Lefferts Citation for Korean CIGB article: Lefferts, Leedom 2015 “Indigenous Ceramic Production in Mainland Southeast Asia: Earthenware and Stoneware in Thailand and Southern China” (in Korean and English), in, CIGB 2015 International Ceramics Colloquium, pp. 17-35.

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Contents

Greetings

Introduction

International Ceramic Symposium: Convergence and Transcendence­

Profundity and Multiformity beyond the Surface

Keynote speaker

Who killed my father? ............................................. ··················· ·········· Keun Jae Oh

Session one: Ceramic Road

Indigenous ceramic production in Mainland southern China: earthenware .......... Dr Leedom Leffer

and stoneware in Thailand and southern China

The unfolding of hidden beauty; 'Korean tea bowls' in full blossom across ··············· Dr Nam Lin Hur

in the sea in the sixteen and seventeenth centuries

Session two: Expanded Expression

Convergence & transcendence; civilizations crisscrossing the continents ·· Dr Tea Man Choi

The cultural turn in history; the historical turn in ceramics ········································ ·· ···· James Beighton

Extending vocabularies; distorting the ceramics familiar -clay and

the performative 'other'

······ Dr Andrew Livingstone

It's clay time! expanding ceramic art's territory ······ · ················································ ········ Dr Jorunn Veiteberg

International Ceramic Forum: Plan B

Style of representation and education of contemporary ceramics

Future sustainability in ceramic arts; the power of small scale

Development or evolution of contemporary ceramics ..

Biography

4

............ Dr In Soon Mo

···························· Richard Notkin

. ..................... Kwan HoWoo

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Hai plaadaek; jars for making fermented fish Pug mill

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24

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25

Dr Leedom Lefferts

Indigenous Ceramic Production in Mainland Southeast Asia: Earthenware and Stoneware in Thailand and Southern China

Over the past two decades, Cart and Lefferts have undertaken extensive documentation of the production

of stoneware and earthenware ceramics in Mainland Southeast Asia (see Cart and Lefferts, Lefferts and

Cart, Lefferts, and Narasaki, Lefferts, and Cort in Bibliography; all are available on the web}. The

co-production of both stoneware and earthenware is a relatively rare phenomenon in the contemporary

wor1d. Stoneware and earthenware ceramic objects fulfill different and complementary functions. It can be

supposed that their joint use was much more prevalent in the past, especially prior to the widespread use of

iron in cookware. However, in mainland Southeast Asia both earthenware and stoneware ceramics continue

to provide invaluable, relatively cheap, and environmentally suitable products for daily use in the home and

agriculture. While the pressures of development, modernization, status emulation, and factory production

impact on these indigenous ceramic traditions, this production continues to fulfill vital roles in Southeast Asian

food preparation, storage, ritual performance, and the construction of cultural identity. That this production

continues, even under these stressful conditions, is a profound statement of the resilience of local cultures

under extreme national and international pressure.

Today, visitors Southeast Asia are rarely shown these formative elements of the region's local cultures; local

people generally feel that people from more "advanced" countries would rather see how Southeast Asian

production matches their visitors' expectations, that is, if the visitors are interested in the local people at all,

rather than beaches, mountains, and extraordinary antique monuments. Thus, visitors are usually not expo­

sed to the substratum of production technologies and objects which permit Southeast Asians to make sense

of themselves as vital human beings and perpetuate their cultural selves.

In addition to the sheer survival of earthenware and stoneware in mainland Southeast Asia, the varieties of

production technologies of both of these products set the region apart. While the products themselves might

appear quite similar to each other in their multiformity, the technologies of production differ dramatically. Cort

and Lefferts (2012) identified at least six different technologies for the production of earthenware, certainly

an amazing number considering the relative similarity of forms and uses of these objects. They have also

identified at least two contemporary techniques for the production of stoneware.

These varieties of production for both earthenware and stoneware occur on industrial scales by skilled

artisans. This industrialization, which stretches back to before the coming of the present surge of

"development and modernization" from the West and East Asia (Murphy and Lefferts in press consider

previous surges) shows persistent and continuing demand for these objects over time and place.

However, it is clear that development and modernization have had significant impact. Indeed, the local

industrial production of an ever narrowing range of products continues as Western and East Asian factory

production discover new ways to supplant local products while expanding populations concerned with their

identities increasingly have recourse to these local products.

This essay considers the ways that the local production of one kind of earthenware and one kind of

stoneware technologies persist. These are not remnant occupations but, as this essay demonstrates, recent history

26

shows that rationalizations and segmentations in production have occurred which, while the core

techniques continue, allow for the characterization of these productions as "industrial". As long as markets

are there -and they appear to be substantial if not growing -this essay concludes that earthenware and

stoneware production will continue in Southeast Asia into the indefinite future.

Background: professionalism and local industry

In undertaking this essay, I returned to the sources- to ethnographic fieldwork in Thailand, which has

perhaps seen the greatest impact on local production, with modern markets, extensive and accessible

transportation networks, and a burgeoning consumer base- of all of mainland Southeast Asia. Over the

past 25 years of observation, noticeable changes have occurred in the varieties of produced items;

however, the fundamental technological processes, while also changing, remain the same. Additionally,

because of the singularities of usages of these objects, agents of development have found it difficult to

supplant local production with either alien, i.e., non-indigenous, technologies, or foreign produced objects.

An important conclusion from this continuing series of studies is the degree of unrecognizedprofessionalism

and local industrialization exhibited by local artisans. Unfortunately, when local professionalism is

recognized, at least in Thailand, it is characterized as phanya ( iltytyl ), local wisdom. This characterization

negates the importance of what has and is occurring; professionalism and industrialization is more than

"wisdom". The "wisdom" that occurs is the wisdom of body motion, knowledge of the properties of clay and

temper, efficiencies in the continuation of production technologies and willingness to change if an

appropriate supplement comes along, and awareness of the uses of the products.

Potters and their households exhibit a professionalism in the production of things that make up their and

their consumers' daily lives that accords nicely, if not symmetrically, with the so-called professionalism of the

urban bureaucrat, whether in government or business. Furthermore, the industrial processes that these

local potters and their households have created mobilize the coordinated effort of manufacturers (the

potters themselves), suppliers of material (clay, water, wood, rice straw, etc.) and implements (stand or

wheel, various tools, the firing place and "kiln" itself), in a coordinated and timely manner reminiscent of

English iron production during the emergence of the industrial revolution. Indeed, the history of potting in

Northeast Thailand and elsewhere in Southeast Asia evidences a capital and labor-intensive effort belying

the characterization that it is primitive or obsolete. Here we talk about an integrated professionalism -of

family, at least of husband and wife and, sometimes, when old enough, children, so that production is

accomplished efficiently, with a sure knowledge of techniques and materials, time after time, resulting in

replicability, i.e, in short, the employment of industrial processes.

This essay stresses this industrialization and professionalism "beneath the surface"; the profound ways by

which not so ordinary people produce in their daily lives items which undergird the continuing existences of

millions of people and which remain essentially unrecognized for the importance of their lives and production.

Earthenware production at Baan Mau: rural industrialization of Thai-Khorat production

In 1999 Lefferts and Cart employed the concept of "proto-industrialization" to characterize the expansion of

Thai-Khorat earthenware potting technology across Northeast Thailand. Following Kriedte, Medick, and

Schlumbohm ( 1981 ), Lefferts and Cart defined

27

[p]roto-industrialization (a]s full-time craft production at the household level involving both men and

women in the acquisition of resources, and production and distribution of a single product. This

production usually excludes other possible remunerative or subsistence activities, such as

part-time employment, rice-growing or other cultivation, etc., which would make one of the adult

household members unavailable for craft pro-duction on a systematic, regular basis.

We discovered that Thai-Karat earthenware potters- all women -and their households, with husbands the

suppliers of labor for clay acquisition and processing, assistance in firing, and marketing, forced from their

homeland in the southwest of Northeast Thailand by population pressure on scarce rice-land, expanded

across the region. These potters' knowledge of efficient potting techniques, including the household-based

production unit in which the woman's husband was an essential supporting element, enabled their successful

migration. This unit supplanted the extant part-time potters of the resident Lao ethnic group who, because

they were land owners, needed as much labor as they could get in agriculture. Additionally, Lao potters

generally did not include husbands and other household individuals in their production.

Thus, the migration of these potters, primarily in the early to middle 1900's, brought about the establishment

of Thai-Karat households - as cells and sometimes in neighborhoods and complete villages inside many

Lao villages scattered across the landscape. The largest such Thai-Khorat village, which most typically

perpetuates this technology, is Baan Mau (Pot Village), in Capital District, Mahasarakham Province, located

near the center of Northeast Thailand. The industry (perhaps, more accurately, proto-industry) of which this

village provides the most apt example, provided the engine by which the members of an ethnic group

penetrated into and established a thriving earthenware production system and market.

All of the discoveries itemized in Lefferts and Cart's paper ( 1999) were "under the surface". No one in Thai

or Northeast Thai studies had codified the drama of the inter-relationship of earthenware ceramic production

with the expansion of this population across the Northeast Thailand and the replacement of the earthenware

production of another population. Indeed, the general assumption had been that migration across Northeast

Thailand was from north or northeast to south and southwest; the counter-movement of Thai-Karat potters

had previously been an unrecognized phenomenon. (An abstract and diagram of this production technique

is presented in Cart and Lefferts 2012, pp.S-6.)

However, recent research shows that while the fundamental technology of this production has remained the

same over the decades, significant changes in secondary technologies have occurred enabling this technology

to continue. While production remains household-based, adjacent, supporting households and villages

contribute to production in ways they hadn't before. For instance, men not involved in directly supporting

pottery production engage in diving for and retrieving clay from the local, community owned lake; they also

engage in the production of the temper, chua, rice husks combined with clay into lumps which are charred

and, when cool, broken into granules. This temper is combined with regular clay to produce the clay for

making pots. Some men engage in this process for money: two baaUcharred lump, three baat if pulverized.

However, from the production of the clay ready for potting to the finished pot and firing, the household unit

that forms the core of the Thai-Khorat process remains central. The village now owns a pug mill, contributed

by the local government administration. A potter and her husband combine the temper and produce the clay

for potting particular items for three baat per 30cm of extruded coil. This money is paid to the head of the

group for producing clay for potting, which she, in turn, uses to pay for electricity and maintenance. Use of

this pug mill saves the potter and her household from the onerous task of the initial production of the usable

clay and assures that the potter has control over the proportions of chua, temper, and clay with which she will produce

28

particular kinds of pots. Note that, on the evenings before potting, the woman herself will again massage the

clay by foot, leave it overnight, and then knead and wedge the clay once more by hand before beginning to

form the actual pre-form for the pot.

Daily production varies from 15 to 30 pots/potter/day. The larger the pot, the less the production. lnterest1rigly,

a kind of "wheel" - a bicycle wheel with cement in the center to act as a flywheel - has been available for at

least 20 years. However, in talking with potters, while this wheel is more convenient and less stressful on the

backs of the producers - a potter can sit while potting - it cannot be used when making large water jars,

liM th, aeng nam. One potter with whom I worked also made it clear that the wheel does not provide the

centered, symmetrical result that a good potter prides herself in. (This counter-intuitive finding is due to the

expertise of a potter walking backwards around a pot while forming its upper body, shoulder, neck, and rim;

she positions her head and eyes over the center of the pot while forming these pots with her hands.) Thus,

older potters, who cannot lift the heavy clay needed for a large water pot or who suffer from back aches, use

the wheel.

At the other end of production, while firing remains under the control of individual households, the rice straw

and small wood for firing may be provided by farmers in neighboring villages. For instance, in firing, rice straw

must be aligned in the same direction. Generally today in Northeast Thai rice agriculture, the use of the

mechanical thresher results in straw emerging from the combine in all directions. However, households in

villages nearBaan Maucontinue to harvest rice the traditional way, by hand, so that the rice straw may be sold

to potting householdsfor firing for tenbaat/large bundle. Following firing, many products are already

contracted for pick-up and sale; few husbands of potters travel the highways on motorcycle tri-shaws or

pick-up trucks hawking wares from village to village. Middle-men and -women call in advance, contract for

production, come and pick it up and pay the agreed upon cost. However, some few men do get on their

motorcycle tri-shaws and travel to nearby villages if that particular household needs some quick cash, or to

barter for rice, or if there are too few pots to send out by middle-men. Today few potters know the final cost to

the consumer for their products, but there is a constant demand for it.

Centrally, the potting itself and the firing remain under the control of the potting household. Thus, the proto -

industrialization observed over two decades ago continues. The few changes that have occurred in the

techniques of production lead to the conclusion that the pots that are formed serve specific functions to which

few, more technologically complex processes are adaptable.

As we will see with stoneware production, this partial shift to a kind of assembly-line process is a significant

step in the "rationalization" of production. Hiving off of supplementary steps, while crucial to continuing

production, is typical of local industrialization.

Tai Stoneware Production

In 2010Cort and Lefferts presented a paper (2012) summarizing the multitudinous technologies by which

the complex, but unified forms of earthenware- essential for the production of certain foods, the natural

cooling of drinking water (without the expense of a refrigerator and its consumption of electricity), and ritual

burying of the ashes of departed family members- are produced.

However, we did not pay equal attention to the production of stoneware; certainly the complex technologies

29

of earthenware production- counterintuitive in the extreme, with the finishing of the rim before the completion

of the form of the body- attracted our attention, as did the many different ways by which this production took

place.

The production of stoneware in Southeast Asia differs; perhaps it has taken the apprenticeship of a North

American potter- versed in the knowledge of "throwing" pots in the Western tradition to raise our

awareness of similar intricacies and professionalism among the men who are stoneware potters.

Daniel Johnston -who apprenticed himself in a stoneware production village in Northeast Thailand in 2004,

then returned to North Carolina in the United States and has increasingly stressed the efficacy of this

production in his US work- hasretumed our attention to reconsideringearlier observations. Over the past

few years he has focused on adapting Tai-Lao stoneware technology to North Carolina, USA, production.

The core of his techniques, though, come from his apprenticeship where, as he says, he learned to produce

stoneware in a more efficient and efficacious manner than the Western throwing-off-the-hump technique

he had learned earlier. Thus, he now produces up to ten large jars a day and, over the past five or so years,

has produced more than 800 (each one of which is numbered). By the way, we should note that the

standard of productionof large stoneware jars in a typical Northeast Thai workshop usuallyconsists of ten

jars per day, with one potter and an assistant; thus Daniel Johnston has begun to equal Northeast Thai

production in volume. After honing his technique, Daniel spent his first intensive summer of production in

the US 100 days - producing 1 00 large jars. This rate of production continues, even as he also produces

smaller items using a combination of Thai and Western techniques.

The point of Daniel Johnston's focus on this technique is to emphasize, as he says, that the people from

whom he learned it are involved in production as an "industry". He specifically rejects the notion that these

men see themselves as "artists"; they do what they do - and continue to do it - because it provides a viable

way for them to earn money to support heir families. They produce these pots this way not simply because

it is a "tradition", but because it is the most efficient. They don't produce these pots this way "simply" for

the sake of beauty as a superficial added attraction -even though, of course, this technique produces its

own beauty, but because it tits the standards of their industrial production. Thus they produce a large

number of items knowing that they will emerge satisfactorily from the firing, in sufficient numbers, so that

middle men can come, buy from them at agreed upon prices, and take them away and sell these items

with confidence, knowing that they can return time and again and get the same quality; moreover, they

can do this because the consumer can bet reliably on this production year after year. By the way, of course,

this efficient production technology possesses its own beauty; part of the beauty in the finished pot is the

incorporation of this hidden technique, beneath the surface.

Over time, under the pressures of modernization, the appearance of easy and relatively swift transportation

throughout the area, and the pressures of the market, including plastic and the importation of Chinese

technology with glazed jars, Thai stoneware production has narrowed to just one product, a mortar

(krok, fl':i f1) used to mash food ingredients and hot peppers, either separately or together. However, the

techniques used for the production of this item utilize techniques and technologies formerly employed for

a much more diverse range of objects.

Primarily, these techniques and the kiln firing which complete the taskresult in containers with an imper -

meable membrane between the inside and outside of the pot through which liquids, oils, etc. can not

penetrate. This results in several forms of ceramic objects which facilitate the preservation and serving

of food products, such as husked rice and water jars and jars in which fermentation can take place with-

30

out the intrusion of bacteria and vermin. This range of uses complemented and did not replace those which

resulted from the employment of earthenware utensils. Together, earthenware and stoneware resulted,

for millennia, in a coordinated system of food preservation and dining items. Out of that total array, among

stoneware, the most common product remaining is the mortar.

The krok is an essential element ofThai and Lao cooking. As Marie Adams (1977) pointed out in a crucial

paper concerning Southeast Asian materials processing, the partitioningand reduction of things, whether

the bodies of the deceased at funerals or food for consumption, is characteristically Southeast Asian. The

krok is essential to the latter, just as the large stoneware double-lipped jar, hai plaadaek (111 1hnu~n),is essential to fish fermentation (Lefferts 2005). The krok permits the preparer to mash and pound food items

in order to make them easier to eat but, more importantly, to combine flavors and textures. This is especially

important when including hot peppers (chilies) and other pungent spices and ingredients, including fermented

fish, as well as vegetable material which may not be ripe and thus stiff and difficult to eat if not pre-masticated

by pounding in a krok. Northeast Thai-Lao and Lao food is known for a series of especially aromatic blends

of such dishes, including ( ff'11 ~1 ) made of unripe, shaved papaya mashed with onions, limes or

lemons, and chilies. Another specialty is chaeo baung ( 1~1 lHJ;J) in which limes, small onions, chilies, and

fermented fish are mashed together. When properly and thoroughly prepared in the krok, the resulting

mixtures result in unique and rich tastes, often quite "hot" and sour, complementing and enrichingglutinous

rice. A krok, in the shape of an open dish with thick raised sides and a thick base, is an especially sturdy

implement when combined with a may sak ( 1~ lYlil ), wooden pestle, and the strong right arm of the cook

pounding the ingredients in the krok's base.

· Stoneware production at Baan Klang

As charted above for the Thai-Khorat earthenware technique, the production of stoneware has been

regularized and rationalized, so that the potter remains the primary artisan supported by an array of

producers of supplementary materials and services. Interestingly, and in contrast with earthenware

·producers who can enumerate each step in the process, stoneware potters are usually not able to enumerate

the steps of their process as they pot. Earthenware production requires a number of steps with different

tools in differently configured work spaces, taking a total of approximately 12 hours; stoneware production

on the wheel is a more-or-less continuous action through a three or so minute process. After thousands

and possibly millions of repetitions, these potters do not objectify what they do the way as either an

earthenware producer or writer must.

Interestingly, but perhaps not coincidentally, the stoneware technique among the Thai-Lao and Lao is

similar to that described by Sayers and Rinzler in The Onggi Potter (1987). It seems quite clear that these

techniques derive from the same source, with adaptations over time and space to the clay that is at hand

. and the items wished by consumers.

' As with earthenware production, I emphasize the contributions of otherscoordinated with this production.

This makes clear the industrial nature of the process; while one might focus on the single potter, perhaps

visualizing him as an artist or artisan, production requires a coordinated series of potting and non-potting

·· steps in order produce its desired result. This is the industrial nature of this work.

1) Perhaps a much as two months in advance, a dealer, middle-man or -woman, callsby mobile phone to

· order a kiln load of krok, some 1 ,800 to 2,000 pieces. This order is placed far in advance of the pieces'

31

actual availability because the buyer knows others clamor for this production. There is a queue of such

dealers living outside the community who realize that, in order to obtain production, they have to make

sure it is available. Interestingly, often the potter and his associates do not know the name of the purchaser

nor precisely where they come from; the exchange of phone numbers provides the link for placing and

securing an order.

2) Prior to the order the kiln has been built and the organization of production has had to take place in the

potter's village, Baan Klang, "Middle Village", Tha Uthen District, Nakhon Phanom Province. Tha Uthen

District is dominated by members of the Tai Nyaw language family, closely related to Lao. Other than having

their own terms to refer to various tools and steps in the process of production, potters in Baan Klang seem

to have exactly the same processes as other Tai stoneware potters.

Archaeological surveys and visits to other communities have shown that stoneware has a long history in

this part of Northeast Thailand and Laos, possibly dating to at least 1353. The stretch of the Mekong near

which Baan Klang exists is known as the Middle Mekong. Baan Klang and Muang Nang Bok, in Laos,

approximately 60 kilometers to the south, are the only remaining stoneware production communities along

this stretch of the river. However, this relatively peaceful long expanse, centered on the important ceremonial

center of That Phanom, is known to have been anancient growth and ceremonial center. The annual flooding

of the nearbySri Songkhram River produced an abundance of fish which was harvested and fermented

in large jars made at several adjacent kiln sites. This area'srice fields benefitted from the nearby mountains

to the east, resulting in a predictable rainfall pattern. Stoneware and earthenware were essential to life in

this area until very recently. The technologies we chart today benefit from the knowledge gained over these

centuries of production.

Baan Klang kilns are constructed by groups of three to five cooperating men. The men who build their kiln

together usually remain together as a cooperating group in important kiln activities,rotating, tfU !ltl~, muun

wieng, firings among themselves and thus reinforcing their joint interest in the resulting production. They

bunk together during the two nights required for overnight firing; the third evening, at the end of firing, they

jointly support the owner of the krok in the kiln when he decides to cease firing and close the kiln; they and

their wives or assistants help unload the fired kiln and immediately load the kiln for the next firing. This

mutually supportive behavior ish~ !!'Ufl. long khek, in Thai, 1.11 111.1, naa waan, in Nyaw.

Naa waanis as important to stoneware production as the actual bodily motions of the potter in making of

the krok. Just as the manual techniques in the production of the krok are the result of a long history of

development, so the complex social organization which supports the industry is a result of a similar

development. This has become especially true with the shift from dry season production essentially from

the conclusion of the rice harvest in January to the beginning of the rains and of rice production in early

June -to year-round production. Even though wet season production slows due to agricultural tasks and

the slowing of the drying of items to be fired because of increased humidity, this team engages in all

activities except the actual production of items and day-time kiln firing (note similarities with earthenware

production).

3) Coordinate with the kiln and its organization, each potter organizes his production and the resources

for it. Thus, clay, ~'U urn , din nieo, must be ordered from the young men who dig it on communal land

who sell it by the cart load. Additionally, wood in two varieties: thick diameter timber, TJJ' em , may aup, for

slow firing and thin diameter, jJJ' el1J• may sak, for the final push for high temperatures, must be ordered

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and stacked. Finally, and most important, the potter must organize a workspace, no matter how seemingly

ephemeral, in which to make the krok and his life so that he has someone to support him in his work.

Today, all of this support except the assistant who helps the potter and the men and women who cooperate

in naa waanis contracted for; previously, when potting took place only during the dry season, a man or

group of men could do much of it themselves cooperatively. Now, payment is required, which is usually

put off until money becomes available through selling a kiln load of production. However, if a couple have

sufficient funds, they may stock wood and clay in advance.

Perhaps the most important person in this industrial production is the potter's assistant who, because this

person is usually his wife and collects the money at the end of the sale, appears to be his employer. Not

every man can pot; some men find other employment; some men become assistants and, while learning

and seeing production daily, never get the "knack". However, a potter usually has his wife as his assistant.

Since in most Northeast Thai and Lao marriages the man moves into the home of his wife, or, better, of

his parents-in-law, and potters learn from other potters, the men who pot were most likely born and raised

in Baan Klang. Thus, there is a degree of endogamy to this village that is not present to as great an extent

in other Northeast Thai or Lao communities. Of course, most women, because they grew up in this village

and do not move away to the1r husband's commu"ntty after marnage, know what pbtt1ng elitatls and what

marriage to a potter means for them.

4) The major change in the "tools" of production is in the wheel. Before, as described in Cart and Lefferts

(2012, pp. 4-5), the wheel was spun by the assistant, termed "spinner", sitting opposite the potter. The first

change in this process, which did not occur in every stoneware village, was that a second wheel was

introduced, attached to the potting wheel by a looped cord; the assistant spun this second wheel using a

handle. Now the spinner has been replaced by an electric motor; the former "spinner'' concentrates on the

production of clay coils, other supplementary tasks, and, because they are the women of the household,

tending children and grandchildren. Her primary task relating to the produced object is to cut it off the

wheel and place in a protected place to dry.

The actual process of producing the stoneware pot, including the krok, has, as with the production of

earthenware, remained substantially unchanged. The potter sets the base on the wheel, carves it into the

intended shape, builds the sides up using short coils, smoothing and compacting the walls with interior

and exterior pieces of wood (note, contra The Onggi Potter, no paddle, even for the production of the

largest jar), then finishes with the making of the rim. The assistant uses a string to cut the product off the

stationary wheel and take it to its place for drying. Because the market for stoneware production has

narrowed to the seemingly irreplaceable krok, potters produce upwards of 1 ,800 to 2,000 at a time. With

their required contributions to naa waan, potting time can be sharply curtailed. The size of the kiln and its

requirements for firing would seem to make this cooperative effort indispensable.

Conclusion - convergence and profundity

The purpose of this essay has been to answer the question: why and how are traditional potting practices

perpetuated in the hot-house of Thai and Southeast Asian development? One would suppose that these

technologies would fade as new materials and new products came to replace this seemingly inefficient

household production. That has not, so far, been the case.

33

Yes, large water jars can be replaced by refrigerators, yet a persistent requirement for a water jar in front of a

village, if not an urban house, for passers-by to refresh themselves persists. Small bowls are used for several

purposes: the latest use for them is to plant trees in nurseries, which a customers can buy, take back to his or

her garden, break the bowl, and transplant the tree. Of course, Lefferts and Cart have charted the continuing

ritual use of this size pot in burying the ashes of the deceased and for cooking curry which, of course, has a

better taste when cooked in an earthenware than a metal pot.

The survival of the krok seems assured. Today, only three stoneware kilns sites produce krok and their

differences are well known. According to Baan Klang potters, the better quality comes from Baan Klang;

Phon Bok, Phon Phisai krok have large stones in them; krok from near Ubon city suffer from clay which

cannot be fired to a sufficient temperature, their red clay gives away that they are likely to break under

heavy use.

Some 25 years after this research began, the researchers feel that they may begin to summarize the course

of indigenous ceramic production in Thailand and perhaps elsewhere in Southeast Asia. That is out next task;

to produce the volume which describes in detail the production technologies and variations we have observed

in them across mainland Southeast Asia.

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GYEONGGIINTERNATIONAL CERAMIC BIENNALE 2015

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