CHINESE IDEASABOUT NATURE AND SOCIETY

Studies inHonour of Derk Bodde

Edited by Charles Le Blanc and Susan Mader

Hong Kong University Press

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Contents

AcknowledgementsPreface

Biography of Derk Bodde

Bibliography of Derk BoddeA Letter from John C. Ferguson to Derk BoddeDistinguished Scholarship Award, 1985

Interpretations of Nature

ixxi

Adele Rickett 1213537

39

The First Neo-Confucianism: an Introduction to Yang Hsiung's 'Canonof Supreme Mystery' ( T'ai hsuan ching, c. 4 B.C.)

Michael Nylan and Nathan Sivin 41

Symbolic Expressions of Yin -Yang PhilosophySchuyler Cammann 101

From Ontology to Cosmogony: Notes on Chuang Tzu and Huai-nan TzuCharles Le Blanc 117

Beliefs and Values 131

The Role of Compromise in Chinese Culture

'Yen Ch'a-san Thrice Tested': Printed Novel to Oral

Herrlee H. Creel 133

TaleSusan Blader 153

Living with the Chinese: the Muslim Experience in China, T'ang to MingDonald Daniel Leslie 175

The Cult of the Dragon and the Invocation for RainMichael Loewe 195

Shih chi 127, the Symbiosis of Two HistoriansTimoteus Pokora 215

Living with the Chinese:the Muslim Experience in china,T'ang to MingMing

•

Donald Daniel Leslie

'Extraterritoriality' in the Tang and Sung

A foreign religion or minority is inevitably faced with the problem ofaccommodation with the native customs and beliefs. The Persianreligions, Mazdeism, Nestorianism and Manichaeism, and Judaism andIslam too, though all mainly for foreigners and non-Chinese, were facedin China with Confucianism and Taoism and a largely sinicizedBuddhism. Nevertheless, Mazdeism flourished in Changan and Loyangand throughout China from the Wei (c.516-9) and the Sui (581-618),Nestorianism from 635 and Manichaeism from 694. Their early successwas, however, wiped out in 843-5 when they were proscribed. This maypossibly have been the result of a backlash against the proselytisingactivities of the Manichaeans and Nestorians, or simply that they, togetherwith the non-proselytising Mazdeans, were caught up in a Buddhist-Confucian conflict.'

Not quite so obvious in a supposedly despotic Chinese Empire is theneed for the authorities to deal wisely with this foreign influence. TheChinese response throughout history has been basically unchanged:

were appointed in Changan and in the provinces to rule over the Mazdeanbelievers, with a miniature extra-territoriality imposed by the Chineseauthorities.'

With the T'ang (618-907) and the overthrow of the Persian SassanianEmpire by the Arabs, China saw an enlarged immigration. The Chineseauthorities were clearly worried about the impact of these foreign religionsand foreign settlements upon the Chinese masses and their potential asrebel forces. Both in the T'ang and the Sung, edicts were passed forbiddingChinese to take part in religious ceremonies of the Mazdeans andManichaeans. Foreigners had freedom of religion; Chinese did not.

Several T'ang works refer to the temples, monasteries, and shrines ofthese three Persian religions, but nowhere do we find mention of mosques,possibly because there were none until the Sung (960-1279). This mayalso be due to the fact that the Muslims, coming as traders, wereconsidered as totally outside the Chinese scheme of things, best left totheir own devices (as foreigners living in the foreign quarters of Canton,practicing their own religion ). They hardly impinged on the native

Chinese or their government, and made little or no attempt to propagatetheir faith among the Chinese. They were racially and culturally outsidethe Chinese Confucian system. The anti-religious decrees of 843-5 donot mention them, because they were not a problem for theauthorities.'

None of the Tang laws concerning Chinese-foreign relations mentionArabs or Muslims specifically. However, we read very similar accountsof Chinese-foreign relations in the Sung when there can be little doubtthat Arabs and Muslims were involved, even though only the term fan

For 836: Lu Chun

Edict of 628: Foreign envoys who have taken Chinese women as Iconcubines are forbidden to return with them to their owncountry.'

For 779: Uighurs and other foreigners in the capital should wear their own costume and not copy Chinese men. Formerly, Uighursin the capital, about a thousand men ... some wore Chinese costume . 1,and enticed (Chinese women) to obtain wives and concubines. Thisis forbidden.'

, viceroy of Ling-nan province (based inCanton), made laws forcing Chinese and foreigners to live in separatequarters, and forbidding intermarriage or foreign establishment oflands or mansions.'

These attempts to keep the foreigners separate -largely failed. Foreignerswho settled in— China increasingly adopted Chinese customs, marriedChinese women, adopted Chinese surnames, and became sinicizeded. Thisseems to be somewhat less true for the Muslim Arabs in Canton, whodid remain separate, at least during the Tang.

The suppression of the Persian religions may have been a politicaldecision rather than a popular xenophobic reaction. However, these lawsregarding relations with Chinese women surely reflected popular feelings.The ethnic antagonism is confirmed by the slaughter of Persians andArabs by Chinese in 760 in Yangchow. 8

As convincing as the Chinese sources is the account about the Muslimsin Canton (Khanfu) by the anonymous Arab writer of 851, known as`Sulaiman': 9

The merchant Sulaiman reports that at Canton, which is the centreof commerce, there is a Muslim upon whom the Chinese leader hasbestowed the power to decide conflicts among the Muslims who cometo this region; and this at the express wish of the Chinese sovereign.At the time of festivals, it is he who directs the prayers of theMuslims, gives the sermon (khutba), and expresses the good wishesfor (the well-being of) the legal authority which rules the Muslims....I know not a single one of these two peoples (Chinese and Indian)who is a Muslim or speaks Arabic.

(c.1111-7),'even Po -ssu

does

Donald Daniel Leslie

We should note immediately that a quite similar description in Chineseof the foreign quarter of Canton,not mention Muslims or Arabs (1 -

(Persians) or Hu #i (Iranians in general), but merely fan -jen'foreigners'.

appointed over them and he has charge of all public mattersconnected with the quarter. He makes it his special duty to urge theforeign traders to send tribute. The foreign official wears a hat, gown,shoes, and tablet just like a Chinese. When.a foreigner commits anoffense anywhere, he is sent to Canton, and if the charge is proved,he is sent to the foreign quarter (and whipped). ... Only offencesentailing banishment or more severe punishment are carried out bythe Department Magistrate of Canton.

There can be little doubt that the majority of these foreigners in Cantonwere Muslims in the Sung as well as in the T'ang. Chu Yid continues:

Even now foreigners are not just forbidden from eating pork. It isalso said: 'If you must eat (pork), you must kill it yourself and eatit by yourself.' It is as though you are cutting your own flesh andeating yourself. Even now, foreigners will not eat any of the sixdomestic animals not slaughtered by their own hand. As for fish andturtles, they eat all, no matter whether alive or dead (i.e. killed bysomeone else).

The Muslims and other foreigners resided in a special foreign quarterand were not supposed to live with the Chinese. However, during theSung if not the T'ang, this rule was not always enforced, just as lawsagainst intermarriage did not always prevent the taking of Chinese wives.

Marvazi in c.1182 is explicit about the separate quarter, but is possiblydescribing a slightly earlier period, for he relied heavily on the lost workof Jayhani (early tenth century)."

On one of the banks of Khanfu (Canton) are the markets of foreignmerchants and, on the other, the markets of the natives. The majorityof Persian and Arab merchants who travel thither sail on their ships,(the Persians) from Siraf and the Arabs from Basra. ... In the daytimethe inhabitants of the two markets mix (freely) with each other,carrying on trade and other operations, but at sunset the drum isbeaten on both banks and each party retires to its own place. ...No stranger is allowed to take slaves, destined for servitude, out ofthe city, either male or female, but, if a merchant has had childrenby a handmaiden, he may export her, and he is not prevented fromdoing so. ... They call the representative fasam (fan-chang).

This special quarter for Muslims is also found in the Yüan period; theMuslim leaders, named Qadi, administer Islamic law, and the Shaykhal-Islam, the religious and political leader,. serves as the representativeto the Chinese authorities.'

In accordance with Confucian ideas about the power of the Head,whether of family, village, province or empire, the Headman hadconsiderable power over his flock, and was responsible for good orderand discipline. This 'extra-territoriality' was, however, clearly imposedby the Chinese, not by the foreigners. The Chinese reserved the rightto deal with serious infringement of the law themselves. The systemseemed to work fairly smoothly; it is only occasionally that we detectdispleasure on the part of the Chinese with 'favoritism' shown toforeigners, and the ensuing attempts to bring all legal matters beforeChinese rather than foreign judges.

The old custom has it that when a foreign trader quarrels withanother person (i.e. a Chinese), unless it be bodily injury, the offenceis indemnified with payment of an ox. Wang Ta-yu (thengovernor of Chwanchow, c.1150) said: 'Why should the MiddleKingdom adopt the barbarian custom? When a foreigner chancesto be within our borders, he should be tried according to ourlaws.' 13

Under the Mongols

During the Tang and Sung, we have some evidence of xenophobia onboth sides, which may have influenced the authorities to interfereoccasionally with harsher measures. In the Yüan period, with the changein role and status of the Muslims, the antagonism between the Muslims,

Donald Daniel Leslie

now called Hui-hui , and the Chinese Han A- was greater. Muslimsfrom Iran and Central Asia came into China in much larger numbersin the Wake- of the Mongol conquest and played a role -Withacertain

Similari tyrity, albeit superficial, to that of the Jews in Mediaeval Europe.Influential in finance and trade, the Muslims were middlemen,moneylenders,_ and unofficial tax collectors for their Mongol masters;subject to the whim of these latter, the Muslims were looked at by - theChinese as exploiters. It has been argued that they were used as scapegoatsby the Mongols --- lest Chinese hatred be directed against them.'

The - Muslims in China had to some extent an official position notgranted to the Jews in Europe. Ogödei, in spite of Ch'u-ts'ai's

the Muslim tax collectors special tax-farming(Mongolian ortaq), commercial organizations

im merchants, operated in partnership withusing the Tatters' money.'Muslims was also important. Officials were

or two or more) to every department of thealso to several provincial authorities in Honan

and Shensi Certain individuals, such as Aialland Chiangpei, Chiangnan, Shensi

objections, gaveprivileges. The Wo-t'ocomposed largely of Muslprinces or high officials, L.

The political role of theappointed by quota (oneCentral Government, and

and Ahmad, reached very high office.' Shih-po-shihcommissioners) in the ports were often Muslims, and they were allowedto be Darughaci (Commissioner or local governor), a post theoreticallydenied to the Chinese.

The Mongols used Muslims to help rule the conquered population andentrusted them with vast responsibilities and powers, controlling themnonetheless by periodic purges. A striking feature of Mongol technique

The Muslim Experience, Tang to Ming

146: 17 'The court decided to use Hui-hui(the western

ide of the Mongols is well expressed by

Han men to rule Hsi-yü

lers granted a sort of monopoly to_foreignerse time they despised, exploited and protected.'ct basically tolerant of the various religions.), Qubilai worshipped at the main festivals ofews and idolaters. The Mongols favoured nowr. They were wary of giving the Muslims toono doubt realised that the Chinese antagonismtwo-edged. More-over, Qubilai did not -trust

a more than one occasion turned on them.the Mongol restrictions on ritual slaughter ofHalal and Jewish Kashrut) and on circumcision

of 1279-80. 19 The YUan ship for 1279 /1280The Hui-hui who pass by and are offered food

they themselves have not killed. The peopleperor said: they are our slaves, how dare theyD ur court eats and drinks? He forbade it.'

for the same date gives more detail,)n on ritual slaughter a prohibition on

is given in the Yuan shihto rule Chiangnan, andterritories).'

The ambivalent attittOlschki: 18 'The Tartar ruwhom at one and the samThe Mongols were in fa,According to Marco Polothe Christians, Saracens,one religion, now anotheprivileged a position, andagainst the Muslims washis advisers fully, and ot

Most important wereanimals for food (Muslim(sunnah) in the edict(January 27, 1280) has: 'will not eat a sheep thatare upset by this. The Emnot eat and drink what (

The Yuan tien-changadding to the prohibitcircumcision.

Among all the [subject] alien peoplnot eat Mongol food'. [Cinggis Qa'a;we have pacified you; you are ourfood or drink. How can this be right'If you slaughter sheep, you will INHe issued a regulation to that effect.all the Muslims say: 'If some one elsnot eat.' Because the poor people aMussulmen Hui-hui and Chu-huwho kills [the animal] will eat [it] anthemselves, and cease the rite of circfive prayers [namaz] per day, or ifthem be aware: If they disobey the in

J

Yuan shih 146 (Biography no. 33, of Yeh-li18 Leonardo Olschki, Marco Polo's Asia (Berk

John A. Scott), p. 234.19 See 'Man shih 10:26a; and Yuan tien -chang

Survival of the Chinese Jews (Leiden, 1972),were also noted by Rashid and by Marc0Muslim custom in general, refers to circumcip. 65, and I. Mas0n, List of Chinese -MoslemPhillsbury informs me that the term is still Ialso Boyle, p. 294, f0r the 1287 relaxation.

es only the Hui-hui say 'we doa replied]: 'By the aid of Heavenslaves. Yet you do not eat our?' He thereupon made them eat.

considered guilty of a crime.'... [In 1279/1280 under Qubilai]e slaughters [the animal] we dore upset by this, from now on,

(Jewish) Hui-hui, no matterd must cease slaughtering sheep:umcision. If they carry out thethey double these prayers, let

iperial order and slaughter sheep

Ch'u-ts'ai) 6b.eley and Los Angeles, 1960) (trans. by

57:16a-17a (pp. 617-8). Cf. my, pp. 11-16, 201. These restrictive lawsP0lo. That sunnah, normally meaningsion is confirmed by Sauvaget, op. cit.,

Terms (Shanghai, 1919), p. 2. Dr. BarbaraIsed today by Muslims in Taiwan. See

181

(Muslim

1328 the official positions Df Chang-chiao (religious leader of thecommunity, presumably the Shaykh al-Islam) and Qadi (legal authority)were abolished.' However, once again these anti-Muslim laws and thesubsequent popular anti-Muslim sentiment led to a reaction and theMongols had to curb popular feeling.

New laws, which seemed to be in response to Chinese Confucian ethics,

Several references in the YUan shih and in the Yiian tien-chang. See Leslie 1972, ibid.;Moule op. cit., pp. 218 -22; and Ratchnevsky, 1937, pp. 208 -12.

21 John W. Dardess, Conquerors and Confucians (New York and London, 1973), p. 51.22 See note 12, and also P. Ratchnevsky, Lin code des Yuan (Paris, 2 v0ls., 1937, 1972);

and Index by P. Ratchnevsky and J. Aubin (1977), I, 205 -6.

[or circumcise?] or take dependents or slaves by force and circumcisethem, or if a slave lodges a complaint, he can be freed from the placewhere he serves, and the goods and chattels [of the wrong-doer],no matter what, must be handed over to him [the slave]. If someoneelse lodges a complaint, judgment will be made in his favouraccording to this rule. It is ordered.

Earlier the jasagh from Cinggis forbidding ritual slaughter had rarelybeen enforced. Qubilai's harsh attitude may have appeared to be apolitical gesture to the Chinese (the Southern Sung had just surrendered),or simply may have been explained as a response to the insult to Mongolsupremacy. However, these anti-Muslim laws led to a decrease in foreigntrade and taxes, and in 1287 Qubilai was persuaded to relax them.

Once again, from about 1320, the Muslim position deteriorated as newlaws cancelled the special privileges and tax exemptions of _monks andpriests of all denominations, including the ta-shih-manmullahs) and of the Hui-hui in general. In 1321, special colleges forMuslims, set up in 1289 and 1314, were abolished. Trading from themosques was forbidden, horses were confiscated, the corveereimposed.' Dardess stresses that in the restoration of 1328 the Muslimofficials were the first to suffer. He writes:

The chief Administrator Ubaid-ullah ... was executed, the Chancellorof the Right Daula-shah ... was put to death. ... These men werehighly-placed protectors of Moslem commercial wealth in YuanChina, and powerful enough to exempt their co-religionists fromlabor service obligations. ... Since the officially protected commercialoperations and other privileges of the Moslems had long provokedConfucian enmity, their special privileges were cancelled, andimperial favor was henceforward bestowed upon their commercialcompetitors, the Buddhist monasteries. It would appear that theentire recent past was being surreptitiously marked with the stigmaof Islam.'

The 'extra-territorial' rule of the Qadi, approved for certain offensesin the early part of the dynasty, was largely eliminated in 1312, and in