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The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by VetonSurroi, a young Kosovar jou rnalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Ko hasoon becam e a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be pub lished daily under thename of Ko ha Ditor. With the kind perm ission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted onhttp://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 155Front Page: THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FLAGDate: 15 July 1997

MACEDONIA

THE STRUGGLE FOR THE FLAG

by ARBR VLLAHIU / Gostivar

A highway that leads to the west of Macedonia, and a terrifying silence. Moreover, if therewere no stopped cars and trucks passed beside by the wandering "blue helmets", everyonewould think that "the towns on its right, Tetov and Gostivar", are in "eternity". Both towns,

that in the late hours of 9 July had lived through the "golgotha", now were "sleeping insilence". Tens of thousands of people, that were protecting their flag, waving on the buildingof the municipal assembly, for hours faced the Macedonian police and tear-gas.

After all this, perhaps the only way to enter the towns at the west of Shkup, was to travel bybus. Due to the strict police control, the buses were almost empty.

In the "scary" silence of the town, the traces of Gostivar's "golgotha" could be seen at the veryentrance of the town. In the first crossroad - the garbage containers, were turned upside down,and someone, in a hurry, "forgot" to turn them back. In Gostivar, after ours, "authority was

practiced by the police forces", and the silence was disturbed only by the heels of a woman,that looked as "a traveller late to somewhere". The curtain of the big scene was dropped. But,the question still remains... what happened, and why? "After midnight, in the evening

between 8 and 9 July, first the telephone lines were cut, and thirty minutes later, theelectricity was also cut. Police forces, in groups, rushed through the town, taking all mainstreets", this how one of the witnesses of the terrible day in Gostivar begins his story. Early inthe morning, people in groups started to gather around the Municipal Assembly, to protect theflag and to show support to the president of the Assembly, Rufi Osmani. According to someinformation, the President of the Municipal Assembly, Rufi Osmani, was taken hostage andnegotiations with him were under way. Still, according to the same sources, nobody knows ofhis whereabouts.

"We confronted the police forces. Around 10,000 people on our side, and around 4,000 armedman on the other. At one stage, children started throwing rocks at them. I dont know whathappened, we heard shots, bullets over our heads and we could feel teargas", whispers ayoung man, scared and with a terrified glance, that asked for his name not to be mentioned."The first shot in Gostivar dispersed the people from the square. It looked as if in this mess,someone could get hurt. While running away, some Macedonian civilians fired at the crowd. Isaw a policeman climbing the roof of the building where the Macedonian civilians were. I

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saw a man falling, bathed in blood. People in the crowd had no time to help him. The manremained lying down on the street", and the boy ended his story rushing away from darkness.Wondering down the streets of this town, and talking to those who were "lost" after the event,another man, tells us: "People started running away. The police fired at them. In an alley, as

the people ran, the police set an ambush and started hitting the people with rifle butts. Theprovoking shouts of the policemen were heard.

"Macedonia, Macedonia", they shouted. And you could even hear them shouting "Give us theknives!".

And so, the night passed with the fear of the citizens of Gostivar, that the electricity andtelephone lines will again be cut-off, and "the police would come" to see them at home. Themorning was not much better. The shops of Albanian owners remained closed, there wereonly a few passers-by, and in all crossroads, in front of the Municipality, stood theMacedonian policemen. Near the park, opposite Gostivar's church, the police stopped a boy.

The silence is broken by the noise of the machine-gun of the policeman that directed towardsthe young mans face. It looks as if "life stopped". The question is again, why all this"savagery".

The careful observers of the Macedonian circumstances, see the last events in Gostivar andTetov as a continuation of the "old inter- ethnic tensions". As comparison, the arrogance ofthe Macedonian police was not expressed in all it's fury in the case of the University ofTetov, regardless that there had also been victims then. The demand to fly the Albanian flagin the buildings of the municipalities of both towns, was taken by the Macedonian politicalforces as an attempt to destroy the Macedonian system. Moreover, the Macedonian party

MAAK, known to be radical, after the decision of the Constitutional Court of Macedonia forthe removal of the Albanian and Turkish flags, declared that it would gladly do this instead.Efforts to remove the Albanian flag from the building of the municipalities in Gostivar andTetov, were made also one month ago. But, in that case, the Macedonian citizens that did it,suffered from the Albanian citizens. On this platform, the discussions in the MacedonianParliament about the use of the national symbols of "minorities" in Macedonia, would endwith the ignoring of the demands of the Albanian MPs for the free use of these symbols. Still,after the victory of the Albanian political forces in the municipal elections the Albanian flagwaved for over six months in the towns with an Albanian majority. The big discussions in the

parliament, the decisions of the Court, the demand for the removal of the flag from thebuildings, looks to have electrified the situation even more. Thus, Albanians took the actions

of the Macedonian authorities as an attempt to ignore the national rights.

The events in the towns of Gostivar and Tetov, were evaluated by the Albanian politicalstructures as "declaration of war by the Macedonian government". Still, after the decision ofthe parliament concerning the use of the flags that, according to the analysts, could beevaluated as a compromise, and after the use of the force in Gostivar, PPD evaluated that theacts of the police are against any logic of the rule of law, and on these grounds the citizenswere urged not to fall to these provocations, since the modalities to use the flag and itsappearance are protected by law.

Evaluated as nonsense, it seems that the declaration is based in the fact that now the Albanianflag can be used only in cases of the national holidays, and along with the Macedonian flag.On the other hand, the chairman of PDSH, Arbr Xhaferi, evaluated that "if all Albanian

political parties had a unique strategy, interventions and overwhelming bravery of the

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Macedonian side wouldn't happen. Meanwhile, the vice-president of the Macedoniangovernment, Naser Zyberi, noted that we expect the situation to calm down, because the newlaw is already in power, and the citizens will realize that this brings no good. In thisAlbanian unity, it seems that these forces can take only one good step. PPD, partner in the

governing coalition, withdrew its deputies from the parliament, same as PDSH. The demandremains the same: the clarification of the events in Gostivar and Tetov. While the Albanianside has once again proved to have fractions inside, the Macedonian political subject hasasked, as always, to act according to the law. The minister of the police has evaluated theseevents as acts of radical groups, accusing PDSH of organizing them, and in his statement henoted that even some citizens of Albania were arrested, for participating in thedemonstrations. He also noted that there were some speculations that different groups were

prepared for acts like this. In this scope, and in the frame of these accusations, MacedonianPresident Gligorov, qualified the events as efforts to establish a parallel government addingthat state institutions will protect the state laws.

Analysts note that the last visit of the Macedonian prime-minister Crvenkovski to Belgrade,and his meeting with the Serbian president, coincides with the events in Macedonia, and withthe determination of the Macedonian institutions for a strong intervention."

Arbr Xhaferi considers that Gostivar in 1997 was the repetition of Kosova of 1981, in thesense of the scope of the police intervention and the attitude of the government and the mass-media.

Anyway, in Gostivar, the battle has started and the fear remains that the tensions inMacedonia will increase. It looks like the inter-ethnic conflict cannot be controlled any more,

despite the fact that international peace keeping forces are present in this country.Their presence here, and the speculations that 3.000 American soldiers will build a militarybase in Krivolak, according to the analysts, must be taken as their effort to prevent themulti-ethnic conflict in this country, that is considered by many, as a state established byforce. And, perhaps, international forces, in the moments of the rising of inter-ethnictensions should, at least, remain neutral and try to prevent a possible bloody conflict. Thus,the good will of those who came to keep the peace will remain present. Perhaps... But in thestatement of the headquarters of the Multinational forces, following the events in Tetov andGostivar and, as it is said, the destruction of one of their transporters", both sides are askedto avoid using force and violence. The European concern would be understandable, if theofficial communique of the Ministry of Interior didn't state that, despite the destruction and

demolitions, two people were killed, eight policemen were wounded, and 210 asked formedical assistance. If to this communique we add that in the night between 8 and 9 of July,320 persons were arrested, it seems that the transporter of the UNPREDEP, is just a drop ofwater in a the sea.

MACEDONIA

SILENCE AFTER VIOLENCE

by IMER ISMAILI / Gostivar

The day in Gostivar passed with much turmoil - fights between more

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than 10.000 citizens and the special Macedonian police forces. Theoutcome: 2 dead, tens of wounded and hundreds were hurt. The firstvictims, that shielded the Albanian's national flag, fell. After areal fight during the day, absolute quiet followed during the

night.

Gostivar's mayor, Rufi Osmani and chairman of Gostivar's ExecutiveCouncil, Refik Dauti - ended up in prison. More than 400 insurgentsarrested. During a routine control even the president of the Senateof the UT, Milaim Fejziu, was beaten. Gostivar's hospital was fullof wounded and hurt people.

Gostivar, in the late hours, even though covered by the shade ofviolence during the day, reminds one of a dead city at night.Around 9 pm, the streets of the town were completely empty. The

center of the town, as well as many of the streets, were heavilycontrolled by police special forces, while tens of armouredvehicles remained in their strategic positions. The completesilence reminded one of a grave-like silence, when compared to theafternoon hours, a time in which the whole town suffered shootingall over.

After controls, done by special forces, requesting identificationeven from your reporter, the most obvious thing were hundreds

people lying around the pavements and in front of demolished

stores. Relaxing moments were passing. They were communicatingamong themselves in hushed voices and time after time exchangingbottles of juice. They seemed proud. They had finished their dutysuccessfully?! They came, they saw, they demolished and killed. Itseems that this was their purpose. They behaved correctly towards

journalists. Our aim to contact with Rufi Osmani, failed. Ajournalist could have access to the entrance of the municipality,but a group of special police forces didn't allow any form ofcontact with Osmani. This was the actual atmosphere until 11 pm.Mayor Osmani was driven out of the Municipality only to be sent tothe police department of the town.

In the meantime, we found out that the silence surrounding Gostivarwas the result of Osmani's appeal to the people transmitted by theindependent television channel "Globus", on a telephone message,asking them not to gather and to keep "cool".

In the early hours of the morning, tens of buses filled withspecial police force members, left Gostivar, whilst "life full of

peace" of "the surrounded city" went on, since the police didn'thave what to do, especially since the citizens were absent. We

found out that even from within this "peace and tranquillity", thepolice have raided tens of families, arrested tens of citizens.A citizen, that was waiting in front of the hospital for hiswounded son to be transferred to a hospital in Shkup, described the

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terror he experienced the night before: "They beat my wife and myson's wife inside my house. I was too powerless to do anything".A television reporter and I, were witnesses of more brutalitysimilar to that of the previous night. At around nine o'clock in

the evening, the Chairman of the UT Senate, at the same time vice-chairman of the Helsinki Committee for Tetov and president of theForum for the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms, Milaim Fejziu,was beaten and tortured. All this happened 4 to 5 meters away fromus, after we had just talked to him and turned to our car.

The statistics we gathered today: so far, 123 people asked formedical assistance in town, 15 from which were transferred to thestate hospital in Shkup, and 23 wounded remained in Gostivar'shospital - and the most tragic of all, was the fact that 2 peopledied. The victims were: dentist Shpend Iseini from the village of

Forine and Nazmi Saliu, from the village of Turan, whose burial isexpected to take place today in the afternoon. Up to now, thearrests of 400 protesters was confirmed, and they were subjected to

beating.

The dilemma among the people is to whether this tragedy could havebeen avoided or was it inevitable. Police actions as if verify thesecond thesis of this tragedy, whose end is still unknown. Theterror lived through still exists, but now, it's in the faces of

people.

INTERVIEW

MENDUH THAI, Vice-Chairman of the PDSH

MACEDONIA HAS PROCLAIMED WAR TO ALBANIANS

Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU

KOHA: Since many weeks, wise Macedonians have been silent about theevents in Tetov and Gostivar. Two days ago they showed theirharshness against the Albanian population in Macedonia. How doesPDSH look at the recent relations created between the Albanian

population and the Macedonian government?

THAI: Gligorov, Crvenkovski, Macedonians, Macedonia, thepacifists, the weak, have been attacking Albanians in the mostruthless manner in the last two decades. I assure you that moreterrible images of assassinations, beatings of unprotected people

have not been seen on this land in the last two decades. I do notintend to spread fear, or disappointment, but to create an opinion,to give a message that these criminals, the politics that directsthem, has only one objective: subjugating and exterminating the

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Albanians. For now, they are in advantage, since their battles takeplace on our territory, punishing unarmed people instead of movinginter-ethnic relations on their territory - boycotting theirinstitutions in order to push the Albanian idea down under the

surface. It is very simple, the Macedonian Government announced warto the Albanians.

KOHA: The ambassadors of western countries declared that theysupport the law passed by the Macedonian Parliament. Even Albaniansvoted it, they say. As far as violence is concerned, they say it isa bad thing, that's all.

THAI: I think that it is redundant to say that this is the lasttime that I am calling them to give up on that system that kills,

punishes, and drowns. Those who died, who were imprisoned - were

Albanians, they were not colored by any party, they died for thefatherland and for the flag... I, and must probably many others,from now on are going to consider them objectively guilty andresponsible.

KOHA: President Xhaferi referred to these events as "Kosova of1981". Where do these events intersect?

THAI: In Gostivar, in 1997, as well as in Prishtin in 1981, theAlbanian collective consciousness was punished. Every time

Albanians raise their national consciousness, the government, thatbastion of Macedonianism, of Slavicism, attacks and kills with nomercy. I believe this should be understood thus and in no otherway.

KOHA: Do you think that this event has to do with the union of thetwo parties?

THAI: At the time when PPDSH and PDP accomplished to overcome thegroup and party interests in order to join each other in PDSH, thespecial state services activated their spare project in order to

damage and, if possible, destroy this great work. It is theinterest of the government that the political management of thePDSH is undefined. The only aim for this is that unreasonable

political hypothesis seem reasonable.

KOHA: It is indicative how this courageous Macedonian brutalitycomes after the meeting Crvenkovski with Milosevic?

THAI: At the time when the prime-minister of the Macedoniangovernment visited Milosevic in Belgrade, the Macedonian government

attacked Albanians from all sides. Maybe it is good for us tounderstand that our enemies have circumscribed us and are organizedagainst us. In order to go against them, we have to do the same, wehave to raise political mechanisms which would guarantee us

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security and historical determination perspective, otherwise, asobvious, everything is worthless. Transmitting the options and theideas by all of us, without mechanisms and institutions it is hardto do. Unfortunately, with these stories, the others attacking us

are curing their frustrations and complexes.

KOHA: Why was Kosova silent for two days? Why did no party condemnthe first day of the events in Gostivar?

THAI: Kosovar politicians should definitively understand thatofficial Macedonian politics does not differ a lot from the Serbianone. The Albanian presence in the Macedonian government is anational tragedy.

At the time when Albania is in a disappointing situation "small and

weak Macedonians" demonstrate their military and police forceagainst the unprotected Albanians in Macedonia. Whether we wantedor not, we have to accept that this was also a determining factorof the hard situation the Albanians found themselves in Macedoniathese days.

KOHA: Yes. But, the international disregard joined Macedonianviolence?

THAI: The total neglecting of the OSCE monitoring in Macedonia,

and the disregard of UNPREDEP, as well as the indifference of theinternational embassies in Macedonia is astonishing. For such abehaviour, I think that part of the responsibility is on theAlbanian and Kosovar governments, which wrongly presented Gligorovand the Macedonian Government in front of international factors as"more democratic than Milosevic and the Serbian Government."Tomorrow, we will have a meeting with Van der Stoel, and we aregoing to present him and the institution he represents our greatreserves. Even though, unfortunately, we know their answer: "Youhave few Albanians that take part in the Macedonian Government whoraise their hands to pass laws."

KOHA: What is hidden behind all this Macedonian hatred against theAlbanians?

THAI: All this hatred of the Macedonian political conjuncture,hides in itself a pathologic horror from Albanians, becauseAlbanians have definitely managed to raise their nationalconsciousness, meaning that Albanians without their language,education, flag, etc., do not have a life. Albanians are left theeasiest part of the job.

KOHA: Do you think you will gain support?

THAI: After all what happened, there is no hesitation among

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Albanians. They are determined to accomplish their national rightson their ethnic territories in FYROM. This is our land, and neitherthe Roman nor Ottoman Empire could expel us from our land; and anundefined national and state structure wants to do it! We are going

to stand, since we have no other solution.

MACEDONIA

ARE ALBANIANS IN MACEDONIA REALLY ALONE?

by BESIM ABAZI / Prishtin

The recent events in Macedonia and the bloodshed caused by the

Macedonian police in Gostivar are followed with huge interest bythe people in Kosova, but also by the Albanian political subjects.But as the Albanian ambassador to OSCE stated, this time it was

proven that "Albanians in Macedonia are alone".

Albanian subjects of Kosova have reacted, one day after, in theirstatements where they considered that the "events in Gostivar werean organized crime of Macedonians against Albanians". 24 hoursafter the events, the LDK, held a special meeting on the events inTetov and in Gostivar. It's statement, among other things, said

that the "Albanian-Macedonian relations don't have the weight ofprevious hostilities", and it added that "different Macedonianleaders in different periods of crises, waved the anti-Albanianflag. The reactions of other Albanian subjects that followed,almost as commanded by the LDK, were very similar and urged "forcalming the situation and for the peaceful resolution of theAlbanian-Macedonian disputes". There were even evaluations that"the newest act of anti-Albanian violence was a proof of the moral,

political-economical and social crises of Macedonia". Besides theexpressed regret for the non intervention and the "indifference" ofthe international institutions present in Macedonia, Albanian

subjects have also requested from Albanians in Macedonia "not tobecome disappointed, but rather stand strong in their way. Theyalso said that the further presence of Albanians in "the governmentthat orders the killing of Albanians" was not understandable. And,this evaluation is given by the same subjects that supported the

participation of Albanians in the Macedonian elections and haveblessed their participation in the Macedonian government.

We should also reiterate that Albania, although it reacted toughly,recognized this former Yugoslav republic, without conditioning it

with the smallest concession in regard to the situation ofAlbanians there.

But what's most obvious, is the absence of the "requested and

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proclaimed unity" of Albanians in Macedonia, a unity that is veryoften determined by the influence of the two largest Albaniandecision making centers, Tirana and Prishtin. The last one, thathas, in order to coordinate Albanian activities in this region,

founded the Coordinating Council of Albanian Political Parties, didnot make a single move, not even a symbolic one, to gather thisCouncil. The absence of movements among the Albanian subjects andthe weakness of the Albanian state, seems to be factors enough fordetermining "the humiliation of the dimension of the Albanianissue" by the international community. Although the Social-Democratic Party of Kosova stated that "perhaps this community gotthe necessary messages to more seriously handle the Albanian issuein Macedonia", however, their silence was very meaningful.

But, how meaningful were the messages from Prishtin, in which the

very often repeated terminology in almost all similar cases waspresent? Nothing new was said in the conclusion that "Macedonianauthorities were horrified by the Congress of unification of twoAlbanian parties in one single party which will influence the

politics in Macedonia".

But the real horror was tasted by Albanians in Gostivar, who afterall these events are left to count wounds, graves and prison days,while their political subjects will make the evaluation of theiractivities and their benefits from five seats in the Government and

some posts of ambassadors and consuls which, as it was said thesedays, "made freedom and the rights of their people hostage of thefalse stability in Macedonia".

KOSOVA

THE METAPHOR OF THE STICK

by GJERAQINA TUHINA / Prishtin

Three hundred and seventy one years of prison for thirty fiveAlbanians...!

This is the result of two trials against Albanians in the presentsentencing season of Albanians.

But, there is nothing new it this, except of the horror for theincreased number of imprisoned Albanians. Everything is old andfamiliar, the subject that raised the indictment, the subject that

ran the session, even the scenario. The scenario was completely thesame: Albanians are accused again for having committed, as it issaid, "terrorist acts", and the essential foundation for theindictment as well as for the verdict are their self-accusing

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statements. This trial too (as well as the other trials againstAlbanians) was full of horrifying stories on the tortures committedon the accused. Besim Rama, while describing "his hell" duringinvestigation, stated that "they (referring to the, as he says,

`people in civilian clothes') taught me what to declare to theinvestigating judge. All my words were a result of the 'stick'".Idriz Asllani "had spent eight months in a cell, in totalisolation. He lost his voice. He couldn't speak until some daysago. He was interrogated three days and nights continuously"."For sixteen days I was tied to the bed, and on the bed, there wasan electric stick. They forced me to stretch out on a table and

punched me on the hands, legs, neck and stomach, day by day. Theyused to kick me until I lost consciousness. They made me sit nakedon the electric heater, and during the night I was not allowed tosleep", stated the accused, now sentenced, Avni Nura to the judges.

This (as usual) was nothing new, but it horrified foreign monitorsthat ran away shocked by the fact that, as they said, "torturelooks like something very normal in Kosova".

This time, differently from the previous trial, there were"witnesses". Witnesses presented as victims of the "terrorist acts"described the event, as they said, of the "critical night", butnone of them didn't know the exact time of the attack committed onthem. None of the witnesses mentioned the name of any of theaccused. On the other hand, witnesses - members of the victims'

families, only mourned the dead and their only statement was "wejoin the penal prosecution of the accused", not even saying againstwhom?

One of the things presented in the major hearing was the mentalstate of the accused Besim Rama, who - because of it - was freedfrom military service. Medical documentation of Besim Rama, takenfrom the military institutions, said: "Soldier Besim Rama wasdischarged because of the diagnoses 'imaturitas emotionalis'(emotional immaturity). And the invited expert, Milovan Krivokapic(imposed director of the health unit in Shtime) based on the ten

years old documentation said that "we have to do with a person whodoesn't differ mentally from other people". He added that"personalities with emotional immaturity are conscious of theiracts as well as for the effects of these actions. The level oftheir intelligence is normal", concluded "expert" Krivokapic.Strangely, the proposal of the defense for a medical examination ofBesim Rama in Belgrade was allowed by judges. Then the trial wasstopped for an "undetermined period".

It left an open issue behind: will it be proven that Besim Rama was

a case of "imaturitas emotionalis" and consequently freed fromcharges or will it find that he is "completely healthy and able tohave a normal judgement"!?

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The news from Belgrade arrived on 9 July, and for Rama those wereno news. According to the specialists, "Besim Rama was diagnosed nomental illness. He is completely able to judge and act." In thismanner, asked "how many paws does a cow have, and how many legs

have a chicken and a sheep?", a person who has always lived in avillage, was determined to be completely normal. The experts whodid the expertise were Ratko Kovacevic and Branko Mandic, who alsoconcluded that the policeman who had killed lawyer Qazim Tolaj atcourt, was "not capable of judging and acting," while everybody hasit clear that Tolaj's murder had been planned beforehand. Thediagnosis of the experts marked not only a chapter in Rama's life,

but he expects one more trial now. At the beginning of 1996, hekilled his neighbor, as he said, revenging his brother's death.However, strangely enough, up to the moment when he was arrested,the police had looked for him only once. Their reasoning is that

they had not asked for him since the inhabitants of the Prekazvillage are well armed and were not threatened by him!? The murderof the neighbor was only once mentioned during the "terrorism"trial. "In this trial, he was sentenced the maximum according tothe law, for the crime of terrorism. The penal law foresees death

penalty for revenge, therefore, the defense is almost sure that "hecan be punished with the severest penalty." If this happens, BesimRama "officially" will receive the death penalty - for murder,although the reality is completely different.

Unfortunately, the end of this episode does not mean the end of theseries of trials against the Albanians. Thus, the new episode ofthis already old series will continue in September.

ALBANIA

29 JUNE: ELECTIONS OR PLEBISCITE

by ARTAN PUTO / Tirana

On June 29, early parliamentary elections were held in Albania. Insix years of pluralism, these were the fourth elections held inthis country. But, in modern Albanian history, the last electionswill be remembered as special.

They were held in a completely unpredictable situation, even bymost brave political analysts. Albanians went to the ballots aftermore then four months of chaos and anarchy, which, as stated instatistics, caused the death of more then 1.500 persons and wounded

more then 7.000 of them. On the other hand, Albania, as neverbefore, for months was at the focus of European diplomacy. Tens ofdiplomatic missions and negotiators, hundreds of technical expertson different fields and thousands of foreign soldiers present in

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the country, prepared a more acceptable climate and gave their helpin the celebration of the parliamentary elections.

The question is: Were they really political elections or were they

just a referendum? Their final result says more in favor of thesecond version. Again, the future Albanian parliament will be basedon two main colors, red of the Socialist Party and blue of theDemocratic Party, what in a sense creates a tradition and a uniquecharacteristic of the elections in Albania.

During the first parliamentary elections in 1991, "a giant ofsand", the Albanian Labor Party, because of the fear that Albanianshad from it, had won 2/3 of seats in parliament, leaving verylittle possibility to the new Albanian opposition. The DemocraticParty (DP), the opposition then, after just one year, because of

the huge national and international support, managed to triumph onMarch 22, 1992, wining 2/3 of the seats in the parliament. The sameview reappeared in last May's elections, when this party triumphedeven with a deeper victory compared to four years earlier, leavingthe opposition just a symbolic presence in the parliament. DP wasnot the international factors' most favorite party any longer. Theactual result shows again the long-term tendency: the oppositioncomes back in powerful position and the ruling party so far, goesto opposition.

It was mentioned previously that one of the reasons for this"phenomenon" is the fact that Albanians, when asked to vote, alwayscame "just for the sake of it" and with bad humor, caused bytyrannic and irresponsible government. In 1992, people voted justto get rid of the hated communist regime, whereas in 1997, the voteturned into a form of protest against president Sali Berisha, whois considered to be responsible for allowing the pyramidal schemes.In this case, his vote can not be different from the emotionalvote. It's clear that in these circumstances there are no real

political elections, based on political programs, but onlyreferendum-like decisions by the people, that elects this or that

alternative.

"In the meetings we had with the socialist leaders, before theelections, they seemed to be unstable", one senior western officialsaid. This just reiterates our idea that the socialists where notready for such a victory and that the vote for them should not beconsidered as only this party's property.

One of the main reasons that made them winners was also the factthat they where marginalized by the state, something that freed

them from the responsibility for the pyramidal schemes. On theother hand, this marginalization didn't load them with theresponsibility to build a country, that with time is becomingintolerant towards alternative opinions. But, at this point, being

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the biggest opposition party and with better organization thanothers, it became the main voice against Berisha's regime.Another element that influenced it's victory is the abandoning ofthe old politics and it's involvement in coalitions, which only a

couple of years ago were unimaginable. So was the Socialistsparticipation in coalition with the Social-Democratic Party andwith the Democratic Alliance, and above all, it's involvement inorganizing the "Forum for Democracy", in which all parties wheregathered, left and right. These moves, anyhow, gave a new look tothe party, the look of a party open for cooperation.

According to some, Bashkim Fino had also a big influence on theelectorate. More than for his results in the field, he has to beevaluated for his new governing style. In a very hard period oftime, he appeared to be very calm, balanced, and above all, he

managed to set correct relations with his political rivals, andalso with the president of the country.

In a way, his coming out onto the surface, showed that the SP wasnot only the foster home for bureaucrats, as often criticized bythe right press, but as any other Albanian party, it made some

prosperous steps in reviving it's structures.

In this way, it's not strange why it became a generator of suchmoderated personalities as Bashkim Fino.

The "Nano" phenomenon is another element that had a powerful rolein this party. Thereby, it's necessary to be said that hisinfluence in different times was indeed different. After coming outin opposition in 1992, the SP headed by last communist former

prime-minister, Fatos Nano, surely wasn't a good figure in the eyesof DP, headed by a charismatic leader, Sali Berisha. Moreover,fearing from losing the electorate, he wasn't fast enough inreforming this party and transferring it to a Social-Democratic

party. But, in his most critical moments, it seems that he countedon the help from his, so called, wildest political enemy, president

Sali Berisha. Based on a suspicious process, he was arrested inJuly 1993. Nano's arrest had a different effect compared to whatBerisha expected. The attention of many European political circles,who in most cases considered the case more as "evening the odds",rather then a penal issue, turned towards him. In this concept, hestarted to look as the opposition leader that is being persecutedunjustly. On the other hand, his arrest had a deep influence on his

party. Even though the reformation process was blocked for sometime, Fatos Nano, was released from jail as a unity symbol forsocialist Albanians, who turned their leader's issue almost into a

national issue. The years he spent in jail increased his charismaand he became an emblem of political persecution during the Berisharegime.

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In SP's victory, with no doubts, a big impact was of theinternational support. The foreign factor's support can't be judgedas a simply socialist success. It is necessary to recall that theystill aren't the members of Socialist International. They still

live with the prejudice that they are the Communist Party'ssuccessors, prejudices that the West is very sensitive. Even herethey got help from Sali Berisha. In circumstances when theDemocratic president lost the foreign support and when his "anti-communist" fight brought opposite results, the internationalcommunity's attention was inevitably turned towards the alternativeside. In this concept, maybe the biggest Albanians socialistsuccess is not simply the fact that their eyes are looking towardsWest, but the anti-communist failure in the European diplomaticcircles.

The fame and failure of DP is connected with only one name: SaliBerisha. DP, with no doubt, was the most successful party among allnew anti-communist parties in Eastern Europe. In just one year itdefeated one of the most toughest regimes in the continent. And inthis battle a special role also was of Sali Berisha. His rarevitality and energy, maybe, make him the most famous leader inEastern Europe.

"We're all suffered together and we are all guilty", these were hiswords said on 23 March 1992, that touched thousands of people's

hearts that participated in huge public meeting after the defeat ofcommunism in Albania.

But, unfortunately, very soon the disappointment took the place ofhope. The huge fame and maybe the long experience as the partysecretary deformed Berisha, turning him from a famous tribune toit's antipode. Like this, he decided to set his full control overthe party, the parliament, the army, the judiciary, by turning intoan absolute God of the country. The first victim of his style washis, so called, party of hope, the Democratic Party. The first

party's "little loss" was the one in local elections in July 1992.

Only four months after coming to power, the Democratic electoratestarted to weaken. In these elections, unexpectedly, the winnerscame to be the socialists. The other loss, the signalized biggerlosses, was the failure of Constitutional Referendum in November1994. People refused to accept a Constitution that acknowledgedunlimited president's rights. Even at that time, it was said thatit was not a referendum for constitution, but simply a vote of

protest against Berisha's politics.

The thing that would disqualify Berisha was the May 26 "victory".

They noted a start of an abnormal institutional period in Albania,during which the state turned to be an object of criticism by mostforeign organizations on human rights and western governments. TheMay 26 victory was the main reason why the pyramidal schemes where

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not hit. If deep corruption is added to political mistakes, thenthe set of reasons for failure of the DP are complete. However,more frightening and anxious is precisely the attitude this partyhas taken after the elections. Many accusations directed against

international institutions have become "responsible" for the lossof this party. In fact, the democrats are not wrong when they saythat these organizations support their political enemies, and theydo not want to see which is the real reason for the change of thedirection of the European diplomacy. The main reason for this is

precisely the DP itself, and it's wrong politics in governing thestate. And for it to become a serious partner for internationalfactor, it has to change it's structure from the roots and toremove the consumed political elements, at whose head remains

president Berisha.

An interesting development for the Albanian right wing has alsobeen the arrival of King Leka, pretender of the royal throne. Hispermanence has been a compromise of Albanian parties in a verystrange situation. It overpasses some of the most elementary

juridical procedures. In any European country, the arrival of anex-monarch would not be as easy as in Albania. First, Albanianauthorities should have solved the problem of the Assembly, whichdoesn't (legally) allow the coming back of ex-monarch. But, eventhe pretender to the throne himself never tried to respect thecountry's laws. It seems that he didn't consider himself as a

pretender, but already a King. On his arrival, with a poor Albanianfull of mistakes, he promised Albanians peace, brotherhood andstated that "kingdom is based on law". However, it was the symbolof a perfect state himself that broke the law. First, incontradiction to all state regulations, he began his electoralcampaign at a time when citizens where not allowed to stay ingroups of more then four. On the other hand, the TV and state mediagave him greater space than they gave to the Republic. ThatAlbanian authorities didn't take this seriously and that they

believed that he is not going to present any problem, shows thefact that all political parties organized a welcoming ceremony

similar to the one made for presidents. Even Albanian socialistprime minister is not careful when he says "I met with His MajestyLeka Zogu". "The Monarch" from South Africa doesn't mind to goarmed through the squares and main streets of the city, at a timewhen opposition forces where denied these squares four years ago.But now it is clear that the throne pretender is becoming a weaponof those who lost the elections, and who are interested to declarethem as irregular as possible. Leka Zogu is now very far from hisinitial image, when he asked for peace and brotherhood. He's

becoming a source of tension and confrontation. "He escaped from

Albania as a kid and came back the same", are the words that wererepeated in the Albanian press.

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INTERVIEW

CORNELIUS OCHMANN, Director of the Bertelsmann Foundation

THE BERTELSMANN FOUNDATION IS READY FOR THE FRAMEWORK OF THEALBANIAN-SERBIAN TALKS

Interviewed by BEQ CUFAJ / Guetersloch

Some time has passed since the Bertelsmann Scientific Foundationand it's responsible person, Cornelius Ochmann, have published a

project on Kosova, which was interesting to some internationalcircles.

This is the first interview of the director of this institution to

an Albanian media.

KOHA: Maybe it would be interesting for our readers, to know moreabout the Bertelsmann Foundation in general and for the interest ofthis organization concerning Kosova?

OCHMANN: The Kosova issue is part of the framework of EU's interestfor the strategic project for Europe, where the issues of thesecurity of the European Union and other states has the specificdimension, with a special emphasis on the destabilisation of the

Balkans which has resulted with many problems. In this context, theKosova problem appears as an assignment for the EU.

KOHA: The Bertelsmann Foundation has so far organized severalmeetings between Albanian and Serbian intellectuals, whose topicwas the issue of Kosova. Could you tell us how satisfied are youwith these talks?

OCHMANN: So far we have been satisfied with the ongoing project. Wehave succeeded to have around the same table group of experts andintellectuals from Serbia and Kosova and together with the western

experts, in a constructive way, discuss on the resolution of theKosova problem.

KOHA: Besides alternative intellectuals, analysts and experts fromthe Balkans, have you tried to bring together the conflicting

parties, the Serbs in power (Milosevic's socialists) and thelegitimate representatives of Albanians, headed by Rugova?

OCHMANN: The representatives of the LDK, Agani and Tahiri, e.g.,participated in our meetings, and showed great interest about the

process of our project. Bukoshi was there as well. With officialSerbian representatives things are different. However, theinformation about the project itself, has been distributed directlyto them.

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KOHA: After your meeting, the Foundation came up with the concreteproposals for the resolution of the Kosova problem. These are goodproposals, but very hard to be achieved in practice, because of thehabitual disrespect from the Serbian side.

OCHMANN: As you are informed, the proposals of the Foundation havebeen offered. We are fully aware that neither the Albanian nor theSerbian side are satisfied with the content of our proposals sofar. Because of this reason, we will try to continue working onthem so a form of coexistence between Serbs and Albanians is found.This means that we are still in the phase of projecting which meansthat we will continue with our discussions.

KOHA: Have you offered your proposals for the resolution of theKosova problem to the governments (Albanian and Serbian). If yes,

what was their reaction. In your project it is said that thereshould be a mediator in the Kosova problem. Have you taken any stepto offer your project proposal to a possible mediator in the

process or you are that mediator?

OCHMANN: The proposals are offered to all sides interested in it.The reaction were too limited. I suppose that the project is beingstudied deeply.

The mediator could be announced only after the sides officially

sign and accept it. I believe that a NGO such as ours, could onlyoffer proposals. Whether these proposals are going to be accepted,this is a matter of politicians. Time for compromises in Serbia andKosova has come. I hope that with the explanation of the situationin Belgrade, the process of negotiations will proceed positively.The Bertelsmann Foundation is ready to set the framework of thetalks if the two sides accept them.

KOHA: Did you offer this project to EU and USA, and if yes what wastheir reaction? How do you perceive the interest of internationalcommunity to get involved in resolution of the Kosova problem?

OCHMANN: These proposals have been offered to all sides interestedin this issue, among others to the European Commission and the USA.Because of the above mentioned facts, the reactions were kept fromthe public. In the coming months, we will see if the content ofthese proposals has been accepted.

This issue is of great interest for the international community,because without the solution of all the conflicts in the Balkans,the real unification of Europe can't even be imagined.

KOHA: Do you plan to continue with the meetings of Serbian andAlbanian intellectuals or you think that your activity couldexpand?

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OCHMANN: We are still working on proposals and I believe that inthe coming months we will come out with a letter-proposal,acceptable for both sides. Afterwards, we would discuss theseissues with a broader circle of people.