EstaobraestásujetaalalicenciadeReconocimiento-NoComercial-SinObraDerivada4.0EspañadeCreativeCommons.Puedecopiarla,distribuirlaycomunicarlapúblicamentesiemprequecitesuautorylarevistaquelopublica(TRANS-RevistaTransculturaldeMúsica),agregandoladirecciónURLy/ounenlaceaestesitio:www.sibetrans.com/trans. No la utilice para fines comerciales y no haga con ella obra derivada. La licencia completa se puede consultar enhttp://creativecommons.org/choose/?lang=es_ESThiswork is licensedunderaCreativeCommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International license.Youcancopy,distribute,andtransmit thework, provided that youmention the author and the source of thematerial, either by adding the URL address of the article and/or a link to the web page:www.sibetrans.com/trans.Itisnotallowedtousetheworkforcommercialpurposesandyoumaynotalter,transform,orbuilduponthiswork.Youcancheckthecompletelicenseagreementinthefollowinglink:http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/

TRANS20(2016)DOSSIER:INDIGENOUSMUSICALPRACTICESANDPOLITICSINLATINAMERICALaborandthePerformanceofPlaceintheUpperPutumayoAndrésGarcíaMolina(ColumbiaUniversity)

ResumenEnesteartículoabordounaproblemáticaen tornoadosnocionesinterrelacionadas:eltrabajoylaperformancedellugar.Apartirdetrabajodecampollevadoacabocontaitas,ochamanes,delaregióndelAltoPutumayodeColombia,investigolasdiversasmanerasenlasque los taitas comprenden y hacen uso del sonido en su prácticaritual. Los taitas cantan y ejecutan sus instrumentos por largosperiodosdetiempoybajocondicionesextenuantesdurantetomasde yajé, rituales en los cuales se consume el yajé, un brebajepsicoactivoelaboradoabasedeplantas.Lostaitassostienenqueunade las razones principales por las que cantan y tocan durante losritualesespara recrearel sensoriumde laAmazoníadentrodeunespacio ritual, sea en zonas rurales de Colombia como en centrosurbanosdelOccidente.Propongoabordar lasprácticaschamánicascomo formas de trabajo, teorizando así la comodificación deprácticasculturalesque,apesardeestarenvueltasenrelacionesdecapital,existensimultáneamenteenimaginariosquelassitúanenunpasado distante pre-capitalista. El encuentro cada vezmás comúnentretaitas,colombianosno-indigenasyextranjerosengeneral,nospermite reconsiderar preguntas básicas en torno al trabajo ynocionesdelugaratravésdelamúsicaylossonidosquelostaitasejecutanensuprácticaritual.

AbstractIn this article I develop a problematic around two interrelatedthemes:laborandtheperformanceofplace.Drawingfromfieldworkconducted among taitas, or shamans, from the Colombian UpperPutumayo region, I investigate the varied ways in which taitasunderstand and use sound in their ritual practice. Taitas sing andperform songs for long periods of time and under strenuouscircumstancesduringtomasdeyajé,ritualsthatinvolvedrinkingyajé,apsychoactivebrewmadefromlocalplantspecies.Taitasclaimonemain reason they sing andplayduring the ritual is to recreate thesensorium of Amazonia, performing a ritual place that becomesreplicable wherever they might conduct rituals, whether in ruralColombiaorinurbancentersoftheWest.Iarguefortheimportanceofunderstandingwhattaitasdo—andconversely,shamanicpracticesingeneral—asaformoflabor;indoingso,Iproposeaframeworkthatpermits theorizing the commodification of cultural practices that,even though embedded in present-day capital relations, existconcurrently in imaginaries that situate them in a distant pre-capitalistpast.The increasinglycommonencounterbetweentaitas,non-indigenousColombians,andWesternersingeneral,allowsustoreconsiderbasicquestionsoflaborandplacethroughthemusic—andmorebroadly,sounds—thattaitasperforminritual.

PalabrasclaveLugar, trabajo, ritual, sonido, indexicalidad, chamanismo, yajé,ayahuasca

KeywordsPlace,Labor,Ritual,Sound,Indexicality,Shamanism,Yajé,Ayahuasca

Fechaderecepción:octubre2015Fechadeaceptación:mayo2016Fechadepublicación:diciembre2016

Received:October2015AcceptanceDate:May2016ReleaseDate:December2016

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LaborandthePerformanceofPlaceintheUpperPutumayoAndrésGarcíaMolina(ColumbiaUniversity)

Twomenindarkbusinesssuitslieprostrateontheground,oneofthemvomitingprofuselywithamoonlit skyline in the background.1 Both are overcome with visions of a taita—an indigenousshaman—waving a thick bundle of leaves over them. Surrounding the taita there is a jaguar, amacaw,agorilla,andawolf,allmouthswideopeninfiercesoundproduction.Thescene—portrayedin a graffiti mural on the outer wall of an apartment building in downtown Bogotá—isunquestionablyabouttomasdeyajé.Atthetopofthemural there isatitle incapitalizedwhiteletters:Retornoalorigen(Returntotheorigin).AtthebottomandinsmallerprintwereadSagradaresistencia(Sacredresistance).

Figure1:Retornoalorigen,graffitiindowntownBogotá.(PhotographbyJuliaBozer,2011;usedwithpermission)

1ThisarticleisderivedfrommyMaster’sthesis(2012).

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Tomasdeyajé—alsocommonlyspelledyagé—areritualsthattakeplaceinruralandurbanColombia,duringwhichyajé,apotentpsychoactivebrewalsoknownasayahuasca, isconsumedundertheguidanceoftaitasusuallyfromthecountry’sAmazonianregion.2Peopleassembletodrinkyajéforseveralreasons,rangingfromseekinghealthcareorguidanceinthemakingofimportantpersonaldecisions, to recreationaluse. Yajé,once foundalmostexclusivelyamongst indigenousgroups in certain parts of the Amazon, is becoming increasingly common in Colombian urbancenters.Morebroadly,ayahuascahasbecomeaglobalcommodity.Itcanbefound,purchased,andconsumedinvariousplacesthroughoutAmazonia,withthecityofIquitosinPeruastheepicenterof the so-called ayahuasca tourism industry; it can also be found in cities across the Americas,Europe,andAustralia.3Itisevenpossibletoorderdo-it-yourselfkitsonline,casually,atwebsiteslikeamazon.com.Therearealsosyncreticayahuascareligionscountingwiththousandsofmembersspreadthroughoutvariouslocalitiesacrosstheworld,theBrazilianSantoDaime,UniãodoVegetal,andBarquinhabeingthemostrenownedworldwide.4

Drinkingyajé—adimethyltryptamine(DMT)-containingadmixturepreparedfromthebarkoftheBanisteriopsiscaapivineandotherplants,mostfrequentlytheleavesofchacruna(Psychotriaviridis) or sometimes chagropanga (Diplopterys cabrerana)—is a physically and sensoriallydemanding experience that happens throughout an entire night: the taste of yajé is bitter andpungent and remains in the palate for several hours; the placewhere the ritual takes place isconstantlyperfumedwithdiversepenetratingherbsandfragrantresins;participantsfeelnauseaanddizziness—vomitinganddiarrheaarefrequentsideeffects.Themostsalientaspectofdrinkingyajéisthat,dependingontheinterpreter,itbringsforthvisionsorproduceshallucinations.Ifavorreferringtowhatthosewhodrinkyajéexperienceashavingandseeingpintas,thetermtaitasuse.5Throughouttheritual,taitassing,whistle,andplayseveralinstruments.

Taitas in the Upper Putumayo region of Colombia perform sound laboriously for largeperiodsoftimeandunderstrenuouscircumstancesduringtomasdeyajé.Afterpresentingageneralcontextofwheretomasdeyajéhappenanddescribinghowtomasdeyajéareconducted, Iwillexplore some of the reasons for and ways in which sound production becomes an essential,deliberatepartofataita’slabor.Taitasusesoundtokeydifferentframes(GarcíaMolina2012:32-41,Goffman1986)withinatomadeyajéandtobuildaspecificritualplacethatistoalargedegreeindependentofmaterialconstraints;inordertodoso,taitasrelyonindexingtheAmazonthroughsound.Withinthisspecificritualplace,soundproductionbecomesafundamentalpartofthewaytaitasmakealivingbysuccessfullyguidingtomasdeyajé,ensuringparticipantsareabletomakesenseofwhattheyexperience.InthisarticleIarguefortheimportanceofunderstandingwhattaitasdo—andshamanismingeneral—asaformoflabor;doingsomeanstheorizingthecommodificationofculturalpracticesthat,eventhoughembeddedinpresent-daycapitalrelations,existconcurrentlyinimaginariesthatsituatetheminadistantpre-capitalistpast.

2Literatureonayahuascahasbeengrowinginthepastdecades.Forawide-rangingrecentbibliographyseeLabateandClavnar(2014a,2014b).ForaseminalanthropologicalstudyseeTaussig(1991).3Onthetopicofayahuascatourism,sourcesrangingfromdoctoraldissertationstodrugpolicypapersandaTimemagazinearticleincludeFotiou(2010,2014),Holman(2010),Otis(2009),andTupper(2008).4OnBrazilianayahuascareligions,seeDawson(2013),LabateandMacrae(2010),andMacrae(2000).5Foranarticleelaboratingonasimilarconundrum,seeHolbraad(2012).WhatHolbraadproposesforIfápractitionersmightbeapplicabletoyajépractitioners: “Motivated ethnographically by Ifá practitioners’ claims that the truths their oracles issue are indubitable, I argue that from theviewpointofcommonplaceconceptionsoftruthsuchanassumptioncanonlybeinterpretedasabsurd.Toavoidsuchanimputation,thearticleisdevotedtoreconceptualizingwhatmightcountastruthinsuchanethnographicinstance.”(2012:81).

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Tomasdeyajé

Iconductedethnographicfieldworkforaperiodofninemonths,spreadbetween2010and2013,amongvariousKamsáandIngataitasfromthemunicipalitiesofSibundoyandSantiagointheValleyofSibundoy,locatedintheUpperPutumayoregionofColombia.Ataheightof2,100metersabovesealevel,thevalleyliesatanintermediatepointbetweentheAndesandtheAmazon;duetoitslocation,ithasbeenespeciallyimportantasahistoricalsiteofexchangebetweentheAndesandtheAmazon,andiscommonlyreferredtoasthegatewayintotheAmazon.6

Accountsoftomasdeyajévarywidely,butthecommonthreadthatunitesreports istheextraordinaryamountofsensorystimulithatisexperiencedthroughouttheritual.Mostaccountsadmit,atsomepoint,thatitisveryhardtobepreciseaboutwhatwasexperiencedthroughoutthenight. Michael Taussig writes, “there is no ‘average’ yagé experience; that’s its whole point.Somewhereyouhavetotakethebitbetweenyourteethanddepictyagénightsintermsofyourownexperience”(Taussig1991:406).Descriptiveaccountsofpintasrangefromtheetherealtothesqualid,allcasesnecessarilyresortingtoanextendeduseofpoeticlanguage.7Beforepresentingadescriptionofatoma,Iwillfirstintroducethedifferentsonorousinstrumentstaitasusetoconducttheirrituallabor.

Thetaitas’instrumentsofsonorouslabor

Besides singing and whistling, taitas play the harmonica, thewaira sacha, and the cascabeles;although themajority of taitas I interviewedplay the harmonica during tomas de yajé, they allpointedtotheharmonica’sinclusionasbeingamorerecentdevelopment.

The waira sacha, a bundle of dry leaves tied at one end, is by far themost ubiquitoussonorous instrumentthattaitasuse.Bothtaitasandcommunitymembersunderstand it tobeapowerful,essentialinstrumentinthecontextofUpperPutumayoritualpractice.ThespeciesusuallyusedisParianastelonemma.Wairasachameansroughly“windplant” inKichwa;wairameaning“wind”or“air,”andsachameaning“forest,jungle,plant.”InPeruitisknownasshakapaandmoregenerally in Spanish as escoba, or broom, amongst indigenous taitas and mestizo healers inColombia(Torres2007:28).Althoughitisplayedasapercussiveinstrumentandusedsometimestokeeptimewhenaccompanyingsingingorharmonicaplaying,itisalsounderstoodtobeawindinstrument. All of its indigenous names suggest something about how the waira sacha iscategorized—thewairasachaisrelatedtonotionsofwind,smoke,air,andcleansing.8Itisalsoahealingimplementthatisunderstoodtonotonlypurifytheairinsideayajéroombuttoalsocleanseandexpelsicknessfromabody.

6ForadetailedhistoryandethnographyoftheKamsáandtheInga,seePinzónCastañoetal.(2004).7WadeDavis,forexample,paraphrasesWilliamBurroughs’accountfromTheYagéLetters:“Hisnumbbodyswathedinimaginarylayersofcotton,hisfeettransformedintoblocksofwood,hiseyeslostinabluehazeoflarvalbeings,thisveteranofathousandstrangesceneshadonecardinalthought:‘AllIwant,’hesaidtohimselfagainandagain,‘isoutofhere’”(Davis1997:155).Davisalsodocumentshisownexperience:“Itwasasurgeofenergy,partexpectation,partenchantment.Iheardadistanthumming,whichItookforcicadasortreefrogs,untilIrealizedthatthesoundwasvibratingbeneaththesurfaceofmyskin.[…]Ishutmyeyes,andtheworldinsidemyheadbegantospinandpulsatewithwarmthandasensualglowthatranoveraseriesofeuphoricthoughts,wordsthatstretchedlikeshadowsacrossmymind,paused,andthentookformasdiamondsandstars,colorsrisingfromtheperipheryofconsciousnessandfallinglikedemonsandangelsinachaoticmixofdreamandparanoia”(Davis1997:192).SomeexcerptsfromMichaelTaussig’saccount:“MybodyisdistortingandI’mveryfrightened,limbsstretchoutandbecomedetached,mybodynolongerbelongstome,thenitdoes.Iamanoctopus,Icondenseintosmallness.[…]Self-hateandparanoiaisstimulatedbyhorribleanimals—pigswithqueersnouts,slitheringsnakesglidingacrossoneanother,rodentswithfish-finwings.[…]Ifeelthehatefulsituationsofthepastandthefearbeingexpelled.Irejointhegroup,calm,nowfloatingoncolorsandwonderfulsights”(Taussig1991:141).IonlyciteTaussigandDavisherebutinsistthatvirtuallyanyaccountofyajéexperienceswillnecessarilyresorttometaphorandcreativedescription.Foradditionalsourcesthatincludedetaileddescriptiveaccounts,see,forexampleFericgla(1994),LunaandAmaringo(1991),Shanon(2002),andWeiskopf(2002).8ForacomparativestudyofritualwindinstrumentsacrossAmazoniathatemphasizesnotionsofwind,breath,air,andsmoke,seeHillandChameuil(2011).

LaborandthePerformanceofPlaceintheUpperPutumayo 5

Cascabeles are necklacesmade fromvarious seeds, beads, and animal teeth. Cascabelesformpartofthetaita’sceremonialattirebutlikethewairasacha,theyarealsoinstrumentsthathelpthetaitakeeptimewhileperformingontheharmonicaorsinging.Thecascabelesalso“sound”amovingtaitainsideadarkyajéroom.Taitascanbeheardcomingandgoingthroughthenight,theirpresencemademanifestbythesoundofthecascabeles,remindingparticipantsthattheyarenotalone;thatis,thesoundofcascabelesassertsthepresenceofataita,aproximitythatbecomescrucialduringcertainpointsoftheritual.

Taitassingandwhistletoblessyajé.Thisblessingisunderstoodasbothexpressinggratitudetowardstheplant itself for thehealing itwilldo,butalsoas“activating” itwithinthetomaandmakingitfitforconsumption.Intheirsinging,taitasalsoindextheAmazonbyrecitingwordsliketiger, jungle, river, tree, and so forth, naming elements of the Amazon (in Spanish language,tigrecito, selva, río, árbol, respectively). Exhaling breath and smoke, inhaling, andwhistling areoperationsdirectlylinkedtosinging.

NoneofthetaitasIinterviewedknowsorremembershowtheharmonicacametobeusedin yajé rituals. There is photographic evidence of a taita, Taita Salvador Chindoy, holding aharmonicaandanassortmentofplantsinaseriesofphotographstakenbythebotanistRichardE.SchultesinSibundoybetween1941and1961.9Theharmonicamayhavearrivedthroughvariousroutes. Bermúdez (2012) has written about harmonica and accordion circulation in Colombia,positingthattheharmonica“wasperhapsthefirstfree-reedinstrumenttobesoldcommerciallyinColombianterritory,”reachingBogotáasearlyasthe1860s;“bytheturnofthecentury,harmonicaswerewidespread”(2012:205).Withrespecttoindigenouspopulations,hewrites:

Free-reedinstrumentsintroducedinthe1920sand1930s,seemtohavebecomeimportantinthecosmologyandmusicalpracticesofotherColombianIndiangroups.Inthemid-1950s,shamansofthe Kamemtxá of the Sibundoy area used the accordion, among other ritual paraphernaliacomprisingacrownandacapeofmacawandparrotfeathers,necklacesofjaguarteethandglassbeads,collarsofdryseed-shellsandhandfulsofjungleleaves,alongwithsongsasacuringtool.InthestateofPutumayo,harmonicas,alongwithcowhorntrumpets,bells,traverseflutesanddrums,wereusedintheearly1960sforparadingcarnivaldancesamongsttheInga(SanAndrés)ethnicgroup(2012:216).

Additionally,thereisalonghistoryofexchangethroughtheColombian-Ecuadorianborderlinkedtorubber-tappingoperations.10ItisalsoplausiblethatCapuchinmissionariesplayedapartintheharmonica’sintroduction,orthatevenanearlytravelerlikeSchultesmighthaveintroducedit.Atthispoint,tracingtheoriginoftheharmonicaseemsamatterofspeculationatbest;inanycase, it isnothardtomaketheconnectionbetweentheharmonicaandotherritual instrumentsboth in theSibundoyValleyand ingreaterAmazonia throughshared ideasof smoke,wind,andbreath.

9Noneofthephotographsinthepublicationareindividuallydated;theprologueclaimsthatSchultestookthemsometimebetween1941and1961(Schultes1994:59;72-73).10Ontheatrocioushistoryofrubberplantationsintheregion,seeTaussig(1991)andCasasAguilar(1999).

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Figure2:TaitaSalvadorChindoy,photographedbyRichardE.Schultes,undated(inSchultes1994:59).

Descriptionofatoma

Throughouttheirlifetime,taitasdeveloptheirownspecificwayofconductingtomas.Evenforthesametaita,notwotomaswilleverbealike,foreachinstanceofdrinkingyajéwillpresentparticularcontingencies in terms ofwho is present at the ritual, where the ritual is conducted, and howdifferentparticipantsreacttoyajé.Soundproduction,aswillbediscussedlater,isacentralwayinwhichtaitasmanagesuchcontingencies.WhatfollowsisanarrativedescriptionofatomadeyajéconductedinSibundoy,Putumayo,in2013.

It looks like an improvisedmedical ward, a combination of mattresses, hammocks, andplasticchairsliningtheroom.Italsolookslikeameticulouslycuratedspacewithcarefullyselectedphotographs,posters,andpaintingshangingonthewalls;attentiontodetailisalsopresentintheconscientiousconstructionofanaltar.Thereischatterandexpectationbetweenparticipantsasthetaitaandhishelpersenterandexittheroomfinishingpreparationsandchoppingwoodbeforetheritual starts.Avolunteerwalks the roomburning incenseandcopal—anaromatic tree resin—inchalicesandthuribles,andaspeopleassembleandintroductionsaremadethenightgrowswithanticipation.Asuddensilencetakesovertheroomoncethetaitaindicatestheritualwillstart.Hesayslittlemorethanawelcometothosewhoarefirst-timersandgivesafewindications:locationof thebathroom,assertshisavailability if someoneneedshelp, insistsnobody should leave theroomtowanderontheirown.

Thetaitanowsitsonatable,behindwhichthereisanaltarwherefiguresofJesus,Buddha,andtheVirginMarycohabitatewithrocks,crystals,andplasticanimals.Beforesummoningthefirst

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drinker,thetaitablessesorconjurestheyajé,blowingsmokefromacigarandhisownbreath.Withonehandhegesturesacrossoveritandwavesthewairasachaatoptheliquid,whisperingalitanythatactivatestheyajé—littletiger,soil,jungle,people,wind.11Thefirstparticipanthasapproached,and the taita whistles and exhales on the liquid before passing the gourd. Before drinking,participantsmighttellthetaita—iftheyhaven’talreadydoneso—specificreasonsforwhichtheyareparticipatingintheritual.Thesameprocesswillberepeatedforeveryparticipant.

Thetasteandsmellofyajé—famouslydescribedbyDavisas“thatoftheentirejunglegroundupandmixedwithbile” (1997:191)—will almost certainly remain in theparticipant’snoseandpalateformost,ifnotallofthenight.Asthetastesettlesandtheelectriclightsaredimmed,thesettingchangestoaveryspecificmoodofcandlelightlanguidness,curiouslyalwaysonthebrinkofactivity as participants wait for onset. During this time the taita plays vigorously, and theperformance usually starts by waving the waira sacha for several minutes, the airy texturemaintainingabasethatafterawhilebecomesinterspersedwithsingingandharmonicariffs.Soundproduction intensifies as the taita senses the effects of yajé are starting to take hold of theparticipants.Asthistransitionhappens,mostparticipantsfeelnauseoustothepointofvomiting;somehavediarrhea.Vomitingoftenhappensatadesignatedarea—suchasdugouttrenches—justoutsidetheyajéroom.Bodilypurgingisencouraged,asitisoneoftheobjectivesofatomadeyajé.

Theeffectsofyajé,manifested invisionsandbodily sensations,may lastanywhere fromtwentyminutestoafewhours,duringwhichthetaitaremainsintheroom,continuinghislaborofsound production, performing various textures and layerings by combining his instruments andsinging, depending on how he senses and interprets the collectivemood.12 Those whowant asecondorthirddoseofyajé,consultwiththetaita,whothendecideswhetherfurtherdosesareappropriateforaspecificparticipant.Severalhoursin,someparticipantsnowlieasleep,somesitsilentlyinthedark,andothersstayup,conversingwiththetaitaandwithotherparticipantsthatarestillawake.Taitascontinuetoplayandsingatvaryingintervalsandvolumesinordertomaintainorder in the ritual place. Throughout the onset phase and throughout the night, the roomwillcontinuetobefilledwitharomaticsmokeandthesoundsperformedbythetaita.

Nearing dawn, taitas perform what they explicitly call a limpieza, or cleansing, donecollectivelyandsegregatedbygender,orindividually,dependingonhowmanyarepresent.Ifsofartheritualhaspurgedphysically,thelimpiezareinforcesthispurgingbyaddingaspirituallayertoit.Thefullrepertoireofsoundandwindthatwasperformedonyajébeforeitwasdrunknowappliestoparticipants’bodies.Taitasplaythewairasachaandtheharmonicaonparticipants’bodiesfromheadtotoes,aswellasexhalingsmokeandbreath.Thecleansingsignalstheendingofthetoma,whichmightthenleadtoasmallbreakfastoraperiodofrestbeforeparticipantsdepart.

Soundandtheperformanceofaritualplace

Afundamentalpartoftaitas’laboristobeabletoconstructaspecificritualplacesonically.Suchconstructionisaccomplishedbysinging,playingtheharmonicaandthewairasacha,andsoundingthecascabelesastheymovethroughouttheroom.Intomasdeyajé,placeisunderstoodaurally,positing an understanding of place that is, to a degree, independent ofmaterial constraints orgeographical location. The taitas’ instruments are highly portable and permit to deliberately 11Tigrecito,tierra,selva,gente,viento.Suchlitaniesarealmostalwaysimprovisedandmightlastfromtheenunciationofafewwordstoseveralminutes.12Iusethepronoun“he”conscientiously:taitasarealmostalwaysmen,althoughtherearefewexceptionstotherule.Shamanismis,tobesure,agenderedactivity,andsoaremanyoftheassumptionsbehinditsoperation.ForadiscussionofgenderandshamanisminWesternAmazonia,seePerruchon(2003).

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constructaritualplaceinsidetheirlivingroomsintheUpperPutumayo,butalsowhiletravelinginnear-byvillagesinsouthernColombiaandlocationsasremoteasBogotá,theUnitedStates,andEurope.

Taitasalsouse sound togroundoranchorparticipants to the ritualplace they constructthroughsound.Taitassaytheyperformtwoseeminglyparadoxicaloperations:llevar(tosendaway)andtraer(tobringback).Tosendawaymeanstoassistparticipantsininhabitingthespaceofavividpinta.Ontheotherhand,taitashavetobringbackthoseparticipantsthatgo“toofaraway.”Bothsendingawayandbringingbackaredirectly related to theway taitasvalueconcentration.Theyinsist that participants should concentrate on something specific once they start experiencingpintas.Thisconcentration—aidedbythesoundsproducedbytaitas—iswhatallowsparticipantstoexperience vivid pintas without losing their bearings, anchoring their experience to somethingconcrete.

Another part of taitas’ sonic labor related to the construction of a ritual place involvesindexingtheAmazonverballyandnon-verbally.Verbally,atthebeginningoftheritual,theyblesstheyajé tobeconsumedand invoke the rainforestby reciting thenameofplants,animals,andspiritsthatinhabittheAmazon.Non-verbally,thesoundsproducedbyboththewairasachaandtheharmonicaareunderstoodtoresembleandsummontherainforest.Fortaitas,soundsinatomadeyajéshouldindextheAmazon,regardlessofwherethetomaitselfisactuallyconducted.

Howplaceisunderstoodintomasdeyajé

Taitas emphasize the importanceof stayingwithin the confinesof the roomdesignated for thetoma.Althoughitisunderstoodthateveryonepresentwillmostlikely,atsomepoint,exittheroomtousethebathroom,taitasstressthenecessityofreturningtotheyajéroomassoonaspossible,ensuringallparticipantsremainwithintheirsupervision.Atthebeginningoftheritual,thisoversightmeans, literally, within the sense of sight. As the night progresses, illumination is dimmed andparticipantsoftenlaysupine,oftenwithclosedeyes.Inthisnewcontextofclosedeyesandsparseillumination,oversightturnstomeanwithintheaudibleradiusofthetaita’ssoundproduction;thatis,withineaves.Beingco-presentwithintheauralradiusofthetaita’ssoundproductionbringsanelementofcommonalitytothosegoingthroughstarklyuniqueexperiences.

Forthepastthreedecades,scholarsinfieldsrangingfromanthropologytophilosophyhavebeentheorizinglandscape,place,andspace(forinstance,FeldandBasso1997,GheorghiuandNash2013,HirschandO’Hanlon1995,LowandLawrence-Zúñiga2003,Thornton2008).StevenFeldandKeithH.Bassodrawattentiontomovingbeyond“facilegeneralizationsaboutplacesbeingculturallyconstructedbydescribingspecificwaysinwhichplacesnaturalizedifferentworldsofsense”(1997:8). If, followingCatherineBell,weaccept that ritual,at itscore, impliesabodymovingwithinaspeciallyconstructedplace,“simultaneouslydefining (imposing)andexperiencing (receiving) thevaluesordering theenvironment” (1997:82),wenecessarily facequestionsofhowthisplace isindeedconstructed,andwhatthesenegotiations—imposingandreceiving—with,from,andagainsttheenvironmentmightbe.

StevenFeldwrites,“acoustemologymeansanexplorationofsonicsensibilities,specificallyof ways in which sound is central to making sense, to knowing, to experiential truth. […]Acoustemologymeansthatasasensualspace-time,theexperienceofplacepotentiallycanalwaysbegroundedinanacousticdimension”(1997:97).FollowingFeld’sdiscussion,andexpandingfromwhatIlearnedfromtaitasandparticipants,Iamproposingherethatwhile“theexperienceofplace”

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alwayshasasoniccomponenttoit,insomecasessoundproductioncanitselfconstituteaplace.Inthecontextofyajérituals intheUpperPutumayo,sound isunderstoodashavingtheagencytocreateaplace.Taitasareabletoreplicateaversionoftheritualplacetheyconstructbymeansoftheirsonorousinstruments.Placeinthissenseisunderstoodasbeingperformedandashavingatemporaldimension.

Thomas F. Thornton offers a concise definition of place: it is “a framed space that ismeaningfultoapersonoragroupovertime”(2008:10).Focusingonthetemporalaspectofplacehighlightsthewayitisnotenoughforataitatoperformonlyatthebeginningoftheritual;instead,soundismaintainedthroughoutthenightbythetaitas.Thishastwoimportantimplications.First,justasitispossibletospeakofanauralradiusthatdelimitstheplaceinquestion,thisdelimitationisalsotime-sensitive;itfollowsthattheplaceconstructedanditsrespectiveindicesandframingshave,asitwere,anexpirationdate.Taitasmustcontinuetheperformanceofplacethroughtheirsonicpractices throughout thenight.Thesecond implication is thataplacecreateddynamicallymustbemalleable.Inotherwords,theplaceconstructedcanbemodifiedasthenightprogresses,accordingtowhatthetaitaperceivesasnecessary.Thisplacecanalsobemodifiedbyanyothersoundsoccurringinparticipants’auralradius,acontingencytowhichtaitasareprivy.

Throughoutthenight,taitassing,playtheharmonica,thewairasacha,andthecascabelesontheirnecks.Theyalsotakebreaks.There isnoprescribedformulathattellstaitaswhentheyshouldorshouldnotplay.Taitas’experience,combinedwithareal-timeassessmentoftheplace’sconditionsandtheparticipants’reactions,informsthemoftheappropriatenessofsilenceandthedifferentkindsofsoundlayerstheyprovide.Whentaitasmovearoundtheroom,theirpresenceismade audible through thediverse rattles on their necks.When they arenot playingor singing,participantscanhearthemastheyapproachandmovefartheraway.Thisisawaytomaintaintheplace that has already been initiated. Participants have reported that hearing the cascabelesapproach,especiallyduringtimesofhardship,remindsthemofwheretheyare,andsignificantly,thattheyarenotalone.

The constructed ritual place is thus not fixed. Different kinds of playing and singing canchangethenatureoftheplacestrategically.Differentrhythms,textures,tempi,andphrasingscandrasticallymodifythenatureoftheplace.Thereisoneparticulartaitathatownsanantiquesix-sidedharmonica,eachsidetunedtoadifferentkey.Thishasbecomehisharmonicaofchoiceforasheputsit,“withthisyoucanchangethenight’skeyeasily.”13

Soundasanchoringdevice:llevarytraer

Ifduringatomadeyajéaparticipantisindeedpurposefullyemplacedbythetaitawithinasonicallyconstructedplace, it isalsoplausible thatparticipantsmay leave thisplace,even if theirbodiesremainwithintheyajéroom.Itispossibletothinkoftheyajéexperienceasoneofmovement,asone of oscillation and contingency. The title of this section comes from a taita’s answer to thequestion:“Whydoyouplaytheharmonicaduringatomadeyajé?”Hismostimmediateanswerwasto the point: “To take them away and to bring them back.”14 The metaphor is revealing of apersistent,overarchingideaofplaceandtransit;bothoperations—takingawayandbringingback—implymovementevenifparticipantswilllikelybelyingdownonahammockoronamattress.

Both verbs, llevar and traer, are deictical in that the object of the verb depends on the

13Unlesspointingtoanexistingpublication,allnamesusedarepseudonymsinordertoprotecttheidentityofpatientsandtaitasalike.14“Sirveparallevarlosytraerlos”.

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articulator’sposition.Inthiscase,itisfromthepointofviewofthetaitathatweunderstandtheaction:taitasaidintakingparticipantsaway(fromhimself),sendingthemofftoexperiencepintas;taitasalsoplayacrucialroleinbringingbackparticipantstohimself,totheyajéroom.Thereisaspecifictimeduringwhichtaitasfocusonperformingthe“llevar”operation.Taitasgenerallyagreeinsayingtheyplaytheharmonicawithspecificintentionwhentheyseeparticipantsarefirststartingtolookdizzy.15Atthismoment, it iskeytoplaysothatparticipantswillreceivethefullrangeofeffectsbroughtonbyyajé.

Therelationshipbetweenmusicandtrancehasbeentheorizedextensively.AspointedoutbyRichardJankowsky,thereexistsalonggenealogyof“musicallydeterministichypotheses”(2010:22)ontherelationshipbetweenmusicandtrance.16Theargument,inshort,hasbeenthattherightcombinationofnotescaninduceastateoftrance,beitthroughsensoryoverload,disturbancesoftheinnerear,orthroughtranscendent,unqualifiablepropertiesinherenttomusic.GilbertRouget,in his renowned 1980 study, Lamusique et la transe, brought into scrutiny the relationship ofcausalitythoughttoexistbetweenmusicandtranceandpossessionstates,highlightinginsteadthewaydifferentculturessocializetrance-musicrelations.FollowingRouget’swork,myresearchisnotaboutsearchingforandrevealingformalstructuresthatallowaparticipant inatomadeyajétoreceivevisionsortoenterinasortoftrance.Rather,duringmyfieldwork,Irecordedaccountsofhowitisthatbothparticipantsandtaitasconceivethe“llevar”operation.

“Tobringback,”thatis,totheplacetaitasconstruct,istheanchoringoperationtaitasoftenemployduringtomasdeyajé.Thisoperationoccursthroughoutthenight,butcanonlyhappenif“llevar”hasalreadyhappened,ifparticipantsarealreadyexperiencingpintas.Taitaswillneedtobringback,oranchor,thosewhohavegonetoofaraway.17Goingtoofarawaycanmeanseveralthings; for example, participants experiencing fear, detachment, or physical turbulence beyondwhatisconsiderednormalwithinayajéritual.

Soundandindexicality

Withinatomadeyajé,taitasusesoundtoindexnotionsrelatedtoAmazoniaandsomeofthebeingsmostfrequentlyassociatedtoit,suchasrivers,plants,animals,andspirits.18Taitas intheUpperPutumayooftenlookattheLowerPutumayoregionasthe“true”sourceofyajéandtheyajéritual.19TheyoftentellstoriesofhowthegreatshamanmasterscomefromtheLowerPutumayo;almostallofthecurrentUpperPutumayotaitashavestudiedatsomepointwithaLowerPutumayotaita.Fortaitas,itisimportantthattheritual—eveniftakingplaceindoors—indexesthesourceofyajé.EvenwhenfarfromtheLowerPutumayooranyplacethatcouldbeunderstoodasAmazonian,taitasreinforcetheimportanceofrememberingtheplaceoforiginofyajéthroughtheirsoundproduction.

Taitas often speak of “conjuring” and “activating” yajé themoment immediately beforeparticipants drink it. Their singing, as described earlier, includes words that create an imagerypertainingtoyajé’sorigins,fortaitasbelieve“activation”isaconditionofyajéportability.Similarly,taitasreportthatthewairasachaisusedtorecreatethesoundsofthejungle. It isthesoundof 15“Estarmareado,”literally“tobedizzy”isacommonphraseemployedtodescribethismoment,roughlybetween15and60minutesafterdrinkingyajéandbeforetheonsetofvisions.16SeealsoAubert(2006).17Inthewordsofataita,“alosquesevandemasiadolejos”.18The ideathatanon-verbalsoundmaypointtoaspecificobject,place,personorsituation iswhat Imeanby“sound indexical.”ForaseminaldiscussionofindexicalityseeSilverstein(1976).19ThequestionofhowthisspecificlocationhasbeensituatedasthecradleofshamanicpowerintheColombianimaginaryiscomplexandwillnotbeaddressedhere.AnintroductorytextcanbefoundinRamírezdeJaraandPinzónCastaño(1992).SeealsoRamírezdeJaraandUrreaGiraldo(1990)andCháves(2009).Moreover,thetropeofanever-illusiveoriginiscommoninandbeyondayahuascamythology.

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wind,plants,leaves,rain,andrunningwater,allcompactedintoasingleperformativeactperformedonasingleinstrument.Sometaitasclaimthattheharmoniccontentoftheharmonicaaddslayersofanimalcallsandbirdsong.SeveralparticipantshavereportedthatthesoundstaitasperformdotransportthemtotheAmazon.OtherssayitfeelsliketheAmazonisbroughtintotheyajéroom,renderingtheparticulararchitectureoftheyajéroomirrelevant;drinkingyajéwhilelisteningtothesoundsperformedbythetaitacanbeunderstoodasamomentofcommunionwiththeAmazon.Fromthispointofview,itisnotsurprisingtofindthattaitasoftendecoratetheirritualroomswithimages—posters,paintings,andfigurines,usuallyplasticanimals—ofAmazonianfloraandfauna.

WhentalkingtotaitasandparticipantsalikeaboutthedifferencesbetweenUpperPutumayoandLowerPutumayosonicpractices,Icouldidentifyoneprevailingtheme,bestsummarizedbyataita’sstatementthat“thejunglecomeswithabuilt-inharmonica.ThatiswhytaitasintheLowerPutumayodon’thavetoplayasmuch.”20

Yajéshamanismandlabor

OneofthetaitasIworkedmostcloselywith,TaitaAlberto,livesinasmall,sparselypopulatedvillageabouttwentykilometersoutsideoftheSibundoytowncenter.Oneafternoon,aswesatinhislivingroom talking, his cell phone rang. One of the taita’s friends, a wood craftsman, was calling tointroduceAlex, a young Scottishmanwhohadbeen asking in townabout shamans conductingtomasdeyajéthatevening.TaitaAlbertogaveAlexinstructionsonhowtoarrivetohishouse,andsettledapriceoverthephoneforatomatobeheldthatnight.

Iwillnotdescribethedetailsofthatspecifictomahere,butIwouldliketohighlightwhatAlextoldmeinconversationthemorningafter.Althoughhewascontentwithhowthetomahadbeen conducted—Alexhadbeendrinking yajé regularly in theoutskirts ofMedellín, Colombia’ssecondlargestcity,severalhundredkilometersaway—hewasunsatisfiedathavingbeenchargedafixedpriceaheadoftime,regardlessofwhatthemonetaryamountwasitself.Hehadbeenlookingfor“thepurerkindoftaita”thatdoesnotrequestaspecificamountofmoneybutinsteadleavesituptotheparticipanttoremunerateatfreewill;thiscouldmeanthattheparticipantdecideswhatmonetary amount is appropriate, or that the participant can instead offer non-monetarycompensationintheformofagriculturalgoodsorgeneralsupplies.Hehadheardthatsometaitasoperatedthisway,butthusfarhehadnotfoundonethatdid.

Thisstorywillserveasastartingpointforaninvestigationofshamanismaslabor.Inwhatwaysareideasof“sincerity”and“purity”complicatedbymonetaryexchangewithshamans?Whatare theassumptionsunderwhichnon-indigenousparticipants andpatients generallyoperate intheirrelationshipswithshamans?Whatdoesanengagementwiththeorizationsoflaboraddtothewayshamanismisunderstoodinacademicdiscourse?WhatkindsofresearchquestionsresultfromengagingformsofshamanismthatareembeddedincapitalrelationsintermsofMarx’sconceptionof labor, and discussed by David Graeber (2005: 450) as “more or less identical with humancreativity:itisthewayhumanbeingsexercisetheirimaginativepowerstocreatetheirworlds,theirsocialtiesaswellastheirphysicalenvironments?”

20“Laselvayatraesuarmónicaincorporada.PoresolostaitasdelBajoPutumayonotienenquetocartanto”.

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Definitionsofshamanism:historiesofexpectations

Althoughadetailedreviewof literatureonshamanismisbeyondthepurviewofthisarticle, it isnecessary tostateshamanismhasnotbeentheorizedexplicitlyasa formof labor.21Boekhoven(2011:309)positsthat“thefieldofshamanismislargelyinformedbythevaluesandconcernsoftheembracingsociety.”Heelaborates:

ToparaphraseTalalAsad,therecannotbeauniversaldefinitionofshamanism,notonlybecausetheconstituentsofthephenomenathathavebeenlabeledshamanismarehistoricallyspecific,butalsobecausethedefinitionsarehistoricalproductsofdiscursiveprocesses.(2011:312)

Along similar terms, Jean Paul Sarrazin (2011) examines theway Colombianmiddle andupper classeshaveconstructednotionsof indigenousalteritybased, toa largedegree,on theirparticularperceptionsof indigenous shamanism.Despite its suggestive title, inDumarxismeauchamanisme, Sarrazin’s discussion is less about proposing a labor-based understanding ofshamanismandmoreabout the influencesofglobaldiscourses—particularlyNewAge—on localconstructionsofethnicityandshamanism.22

IcontendthatagreatpartofthepowerandallureofshamanisminWesternthoughthasresidedinitsinterpretationascompletelyother,andparticularly,asfreefromengagingcapitalistrelationships.23InChakrabartianterms,shamanismistothisdayfirmlyaffixedandunderstoodasatypeofHistory2.AccordingtoChakrabarty,

ElementsofHistory2,Marxsays,arealso“antecedents"ofcapital,inthatcapital“encountersthemas antecedents,” but—and here follows the critical distinction I want to highlight—“not asantecedentsestablishedbyitself,notasformsofitsownlife-process”.(2008:63)

History1,forChakrabarty,describestheprocessbywhichcapitalretrospectivelyclaimsorco-optspre-capitalistformsoflife;itisalogicofuniversalization.AlthoughChakrabartyisconcernedwithcontestingthedefault,uncriticalacceptanceofHistory1,IwouldarguethatnotionsofHistory2areproblematicwhenpushedtoromanticextremes.PretendingthatnotionsofHistory2donoteverchangeorintersectwithHistory1canleadtofacilegeneralizations.ThedisenchantmentAlexfeltwhenchargedforhisparticipationinatomadeyajécanbeunderstoodasaradicalclingingtoaconceptionofshamanismthatisfreefromanurban,neo-liberal,livedrealityofHistory1,“apastpositedbycapitalitselfasaprecondition”(Chakrabarty2008:63).Wherethenwouldthepowerofa shaman lie if it were—as it more often that not is—entwined in that which someWesternimaginariesareseekingtoescape,thatis,aHistory1inwhichapparentlynothingcanexistoutsideof capitalist relations? Why is it so problematic to think of shamanism as a valid means of

21PiersVitebskyhintsatanunderstandingofshamanismaslabor,onlyinpassing:“Shamansareatoncedoctors,priests,socialworkersandmystics”(2001:10).“Theshaman’sexperienceisneverjustapersonalvoyageofdiscovery,butalsoaservicetothecommunity.[…]Beingashamanisprobably,infact,theoldestprofession,coveringtheroleswhichinindustrialsocietiesareplayedseparatelybythedoctor,psychotherapist,soldier,fortune-teller,priestandpolitician”(2001:96).SeeBoekhoven(2011)forarecentpublicationthatpresentsadetailedgenealogyoftheterm’susage,althoughnotidentifyingconcernswithlabor.Itisalsotellingthatthereisnoentryon“labor”incomprehensivepublicationslikeHarvey(2007);andWalterandFridman(2004).22OnthereconfigurationofyajéshamanisminColombianurbancontexts,seeCaicedo(2014).23Stokes(2002)pointstoagapinexplorationsofhowmusiciansgetpaid;healsopresentsadetaileddiscussiononChakrabarty’shistorytypesandmoneyinaTurkishmusicalcontext.Forapublicationthatengages,musicandMarxisttheorymorebroadly,seeMusicandMarx,editedbyRegulaQureshi(2002).

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subsistence,asarespectableprofessionandsourceofmeansforanindigenousfamily?

Michael Taussig, in his book, Shamanism, Colonialism, and the Wild Man, sustains theargument that the alleged savagery of Amerindians has led to understandings of indigenouspopulationsthataresimultaneouslyofadmirationandofterror.Atthetimethebookwaswritten—inthelate1980s—yajéshamanismwasalreadygainingmomentumthroughoutColombiaasawell-known indigenous practice. Even though Taussig mentions the way Lower Putumayo shamanslooked down on Upper Putumayo (specifically Sibundoy) shamans for engaging in commercialrelationswiththeirpatientsthroughshamanism(1991:255-258),hedoesnotaddressexplicitly,orwithmuchdetail,thecommodificationofyajéandthedifferentwaysyajéshamanismbecomesasource of income. What complicates the shunning described above is that Upper PutumayoshamanshavehistoricallypurchasedtheyajétheyuseintheLowerPutumayo;LowerPutumayoshamanshavebeenwilling to sell it tootherswho then (re-)commercialize it. In short, theyajéshamanismcaseinColombiademonstratesthatshamanismishardlyeveranisolatedactivitythatcandependentirelyononeindividual;shamanicpractice,whenunderstoodaslabor,necessarilyinvolvesmultipleactorsengagingincomplexrelations,someofthemcapitalrelations.

Towardresearchquestions

Whatthen,ifPutumayoshamansareunderstoodaslaborersinpresent-dayneoliberalColombia?Duringmyfieldwork,differenttaitasexpresseddifferentopinionsregardingwhatitmeanstobeataitaandthedegreetowhichtheyperceivedtheiractivitiesasbeingavocation,ahobby,acalling,aresponsibility,work,andsoon.Fewtaitasaretrulyfull-timetaitas.TaitaAlberto,forexample,drinks yajéwithparticipantsandpatientsat least fivedaysaweek, sometimes seven.24When Ivisited him, he had a teenager interned in his house, following a two-month treatment for anunspecifieddrugaddiction.Othertaitasmakeahabitofdrinkingyajéonlyonceortwiceaweek,generally on Fridays and Saturdays, and the majority of their everyday life is dedicated tosubsistencefarmingorartisanwork.KathiWeeksasserts,“whoonebecomesatworkandinlifearemutuallyconstitutive.Thereisnopositionofexteriorityinthissense;workisclearlypartoflifeandlifepartofwork”(2007:246).Whatthenistherelationshipbetweenritualperformanceandtheeverydayfortaitas?HowdoesataitalikeAlbertothinkaboutthetimesheisnotconductingaritual?Inwhatwaysareworkandeveryday-lifeseparableandmutuallyconstitutive?

Sometaitasrenouncelivingwiththeirfamiliesforprolongedamountsoftimeinordertopracticetheirlabor.DuringmytimeinthePutumayo,Iwasnotabletocontactsometaitasbecausetheywereoutoftown,visitingpatientsinnearbycities(withina200kilometerradius),far-awaycitiesinColombia,andsometimesabroad.Taitasmovewithincertainestablishedcircuitsintheirlabor: through their traveling, they extend their circuits and increase their possibilities foremployment. Taitas do offer, following aMarxian definition, a commodity: “a thing that by itsproperties satisfies humanwants of some sort or another” (Marx 2000: 458). Lazzaratowrites,“laborproducesnotonlycommodities,butfirstandforemostitproducesthecapitalrelation”(1996:147).Whatisthenature,then,oftherelationsonwhichtaitasembarkinexercisingtheirprofession?

Afull-timetaitalikeAlbertodoesnotrunaone-personoperation.FollowingMarx,“ifwetakeaway theuseful laborexpendedupon [commodities], amaterial substratum is always left,whichisfurnishedbyNaturewithoutthehelpofman”(2010:464).WhosuppliesTaitaAlbertowithyajéandwheredoes itcomefrom?Howmuchdoeshepayfor it?Howdoestheexchangetake 24Itisimportanttounderscorethefactthatdrinkingyajéisdemanding:itrequirestaitastoremainawakeallnightlongandtobeabletorespondtopatients’needs.Taitascannotsimplystayinbednextmorning.

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place?How is yajé transported?Howdoes the taita earnmoney to purchase the yajé thatwilleventually leadtomoreincome?Onamoremundanelevel:whocleansthebathroomsthatareusedduringtheritual?Whocooksthebreakfaststhatpatientseatafterthelongnightsofdrinkingyajé?Where do the eggs in the omelets come from?Whowashes the dishes and sheets aftereveryoneleaves?Morebroadly,whoarethebehind-the-scenesactorsinyajéritualsandwhataretheirrelationshipswiththetaita?Whatgreaterrolesandrelationships,sayofgenderandpower,areenactedthroughtheseexchanges?

Alex’sdisenchantmentwithtaitasbeingevidentlyinsertedincapitalismisnotentirelynaïve:there are taitas that are outright charlatans. Several strands of yajé, ormore commonly in thiscontext,ayahuascatourism,havedevelopedinthelastdecades,andyajéshamanismiscertainlynotatransparentendeavor.25JeanLangdonandIsabelSantanadeRosediscussthepoliticsbehindthe recentadoptionofayahuasca ritualpracticesby theGuaraníofBrazil, agroup thathasnotbeforeusedthebrew.Theyunderstandshamanismsasemerginginspecificpoliticalandhistoricalcontexts:

Shamansand shamanisms shouldbe seen todayasdialogical categories, oftennegotiatedat theboundaries of local indigenous societies and their interfaces with national and global groups.Shamanisms today are phenomena that emerge dialogically based on interactions between theactors involved in their global revival—anthropologists, journalists, environmental organizations,healthcareprofessionals,indigenouspeoples,andneo-shamanicgroups,amongothers(2012:55).

And what about their relationships with money, labor, and capital? How are shamanslaborersandhowaretheyemployers?Howaretheirworkingrelationshipsandtravelingcircuitsestablished?Whoarethemiddlemen?Taitascanalsobeunderstood,inthewordsofMattStahl(2012), as “unfreemasters”, subject to payment by their patients (or clients) but also as “free-lancers”,theiractivitiesdevoidoflegalcontracts.

Admittedly,mydiscussionoflaborraisesmorequestionsthanitattemptstoanswer.Itismyintention to problematize, using Chakrabartyan terms, understandings of shamanism thatnecessarilycastitasperpetuallyinastateofHistory2,oftemperingalongtraditionofromanticfascinationwithfiguresthathavebeenconstructedsimultaneouslyasbeingsofterrorandhealing.Being a taita is no trivialmatter; it is a seriously difficult profession.Waving awaira sacha forconsecutivehourseverynightistiring.Healingintomasdeyajéismoreofaphysicaloperationthatrequiresataitatomoveabout,breath,andblowinatrulyenergetickindofway.Thestakesarehighconsideringyajéandayahuascaritualshavefromtimetotimeresultedindeaths.SomeonelikeTaitaAlbertodrinksyajémostnightsoftheyear;thismeanshavinganirregularsleepschedule,vomitingonadailybasis,andhavingseriousresponsibilitiestowardpatientsentrustingtheirlivesonhim.Taita Juan Bautista Agreda from Sibundoy has claimed to have cured cancer, AIDS, and heroinaddictions(Andersonetal.2014).

25Formoreonayahuascashamanismindifferentcontexts,seeLabateandCavnar(2014a).

LaborandthePerformanceofPlaceintheUpperPutumayo 15

Conclusions

In this article, it has beenmy intention to recast yajé shamans as laborers, as highly agentiveindividualsmakinglivelihoodswhilebeinginevitablyembeddedincapitalrelationsinpresent-dayColombia.Ononehand,Ihaveoutlinedtaitas’soniclaborofperformingplace;ontheother,Ihaveoutlinedpossibleresearchquestionsattheinterfacebetweenindigenouspracticesandcapitalistrelationsthroughtourism.

ThetopicoftomasdeyajéisapolarizingoneinColombia.Somearereadytoequateitwithsorcery,qualifyingyajéasadangerousdrugnottobetamperedwith,insistingthattaitasareeithermalevolent,powerfulsorcerersordeceitful,dangerouscharlatans.Others,generallyaligningwithNewAgediscourseandtendencies,seeyajéandtaitasassourcesofunboundedspirituality,sacredancestralknowledge,healing,andcommunionwithnature.Thegreatmajorityof theaccounts Irecordedreducedencounterswithyajétoeitherromanticsacralityorprofanityofthemostvulgarkind.

ThegraffitimuralindowntownBogotáishelpfulheretoillustratetheseambivalentattitudestowardyajéandtaitas.Inthemural,itisunclearwhetherthemeninblacksuitsseeinthetaitaanenemytobefearedorahelpfulally.Bothofthemen,however,areclearlyinanguish.Oneofthemisvomiting,butthisvomitingcouldbeunderstoodasakindofpurgingandcleansing.Acloselookatthedischargerevealsthatinthegreenliquidexpulsedfromtheman’smouththerearedollarsigns.Butwhyisitthatthistaitaissurroundedbyanimalsnon-existentintheAmazon,namelyagorillaandawolf?

Retornoalorigen invitesmultiple interpretations.What isclear is that followingreadingsthatarestrictintheiradherencetorigidcategorieseasilyrenderstaitasascaricatures,reifyinganessentializationandexoticizationofindigenouspopulations.AsTaussigcontends,taitas’perceivedpower inColombiahingesonthefact thattheyhavebeenhistoricallyperceiveduncriticallyandsimultaneouslyasbeingsofhealingandterror.Inthisarticleithasbeenmyintentiontopresentaviewofshamanismthatiscompatiblewithideasoflabor,aviewthatalsorejectsalonglineageofromanticizing, exoticizing, and essentializing taitas and more broadly, shamans and indigenouspopulations.

Tomasdeyajéritualsarefairlyportableandmobile.Besidesthetaita’sandtheparticipants’willingnesstoengageinatoma,andtheavailabilityofyajéitself,therearefewotherconditionsindispensablefortheritualtotakeplace.Materially,therearenootherrequirementsforatomatohappen.Taitasthemselvesarehighlymobile.Soundisawayinwhichtaitasnotonlyconstructtheirspecificritualplace;soundisalsoawayofmaintainingandmodifyingit.

The taitas I worked with were older men looking over sleeping, vulnerable patients,exercisingoversightbymeansofabundleofleaves,aharmonica,andarespiratorysystem.Thesearetaitasthatneedtoprovidefortheirfamilies,facingthechallengeofdealinginacontroversialsubstancethatinothercontextsishighlycommercialized,sometimesillegal,andthesourceofallsortsoftouristtraps.Theycommunewithplasticjaguars,realjaguars,andtheVirginMary;withtheir breath and with instruments that fit inside their shirt pockets they index the Amazon,constructingaplacelargerthananybuilding.

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AndrésGarcíaMolinaisaPh.D.studentinEthnomusicologyatColumbiaUniversity,currentlydevelopingadissertationprojectaroundsound,media,and infrastructure inCuba.Hehasalso researched indigenousmusicandshamanicpractices intheColombianPutumayoregionaspartofhismaster'sresearch inLatinAmerican Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. He is part of the editorial board of CurrentMusicologyandaneditorialinternforCulturalAnthropology.

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CitarecomendadaGarcíaMolina,Andrés.2016.“LaborandthePerformanceofPlaceintheUpperPutumayo”.TRANS-RevistaTransculturaldeMúsica/TransculturalMusicReview20[Fechadeconsulta:dd/mm/aa]

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