lecture 21: institutions iidspace.mit.edu/bitstream/handle/1721.1/77095/14-73-fall-2009/cont… ·...
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Lecture 21: Institutions II�
Dave Donaldson and Esther Duflo
14.73 Challenges of World Poverty
Institutions II: Plan for the lecture
� Discussion of assigned reading (Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson)
Causes of Long-Run Development
� Authors draw distinction between ‘proximate’ and ‘fundamental’ causes
� Where do the topics we’ve covered so far in this course (food, education, health, technology, finance) fit in to this distinction?
Fundamental Causes
� Authors draw distinction between ‘geography’ and ‘institutions’ as two candidates for fundamental causes of long-run development.
� What could go wrong with drawing this distinction?
� What else might matter for long-run development?
Why Might Geography Matter? 1. Montesquieu: Geography affects humans (and their capacity
for work, thinking and learning) directly.
2. Sachs: Geography affects other living organisms (plants, diseases, disease vectors...) directly.
3. Diamond: Geography affects the types of technologies (e.g. domesticated animals) that can be used, and these may have long-run consequences (e.g. the agricultural revolution).
4. Diamond: Geography affects ability of humans to migrate. � Latitudinally-oriented continents (Eurasia) mean a large
migratory range at similar climates (so can take appropriate technology with you, and will face familiar diseases wherever you go). Longitudinally-oriented continents (eg the Americas) are different.
� Similar argument: a large group of people facing similar environments can take advantage of economies of scale in knowledge-production.
But What are Clear Counter-examples to Geography?
Do We See ‘Geography’ at Work Here?
Do We See ‘Geography’ at Work Here? From Paul Romer’s ‘Charter Cities’ blog
Geography and the Reversal of Fortune
� Geography is (largely) persistent.
� So if geography is a key fundamental determinant of development, development should also be persistent.
� By contrast, institutions change (and changed big time around colonization, c 1600).
Reversal of Fortune I Urbanization as a proxy for GDP today
Figure 3Log income per capita in 1995vs.
urbanization in 1995Lo
g G
DP
per c
apita
, PPP
, 199
5
Urbanization in 19950 50 100
6
8
10
AGO
ARG
AUS
BDI
BEN
BFABGD
BHS
BLZ
BOL
BRA
BRB
BWA
CAF
CAN
CHL
CIVCMR COG
COL
COM
CPV
CRI
DMADOMDZAECU
EGY
ERI
ETH
FJI
GAB
GHAGIN
GMB
GRDGTM
GUY
HKG
HND
HTI
IDN
IND
JAM
KEN
KNA
LAO
LCA
LKA
LSO
MAR
MDG
MEX
MLIMOZ
MRT
MUS
MWI
MYS
NAM
NER NGA
NIC
NPL
NZL
PAK
PAN
PER
PHLPRY
RWA
SDN SEN
SGP
SLE
SLVSURSWZ
TCD
TGO
TTO
TUN
TZA
UGA
URY
USA
VCT
VEN
VNM
ZAF
ZAR ZMB
ZWE
Reversal of Fortune II Only ex-colonies plotted
Log
GD
P pe
r cap
ita, P
PP, 1
995
Urbanization in 15000 5 10 15 20
7
8
9
10
ARG
AUS
BGD
BLZ
BOL
BRA
CAN
CHL
COL CRI
DOM DZAECU
EGY
GTM
GUY
HKG
HND
HTI
IDN
IND
JAM
LAO
LKA
MAR
MEXMYS
NIC
NZL
PAK
PAN
PER
PHLPRY
SGP
SLV
TUN
URY
USA
VEN
VNM
Figure 4Log income per capita in 1995 vs. urbanization
in 1500
Reversal of Fortune III Only ex-colonies plotted
Figure 5Log income per capita in 1995 vs. log
population density in 1500Lo
g G
DP
per c
apita
, PPP
, 199
5
Log Population Density in 1500-5 0 5
6
8
10
AGO
ARG
AUS
BDI
BEN
BFA BGD
BHS
BLZ
BOL
BRA
BRB
BWA
CAF
CAN
CHL
CIVCMRCOG
COL
COM
CPV
CRI
DMADOM DZAECU
EGY
ERI
ETH
GAB
GHAGIN
GMB
GRDGTM
GUY
HKG
HND
HTI
IDN
IND
JAM
KEN
KNA
LAO
LCA
LKA
LSO
MAR
MDG
MEX
MLIMOZ
MRT
MWI
MYS
NAM
NER NGA
NIC
NPL
NZL
PAK
PAN
PER
PHLPRY
RWA
SDNSEN
SGP
SLE
SLVSUR SWZ
TCD
TGO
TTO
TUN
TZA
UGA
USA
VCT
VEN
VNM
ZAF
ZARZMB
ZWE
Two Important Qustions
1. Is the ‘reversal of fortune’ necessarily evidence against the geography hypothesis?
2. Is the ‘reversal of fortune’ necessarily evidence in favor of the institutions hypothesis?
Reversal of Fortune—Timing Industrial revolution: industry is particularly ‘institution-sensitive’ (huge up-front costs of innovating and investing) Figure 6
Timing of the ReversalUrbanization in excolonies with low and high urbanization in 1500
(averages weighted within each group by population in 1500)
0
5
10
15
20
25
800 1000 1200 1300 1400 1500 1600 1700 1750 1800 1850 1900 1920
low urbanization in 1500 excolonies high urbanization in 1500 excolonies
The Industrial Revolution Industrial revolution is key to long-run development Figure 7
Reversal, Industrialization and DivergenceIndustrial Production Per Capita, UK in 1900 = 100
(from Bairoch)
0
50
100
150
200
250
300
350
400
1750 1800 1830 1860 1880 1900 1913 1928 1953
US Australia Canada New Zealand Brazil Mexico India
Colonialization and the Reversal of Fortune I
� Colonialization was process that changed institutions a great deal.
� Who created the new institutions? The colonizers.
� What institutions did they create? (Good or bad?)
Colonialization and the Reversal of Fortune II
� The institutions the colonizers created depended on what was in their own self-interest.
� Self-interest depended on whether settlers present or not. � If settlers: A bit like quasi-democracies back home—need to
keep the median ‘voter’ happy. � If no settlers: Attempt to extract as much as possible from the
colony. Exploit native populations. Coerce labor into slavery.
� So what determined whether there were settlers or not? � Could settlers survive there? Disease, etc. � Were settlers needed there? Some resources just needed loads
of unskilled labor, and only a few settlers to manage the process.
Settler Mortality
� Thinking in this manner generates another ‘experiment’ in long-run development:
� Suppose that whether settlers were killed by the disease environment when they arrived or not (we call this: ‘settler mortality’) was basically random.
� Then places with high settler mortality should have received fewer settlers, and hence received bad institutions.
� Then, if (for whatever reason) institutions are persistent (bad institutions beget bad institutions), then these places will have bad institutions today.
� Then, if bad institutions (PR) are bad for development (Y ), places with high settler mortality (SM) should have low levels of development today.
� Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson (2001) pursue this logic empirically.
Settler Mortality as an Instrumental Variable
� We are interested in the question: Does PR cause Y ?
� The correlation between PR and Y is strongly positive. But we are worried that this correlation does not prove causation.
� Suppose that SM affects PR through the incentives for colonizers to build good institutions (and the fact that institutions are persistent).
� Suppose further that SM affects Y only because SM affects PR and PR affects Y .
� Then SM can be used as an instrumental variable for PR in the regression of Y on PR.
The Question: Does PR affect Y ?
Figure 1Log income per capita in 1995 vs. perceived
protection against expropriation risk, 1985-95.
Log
GD
P pe
r cap
ita in
199
5
Average Protection Against Expropriation Risk, 1985-19952 4 6 8 10
6
8
10
.
.
AGO
ARE
ARG
AUS AUTBEL
BFA BGD
BGR
BHR
BHS
BOL
BRABWA
CANCHE
CHL
CHN
CIVCMRCOG
COLCRI
CZE
DNK
DOM DZAECU
EGY
ESP
ETH
FINFRA
GAB
GBR
GHAGIN
GMB
GRC
GTM
GUY
HKG
HND
HTI
HUN
IDN
IND
IRL
IRN
ISLISR
ITA
JAMJOR
JPN
KEN
KOR
KWT
LKA
LUX
MAR
MDG
MEX
MLI
MLT
MNG
MOZMWI
MYS
NER NGA
NIC
NLDNOR
NZL
OMN
PAK
PAN
PER
PHL
POL
PRT
PRY
QAT
ROM RUS
SAU
SDNSEN
SGP
SLE
SLVSUR
SWE
SYR
TGO
THATTO
TUNTUR
TZA
UGA
URY
USA
VEN
VNM
YEM
ZAF
ZAR ZMB
ZWE
The Instrument (First Stage): SM affects PR
Figure 8 Perceived protection against expropriation
risk, 1985-95 vs. log settler mortality.
Aver
age
Prot
ectio
n Ag
ains
t Exp
ropr
iatio
n, 1
985-
95
Log Settler Mortality2 4 6 8
4
6
8
10
AGO
ARG
AUS
BFA
BGD
BHS
BOL
BRA
CAN
CHL
CIV
CMR
COG
COLCRI
DOM
DZAECUEGY
ETH
GAB
GHAGIN
GMB
GNB
GTM
GUY
HKG
HND
HTI
IDN
IND
JAM
KENLKA
MAR
MDG
MEX
MLI
MMR
MYS
NER
NGANIC
NZL
PAKPAN
PER
PNGPRY
SDN
SEN
SGP
SLE
SLV
SUR
TGO
TTO
TUNTZA
UGA
URY
USA
VEN
VNM
ZAF
ZAR
The Instrument (Reduced Form): SM affects Y If SM affects Y only because SM affects PR, then SM is a valid IV. Further, the ratio of the reduced form slope to the first stage slope is the causal effect of PR on Y .
Figure 9Log income per capita in 1995 vs. log settler
mortality.
Log
GD
P pe
r cap
ita in
199
5
Log Settler Mortality2 4 6 8
6
8
10
AGO
ARG
AUS
BDI
BEN
BFABGD
BHS
BLZ
BOL
BRA
BRB
CAF
CAN
CHL
CIVCMRCOG
COLCRI
DOMDZAECU
EGY
ETH
FJI
GAB
GHAGIN
GMB
GTM
GUY
HKG
HND
HTI
IDN
IND
JAM
KENLAO
LKA
MAR
MDG
MEX
MLI
MRT
MUSMYS
NER NGA
NIC
NZL
PAK
PAN
PERPRY
RWA
SDNSEN
SGP
SLE
SLVSUR
TCD
TGO
TTO
TUN
TZA
UGA
URY
USA
VEN
VNM
ZAF
ZAR
What Could Violate this Logic?
Application to Development Policy Today?
� How useful is the ‘geography vs institutions’ debate for contemporary development policy?
� How useful is the AJR empirical approach for contemporary development policy?
� Go back in time and save more settlers? � Right the wrongs of past colonial injustice?
� If institutions matter, what can be done to make them better?
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