The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton

Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha

soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the

name of Koha Ditorë. With the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on

http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.

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Koha Digest # 45 (1995)

EDITORIAL

ZAGREB, ON THE AIRPLANE

by VETON SURROI

When I left, almost four years ago, entering the plane which would take us from Zagreb toShkup, men were pushing women with little children from the stairways, in order to be thefirst to get a seat. The images resembled those repeated thousands of times, of the withdrawalof the Americans from Saigon. The feeling of panic had captivated all, the fear that theywould be caught by the whirl of war. It was the last plane flying towards Shkupi.

After these years and many changes, I again saw myself in the Zagreb Airport. The symbols(UN crafts, the Croatian flag, a visa requirement) created the primary difference, but inessence the airport of Zagreb remained almost the same. The town, however, had becomemore beautiful, it had come closer to its old ideal of becoming a Central European town. Thisbeauty was accompanied by the harsh contrast of camouflage uniforms of soldiers on leaveand the terrified sight and whispered words of people for other parts of Croatia who lookupon the beautification of this town as the result of the sacrifice of their bombarded towns,burned villages.

Zagreb should, however, not be judged from its external looks. Even in times when theoutskirts of this town were being bombed by the Serbian artillery, the sun would attract theyoung men and women, quite sophisticated products of the Panonia plain and Adriaticnobility combination, to the town's cafes. This ritual remains even today, with the onlydifference that four years have passed, and many of these young people coming out on thestreets ask themselves and the others whether there will be war in springtime. Again, they areaffronting an existential decision: to stay and fight, or flee?

The American ambassador is optimistic that there will be no need for such a choice, he hopesthat the plan which he elaborated together with the Russian ambassador will be accepted byboth Croats and Serbs. Peter Galbright, is his name, is one of the new things of the Croatiafour years after. As the first American ambassador, he is trying to get a position in thepolitical life. Some Croatian circles, having such a dynamic American ambassador, get thefeeling of a banana-republic of the fifties, of a state where the key decisions (and at times notso determinant) were made in the cabinet meeting attended only by the President of theRepublic and the American ambassador. The Bosnian Ambassador, Kasim Trmka, told mehow William Perry, the American Secretary of Defense, was addressing the representatives ofBosnia and Croatia in Munich, in the style of a strict teacher, by warning them seriously:"There must be no war between you!".

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I met both ambassadors earlier, in other roles and times. Galbright, in Prishtina, as he wasfreezing in the hall of the "Grand" Hotel, where he had come to investigate the situation inKosova. Trmka, as the expert of constitutional law in Sarajevo and then on a plane whichtook us back from Brussels to Shkup, while we were flying over the Bosnian air space, full ofblack smoke of war. The presence of them both, now in the roles of ambassadors, only provesthe relativity of the flow of time. It is true that many things have changed in Croatia, it is alsotrue that many things have changed in the lives of these two people, but it is also true that thestrong feeling of existential insecurity of the future of Croatia, and in fact, of the wholeregion, has not been eliminated.

The Zagreb-Shkup plane has quite some space. Men do not push nor step over women withchildren.

MACEDONIA

THE UNIVERSITY OF BARRICADES

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI & IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Tetova

As it was announced, the academic year in the University of Tetova started on February 15.The nervousness present in the previous days, because of the police experience in the pastweeks regarding the activities of this institution in Albanian, seemed exaggerated that day. Infact, the impression was that there were no policemen around. Maybe this was influenced bythe massive participation of over 10 thousand Albanians from all parts of Macedonia. Apartfrom them, there were also visitors from abroad, concretely the delegation of the US Congresslead by former Congressman Joseph DioGuardi, who this time came on behalf of theChairman of the Committee for Foreign Affairs of the Congress, Benjamin Gilman. On thisoccasion, DioGuardi also brought Gilman's letter addressed to President Gligorov, in whichhe asks for understanding and tolerance for the University of Tetova.

Not prevented by the police, and in the presence of all Albanian political, cultural andscientific subjects in Macedonia, the academic year was inaugurated by Rector Dr. FadilSulejmani, which automatically meant that all forecasts that this day would be postponeduntil the adoption of the Law on Superior Studies failed. This recommendation was rejectedby Sulejmani with the explanation that there were no guarantees that this act would really beadopted and that in fact this was just a trap which would cause mistrust among the public,because the beginning of the year had already been postponed once (and the explanation was:the bad weather). Among others, on this occasion, Sulejmani praised Gligorov because of hiswiseness in respect to this matter. Macedonia has passed the most important test ofdemocracy, said Sulejmani. Two days later, the events denied this statement.

On the same day, the port-parole of the Government, Güner Ismail, qualified the initiation ofthe academic year as an illegal act. He also warned (maybe even threatened) the involvedpersons that the Government will not tolerate illegal activities and that they themselves willhold the responsibility for what will happen. One day later, the warning of theminister-port/parole was materialized with the large presence of police forces whichattempted to break-in the buildings where classes started. However, the attempts of the policewere stopped by the gathered citizens, who created a live barricade between the police and the

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building. The attempt failed. Rector Sulejmani took the opportunity to start a dialogue withthe policemen, telling them that if needed, 100 thousand Albanians would defend theUniversity.

The fact that the things in this University will not go the way they were foreseen, is proven bythe fact that many students did not appear on the first days of classes, fearing repression. Atthe same time, the police prevented students from other parts of Macedonia to come toTetova. According to the first news, this has happened to the students coming from Struga.

Joseph DioGuardi was among the Albanians from Macedonia for the eighth time andrepeated the old saying: "...don't be afraid, you have many brothers and sisters in America".

The Macedonian media elevated the issue of his presence in Macedonia, and even discussedwhether he was officially of privately in Macedonia. Statements of the American LiaisonOffice were transmitted, claiming that he was here on a private visit, which was categoricallydenied by him, announcing even that he would present a report of what has happening to theAmerican Congress: "The Macedonian government could enrich the multi-ethnic life withdialogue and the solution of problems, including the University of Tetova, doing the opposite,it could turn this into a new Sarajevo", said DioGuardi. However, the Macedonian authoritieswarned DioGuardi and, despite his plans, he left for USA earlier than foreseen.

February 17 will also be included in the calendar of the initiation of the academic year, whenearly in the morning many inhabitants of Porroj and Xhepisht villages came to help out theUniversity by blocking the entrances to the mosque's school, where, even with the presence oflarge police forces, Rector Sulejmani wished the students of Law and Economy a happyacademic year. The international mediators who "served" as "couriers" for a couple of hoursbetween the Rectorate and the police, were told to transmit to the police that Albanians hadcome to arm themselves with knowledge and not weapons.

Friday arose in Tetova full of policemen, but also with the determination of the Albanians todefend the Albanian school. The first epilogue is too gloomy: one killed, Abduselam Emini,and more wounded or injured. The Macedonian police admitted that seven policemen and onejournalist (Branko Geroski, injured by the gathered citizens) were also injured in the clashoccurred in Reçicë. Many Albanians sought medical assistance in private clinics. The funeralof the victim took place on Saturday, while the buildings of the University and the roads fromTetova to Gostivar and Shkup were closed (at least until Saturday mid-day), and were understrong police surveillance. There were large police forces, heavily armed, in other villages ofthe Tetova municipality.

The Albanians supported the University, the Government of Macedonia announced its actionsin another reaction of its port-parole, who stated that "this was an anti-Constitutional andillegal activity". And it undertook them with bloodshed. That morning - early in the morning,the peasants of Porroj had scented the arrival of the "not welcome guests" and had blockedthe mosque on time. The police arrived late, but remained there until the midnight of Friday.The Rector of the University, Sulejmani, before wishing his best to the students and teachers,had addressed them and the people gathered by saying : "The weapons of the Albanians are apencil and a notebook"! The impression is that the situation didn't deteriorate even morebecause of the presence of UNPROFOR and OSCE. However, on Friday afternoon, what wasnot excluded, happened in Reçicë. The facts about who started first are contradictory, eventhough it can't be excluded that a rock might have been thrown against the policemen. But the

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question arises: Had this deserved to be shot back at?! The automatics' bursts reminded theTetovans of Bosnia and Chechenya, but also the shots during the '68 demonstrations. Lateron, the Macedonian authorities, mainly police, nevertheless (without even expressing theslightest sorrow) will reconfirm the determination to "defend the constitutionality andlegality", while the Albanian political subject will try to put everything under control. TheAlbanian ministers in the Government finished their working hours, while the lights inGligorov's cabinet remained on until Saturday morning. "KOHA" found out that this is thefirst time Albanian ministers did not participate in the meeting. However, the meeting behindclosed doors of the leaders all Albanian political subjects, the University and other organismswhich gather Albanians, qualified Gligorov and his Government as guilty for not having evenlistened to the Albanian requests for superior studies. The Albanian political subject statedthat it will defend the cadres and that the educational process will have to adapt to the newcreated circumstances. The Albanians were asked to remain cold-blooded... After all this, onFriday late in the evening, the police made it public that the name of the Rector of theUniversity, Sulejmani, and the Chairman of the Forum for Human Rights, Milaim Fejziu areadded to the number of the arrested (which is still not certain, on Saturday mid-day).

It is early to give any evaluations about what has happened. But, it seems that the Albanians,in their fervent wish to "kill the 50 years' old darkness" started the project of the University abit disorganized, having done "more talk" than work. However, this doesn't exclude theresponsibility of the Government for the created situation, even more having in mind that itdelayed the solution of the educational problem for three years. And this was proven to theinternational factor. It is symptomatic, therefore, to hear the accusation coming from thepro-governmental media, that individuals from the management of the University, includingthe Rector, are under the control of the service of the Military Intelligence of the YugoslavArmy. Maybe the best denial of this is the fact that the next day, after the University buildingwas set under police control, a huge Serbian emblem, a cross with four letters "s", appearedon the front door.

The impression is that the Government has found itself in a very delicate situation, and theonly way out is to adopt the Law on Superior Studies which could lead towards the light atthe end of the tunnel. If the contrary occurs, the options from the Bosnian neighborhood areissues discussed not only in cafes.

INTERVIEW

FADIL SULEJMANI, Rector of the University of Tetova

WHAT IS BAD ABOUT EDUCATION?

Interviewed by SELADIN XHEZAIRI /Tetova

KOHA: The academic year finally started last Wednesday, but the problems still remain.

SULEJMANI: The University is of great importance for the Albanians in Macedonia, becauseit opens a new era, that of education and knowledge. The generations to come out from thisuniversity will be useful for the Albanians and the development of this region, as well as thereciprocal cooperation of the Albanian lands in all areas of life.

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KOHA: However, the Government has not changed the posture towards the University andhas qualified its foundation as "brutal violation of constitutionality and legality".

SULEJMANI: The Government can think, say and do as it wishes. It lacks political will, andthere are no constitutional obstacles. If there is any small legal obstacle, it can be changedwith political will, as the Government changed the laws in the eighties when the PedagogicalAcademy in Shkup and many other high schools in Albanian throughout Macedonia wereclosed down. We have said and still do: we will do our job, the government will do its job,but we will not stand to see our youth wandering down the streets, sit in cafes, have them intodrugs and spirits. Education will not harm the government nor the state. Anyhow, it is goodthat the inauguration of the University passed without incidents.

KOHA: Recently you have been in USA and, as published, you have signed a cooperationagreement between your University and George Washington University. What kind ofcooperation is this?

SULEJMANI: We have signed an agreement with this University to exchange experiences,students and for, not only moral help, but material help too. We will soon send several of ourstudents to Washington and we expect American students to come here. This will be the firststep towards the realization of the agreement with this University, one of the first ones to helpus in difficult moments.

KOHA: In Washington you have met with Richard Hallbrook, Adjoint Secretary of State.

SULEJMANI: It was an official meeting. We spoke for over an hour. We informed himobjectively and scientifically all about the University of Tetova; the purpose, our need for thisUniversity and thus we have broken into pieces the false Macedonian propaganda. One daybefore our meeting, he received Stevo Crvenkovski (Minister of Foreign Affairs), who hadtold him that the University of Tetova had political purposes and that it is being establishedso the Albanians from Macedonia would secede and then unite with Albania. The officiallistened to our arguments too, and then he gained a real picture about our University. On thisoccasion, we offered many documents on the work of the University and the obstacles it isfacing.

KOHA: How do you evaluate the attempts of the Government to reactivate the PedagogicalAcademy and its future and probable promotion to Faculty of Pedagogy?

SULEJMANI: This has nothing to do with the University. The University will not be stopped.It is becoming stronger and it is penetrating into the world. The Academy is, as it used to be,as funny, artificial and not at all scientific school. It is a political school through whichMacedonia has tried to manipulate, and still manipulates Albanians and the whole world,claiming how the Albanians have superior education and in fact they have nothing. On theother hand, the government claims that we should take it step-by-step, turtle's steps I wouldsay: first the Academy and then slowly some faculties, which is only a trick, those are onlylies. This school was not and will not be capable of fulfilling the educational needs ofAlbanians in Macedonia. These needs can be fulfilled only in the University.

KOHA: Referring to the University, how will it be financed. In the meantime in the Swissedition of "Rilindja" you have published a giro-account number for these needs?

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SULEJMANI: Naturally! We are doing all the needed preparations. If the Macedonian state,eventually, does not finance and provide us with the buildings, we won't wait for others tofinance us. We have opened a giro account for the needs of the University (this was a decisionof the Educational-Scientific Council). It is our opinion that each Albanian from Macedoniawho has valid permits of work and residence, would pay 500 DEM or its equivalent a year, asa moral obligation, in order to create the University Fund, indispensable for the functioning ofthe University. We will immediately, in spring, buy adequate buildings in Tetova and willstart constructing the other buildings of faculties, students' dormitories and restaurants,University library, etc. The University has been established, and this gives us strengthbecause we have the people backing us up. You saw this in Tetova on Wednesdays and thestrength of the people is the largest strength. The Latins have said: the voice of the people isthe voice of God. And no nationalistic nor obscure force will stop our University. We willwin. Not ignorance, but knowledge. This is the reason why we opened this giro-accounts inSwitzerland, Austria, USA, so we could have a strong economic basis.

KOHA: There are many speculations about the salaries of the professors. How high will theybe?

SULEJMANI: We think that at the beginning they will be 500 DEM a month.

KOHA: One more thing, you have always said that there are no differences between theUniversity whose Rector you are, and the other Macedonian universities, apart from thelanguage.

SULEJMANI: It is true. We can't say right now what kind of a University will declareourselves in favor of. This will depend exclusively on the Government of Macedonia and theform it will offer to us, will it be a state, private or semi-private University. This Governmenthas an obligation to finance pedagogical faculties, because Albanians too, pay 6% of taxes forsuperior education. The Macedonian government has never given any explanations in respectto where did the Albanians' money go in the past 50 years. Reagrdless of the status, thecurricula won't change. The only difference will be the means of financing and nothing elsechanges. In regard to the content of the University of Tetova and the two Macedonianuniversities, apart from the teaching language, nothing else is different. The curricula is thesame, the Statute is the same, the administration is in two languages - Albanian andMacedonian; we will also teach national history of the Macedonian people. Despite all this,the Macedonian government shows no understanding and tolerance to call us and talk with usabout the issue of our University, which, again I stress, is not only in the interest ofAlbanians, but the Macedonians too, and the Macedonian state as well. Therefore, it is aninstitution which all will profit on.

KOHA: You mentioned the dialogue, but the Macedonian public is annoyed at you for havingdeclared that if you meet President Gligorov, your's would be the last words. What would youhave to say in this respect?

SULEJMANI: This is a misinformation. The Macedonian journalists tend to distort ourwords. It is true that I declared that I would first say the last word to Gligorov. I have also saidthat I would speak to Gligorov in Albanian and not Macedonian, because he is also presidentof the Albanians, as citizens of Macedonia, and not only of Macedonians. The right thingwould be if the President of Macedonia were fluent in both languages. I said that I would notbe inferior in that conversations, and that I would not beg him to give me this or that, but we

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would discuss about the University in equal positions: about its financing, because theAlbanians are paying their contributions. All what Macedonia has built, it has done it alsowith the participation and the money of the Albanians. Even today, Macedonia is kept alivethanks to Albanians.

INTERVIEW

YASUSHI AKASHI, Special Envoy of UN Secretary General

"THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IS TIRED AND FRUSTRATED"

Interviewed by VETON SURROI / Zagreb

Yasushi Akashi gives the impression of deep calmness. While using long pauses to try andfind the proper words as answers, he looks in a undetermined direction. At the end of thereply, he looks at the interlocutor with a smile, as a sign that the expressed words have beensaid with the best will. In his office in Zagreb, a former Austro-Hungarian military barrackand later of the two Yugoslavias, he tries to more or less coordinate the informations whichcome from the fields of the Former Yugoslavia. The interview was done in moments whenthe attention is again centered in Croatia, ie. the withdrawal of UNPROFOR, upon PresidentTudjman's request.

AKASHI: This is a never-ending story, at least until the end of our present mandate. PresidentTudjman will try to profit as much as possible on his decision.

KOHA: There are interpretations that this decision is a political pressure, and not a promiseto be kept?

AKASHI: I am not sure. It seems that this is a final decision. Naturally, President Tudjman isfrustrated with the status-quo, which according to him will freeze the unjust situation in thesouth. He is sending strong message to President Milosevic.

KOHA: In a private conversation with a Croat intellectual we had some divergencies. I toldhim I had the feeling that war would again explode in Bosnia and he said that the Serbs inCroatia would start a new war as a provocation before UNPROFOR's mandate expires, inorder to keep UNPROFOR here. What do you think?

AKASHI: It would be a great mistake if they do something of the kind. I plan to talk toleaders from Knin in a very close future. I believe that both sides have legitimate fears and wemust see whether we can have a start of a serious political dialogue.

KOHA: Do you think that there is still enough political space for this?

AKASHI: We will see. I think that time has come for fundamental decisions.

KOHA: When I asked you, in Vienna, when would you come to Kosova, you replied that youwere concerned about Macedonia and that you would like to visit Macedonia as soon aspossible. What processes in Macedonia are we referring to ?

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AKASHI: Our last report from Macedonia is not good. I hoped that the dialogue between theethnic Macedonian majority and the ethnic Albanians would go on well. I still believe thatPresident Gligorov sincerely wishes for dialogue and I hoped that the issue of the Albanianuniversity would lead towards a good and practical compromise. But my last information isthat dialogue is not developing satisfactorily.

KOHA: What do you think UNPROFOR should do in this case?

AKASHI: Our primary mandate, as you know, is to cover the Northern border, in order toprevent the expansion of the conflict southwards, to FYROM. But, Macedonia's stability canbe endangered, by two other reasons: the economic difficulties, including high unemploymentrate and the issue of national minorities, the Albanian minority. In this direction, the mandateof the UNPROFOR is very modest. I am willing to offer my services to enable a dialogue, butthe responsibility for internal problems should remain with the ICFY.

KOHA: Could you foresee an extension of the mandate in Macedonia?

AKASHI: We have our hands full with Bosnia and Croatia, why should be ask an extensionof the mandate? UN is confronted with post cold war situations, thus it is facing manyinternal struggles, therefore I believe that it is better not to deal with more things than we canhandle.

KOHA: You have an interesting experience in Cambodia, where you were authorized to buildthe constitutional order. Do you think that this experience, a part of this experience, can beapplied in crisis such as is the one in Macedonia or even more in the case of Kosova?

AKASHI: I am not sure. I believe that we must not make quick analogies between twodifferent conflicts, in different parts of the world. In Cambodia we faced a situation of 20years of internal and cruel war, in where all parties reached a point of exhaustion. After threeyears of negotiations, with the involvement of the five permanent members of the SecurityCouncil, and all regional actors, the agreement on the frame document was reached, includingthe constitutional issues. Thus UNTAC was given an unprecedented authority, almost that ofa transitional government, for the application of this frame agreement reached by all warringparties, plus the regional actors. I believe that these preconditions are still missing inYugoslavia.

KOHA: Even though crises, as the Kosovan one, could represent a threat for the stability ofthe region?

AKASHI: When we refer to UNPROFOR, our mission is humanitarian, aiming at preventingbloodshed. This is why in Croatia they accuse us of legitimizing an unjust peace, but our onlyrole is that of a transitional regulator until a just solution and peace are found. We also mustassure a good coordination between the peacemakers (the mediators) and peacekeepers, as weare. This is why I am interested to have ICFY and the Contact Group work in the same waves,and not work separated from one-another. We have good coordinating mechanisms throughMr. Stoltenberg, who is the UN representative at the ICFY. The Contact Group, on the otherhand, represents five governments, without and formal obligation towards the UN.

KOHA: There is a consensus in Croatia about the failed coordination and the negative results.Is there a need to make a change in the concept of the approach of the former Yugoslav

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crisis?

AKASHI: It is not a matter of mechanisms or institutions. I think that the problem relies onthe identification of the political will for the solution of these military conflicts once andforever. Thus, I can hardly wait the results of the French initiative for a new internationalconference, which is going through a transformation.

KOHA: We were informed from Geneva that Milosevic has expressed Owen and Stoltenberghis willingness to meet with Rugova in private. If this were true, what would the role of theUN be?

AKASHI: I am not informed about this.

KOHA: Anyhow, what would UN's role be, and does the UN really have any role incooperation with ICFY, regarding the issue of Kosova?

AKASHI: You must ask the Co-Chairmen of the ICFY. I will meet with them in theafternoon and I will ask them which is their latest posture regarding Kosova. Right now theymust deal with Croatia, and they are carefully following the situation in Bosnia. I hope thatthey will join the new conference proposed by Juppe... But, I also believe that Macedonia andKosova are of their concern, too.

KOHA: What you just said, doesn't it lead us to a paradoxical situation in which, in order tobe heard...

AKASHI: ...one must create problems?

KOHA: Yes, create many problems?

AKASHI: I don't want to think in this way. But, anyways we have many problems in this partof the world. I think that the international community is tired and frustrated. And, one of thestrong messages of UN Secretary General, Boutros Ghali, when he visited Sarajevo onDecember 1, was "don't think that you are subscribed to the whole world's attention, of theUN. You must find a solution. UN will try to enable the process of finding peace, but UN isnot omnipotent. The UN has many problems and now it lacks soldiers and money."

COLONIZATION

NEW CAMPAIGN, OLD COURSE

by GORDANA IGRIC /AIM/ Belgrade

The Federal Government published its Decree Law on the criteria and ways "of procuringapartments, lots and loans to cadres and returnees to Kosovo and Metohija". It entered inforce on January 28, at the eve of the medial announcement that the Serbian ministers arefinalizing the elaboration of a detailed plan on Kosova. Right now, the programmedcampaign of the regime, which suggests to the public that this time, the long-term problem inKosova will be solved easily, is running on in Serbia. Under the shadow of the "optimistic

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and strong decision" of the Serbian regime to stop the process of emigration and reopen thatof the return of Serbs and Montenegrins, the Decree Law was in a way neglected. And itstates: "The person interested to get an apartment, lot or loan in Kosovo and Metohija, mustreport to the Commission which is formed for this purpose in each municipality where theprocurement of lots and apartments will be done - meaning in Kosova. The writtenapplication will be sent by the interested persons once it has been posted in the municipalities'public boards. And who will have the priority? First of all young cadres of administration,jurisprudence, economy...Then, cadres who are already working but whose housing problemis not solved, families with many children..."

The consequence of the joint labor of the two governments has incited many reactions, oftencontradictory. The Kosova Albanians consider the regime's plan to settle Kosova with 100thousand Serbs till 1998 as "the most perfidious colonization in the newest history ofEurope". The only Albanian daily in Kosova, "Bujku", ascertains that, according to thenewest statistics, now the Serbs make up only 3% of the population, and even if the wholeplan of the Yugoslav authorities is accomplished, there would be only 5% Serbs in Kosova.

The statement of the Minister in the Government of Serbia, Vekoslav Sosevic, that all Serbsand Montenegrins wishing to come to live and work in Kosova will be provided with jobsand housing, is looked upon hostilely. Prishtina alone has foreseen 50 lots for this purpose,while last year, 300 apartments were constructed, which means that until the end of the year,it is calculated that 1.500 families will get new houses. In Gjilan, an advertisement waspublished for 56 lots and another 215 others are being prepared. So far, there have been 250applications. The program, of course, doesn't mention Albanians, apart from the category ofthe "honest Albanians" who are loyal to the Serbian regime.

The ones who have emigrated from Kosova are of the opinion that the real moment for thisaction is lost forever. They believe that something could have been achieved in 1990, when,according to the sources of "Nasa Borba", there were 2000 people in Kraguejvac alone, whowere wishing to go back. Only one of them went back. It is a general opinion of the emigratedthat the regime is only stopping the people. The Federal government has decided to deposit 4million dinars for these purposes. People have calculated that this amount is enough toconstruct only 80 apartments, therefore it is predicted, that even in the best of the cases,around 320 people could come back. One also must have in mind that time does its share, andthat people have integrated into the new society, and their children don't feel as newcomers oraliens any longer.

In Kragujevac, for example, there are around 30 thousand people who came from Kosova,while according to "Nasa Borba's" sources, they are the least interested in this action.

Serbs in Kosova are taking this action as another vane promise. People still abandon Kosova.The cadres over there (mainly Serbs and Montenegrins) invest on real estate properties inSerbia, just in case, and await for the moment to leave. It seems as the Serbs who make up thepresent leadership in Kosova are not very fond of the experts-returnees. It is known that thebest paid jobs in administration and economy are held by under-qualified Serbs andMontenegrins, and there are even places where drivers were appointed directors ofenterprises. The Serbian opposition parties, finally, make fun of the program and remind theregime of similar experiences in the past.

Apart from introducing blackmail, corruption and the large repressive apparatus, the SPS rule

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has done nothing for Kosova. Ivan Kovacevic, President of the Executive Board of theSerbian Renewal Movement, clarifies the posture of his party with issues regarding the recentactivities of the regime: "With the sudden change into peacemaking politics by the Serbianregime, a considerable concern among the Kosova Serbs started growing. Last autumn theysigned a petition. And everything which has been "undertaken" so far is aiming at calmingdown the situation. By chance I met some Serbs from Kosova, in times when Milosevic gaveup on Bosnian Serbs. They would say: `We are the next in line'. This action is just throwingdust in one's eyes. I would not be surprised at all, if this program would have been copiedfrom an older one edited two, four or six years ago. Without real economic measures andwithout a market economy, it is very hard to lead a populating policy. There is still a cleartendency of Albanians getting richer and having less Serbs around."

Aleksandar Baljak, also from the SRM, adds that nothing has been done and that the life ofboth Serbs and Albanians is harder than ever, therefore the impression is created that theSerbs in Kosova are in uniforms.

Dragan Todorovic, Chairman of the Executive Board of the Serbian Radical Party states thatthe regime is preparing another farce.

"SPS is facing many difficulties because of its government. It is trying to manoeuvre and thustry to heal all the catastrophic consequences in all segments. We have requested a debate inthe Parliament of Serbia on this issue, but their MPs prevented it, because it would be evidentthat they have done nothing - or whatever they did, they did it wrong. Since the Albanianswere removed from the leading posts in Kosova, they were replaced by SPS people. Inessence, nothing has changed for the people. "Trepça" functioned in times of occupation,during WWII, but it doesn't function now, under SPS control. Looking back to what has beendone in the past five years, a logical question arises: which are the guarantees that anythingwill be successful this time? I don't think that this is at all important for the SPS - to them it isimportant to still hold the power, be it by plundering and deceiving people."

For Miljenko Dereta, from the Civil League of Serbia, the new plan resembles very much acampaign known from the times of the Commissars.

"This is in no way a constructive attitude of the regime, because the problem is binational.The number of Serbs has decreased, and their dissatisfaction has grown. The moment thisdissatisfaction among Serbs appeared, the regime decided to calm them down, and in fact, itagain evaded the first step which would lead towards the normalization of the relations withthe Kosova Albanians. Until this is not reached, no Serb will go back. From all theinvestments done so far, all have it clear that only the Karic Kingdom has emerged. Maybe itis quite all right to have a new kingdom. Many figures and facilities are foreseen, howeverthere is a long way from planning up to realization."

Standing in between the two opposite postures (Serbian opposition and the Albanians leadersof Kosova), there are also other opinions regarding this campaign.

In the daily supplement prepared by Nasa Borba for "Deutsche Welle", Bahri Cani considersthat this is an attempt to prevent the internationalization of the problem of Kosova and theassurance of the better positions in the start already, before the initiation of the Serb-Albaniantalks, without a mediator.

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How will the dialogue in such an atmosphere end, when Milosevic promised that Kosovawould always remain Serb while Rugova in fact has already realized the statehood ofKosova? Compromise will be necessary.

Finally, some foreign media also forecast that the plan of the regime to apply the rule of law,in fact represents the preparation for future eventual problems in Kosova, when the Serbianregime (thanks to the fact that real-estate was purchased and sold by verbal contracts, withoutthe judicial change of property), will easily prove to the international public that 80% of theland is property of Serbs and Montenegrins. For example, a person who left Suhereka 8 yearsago, sold his house to an Albanian family for 100 thousand DEM, has bought himself a nicehouse at the outskirts of Belgrade and even saved some money. He is still the legal owner ofthe house in Suhareka. The verbal contracts intensified even in the past several years, and it isknown that a Commission of the Parliament of Serbia, established to control the circulationof real-estate, has not allowed any transaction in the past four years.

If the prices of lots in Kosova and Serbia are compared, then two tendencies are evident. TheAlbanians are willing to pay the dream price for a piece of land, and the remaining Serbs andMontenegrins are willing to economically use this, go to Serbia and at the same time becomerich. For example, one are of qualitative land, close to the road, in Vojvodina costs between750 and 800 DEM, while in a village close to Prizren, as we were informed, it is 18 thousandDEM worth.

The regime is not concerned much about this - since this, among others, according to thecourt's registers (and the world) still remains "Serb"?!...

FORMER YUGOSLAVIA

NO PARALLELISM BETWEEN KOSOVA AND KRAJINA

by AUGUSTIN PALOKAJ / Zagreb

Different circles in Zagreb have, since four years ago, claimed that Albanians in Kosova askwhat the Serbs in Krajina request. Luckily enough, I have still not heard an Albanian say thatCroatia is violating the rights of the Serbs as Serbia is doing with Albanians in Kosova. Itcould be said that the opinions of the Croats originate in a kind of fear and, to a large extent,from a lack of information. This is, to a certain degree understandable, for people who havelived far away from Kosova, and who can't read Albanian, meanwhile the regime, with all itsmanipulations, has filled people with prejudice towards Albanians. A Zagreb expert ofpolitical sciences of Serb origin, Jovan Djuric, has written a whole book to convince thereaders that all nationalisms are not dangerous in the same way, naturally, stressing that theAlbanian nationalism in the Former Yugoslavia is the most dangerous. The number ofSerbian scientists "from all over" who in such a way discredit their own titles, is not smalland the Albanians know this the best. On the other hand, their Croat colleagues do not do thesame mistake, but their reactions have a limited effect.

Kosova had its political subjectivity in a continuity of the increasing autonomy after WorldWar II. It's autonomy was ruined by force, and Serbia used the former Slavic republics to doso, which remains a stain in their consciences. The fact that the loss of autonomy of Kosova

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was only the beginning of a Great-Serbian scenario for domination in the former Yugoslavfederation, was proven by the beginning of the Serbian movement in Croatia which firstrequested cultural autonomy in Croatia, while now it doesn't even accept the politicalautonomy which even the Swiss cantons don't have. Kosova had its political subjectivitysanctioned with the federal Constitution, Knin's Krajina was only a geographical term. The socalled Serb Krajina has all statehood elements (territory, population, power, etc.) but also thebiggest laic knows that this is a result of violence and aggression. In order to reach this stage,the Krajina Serbs conducted ethnic cleansing using the most barbaric methods, and they stillcontinue with this process with the aim of having territorial links with Mother Serbia. Serbsin Croatia and particularly in Bosnia, have done all those crimes which, without any proof,they accused the Albanians of committing. Rapes, the destruction of religious and nationalcults, caused a culturecide, unknown to the European civilization. I don't know that any of thealleged rapes of old women or destruction of cultural monuments in Kosova was everdocumented. Not very much is needed to try and document the Serbian terror in Croatia.

The shells in the walls of the ancient town of Dubrovnik, the total destruction of Vukovar, thehole in the minaret of Mostar's mosque and bombing of Zagreb downtown, 5 meters awayfrom the Saint Marc's church, prove themselves that we are not referring to the ungroundedaccusations against the "defenceless Serbian people" in Croatia. Do the Serbian academicians,who claim that Kosova is the cradle of Serbia because of the existence of several oldmonasteries, know that the oldest Croatian cathedral is in Kotor, that Subotica, of Hungarianand Croat majority, used to be the town of Queen Maria Theresa? Where would we come to ifonly the Serbian principle is applied (and which is valid only for Serbs) according to whichthe legitimate rights of two million people should be sacrificed only because of some Serbiancultural monuments? Or maybe Greece should also ask for its historical rights in Egypt,because Alexander the Great has built a temple there?

Several months ago, in an interview, Branko Horvat said that only the people of Kosova havethe right to decide about their own fate and that the Serbian monuments should be given andexterritorial status. According to him, this would not be unacceptable for Albanians, whohave themselves preserved these cult monuments during centuries.

The international law states that in case of a disintegration of a Federation, its federal unitshave the right to create states of their own. After the destruction of the Former Yugoslavia,Serbs interpreted this principle in their own language, stating that the right toself-determination belongs only to the people, including the Serbs from Knin. This is why theSerbs, from their viewpoint, do not find any parallelism between Krajina and Kosova,because 30 thousand Serbs in Croatia are a people, and 2 million Albanians in Kosova are anational minority. Then why isn't the right of the Muslims of Sandzak for self-determinationacknowledged, since they had the status of a people in the Former Yugoslavia? When itcomes to Kosova, Serbs cling to the historical right (which even if acknowledged, does notfavor only them), while in Krajina, only the ethnic right is valid.

In another case, their wish to get hold of Prevlaka is explained by the fact that they badly needthat territory. The Bosnian Serbs don't even conceal their nazi feeling, in Karadzic'sstatement, when he claims that Serbs are a more qualitative people. All of these are clear tothe West, but the West is acting as the firemen who are late, and who are pumping out waterwhere the fire is the biggest and are trying to localize the fire so it doesn't reach their owngarden. The statements of diplomats that Kosova has no right to secede are not grounded onany international principles. We must have it clear that the principle of alteration of borders

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exists, and the one that is banned is the principle of alteration of borders by force.

Comparing the issue of Knin with that of Kosova in diplomatic circles, is only a result ofpolitical conformism of the West which does not to have new problems, although Kosova is aproblem. It is astonishing to see that this parallelism is being made also by Croats who haveshowed maximal tolerance towards the Serbs by adopting a special constitutional law whichguarantees the Serbs a broad political autonomy. The Croatian state, with a dose of flexibility,offers the Serbs even international surveillance of their rights, while the Serbs ground theirfear from Croatia on the experiences of WWII and the Ustasa concentration camps.

On the other hand, the Serbian regime in Kosova, with its systematic police methods, hasmade it clear to Albanians what could they expect in a "democratic Serbia", not showing a bitof tolerance. The world must know that the main cause of Yugoslavia's destruction was theGreater-Serbian hegemony and not Croatia, Slovenia, or "other separatists and secessionists".

The posture of the West so far, towards the issue of the Former Yugoslavia leaves space tothink that they wanted to punish the republics which have destroyed the Yugoslav federation,as the main factor of stability in the region and the former factor of the East-West balance.

The Z-4 Plan acknowledges in a way the results of war, and it will hardly be accepted by bothsides. Such a plan, according to some forecasts, is the least that could be offered to Kosova,but then, would Serbia accept to allow Kosova to have its own currency, that the only officiallanguage be the one of the majority of the population, that there'd be no army in Kosova, thatthe Albanians would be allowed to have double nationality, etc. Albanians would maybeaccept this as a transitory phase towards statheood, but the Serbs, who have force as the onlyargument, always go for "all or nothing", therefore the parallelism between Knin and Kosovais harmful for both Albanians and Croats, and before all, it is not in accordance with themechanisms of international law.

KOSOVA

GOD - #1, POWER -#2?

by ARBËR VLLAHIU & BESIM ABAZI / Gjilan

The story presented in this article is a part of a night of terror an Albanian family experienced.Everything happened according to the regular system: the victim is Albanian and the criminalis a policeman. The thing which is not ordinary, is the event itself, which causes nausea withall its wildness. Then, comes the ordinary thing again. The Albanians protest, the Serbianofficials remain silent...

On February 12, CDHRF - branch in Gjilan informed that a Serbian policeman raped a youngAlbanian woman. In the communique it was stated that the victim's husband, I.R. wasarrested on February 8, accused of falsifying travel documents. One day later, he escaped. Thepolice had searched his house, and found nothing. Meanwhile, policeman Nenad Perovicwent to the R household in the night between February 11 and 12, took with him I.R.'s wife,and raped her.

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The young bride, Z.R. (18) married since four months ago, finished only elementary school.Everything, comments, stories, rumors, circulate around her person. Everything circulatesaround her, although she is not the center of the world, but a victim of a criminal act. Andthus she speaks. With the fear of a victim who has gone through hell. "I was sleeping with thechildren of my brother in law and the great-grandmother when he came, hitting the windowsand the door. I knew it was the police. We had gotten used to their visits. My husband wasarrested on February 8, while on Friday they said that he had escaped. They would comeoccasionally to look for him. I woke grandma up and she called for her son, my father in law.The policeman entered furiously and started yelling and asking for my husband. Fearcaptivated me hearing his voice and the cries of the little children. He kept on yelling: "Gethim, otherwise I will have all of you arrested. You, he told me, should come with me andlook for your husband. He could be hiding at your parents', and we will go and look for him.The rest of you, don't move, because the house is surrounded. I cried, I opposed, but in vane.He took me out and the forced me into the car. Outside I didn't see any other policeman. Hewas alone, and had a private car (Vranje registration plates). Don't be afraid, he said. I won'tbeat you. We'll go together to your family's house and then I will bring you back home. Myfamily lives in Dheu i Bardhë (White Soil) neighborhood, but he was not driving in thatdirection. He was headed towards the cemetery. When he stopped the car and turned off thelights, I was petrified. I thought that he would never take me back home. He took out his gunand pointed it against the back of my head. He ordered me to take off my clothes. I wascrying, shaking and wouldn't dare to move. He took my hands and held them tight above myhead, and started unclothing me... he raped me...

From there we went to my parents' house, where he looked for my husband. He told me tostay in the car and not move, otherwise... My poor parents. They were horrified to see mealone with the policeman, while I was speechless... he told me he was taking me back home.Again he took another way. He stopped the car in front of an elementary school and raped meagain... On the way home, he would take and call my name, I couldn't hear a thing, but finallyI understood that he was telling me to go out with him. Tomorrow, he said, I will come at 8,and take you again. Don't tell anything to anyone, for no one can help you, I will come andget you..."

The others too, bear the traumas of that evening. The victim's father in law, XH.R., an old andill man, head of a poor household, tells us the following, with a lost sight: "My son I.R. wasarrested on Thursday. On Friday they came to tell us that he had escaped. I don't believe he isfugitive, and now I doubt that he might not be alive. On Friday they came several times andon Saturday they told me that he had done nothing and that they were not looking for him anylonger. However, on Sunday evening, that policeman came, hitting the door and the windows,and as soon as I opened the door, he got my by the neck and asked me: Where is your son?Do you know that I am Crnogorac (Montenegrin)? Do you know that I can kill you? Then headdressed my old mother and asked her whether she knew who he was. I am Montenegrin. Doyou know where Crna Gora (Montenegro) is? Where is he? Tell me, otherwise I'll kill you all.Don't move, he said. The house is surrounded. He was raged. You, he said to me, must giveme your daughter in law, so we can go and look for him at her parents' house. I said that hecould take me or my mother, but he wouldn't accept. Threatening, he took my daughter inlaw, and left. He held her out there for three hours. He did whatever he wanted with her.There is nothing harder than to have you family member taken by force. He brought her backin a terrible condition, she was vomiting, crying, yelling, her eyes had gone crazy. I havenever experienced anything more difficult in my life..."

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The victim's brother in law, M.R. (30), unemployed, and father of three children, was not athome. He had taken his wife to the hospital. "When I came back home later, I found everyoneat home, silent, as if they were dead. They told me that Z had been taken by a policemancalled Nenad Perovic by force. All were terrorized. They were even more scared when I toldthem that we should report the case. He had threatened them all that he would kill us, becausethe house was surrounded. In the meantime, the policeman came back with her, and the wayshe looked staggered me; the moment I saw her, I got the impression that she had gone crazy,and believe me that I would have felt better if I would have seen her dead body. I turned tothe policemen and asked for explanations, why did he take her with him. He started yellingand threatening me: "Ja sam Crnogorac" (I am Montenegrin), and you can't do a thing for Iwill seek revenge. I will come here with 20 friends and destroy you. There is no reason foryou to do a thing, he said. I took her to her parent's house and that is it. The neighbors wokeup from the noise, and this is when he decided to leave.

I took my sister in law and my mother, and asked the neighbor to take us to the police stationby car and report the case. They took a statement from her and then we went to the hospital inGjilan. A Serbian nurse told us that they were not competent for such cases. We went back tothe police. Perovic appeared, and he started threatening again. He even told me: If you wantme to, I can take of my clothes and prove that I did it, and you can do nothing to me!!! Hewent out like crazy and even tried to beat my sister in law."

The victim was brought to Prishtina and was checked up by doctors of legal medicine, but shewasn't given any report. The Police in Gjilan has informed the family that Perovic wasarrested and that investigations have started. The expertise has taken place in their house too,but there is no official confirmation yet. And who knows will there be any...

KOSOVA

THE NEW ORDER OF THE SERBIAN POLICE

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

On Thursday, February 16, between 18,30 and 19,00, a big tragedy occurred in the center ofthe town of Prishtina. It largely upset the inhabitants of our Capital. Slavisa Stankovic (bornin 1969 in Bostan, Novobërdë) a policeman stationed in Prishtina, conducted a real massacre,killing Ali Obrinja (65) and wounding Nysret Latifi (44), Arton Rexhepi (20), NexhmedinGovori (37), Jelena Cvorovic (20) and Gradimir Brankovic (45). Ali Obrinja was killed nearhis house, as he was entering the "Sahat Kulla" tea shop, when he was pulled by his arm, andin cold blood, killed by Stankovic. Stankovic continued his death march towards the"Brotherhood and Unity" monument and in front of the building of the Kosova Parliament,shot at several young girls who were running away from him, and thus wounded Jelena. Then,the policeman started walking down the former Nikola Tesla St., behind the Central PostOffice, where he wounded Nysret and Nexhmedin, the latter one being heavily wounded.Afterwards, the policeman entered Arton Rexhepi's shop and shot him twice from thedoorway.

He changed the charger of his revolver, and according to the witnesses, first he hit a childwith his gun, and immediately afterwards shot in direction of Gradimir Brankovic's shop,

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who was also wounded. In the former Yugoslav Peoples' Army St., the killer forced twochildren to lay down on the ground in front of a shop where he was captured by the police, oras it is stated in the communique of the Serbian police: "After a quick intervention of theemployees of the Secretariat of Internal Affairs in Prishtina, Slavisa Stankovic was arrested at18,45 hrs., near the site of events"!

The same communique states that Stankovic had been in service since 1992, after he finisheda police course, and on the day of the events, after having consumed too much alcohol, hadcommitted the crime after working hours and in civilian clothes.

Anyhow, how could the fact that this "drunken" policeman wandered around the streets ofPrishtina as a cowboy with a gun in his hands, killing and wounding people in the core of thetown where all the institutions are located (Academy of arts and Sciences, Parliament, CentralPost Office, the National Bank), and which is usually full of police patrols normally, beexplained? This happened during the religious feast of Ramadan, and even more, only twodays after the rape of a young Albanian woman, an event that shocked the citizens of Gjilan.Even if the crime would have happened without "premeditation" and without the knowledgeof the organs employing Stankovic, this not only does not remove the guilt from the Serbianpolice, but only proves that it is not capable to "keep peace and order" in Kosova, as itpretends to present it to the domestic and international public.

Victims of this terrorist act were, intentionally or unintentionally, also two Serbs. Jelena wasshot while running away, whereas an eye-witness who knew Gradimir Brankovic, said thatlater he had declared in public that what the police is doing to the Albanians is unfair andunjust! Brankovic tragically felt in his own skin what kind of a police this is... Nevertheless,this crime, perpetrated demonstratively in the Capital of Kosova, as we stated, came only twodays after the rape in Gjilan. In the past years, Kosova has gotten used to the routine of crime.However, the two crimes are outstanding in their exclusiveness, and the open provocationthey represent. A similar crime occurred five years ago, in the times of "pacification" ofKosova, when a policeman and military officer, "drunken" according to the official version,massively shot against the citizens in the center of Janjeva and the Catholic church, eventhreatening a pregnant woman, by pushing the gun in her mouth. Finally, the killer of the sixyears' old Fidan Brestovci, policeman Boban Krstic, instead of being punished for his crime,got a promotion in the police hierarchy.

And regarding the rapes, this was the only non-demonstrated form of violence in Kosova!This because the political and police organs knew of the special sensitiveness of the Albanianpatriarchal society in regard to rape!

Then, the question arises, has the Serbian politics decided to test even the last Albanian nervein Kosova?