonia and will represent the will of all Albanians, with allthe respect, dangers, potentials, rights and responsibilities.If we find enough power to accomplish this, along with thestrengthening democracy inside, I think that the importance ofthe Albanians in Macedonia will be much bigger in all dimensions.

KOHA: Many processes in Macedonia have ended doing harm toAlbanians. Will the PDSH have political power to stop these

processes and to turn them in favor of Albanians?

XHAFERI: Albanians in Macedonia have a political theme, chanceand political, economical and human force to stop, to turn andto implement their national goals.

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PPDSH and PDP, now united in PDSH have only one goal, to get thisforce, this power from voters and to manifest it publicly inorder to solve all open issues in inter-ethnic relations on the

political table, out of the procedures that favor the will of the

majority.

Of course, these objectives are not easy to implement, becausea fight against structures and interests cultivated for decades,should be done.

DEAR READERS,

AS OF THIS WEEK WE ARE STARTING OUR SUMMER SCHEME. THIS MEANSTHAT UNTIL THE FIRST WEEK OF SEPTEMBER, UNLESS SOMETHINGUNPREDICTABLE OCCURS, "KOHA" ALBANIAN WEEKLY WILL BE PUBLISHEDON A BIWEEKLY BASIS.

"KOHA" EDITORIAL BOARD WISHES YOU THE BEST OF THE SUMMERS