kutchin hair style

Alexander Hunter Murray and Kutchin Hair StyleAuthor(s): Richard SlobodinReviewed work(s):Source: Arctic Anthropology, Vol. 18, No. 2 (1981), pp. 29-42Published by: University of Wisconsin PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40315999 .

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ALEXANDER HUNTER MURRAY AND KUTCHIN HAIR STYLE*

RICHARD SLOBODIN

ABSTRACT

Sketches of Kutchin by the Hudson1 s Bay Company trader Alexander Hunter Murray, made in I8U7-U8, constitute a graphic - and in some respects an ethnographic - baseline for consideration of per- sistence and change in coiffure and other features of styling in personal appearance. Examina- tion of early and more recent photographs, of Kutchin indicate changes in features of hair styling, along with persistently high valuation of well-tended hair. The graphic record provides clues which have been overlooked in verbal descriptions of the Kutchin.

ALEXANDER MURRAY AND THE KUTCHIN

A "series of spirited sketches" (Burpee 1910:9) executed with worn-out pens by a thirty-year-old Scottish trader at Fort Yukon in 18U7-1*8, constitutes the earliest known graphic record of the Kutchin Indians. The artistic quality as well as the ethnographic significance of Alexander Hunter Murray's drawings have been appreciated by students of northern peoples ever since Sir John Richardson reproduced some of them in color in his Arctic Searching Expedition (1851), and especially since Murray's Journal of the Yukon 1847-48, was edited and published by L. J. Burpee, Dominion Archivist, in 1910.

Murray was born in Scotland in I818 and died at Lower Fort Garry, Manitoba, in I87U. He spent his working life in the fur trade, first with John Jacob Astor!s American Fur Company and thereafter with the Hudson1 s Bay Company. His travels were extensive even by fur trade standards, ranging from the Missis- sippi Delta and Texas to Russian America and many locations in the subarctic of British North America.

^This is a revision of a paper presented at the symposium on still pictures in subarctic research, held at the 78th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association in 1979. I wish to thank the following: Joanna Scherer for inviting me to join the symposium and for her help and advice in gathering material; Annette McFayden Clark, Curator of Ethnology, National Museum of Man, Canada, for permission to use photographs held by the National Museum's Photographic Division, and the Arts Research Board, McMaster University, for a subvention to cover cost of preparing their illustrations for publication.

The aplomb and self-confidence revealed in Murray's journal seem to have been recognized early, for his first assignment with the Hudson's Bay Company was to establish the post of Fort Yukon where it was known the Company had no right to locate, that is, inside Rus- sian America. He crossed to the site from Fort McPherson in I8U7. His Journal records the construction of the post and early opera- tions there. It ends when, having ascended the Porcupine River, the young trader rejoined his bride after a year's separation.1

Late in the Journal after much description of the Indians, Murray wrote, "I suppose I have said enough about these barbarians" (1910:89). Yet he continued to expand on their behaviour and appearance to a degree which hardly seems necessary for trading purposes.

In his comments on the "Kootchin" and neighboring peoples , Murray assumed a tone of jocular superiority common enough to con- temporary European travelers among the "lesser breeds". Yet the tone is not quite convincing. Intellectual curiosity cuts through the conde- scension. The fact is, Murray was fascinated by the Kutchin. They were the only people he was ever to encounter of whom most had not previously met a white man. Moreover, he was to some extent aware that his arrival marked the start of a new epoch in their lives. He found these people, so different from anyone

l Burpee states that information about Murray's life before I8U7 and after I8U8 was obtained from Roderick MacFarlane, a retired Chief Factor of the HBC. Anne Campbell Murray was a daughter of Chief Trader Colin Campbell of the HBC; she was partly of Crée descent. She and Murray were married in I8U6 "à la contract by Chief Factor McPherson" (Burpee 1910:1).

29 Arctic Anthropology XVIII-2, 1981



SO Arctic Anthropology XVIII- 2

he had ever met, strangely attractive. What they thought of him remains unrecorded, "but it is fairly certain that certain feelings were justifiably shared on both sides: wariness and distrust.

We are fortunate in having a record not only of the youthful Murray's immediate reac- tion to the Yukon people, but also an account of his reflections upon them fourteen years later, when he had long been stationed far from Kutchin country. We owe this, as we do so much else, to Lewis Henry Morgan. Morgan met the Murrays at their home in Georgetown on the Red River in July l86l, during one of his ethnographic trips to the west. He was introduced to them by Joseph J. Hargrave, author and HBC official, who was Morgan's travelling companion for a time. Their encounter is described both in Morgan's Journals (1959:11^-117, 216) and in Hargrave1 s Red River (187I: 5^-55 ).2

Murray's statements about Kutchin were noticeably more positive in I861 than in 181*7-^8, Morgan (1959:115) reported him as saying that "their dances and their music are of a superior kind", whereas in the Journal , Kutchin dancing was described with dry irony (1910:^9). 3 In the Journal, Murray showed himself to be a close observer of clothing and decoration, but refrained from evaluation. To Morgan, he averred that the Kutchin had "the finest Indian costume worn by any American Indians". Further, "Mr. Murray says they are a superior class of Indians, in their ways, habits, and appearance," and "Mr. Murray has seen most of the Indian nations from 'Texas to the Arctic Sea . . . and he places the Kutchin ahead of them all in intelligence and personal appearance" ( 1959:115-116) . Imme- diately following this encomium, however, Morgan added, "He says they are great rascals."

That the Indians were great rascals was on the whole a basic tenet of the fur trade, and clearly a useful one. It is not surprising that in I8U7-U8, when Murray was negotiating

with the largely unacculturated and hence un- predictable Kutchin, the most advantageous attitude for him to assume was one of wariness, tempered in his case by amusement. Fourteen years later, far from his perilous situation on the Yukon River, he was able to indulge his interest in this people, and to see the Kutchin as, of course rascals, but attractive and interesting ones.

It is in this light that we may read Murray's first-hand description of the Kutchin, and look at his sketches. As reproduced in the Journal the drawings seem remarkably ac- curate, granted that they are only sketches (figs. 1 through 5).1* Their accuracy is borne out by a comparison of the clothing depicted in them with photographs of early Kutchin gar- ments in Thompson 1972 and Clark 1971* (e.g., figs. 6 and 7). An important caveat must be added, however. It does not appear that anyone who has published on Kutchin ethnography including myself, has ever seen the original Murray drawings.5 They have been repeatedly published as reproductions of reproductions, with cumulative loss of detail, leading some- times to misinterpretations (see Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 1970; Slobodin 1971). TÌlìs qualification applies to the reproductions shown here.

Bearing this in mind, the observer is likely to find one of the striking features of Murray's Kutchin subjects to be their hair styles.

It is hardly necessary to urge upon scholars the symbolic and ritual importance of human head hair. There is a fairly extensive literature on the symbolism of hair styling. This paper, however, focuses on the ethnographic value of graphic illustration. It avoids cross-cultural comparisons and explana- tions in a broad sense , in favor of more de- tailed comment on the changing hair styles of a single group of northern Athapaskans so far as they have been pictured in sketches and photographs .

ZL. H. Morgan obtained Kutchin kinship terms from traders other than Murray, but Mrs. Murray provided him with information on Plains Crée kinship terminology. "She speaks Crée perfectly," Morgan commented. He de- scribes Mrs. Murray as "an educated and accom- plished lady," knowledgeable about various subjects, including the Kutchin (Morgan 1959: 113, llU).

3That Murray's irony could cut both ways ethnically is instanced in his description of Kutchin chiefly eloquence. "The principal chief . . . walked to the front and made a speech, the longest I ever listened to, except, perhaps, a cameronian sermon, and some parts of [it] equally far from the text ( Murray 1910 : kQ ; Murray ' s emphas es ) .

1+Where Murray names, as the subject of figure 1, "Saveeah, principal chief of the Kootcha-Kootchin," Burpee has a footnote that "this may be the same chief mentioned by Schwatka as 'Senati'" (Murray 1910:89, 89n). Apparently this is not the case; sa?ve?a and saxnHut°i were brothers, both well known leaders of the Kutcha Kutchin in the mid- nineteenth century. The latter is frequently mentioned by nineteenth century travellers as Senati, Senatee, Sachniti, etc. Some modern Kutchin identify figure 2 as a portrait of him. Reproductions of these and other Murray drawings are popular among Yukon Kutchin.

5Joanna Scherer has searched extensively but in vain for the originals of Murray's drawings.



Slobodan: Kutohin Hair Style SI

Figure 1. Saveeah, Chief of the Kootcha- Kootchin. Murray 1910:89. Figure 2. Kootcha-Kootchin. Murray 1910:90.

Figure 3. Dance of the Kootcha-Kootchin • Murray 1910:82.



32 Arctic Anthropology XVIII-2

Figure 5. Kootchin women and children. Murray 1910:82.

Figure k. Kootchin hunters. Murray 1910:9^.



Slobodin: Kutohin Hair Style S3

Figure 6. Chief's dress. Collected by- Bernard R. Ross, 1862, "From Yukon River." Thompson 1972:33.

Figure T. Man's summer costume. Collected by Bernard R. Ross. Clark 197^:3^.



34 Arctic Anthropology XVIII- 2

KUTCHIN HAIR STYLES OF THE MID- NINETEENTH CENTURY

At the time of Murray, head hair was worn long by both Rut chin men and women, and was dressed or coiffured by both sexes; or rather, by some members of both sexes. The principal gender distinction was that men's hair was drawn together at the back into a 'tail1 or clout by means of a beaded band, while women's hair "is seldom tied" (Murray 1910:85). Murray described the dressing of hair "with red earth, greese [sic], and the down of geese and ducks." The tail or clout "attains an im- mense length . . . and becomes so heavy loaded as it is with bead and shells and accumulated dirt, that the neck is bent forward and gives the Indians the appearance of stooping" (Murray 1910:85).

Murray's drawings and description to a large extent corroborate information obtained by Osgood (1936) and myself. Murray emphasized more than Osgood the great importance attached to coiffure by aboriginal Kutchin. This em- phasis is observable in several Kutchin myths and legends , perhaps especially the story of Nithitzik, which always concludes with: "Nithitzik fooled the people."

I collected this story on several occasions between 1939 and the early 1960s. In the versions I know, it was told by Peel River Kutchin as a joke on themselves. More usually, Peel River people say, that they are the ones who perpetrate hoaxes, hazing, and joking on others.

As summarized, the tale goes like this. In pre-contact times a Yukon Kutchin, an excel- lent and respected hunter named Nithitzik, de- cided to teach the Peel River people a lesson. He traveled to the upper Peel and located a large Peel River Kutchin "meat camp". Before entering the camp, he dressed in old, ragged, dirty clothing, caching his good clothing, dent alium- shell ornaments, etc. He then limped into camp as if enfeebled by hunger. Since food was already in short supply, he was by no means welcome.

However, a widow with an unmarried daughter - characteristic Kutchin heroines - offered to take him in. As time passed, the local men had little success in hunting. Nithitzik did not even try. He became an object of open con- tempt; at public share-outs of the scarce food, bits of gristle were tossed contemptuously at his feet. The widow, however, continued to treat him as well as she could.

One day Nithitzik disappeared. Days later he returned quietly and left again with the widow, the daughter, and a toboggan. Next day the three reappeared, pulling a large load of meat. Nithitzik was transformed, wearing fine clothing and ornaments. His finely- dress ed hair gleamed. The two women were also richly

adorned . There was a large distribution of meat, in

which Nithitzik took care to humiliate the local leaders. He then headed for the Yukon with the old lady and the daughter.

"Nithitzik fooled the people." One person he had not fooled was the old

lady. Her kindness to the stranger was based upon quick wit and practicality, making it particularly praiseworthy in Kutchin terms. When Nithitzik first appeared, she noticed, through cracks in his worn headgear, that his hair seemed shiny and well-kept, dressed with tsai? , the red mineral colouring, or as Murray put it, "red earth", that important people used. This condition of his hair was incon- sistent with his enfeebled manner and apparent wort hie s s ne ss, and the woman suspected there might be more to him than met the eye.

In various episodes of the Kutchin Raven cycle, well-groomed hair is also a sign of high status. When Raven gets himself up as a "wealthy" man, mention is made of his shiny hair, dressed with grease and ornamented with a band of shell beads. In the Kutchin ver- sion of a widely-distributed story wherein Raven humiliates a high-ranking and haughty beauty, he woos her in this guise. On turning back into Raven, he leaves his bride defiled and abased; most outrageously in the Kutchin view by walking over her with his bird feet while defecating on her beautiful hair.

During his year among the Kutchin, Murray had little opportunity to learn much detail about internal social relations. I am con- vinced that "the Kootchin" or "the Loucheux" or "the Gens de Fou" as a whole did not all dress their hair as Murray described it. I believe that such styling was confined to persons with pretensions to "correctness", except that short hair was properly worn by male and female adolescents and by mourners. The former cate- gory included young males segregated in an age-set under discipline and girls in puberty isolation. There was, however, some distinction among the three kinds of short coiffure. Girls in puberty seclusion might wear adorn- ments but youths under discipline wore none. Mourners' hair was disheveled and often rubbed with ashes and dirt.

It may be mentioned in passing that the Kutchin practices just cited could be construed either as supporting the kind of largely psy- choanalytic interpretation of hair symbolism, exemplified by Leach's well-known paper (1958) or the kind of sociological explanation offered by Hallpike (1969). As the latter ob- serves, the two kinds of approach are not in- compatible .

Cutting the hair in mourning, widespread throughout the world, can be interpreted either as a sign of restricted sexuality (Leach) or of being under social discipline



Slobodin: Kutchin Hair Style 35

(Hallpike). However, Kutchin hair-cutting -

chopping would be a more apt term - at puberty seems an instance in support of Hallpike' s contention that "cutting the hair equals social control" (l969:26l).

HAIRSTYLES OF THE LATE NINETEENTH AND FIRST HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURIES

Twenty years after Murray, W. H. Dali also sketched Kutchin at Fort Yukon. If one allows for the considerably inferior draughtsmanship, these pictures show little change in hair- styling and ornamentation (Dall 186t) (figs. 8-12).

Only in the l880s did Kutchin discard aboriginal hair dressing along with face-painting and nasal septum ornamentation. Kutchin retained, however, a high valuation of well- kept, smooth, and shiny hair. This is strongly suggested both by informants' recollections and by the common use of head coverings for men and women, which seems coincident with the introduction of pull-over parkas at the turn of the century. That a woman should wear a scarf and a man a cap or beret while using a pull-over garment may seem to require no spe- cial explanation, especially to those who have tried wearing parkas without headgear (fig. 13). However, figure lk9 a very typical family group snapshot taken at Fort McPherson in 1923, shows the almost ubiquitous head-covering worn even without parkas. It also shows, in- cidentally, the characteristic shy public manner of the women. This is often quite decep- tive and may have been what Dall was trying to convey in figure 10. In any case, the social, aesthetic, and also thermal value of head covering led to the universal adoption of scarves by Kutchin women and caps or berets by the men. This headgear was retained indoors where the air was often quite hot, and as late as the 1950s at least , was worn by a good many persons when going to bed.

One result of this general practice is that there are few photographs of adult Kutchin with uncovered heads. Exceptions include some, but not all, formal photographs taken between 1905 and 19^0. In a treaty party pos- ing at Fort McPherson in 1923 (fig. 15), the Indian agent, near the right side, has removed his hat; very possibly the old Kutchin man to his left , with the courtesy of many aged Kutchin, has doffed his cap because of the white man's action. All others have caps firmly in place.

Figure l6 shows the chief and band councillors at Fort McPherson in 1936 or 193T; the three to the left are the three men standing between the RCMP man and the agent in figure 15. I was not present when this photo was taken, but I strongly suspect that the photog-

rapher, probably a white official, has just requested them to remove their caps, and that this accounts for the unsmiling expressions of Johnny Kay and Abraham Francis, in the center. The good humor of Chief Julius Martin on the left, and the equanimity of Andrew Kunnizzi on the right, are undisturbed.

Interesting from many points of view are studio portraits made between 1900 and the early »20s. Figures IT, 18, 20, and 21 were made at Dawson, Y.T. in the early years of the century. The subject in figure IT has carefully prepared, or been prepared by his mother, for the photographic ordeal, but the five young men in figure 18 had come into town shortly before this from a long and successful hunting trip, slicked themselves up a bit, and hied to the studio to have the occasion recorded. They are looking fairly soignés , con- sidering the circumstances. The photograph of the one-legged man (fig. 19 h provenience un- known but allegedly Kutchin, although a snapshot, shows a definite concern for appearance.

By the twentieth century, coiffure, dress, and adornment were not as clearly associated with ranking as formerly. A good deal of fashion-consciousness, however, is certainly manifest in figures 20 and 21, whose subjects are pretty clearly not among the "submerged tenth", if there were such a thing, of the Kutchin people. The elder lady on the right side of figure 20 has hair parted in the middle, but it is fairly clear that the old- fashioned ftailf at the back has been replaced by a bun. The same is probably true of the women's hair in figure 21, taken some years later. Although dignified, the pose of the ladies in figure 20 is not in the least shy.

Shyness is even more conspicuously absent from the proud stance and frank manner of the spirited young ladies in figure 21. The hair of both seems parted in the center, but more striking is the fact that it has been waved or curled. One has the impression that these women have hurried from the hairdresser's to their photographic appointment. The fashion- able attire (in Euro-Canadian terms) and the justifiable self-satisfaction of this fetching pair are a far cry from a downtrodden 'squaw1 image .

More mundane is a family portrait which was also probably made at Dawson between 1910 and 1920 (fig. 22); here we have the characteristic head-coverings, but the young wife and mother, although lacking pretension to modishness, seems self-possessed.

KUTCHIN HAIR STYLES OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

By the 1960s, the modified 'squaw1 hairdo was worn only by the oldest women, such as the




Figure 8. Gens de Buttes [Tanana Indians]. Dall, William H. Diary, 5/26-8/29, I867. Notes on Yukon trip of the summer and fall of I867, Russian America - Box 20 and Box 23, Smith- sonian Institution Archives.

Figure 9. Young person with chaplet. Dall Diary.

Figure 10. Head of a woman. Dall Diary.

Figure 11. Young Tinne. Dall Diary.

Figure 12. Sachniti: Kutcha-kutchin. Dall Diary.



Slobodan: Kutchin Hair Style 37

Figure 13. Kutchin man at Fort McPherson, December 19U6. Photo by Richard Slobodin.

Figure 1^. Family group at Fort McPherson, ca. 1923. National Museums of Canada, Photographic Division, Negative JI912U.

Figure 15. Treaty party at Fort McPherson, 1923. From the collection of Richard Slobodin.




Figure IT. Studio portrait of young man, Dawson, Y.T. National Museums of Canada, Photographic Division Negative 1912U-3.

Figure l8. Studio portrait of group of young men, Dawson, Y.T. National Museums of Canada, Photographic Division. Negative J-I912U-I.

Figure l6. Chief and "band councillors, Fort McPherson, 1936 or 1937 • From the collection of Richard Slobodin.



Slóbodin: Kutchin Hair Style $9

Figure 19. Man, allegedly Kutchin. National Museums of Canada, Photographic Division. Negative J-1912l*-2.

Figure 20. Studio portrait of two Kutchin women in western clothing, Dawson, Y.T., 1905. National Museums of Canada, Photographic Division. Negative J-1912U-5.

Figure 21. Studio portrait of two young Kutchin women, Dawson, Y.T. about 19OO. From the collection of Richard Slobodin.

Figure 22. Studio portrait of man, wife, and child, about 1910-20. From the collection of Richard Slobodin.



40 Arctic Anthropology XVII I- 2

Figure 23. Women at Fort Yukon, I961. Photo by Richard Slobodin.

Figure 2k. Woman and son at Fort McPherson, 1963. Photo by Richard Slobodin.

Figure 25. Boys at Fort McPherson, 1966. Photo by Richard Slobodin.



Slobodin: Kutohin Hair Style 41

woman to the -right in a scene (fig. 23) of skin-preparation at Fort Yukon, I961. By then matrons, such as the one in figure 2k photo- graphed at Fort McPherson in 1963, wore their hair for the most part as did innumerable women of their age-range all over North Amer- ica: moderately long and gathered at the back.

From the 1930s through the 1950s, to speak from personal observation, the hair of young girls was in most cases gathered at the back in a pony-tail, somewhat similar to the men's fashion observed by Murray, but minus the red pigment and grease. In more recent years there has been a tendency, probably following "outside" fashion, for girls to wear their hair long and free-hanging. This is a rever- sion, doubtless unwitting, to the women's fashion recorded by Murray.

For small boys , the most common kind of haircut since the turn of the century has been a page-boy effect with bangs, as depicted in Russell (I898:opp. 137), Mason (l92U:opp. Ul), and in figure 25, taken at Fort McPherson in 1966.

During the past half-century, hair styling among Kutchin has become increasingly assimi- lated to that of North Americans in general. One feature, however, struck me 25 years ago. As we are often told, we now live in a global village, but it remains true, as certainly was the case a quart er- century ago, that residents of subarctic communities are not immediately au courant with trends emanating from world fashion centres.

It was, therefore, somewhat surprising to find young Kutchin men beginning to wear their hair rather long, to dress it, and to comb it with a care which at that time was largely confined to the youth of southern California. As usual in such matters, that region showed the way to the rest of the world,6 but not to the Kutchin, who, like the Snark, were ages ahead of the fashion.

Is it possible that Kutchin concern with hair-styling has, like some other forms of tra- dition, persisted to a much greater degree than casual observation might lead one to suppose?

The drawings and photographs accompanying this paper to not offer proof in a scientific sense that this was the case. With the possible exception of Murray's drawings, collec- tively they present an impression rather than point to a conclusion. Murray's drawings are

excepted because, in addition to their intrinsic value, they represent a totality of the graphic record in their time. The photographs comprise a distinctly limited selec- tion. Moreover, all of the pictures, with the exception of Murray's "Dance", are posed.

Murray wrote of 'Saveeah' that he sat "with his best face on" (1910:89). Most other subjects have in varying degrees seen to it that their appearance was presentable. On the other hand, just as the "best face" of sa?ve?a is in itself an ethnographic item, especially as supplemented by the Journal text, so it may be claimed are the studio portraits, the posed groups, and the snapshots. For instance, the unsmiling faces of the two middle men in figure l6 may be a clue to cultural values.

At the least , it can be said that the pictures represent changing reality just as validly as do verbal descriptions. This is a modest claim; perhaps too modest, in fact, as it pertains to Murray's drawings. These have an ethnographic value which is unusual and, for the Kutchin record, unique. They not only illustrate Murray's very important text; they add information that it does not contain. This is particularly true of hair-styling, a subject on which ethnographic information is relatively meagre and incomplete.

6 In the 1950s, students of cultural dif- fusion in California asserted that the hair styles then popular among young men there had originated in Mexico. It is interesting to note, in the present connection, that if this is true the pioneers of the 195Os-6Os , hairdo for males, before it was taken up by enter- tainers and spread worldwide, were in large part Indian and Mestizo youths.

REFERENCES

Burpee, L. J. 1910 Introduction to Murray I9IO.

Clark, Annette McF. 1971* The Athapaskans: Strangers of

the North. Catalogue No. NM92- 1+1. Ottawa: National Museum of Man.

Dall, William Henry 5/26- Diary. Notes on Yukon Trip of the 8/29, summer and fall of I867, Russian I867 America. Box 20 and Box 23,

Smithsonian Institution articles.

Hallpike, Christopher 1969 Social Hair. Man (n.s.) U:256-6U.

Har grave, Joseph J. I871 Red River. Montreal: Printed for

the author by J. Lovell.

Leach, Edmund R. 1958 Magical Hair. Journal of the

Royal Anthropological Institute 88:lVf-6U.

Mason, Michael H. I92U The Arctic Foreste. London:

Hodder and Stoughton.




Morgan, Lewis Henry 1959 The Indian Journals 1859-62.

Edited, and with an introduction, "by Leslie A. White. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Murray, Alexander Hunter 1910 Journal of the Yukon 1847-48.

Edited with notes by L. J. Burpee. Publications of the Canadian Archives, No. h. Ottawa: Govern- ment Printing Bureau.

Osgood, Cornelius 1936 Contributions to the Ethnography

of the Rutchin. Yale University Publications in Anthropology no.

Richardson, John 1851 Arctic Searching Expedition . . .

London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.

Russell, Frank 1898 Explorations in the Far North.

Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. Reprinted 1976. New York: AMS Press.

Slobodin, Richard 1962 Band Organization of the Feel

River Kutchin. National Museum of Canada Bulletin 179.

1971 The Chief Is a Man. western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 2(3):v-vi.

Thompson, Judy 1972 Preliminary Study of Traditional

Kutchin Clothing in Museums. National Museums of Canada, Ethnology Divisions Paper No. 1.

Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 1970 [Note on] the Cover Design.

Western Canadian Journal of

Anthropology 2(l):iii.

McMaster University Hamilton, Ontario



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