lang and space
TRANSCRIPT
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55OpinionOpinion TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.5 No.2 February 2001
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Opinion
Is la ngua ge relat ed to our knowledg e of space? Thepurpose of langua ge would seem to be different from
the purpose for w hich we represent spa ce. Lang uage
mirr ors the contours of our thought 1 an d provides a
means t o communicate. Lang uage lets us encode
ma ssive am ounts of informa tion and generat e
complex ideas tha t w ould oth erw ise be impossible.
Spat ial representat ions mirror t he contours of our
external environment and provide a mea ns to reach,
search and na vigate2. Given t hese differences, one
might expect la ngua ge and spa ce to be segregated
in our cognitive system s.
In w ha t follows, I suggest tha t despite differences
in the neural a nd menta l organizat ion of langua geand space, these two domains intera ct. I review some
wa ys in w hich the spatia l context of communicat ion
can influen ce the production a nd comprehension of
langua ge. Then I review w ay s in which lang uage as a
symbolic system is likely to engage spat ial
representa tions wh en one thinks of objects a nd
events in the environment.
Neuroanatomy of language and space
At a first glance, neuroana tomical observations are
consistent with the idea that language and space are
segregated. Langua ge and space are mediat ed
primarily by different cerebra l hemispheres3.
P rofound impairments in langua ge are associated
with left hemisphere dama ge, and profound
impairments of spatia l representat ions are
associat ed with right hemisphere da ma ge.
The importa nce of lang ua ge an d space in our
menta l lives is reflected in the am ount of brain tha t is
dedicat ed to these cognitive domains. B oth langua ge
and spa ce are mediat ed by widely distributed neural
networks4. Cortically, these netw orks include the
posterior temporal-parieta l region, an d dorsolatera l
and medial prefronta l regions. Sub-cortically, t hey
include parts of the basal ga nglia and thalam us.
Distributed langua ge networks in the left hemisphere
media te components of la ngua ge, such as phonology,
lexical-semant ics and synta x. Distributed spatial
networks in t he right hemisphere mediat e components
of space, such as reference frames a nchored to the
retina, hea d or trunk, and spa tial locat ions indexed to
movements of different body part s. Thus, the net works
that mediate la nguage and space are similarly
organized, but la rgely in different hemispheres.
Despite these broad d ifferences in the neuroan at omy
of lan gua ge and spa ce, their segrega tion is unlikely to
be absolute. A lan gua ge netw ork completely
encapsulated from sensat ions w ould imply a radically
different neural organiza tion in the left a nd right
hemispheres. Prima ry sensory an d motor cortices
connect to higher order netw orks in a reciprocal
cascade4. Un imodal cortices process elementar y
sensat ions, wh ich then combine with informa tion from
other sensory m odalities to form m ore complex
representa tions. For example, neurons in th e posterior
parietal a nd dorsolatera l prefrontal cortex of macaque
monkeys a re especially responsive to combinat ions ofvisual a nd t actile stimuli t ied to movements of specific
body part s2. Evidence from bra in dam aged pat ients
suggest tha t crossmodal an d sensory–motor
informat ion similarly converge in huma ns5,6 giving rise
to th e phenomenological experience of a unified spat ial
environment in wh ich we perceive and a ct.
Why w ould the cascade of sensory informa tion
tha t modulates act ivity in the r ight temporal-
parieta l cortex not d o so in t he left? The syna ptic
connections between prima ry sensory cortices and
posterior temporal-parieta l cortex a re similar in
both hemispheres. It seems unlikely tha t sensory
informat ion, which accumulat es into complexspatia l representa tions in the right, would
completely dissipate in t he left . Alterna tively, the
sensory informa tion in the left hemisphere might
also modulate temporal-parieta l activity, but
differently from in the right , a possibility to which
we w ill return lat er. Differences in such modulat ion
ar e probably m ediat ed by hemispheric differences in
the dendritic patt erns and n euronal physiology7–9 .
Language as a means of communication
La ngua ge as a complex system of commun ication
includes verbal production a nd comprehension, a s
well as gestures, emotional prosody and t he
conventions of conversa tion. I w ill touch on thr ee
settings in w hich linguistic commun ication interacts
with space. Firs t , in American Sign La nguage
(ASL), informat ion is commun icated spa tia lly.
Second, some words r efer explicitly t o spatia l
informat ion. Third, a n issue discussed in grea ter
deta il, the direction of space in w hich some speakers
orient ma y influence their lan gua ge.
American Sign Language (ASL )
ASL conveys informa tion spatia lly using a system of
gestur es. Both h emispheres seem to be involved in
Language and space:some interactionsAnjan Chatterjee
Is language linked to mental representations of space? There are several
reasons to think that language and space might be separated in our cognitive
systems,but they nevertheless interact in important ways.These
interactions are evident in language viewed as a means of communication
and in language considered a form of representation.In communication,
spatial factors may be explicit in language itself,such as the spatial-gestural
system of American Sign Language.Even the act of conversing with others is
a spatial behavior because we orient to the locations of other participants.
Language and spatial representations probably converge at an abstract level
of concepts and simple spatial schemas.
Anjan Chatterjee
Dept of Neurology and
the Center for Cognitive
Neuroscience,
The University of
Pennsylvania,
3West Gates, 3400 Spruce
Street, Philadelphia,
PA 19104, USA.
e-mail: anjan@
mail.med.upenn.edu
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56 OpinionOpinion
processing sentences in ASL, in contrast to En glish.
In functional neuroimaging studies, when subjects
read w ritten E nglish sentences, left B roca’s and
Wernicke’s ar eas a re activa ted. B y contra st, viewing
films of signers producing ASL sent ences activa tes
right posterior regions in add ition to the left
hemisphere langua ge ar eas10.
Ea ch hemisphere is probably mediat ing different
kinds of informa tion in ASL. In ASL, space is used to
commun icate both topographic informa tion about
the environment a nd gra mma tical rela t ionships.
Da ma ge to the right hemisphere of ASL speakers
can produce deficits in expressing spat ial
topogra phies, wh ereas da ma ge to the left
hemisphere can produce deficits in expressing
gramma tical rela t ionships11,12. I w ill not discuss
these intera ctions of lan gua ge and spa ce in
ASL further (see Refs 12,13). I simply highlight the
point th at space can play different roles in ASL
commun ication. Different neural substra tes
seem to mediate t he topographic and gra mma tical
uses of space.
Deixes
In conversation, speakers often anchor their
utt eran ces to their spatia l environment . This
an choring is r eferred to as ‘deixis’, or pointing w ith
words14,15. Deictic expressions can iden tify objects in
space, as in th e demonstra tive determiners ‘t h i s ’ or
‘that ’ . These deictic expressions a nd t heir
comprehension are ba sed on knowledge shared by
the part icipant s of the conversa tion and t he context
in w hich th e utt eran ces occur. Locative prepositions
such a s ‘above ’, and ‘behind ’ , which convey explicit
spatia l informa tion, also serve as deixes. The spatia lrelat ionship of objects m ay be anchored to th e
speaker, such as in ‘th e li ght i s above my h ead ’
or to another object in th e environment , as in ‘the
li ght i s above the table ’.
Read ing sentences with locat ive prepositions
activa tes part s of both pa rieta l cortices16. Because the
parietal cortex mediat es spatial representations,
comprehending these sentences appear s to involve
spat ial processing. The left hemisphere ma y be critical
in processing locat ive prepositions: left hemisphere
da ma ge is more likely tha n right h emisphere to produce
deficits in comprehending t hese prepositions17,18.
Spatial orientation
In conversat ion, we orient towa rds others in our
spatia l environment. Coslett a nd co-workers report
tha t the direction in which some apha sic patients
orient influences their use of langu a ge. They initia lly
observed that a pa tient w ith ischemic infarcts of the
left temporal-parieta l and left a nterior cingulate
regions w as poorer a t und erstan ding spoken
langua ge and producing words when orienting to his
right th an w hen orienting to his left 19. He was a lso
slower a t na ming pictures, and rea d single words
more poorly when st imuli were locat ed to his right
tha n to his left . A contra lesiona l at tentiona l deficit
wa s unlikely to account for his behavior because
spatia l orienta tion influenced his lang uag e even
wh en there were no externa l stimuli to be
apprehended. When generat ing nouns and
narra t ing a fa iry ta le, he was less fluent and his
story wa s less deta iled when he oriented to the right
tha n w hen he oriented to the left .
Coslett found similar spa tia l effects on langua ge
in a group of 30 individuals w ith single hemisphere
ischemic infa rcts20. Language w as a ssessed using
naming to confronta t ion, ora l rea ding and mat ching
aud itory words to pictures. Five individuals’
performa nces on some of these langua ge ta sks were
influenced by t heir spat ial orienta tion. All five had
da ma ge to the parieta l cortex. In a follow-up study
with 52 pat ients , Coslet t and Lie21 showed similar
effects of spatia l orienta tion on na ming, read ing,
synonym judgement an d sentence comprehension.
All nine people whose langua ge wa s influenced by
the direction of space into which th ey oriented had
left parieta l cortex dama ge.
The spatial registration hypothesis
Why sh ould the direction of space in w hich an
individual orients influence lan gua ge? Coslett
proposes t he ‘spat ial r egistra tion’ hypothesis20.
He a rgues tha t registering objects and events in
space is of funda menta l evolutionary im porta nce.
This registra tion determines an orga nism’s ability
to acquire sustenance and a void danger in the
environment. The locat ions of a ll stimuli a re
registered aut omatically, even w hen this
informa t ion is irrelevant to the ta sk a t hand. An
example of such automa tic registrat ion is the Simoneffect 22. I f a red target requires a r ight ha nd
response, then su bjects respond more q uickly to a
red ta rget on the r ight t han on the left , even though
ta rget location is irrelevan t to response.
Coslet t cla ims th at spat ia l regis tra t ion effects
extend beyond sensory an d motor processing to
cognit ive operat ions . Parieta l dam age impairs
contra lesional spat ia l regis tra t ion and
consequent ly impairs th e activity of even
non-spat ial operat ions like lexical retrieva l and
semantic search. The neural act ivity media t ing
langua ge is probably modulated by head a nd eye
posit ion, s imilar to the wa y in w hich tact i le
processing is influenced by head an d eye position 23.
Crossmodal (ta ct i le–visual) integrat ion in t he
posterior pariet a l cortex24 may be accompanied by
cross-ma teria l (spat ial–linguist ic) integr at ion in
the posterior left parieta l cortex.
Language as a form of representation
Langua ge as a system of symbols needs to be able to
refer to spat ial informa tion, such as the geometr y of
spat ial relat ionships, spat ial perspectives, the
separa tion of figure from ground, and t he dyna mics of
force25. However, the forma ts of linguistic and spat ial
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57OpinionOpinion
representa tions seem to be different. La ngua ge is
usua lly algebra ic an d can convey propositional
informa tion. Individual w ords relat e arbitra rily to the
objects and event s in the w orld. For exam ple, nothing
about the word ‘dog ’ refers necessar ily to a specific
class of objects. These objects could just a s ea sily be
referred to by another word, and certainly a re in
different la nguages26. Similarly, t he structure of a
sentence need not bear a n ecessar y relat ionship to the
structu re of objects and event s in the world.
Spat ia l representat ions , in contra s t to langua ge,
are usua lly ana log a nd convey geometricinforma tion. They comprise mult iple levels, from
early un imodal sensa tions to complex multimodal
representat ions. Spa tia l representa tions often
approximate t he topogra phy of physical space. For
example, spat ial neglect is a disorder in which
pat ients with focal brain da mage are una wa re of
objects and events in spa ce contr ala tera l to their
lesion 27. These pat ients a lso frequently n eglect
contr alesional par ts of imagined visua l scenes28.
Given t hese differences in t he format s of linguistic
and spatial representations, how might language a nd
space interact? At issue is whether linguistic
descriptions of spatia l relationships are st ructured by
perceptions29–31. In t he next section, I w ill touch on the
notion tha t langua ge intera cts with space at simple
spatia l primitives, or schemas (see Box 1), a long t he
theoretica l lines developed by Ta lmy 32 a nd
J ackendoff33 (also see Miller and J ohnson-La ird34).
Then I discuss in grea ter deta il empirical evidence
suggesting tha t t he linguistic representa tion of events
relates to spatial schemas.
The interface of language and spatial representations
Different kinds of informa tion represented in t he
brain can be chara cterized by gradients a long
several para meters. Informat ion can be perceptua l
or conceptua l, geometric or algebra ic, sensorial or
amodal, a nd concrete or abstra ct . Spat ia l
representat ions tend to be perceptual, geometric
and sensoria l , whereas la nguage tends t o be
conceptual, algebra ic an d am odal. However, both
language a nd spat ia l representa t ions can be
concrete or a bstra ct. At the concrete end of
lang uag e, sounds a nd vocalizations specific to
individual la ngua ges form w ords and sentences. At
the a bstra ct end, concepts encode mean ing in a w ay
tha t is not restricted to the idiosyncra sies of anypart icular lan gua ge (see Ref. 33 for thoughts on th is
conceptual st ructure). At the concrete end of spatia l
representat ions, perceptions are derived from a ctual
spatia l scenes. At th e abstra ct end, simple spat ial
schemas a re extracted from but do not directly
reflect perceptua l informa tion. Langua ge and space
ar e likely to converge at the a bstra ct levels of
conceptual structures and spat ial schemas.
What are spatia l schemas? Ba sed on his ana lysis
of locat ive prepositions Ta lmy 32 proposes that spatial
schemas a re ‘boiled down’ featur es of a spa tia l scene.
For example, ‘across ’ refers to a schema t ha t describes
a specific pat h of movement. This pat h is
approximat ely perpendicular to the principle axis of
the r eference object, as in across a river or a cross a
plank. When a movement proceeds par a llel to the
principle a xis of the r eference object, th en ‘along ’ is
more appropriate. B oth ‘across ’ and ‘along ’ ar e
abstra cted from th e actual scene. In these schemas
only selective spa tia l aspects are deemed relevant.
Other a spects of the scene, such as w hether t he
referent object is in fa ct a river or a pla nk ar e not
relevant and are not incorporated into the schema.
Thus, t he schemas ar e simple geometric forms such
as points, lines and planes.
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.5 No.2 February 2001Opinion
One approach to investigating the meaning embodied in words
is to examine how words might decompose into constituent
primitivesa. ‘Primitives’ refer to elemental properties that cannot
be further simplified. J ackendoff suggests that the conceptual
structure of verbs decomposes into primitives such as
‘movement’, ‘path’ and ‘location’. He suggests that these
primitives must somehow correspond with their linguistic
counterpartsb.
Spatial primitives, or ‘schemas’, may play a critical role in the
acquisition of concepts. Infants first learn perceptual–motor
principles about objects and events in the world. These
principles, presumably encoded as primitives, serve as the
basis for more elaborate conceptual structures. For
example, Mandlerc suggests that infants first acquire
knowledge of different kinds of motion in the world. Biological
motion is self-propelled and non-biological motion is induced
externally. Awareness of this distinction serves as the basis
for knowledge of animacy and inanimacy, a fundamental
semantic distinction.
Even if spatial primitives form the basis by which concepts
are acquired, it is not clear that these primitives remain relevant
after the concept has been acquired. They could very well be
vestigial and be discarded. Alternatively, spatial primitives might
underlie different domains of cognition. For example,
Christmand reported that pictures with a left-to-right
directionality are judged more aesthetically pleasing than
pictures with a right-to-left directionality. Spatial primitives
might also be concatenated to form more elaborate mental
models with spatial propertiese.
References
a Levin, B. and P inker, S. (1991) Introduction to Special Issue on lexical and
conceptua l semant ics.Cognition 41, 1–7
b J ackendoff, R. (1996) The ar chitecture of t he linguistic-spatia l interfa ce. In
Lan guage and Space (Bloom, P . et al ., eds), pp.1–30, MIT P ress
c Mandler, J .M. (1996) Preverbal representation an d language. In Language
and Space (Bloom, P. et al ., eds), pp. 365–384, MIT Pr ess
d Christma n, S. an d Pinger, K (1997) Lateral biases in pictorial preferences:
pictorial dimensions and neura l mechanisms. Laterality 2, 155–175
e J ohnson-Laird, P .N. (1996) Space to think. In Lan guage and Space
(Bloom, P. et al ., eds), pp. 437–462, MIT P ress
Box 1.Spatial primitives,conceptual development,and mental models
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58 OpinionOpinion
Talmy identifies several importa nt fea tures of these
schemas32. Spatia l schemas a re discrete, rather tha n
being continuous. A movement cann ot be 30%‘along’
an d 70%‘a cross’, for example. Consequent ly schema s
lose some of the precision of perception. Schema s ar e
also topological ra ther t han imagistic. One might
remember a ferry moving across a river, but most
features of this image a re not incorporat ed in the schema
of ‘across’. Rat her, schema s encode spat ial fea tur es in
simple qualitative ways ra ther tha n w ith the metrics and
richness of specific ima ges. Schema s captur e only some
of the infinite possible spat ial configura tions. This design
seems a precondition of communication, in wh ich a w ide
variety of spat ial situa tions need to be described rapidly.
Thus spat ial schema s shar e properties associat ed
with both langua ge and perceptual representations.
They a re discrete and r eferential like most elements in
langua ge, and m ight be concatenat ed to form more
complex structures. And they ar e an alog (albeit simple),
like the perceptions from which they a re extra cted.
Spatial schemas in an aphasic subject
Working within a completely different t ra dition,
Cha tterjee and co-workers reported evidence tha t
conceiving events an d actions are relat ed to spat ial
schemas. This invest igat ion began w ith a man with
agr am ma tism (see B ox 2) wh ose production and
comprehension of sentences w as influenced
systematically by spat ia l factors35,36. He had
flaw less comprehension of single words an d a
superior vocabula ry. H owever, this spontan eous
speech wa s synta ctically disorgan ized. He rar ely
produced complete sentences and his ut tera nces had
few inflections, a uxiliary verbs, a nd closed class
words. H e described his problems: ‘Well , uh,
essent ia ll y lan guage abandon pr eposit ion. I
telegraph… I , I… consciously, uh, continu ity…I , I,
uh, th is subtle of pr eposit i onal ph rases this simpl y
cannot do. Un der stress, un der stress ra pi d I ju st
fl ustered … but conti nu e to do basicall y .’
The influence of space on this pa tient’s langu age
emerged w hen he wa s assessed for his a bili ty to
express or understand w ho does wha t t o whom in
sentences (thema tic role assignment ). In d escribing
pictures, he w as more likely to describe the figure on
the left a s the a gent regardless of whether this
figure wa s the doer or the recipient of the a ction.
He a lso used a s imilar spat ia l s tra tegy on an
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.5 No.2 February 2001Opinion
Agrammatism is an aphasic syndrome with impairments at the
level of sentencesa. People with agrammatism do not speak
fluently, and putting words together in sequence requires effort.
Their spontaneous speech is often ‘telegraphic’. They
communicate with simple phrases, such as ‘dog eat ’ rather than
‘the dog is eating .’ They generally comprehend simple
statements, but often have difficulty comprehending
grammatically complex sentences. People with agrammatism
omit function words (like prepositions, articles and
conjunctions), more often than nounsb.
The specific deficits in agrammatic patients vary, reflecting
the selective vulnerability of linguistic processes involved in
constructing and comprehending sentencesc. However, most
people with agrammatism fall into two broad categories. Some
have difficulties with the relationship of words to each other
(syntactic deficits). Others have difficulties processing
grammatical morphemes (morphological deficits)b. Syntactic
and morphologic deficits often co-exist but may dissociate.
Saffran Schwartz and Marind drew attention to a group of
agrammatic patients with syntactic deficits who could notprocess thematic roles in sentences. These patients can
usually use general knowledge of the world to match sentences
to pictures. For example, a boy may kick a stone, but a stone
cannot kick a boy. However, reversible sentences, such as
‘The boy kisses the girl ‘ and ‘The girl kisses the boy ‘, describe
events that are both possible. Patients with thematic role
assignment deficits are especially prone to making errors with
reversible sentences.
Investigators at the turn of the last century, such as Arnold
Pick, assumed that producing sentences involves transforming a
pre-linguistic message into language in discrete stagese. Recent
models of sentence production, such as the influential one
advocated by Garrettf , also postulate cascading levels of
representation, each with different operations. Garrett
proposes a ‘message’ level prior to ‘functional’ and ‘positional’
levels in sentence production. The message level contains pre-
linguistic information. The functional level selects abstract
lexical items and establishes the argument structure of who is
doing what to whom. The positional level inserts the appropriate
grammatical morphemes. Neurolinguists have focused on the
functional and positional levels. These levels might be
considered the ‘language proper’ aspects of sentence
production. Thematic role assignment deficits occur at the
functional levelg,h. Little about the message level is known,
although some patients may have deficits at this pre-linguistic
level following left brain damagei.
References
a Chatterjee, A. and Maher, L. (2000) Gra mmar and a grammatism.
In Aphasia an d L anguage: Theory t o Practice (Gonza lez Rothi, L. et al ., eds),
pp.133–156, Gu ilford P ress
b Goodglass, H. (1993)Un derstandi ng Aphasia , Academic Pr ess
c Ber ndt , R. (1987) Sy mptom co-occurence and dissociat ion in theinterpretation of agrammatism. In Th e Cogni ti ve Neuropsychology of
Language (Coltheart, M. et al ., eds), pp.221–233, Erlbaum
d Sa f fr an , E .M .et al . (1980) The word order problem in a gra mma tism: I .
Comprehension. Brain L ang. 10, 249–262; II. Pr oduction. Brain L ang.
10, 263–280
e Pick, A. (1931)Aphasia , Thoma s
f Ga rrett, M.F. (1982) Production of speech: observations from norma l and
pathological la nguage use. In Normalit y and Pathology in Cognit ive
Functions (Ellis, A.W., ed.), pp.19–76, Acad emic P ress
g Car ama zza, A. and Miceli, G. (1991) Selective impairment of themat ic role
assignment in sentence processing. Brain L ang. 41, 402–436
h M ah er , L . et a l . (1995) Agra mma tic sent ence production: th e use of a
temporal-spatial strategy. Brain L ang. 49, 105–124
i Chatterjee, A. et a l . (1999) Conceptua l and lingu istic knowledge of thema tic
roles in aphasia . Neurology 52, A458
Box 2.Agrammatism and thematic role assignment
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59OpinionOpinion
ana gram ta sk. When presented w ith w ords on
individual card s, he ordered the words int o active
sentences that were gram mat ically a ppropria te.
However, with passive sentences, he inva riably
produced sema ntically impossible sentences,
such a s ‘Th e gir ls are cli mbed by th e stai rs.’ Hepicked ‘g i r l s ’ as the a gents and placed that card on
the left of the sentence, impervious t o the sentence’s
synta ctic construction.
This individua l’s spat ial bia s in describing
pictures extended t o comprehension, as eviden ced by
his ma tching of sentences to pictures35. With a ctive
sentences he was far m ore accurate if the agent wa s
on the left and the a ction moved left-to-right t ha n th e
agent w as on the right and t he action moved
right-to-left . By contra st, w ith passive sentences
his performa nce wa s reversed.
Cha tt erjee and co-workers speculat ed tha t th eir
subject’s spat ial bia ses might r eflect a primitivestructure of menta l representa tions of events.
Hughlings J ackson in the nineteenth century
viewed the nervous system as being orga nized
hierar chically, w ith high er processes inhibiting
lower ones37. J ackson thought t ha t ‘dissolution’ of
higher functions released m ore primitive behaviors.
Accordingly , th e dissolution of our subject’s
l inguis t ic abili t ies by brain dama ge might ha ve
released a primitive pre-linguistic representa tion,
ma king the underlying spat ial schema explicit .
Spatial schemas in normal people
If events a re encoded wit h spatia l schema s, then
subtle spatia l biases might a lso influence norma l
subjects’ conception of a ctions an d them a tic roles.
Cha tt erjee and co-workers found tha t norma l
right-handed subjects tend to locate a gents to the
left of patients, a nd t o conceive of a ctions a s
proceeding from left t o right 38,39. These bia ses
emerged in several experiments: w hen subjects
drew events in response to sentences; when th ey
drew eith er the a gent or the recipient of the action
in response to sentences or phra ses; and w hen
they d rew tra jectories of actions conveyed by
verb phra ses.
As En glish is read from left to right, could th ese
spatia l biases be produced by ha bitua l exposure to
Eng lish? Perha ps, but the results of one experiment
ar e not explained ea sily by the surfa ce structur e of
wr itten E nglish. This experiment ca pitalized on the
fact th at different verbs convey opposite spatia l
trajectories39. The ver b ‘push ’ conveys an action
moving aw ay from the agent , whereas th e verb
‘pul l ’ conveys an a ction moving towa rds th e agent.
Normal subjects ma tched sentences they hea rd to
pictures fa ster w hen pictures depicted the agent on
the left an d wit h the a ction proceeding from
left-to-righ t (see Fig. 1). The influ ence of the
direction of action is not a ccounted for by th e
surface structure of English sentences. If these
subjects simply ma pped the subject–verb–object
sentence structur e onto the agent –action–patient
depiction in pictures, t hey w ould not ha ve processed
a ctions from left-to-righ t more qu ickly. When t he
direction of act ion proceeds from left-to-righ t, th e
subject–verb–object sentence sequen ce ma ps
onto ag ent–a ction–pat ient depictions with ‘push ’verbs, but to pat ient–action–agent depictions
wi th ‘pul l ’ verb s.
Speculations about the neural bases for spatial schemas
Why should a ctions correspond t o a schema w ith a
left-to-right tra jectory? We encount er event s m oving
in every direction, so the perceptual experience of
events in the environment would not produce a
schema w ith a specific direction. Perha ps these
directional bia ses follow from properties of left
hemisphere processing.
The left hemisphere seems critical to media ting
actions in general. Da ma ge to the left hemisphere isassociated wit h apra xias, or deficits of mean ingful
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.5 No.2 February 2001Opinion
Agent on left
Action left-to-right
Action right-to-left
Agent on right
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences
Fig. 1. Examples of visual
stimuli used in the
sentence–picture
matching task. One of the
following pictures
appeared on a computer
monitor after the subjectsheard sentences such as
‘The circle pushes the
square ’ or ‘The circle
pulls the square ’.
(Modified from Ref. 39.)
• What neurophysiological and neuroanatomical
properties predispose ensembles of neurons
to encode either linguistic or spatial
information?
• What parts of the brain mediate interactions of
language and space, and what are the
consequences of damage to these areas?
• Can the effects of spatial orientation on
language be used to rehabilitate aphasic
patients?
• Is there a limited set of spatial schemas, and
how are these extracted from imagistic
representations?
• Are there differences in the neural mediation of
verbs and locative prepositions and their
spatial schemas?
• How do cultural and biological variables
contribute to spatial schemas?
• Are spatial schemas used in cognitive domains
other than language?
Outstanding questions
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actions40. Da mage t o the left pa rieta l cortex can a lso
impair the a bili ty to prepare for and switch to
different kinds of actions, a form of motor
at tent ion41. The left hem isphere a lso directs
at tent ion with a left-to-right vector42. Thes e
featur es of the left hemisphere, the encoding of
act ions an d the deployment of spat ia l a t tent ion with
a left -to-righ t vector, migh t predispose the left
hemisphere to mediat e a left-to-right schema for
act ions (see a lso Box 3).
One possible explan at ion is tha t the left an d right
hemispheres tend to encode different kinds of
spat ia l representat ions43; the left mediates
schematic a nd t he r ight imagis t ic representa t ions.
La ngua ge that r elies on schema tic representa tions,
as in relat ional concepts encoded in verbs and
locat ive prepositions, might rely on an inta ct left
hemisphere. Conversely, langua ge tha t relies on
imagis t ic representa t ions, as in the spat ia l
topogra phy expressed in ASL, might rely more on an
inta ct right hemisphere (see Fig. 2).
Conclusion
Despite reasons to think that mental
representa t ions of langua ge and space are
likely t o be segrega ted, th ese cognitive doma ins
ma ke conta ct a t critical junctures. These points of
conta ct are evident in both t he commun ication and
the representa tion of lang uag e. The intera ctions
reviewed here suggest tha t langua ge and
space are not modular cognitive systems in th e
strong sense of being informa tionally
encapsulated from each other. Rather, a t certa in
points t he informat ion from one domain bleeds
into the other. Ca reful considera tion of these
points of conta ct is likely to reveal insight s
into how th oughts relate to actions and events
in the environment .
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences Vol.5 No.2 February 2001Opinion
[EVENT] "run"
Scene Perceptual, imagisticrepresentation
Spatialschema
Conceptual structure Verbalrepresentation
TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences
Fig. 2. A general sketch of the relationship of spatial scenes in the
environment and their mental representations. The perceptual or
imagistic representation is geometric and reflects sensory features
specific to the actual scene. The spatial schema abstracts a simplified
form that retains an analog structure. The conceptual structure is
language-like in that it is algebraic and can convey propositional
information. The verbal representation encodes the actual word
representing the spatial scene.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank
Lisa Santer and H.Branch
Coslett for their critical
reading of this paper.
Considerable evidence suggests that the brain
processes nouns and verbs differentlya–c. Lesion
studies suggest that noun retrieval deficits are
associated with left temporal lesions and verb
retrieval deficits are associated with left premotor
lesions. This neural differentiation is not
surprising, given that nouns and verbs have
different semantic and syntactic properties. Nouns
prototypically refer to objects in the world, while
verbs prototypically refer to actions in the world.
Verbs play a syntactic role in setting up the
argument structure of sentences, a role not played
by nouns. Lesion and fMRI studies suggest that the
meaning of nouns is linked to sensory features.
According to this view, access to the meaning of
nouns automatically, and perhaps necessarily,
activates brain structures that are also used to
perceive the object referred to by the noun. (For a
critique of this view, see Ref. d.)
Verb retrieval deficits following brain damagehave not been studied in the same detail as noun
retrieval deficits. Verb retrieval deficits are
associated with agrammatic production, because
verbs play a critical role in setting up the structure of
the sentence (but see also Ref. e). The syntactic
properties of verbs may be processed in different
brain regions from their semantic properties.
Furthermore, verbs that belong to different semantic
categories, such as those describing actions
(e.g. run ) versus those describing mental states
(e.g. love ), might also have different neural
underpinnings.
References
a Da masio, A.R. and Tran el, D. (1993) Nouns and verbs ar e
retrieved with differently distributed neural systems.
Proc.N atl. Acad. Sci. U. S. A. 90, 4957–4960
b Bernd t , R. S . et a l . (1997) Verb retr ieval in apha sia:
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c Gr ossman, M. (1998) Not all words are created equal:
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Neurology 50, 324–325
d Ca ram azza , A. and Shelton, J . (1998) Domain-specific
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e Bernd t , R . et a l . (1997) Verb retrieva l and sen tence
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Box 3.Nouns and verbs
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