liberal, popular, and multicultural modes...
TRANSCRIPT
LIBERAL, POPULAR, AND MULTICULTURAL MODES OF
INCLUSION: TRANSFORMATIONS OF NATIONALISM IN LATIN
AMERICA
Matthias vom Hau Assistant Professor of Comparative Politics
Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals (IBEI) Elisabets 10, Barcelona, 08001, SPAIN
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Abstract The most widely-used typology in the nationalism literature, the distinction between “inclusionary” civic nationalism and “exclusionary” ethnic nationalism, only provides limited insights for the context of Latin America. In response this paper presents a novel typology to identify major patterns of nationalism in region. This alternative approach puts the spotlight on distinct historical modes of inclusion—or dominant ideas about how national membership should be managed and national unity could be achieved. During the late 19th century liberal nationalism associated the achievement of national unity with the spread of “civilization;” during the early and mid-20th century popular nationalism envisioned assimilation into a homogeneous and culturally distinct national identity; from the late 20th century onwards multicultural forms of nationalism envisioned national unity as realized in the recognition of ethno-cultural difference. These distinct modes of inclusion had major implication for the exercise of citizenship and the organization of social provision. The paper develops and illustrates this typology and its policy implications through a comparative historical analysis of official national discourses in 19th and 20th century Mexico, Peru, and Argentina. Biographical Statement Matthias vom Hau is an assistant professor of comparative politics at the Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals (IBEI). His research interests include nationalism and ethnicity, international development, and education. He is currently completing a book manuscript on transformations of nationalism in 20th century Latin America. His new cross-regional work focuses on indigenous movements and their implications for democratic citizenship and nationhood in Argentina, the Philippines, and South Africa. Acknowledgements I am grateful for the generous support of this research by the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) and the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD). I would like to especially thank James Mahoney, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, José Itzigsohn, and Fulya Apaydin for their detailed comments on the argument developed in this paper.
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LIBERAL, POPULAR, AND MULTICULTURAL MODES OF INCLUSION:
TRANSFORMATIONS OF NATIONALISM IN LATIN AMERICA
The distinction between civic and ethnic forms of nationalism is central to the
scholarship on nationalism (e.g., Brubaker 1992; Greenfeld 1992; Hobsbawn 1990;
Ignatieff 1993; Kohn 1944; Smith 1986). Civic nationalism portrays the nation as a
political community that is constituted by its territorial and political frame. Ethnic
nationalism conceives the nation as an ethnocultural community that is neither causally
nor conceptually dependent on political territory. The literature on nationalism has an
equally long tradition of critiquing the inherent limitations of the distinction between
civic and ethnic conceptions of nationhood. Scholars have pointed to the ideological
usage of this dichotomy, with the celebration of “inclusionary” civic nationalism and the
demonization of “exclusionary” ethnic nationalism (e.g., Kymlicka 2001). The
distinction also carries major analytical limitations, as the boundary between civic and
ethnic nationalism depends on how culture is defined in the first place (Brubaker 1998).
In this paper I complement these ideological and conceptual critiques with a focus
on the empirical limitations of the ethnic/civic dichotomy. In the context of Latin
America, a region that has long been neglected in the comparative study of nationalism
(Iztigsohn and vom Hau 2006; notable exceptions are Centeno 2002), the typology of
civic and ethnic nationalism only provides limited analytical leverage. As I will argue
through the reminder of the text, during the 19th century political conceptions of
nationhood prevailed in official national ideologies, yet they were fused with extremely
elitist and hierarchical understandings of the national community. Drawing on Comtean
political positivism and social Darwinianism, official national discourses depicted
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enlightened and benevolent elites as natural leaders and protagonists of national history.
During the mid-20th century most Latin American nationalisms emphasized a shared
culture and language as the bases of national identity and perceived assimilation into this
national culture as a real possibility. This cultural-assimilationist perspective was
complemented by an emphasis on “the people” (as opposed to the “oligarchy”) as the
“true” carriers of national identity. Finally, since the end of the 20th century, official
national discourses have moved away from envisioning the creation of culturally
homogeneous nations. Instead, Latin American nationalisms celebrate ethnocultural
differences within the national imagined community, and seek national unity in the
recognition of diversity.
These historical transformations of nationalism in Latin America provide the
empirical backdrop for moving beyond the mode of critique and develop an alternative
typology of nationalism. Specifically, I distinguish between three major types—liberal,
popular, and multicultural nationalism—in order to capture meaningful variation across
the region (and beyond). At the core of this typology are three distinct historical modes of
inclusion—or dominant ideas about how national membership should be managed and
national unity could be achieved. Liberal nationalism associates the achievement of
national unity with the spread of “civilization;” popular nationalism envisions
assimilation into a homogeneous and culturally distinct national identity; and
multicultural nationalism imagines national unity as realized in the acknowledgement and
celebration of within-nation difference.
The reminder of the paper is organized around this inductive approach to
typology-building. The next sections present a comparative-historical analysis of how
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similar transformations of official national ideologies unfolded in three Latin American
countries: Mexico, Argentina, and Peru. In many ways, these countries are representative
for the wider region. Mexico and Peru provide a feasible comparison because they exhibit
important similarities with respect to colonial history, economic history, and
demographic composition, yet their postcolonial political development followed radically
different paths. Argentina, as a settler society with a distinct colonial history and
demographic make-up, constitutes a sharp contrast to both Mexico and Peru. Yet, similar
to Peru, in postcolonial Argentina political development was characterized by repeated
transitions from authoritarianism to democracy.
I trace changes and continuities of official national discourse through the
analytical lens of public education. Schools have long been considered as critical in the
production and dissemination of nationalism and state-sponsored memory projects
(Weber 1976), and a large historical literature confirms that from the late 19th century
onwards, public schools became the major nationalizing institution in the region.
Specifically, I use two empirical windows when exploring nationalization at schools. The
first one are school textbooks. Latin American states put major efforts into regulating the
ideological contents of textbooks, and these texts were often the first, and sometimes the
only books students were exposed to. In order to crosscheck the findings from textbook
analysis I examine school ceremonies. School-wide rituals, from flag pledges and public
parades to annual celebrations of major national holidays, imbue particular imageries of
national community with collective meaning and help to connect official visions of
national history to the lived experience of students (Kertzer 1988).
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Based on the comparative analysis of textbooks and school ceremonies in Mexico,
Argentina, and Peru the second-to-last section develops the distinction between liberal,
popular, and multicultural nationalism into a more general analytical device. The
concluding section discusses the broader applicability of this typology to cases beyond
Mexico, Argentina, and Peru, and to cases beyond Latin America. It also speculates about
possible drivers of the major historical transformation from liberal to popular to
multicultural nationalism, and spells out some of the substantive implications these
distinct modes of inclusion had, including the exercise of citizenship and the organization
of social provision.
Political yet exclusionary and elitist conceptions of nationhood
A comparison of state-sponsored national ideologies in Mexico, Argentina, and
Peru during the late 19th and early 20th century reveals striking similarities in how these
discourses framed criteria of national belonging, identified threats to national unity, and
represented national history.
Civic nationalism?
The late 19th century—a period often described in terms of “oligarchic
domination”—witnessed the consolidation of central state power in the three countries
(Cotler 2005; Knight 2002; Oszlak 1982). State elites came to consider public schools as
a crucial site for modernizing and nationalizing society. In all three countries primary
education became obligatory, free, and secular, and programs, curricula, and textbook
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approval came under the direct control of the central government (Bertoni 2001;
Contreras 2004;Vaughan 1982).
During this period textbooks published in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru converged
in their emphasis on the political-territorial underpinnings of national membership. In
this view, political institutions reflected popular will and secured its realization, and
therefore appeared as defining features of nationhood. The “Peruvian nation is the
political association of all Peruvians” (Wiesse 1913: 52). The constitution appeared as
the central unifying force, guaranteeing that “all the inhabitants […] have the right and
facility to do what they please” (Sierra 1894: 7). Some textbooks even echoed Renan’s
idea of the nation as a “daily plebiscite” and conceived of the national community as “the
creation of our wills taken together” (Eizaguirre 1895: 20).
Accounts of national history further reinforced such a political understanding of
nationhood. For instance, textbooks focused on the formation of a binding legal order,
which constituted Argentina as a federal republic, while systematically downplaying the
struggles and civil wars between regional strongmen and political elites from Buenos
Aires during the early 19th century (e.g., Fregeiro 1896: 201; Pelliza 1905: 103-106).
Analogously, Peruvian history tended to culminate in the “Republic” as a teleological
ending point. “For more than 300 years Peru had to obey the Incas, then came the
conquest, and it had to obey to the Viceroys for 330 years” (Rosay 1913: 183). It was
independence from Spain that secured democracy and economic dynamism (Fanning
1915: 18). A similar pattern emerged in Mexican textbooks. The liberal constitution
from 1857 appeared as the historical destiny of the nation’s trajectory, securing material
progress and internal peace.
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Yet, this emphasis on citizenship and territory found in official national
discourses was by no means “inclusive.” Treating late 19th and early 20th century
Mexico, Peru, and Argentina as manifestations of civic nationalism illustrates the
limitations of the civic vs. ethnic framework. As the following paragraphs will illustrate,
civic understandings of nationhood overlapped with the highly exclusionary imageries of
a “civilized nation.”
Envisioning a “civilized nation”
In all three countries textbooks advocated the spread of “civilization” as the main
vehicle for overcoming ethnoracial and political divisions, and celebrated the economic,
scientific, and artistic achievements of the old world (e.g., Martínez 1903: 15). Many of
the main characters that appeared in school texts were children of an upper middle class
background, often portrayed as being enthusiastically immersed in the study of ancient
Greek and Roman cultures (e.g., Ferreyra 1895: 67, 71; Pizzurno 1901: 2, 69, 223-228).
Accordingly, textbooks drew a major distinction between those who were
imagined as part of the “civilized nation,” and those who were not. Textbooks associated
the indigenous population living within the national territory with “barbarism,” posing a
threat to national unity and progress. In Argentina, these “savages of the south” would
control vast territories, stealing Argentine cattle and then selling it across the boarder to
Chile (Pelliza 1905: 112-113). Textbooks celebrated the “Conquest of the Dessert”—
outright extermination campaigns conducted by military leaders against indigenous
people during the second half of the 19th century—as extending “civilization” into the
interior of the country (e.g., Ferreyra 1895: 41, 78). Mexican and Peruvian textbooks
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advanced similar representations of the indigenous population. Indigenous people
“maintained their superstitions and idolatries from before the conquest” (Sierra 1894: 63),
and the “profound dejection of the indigenous race” appeared as a major obstacle to
national progress (Rodríguez 1900: 145). The remedy would be the systematic
“whitening” of the population with the help of public education and European
immigration.
In Peruvian textbooks, the distinction between “civilization” and “barbarism” also
permeated descriptions of national space. Geography appeared to be connected to racial
differences. Textbooks characterized the nation as composed of “the Coast, the
Mountains, and the Jungle,” and argued that these three geographical areas were “the
origin of ethnic varieties that shape racial types and diverse cultures” (Wiesse 1913: 4).
The Coast emerged as the natural environment of whites and mestizos, and exhibited the
most favorable conditions for economic progress and “civilization,” while the Mountains
and the Jungle, the natural environments of indigenous people, were less suitable for
economic progress and the expansion of a Western lifestyle.
The idea of a “civilized nation” also shaped representations of the past. National
history appeared as an evolutionary process moving along distinct stages towards
“civilization.” In all three countries textbooks consternated the general state of
“barbarism” during the precolonial period. Especially during the “vulgar era” (Lainé
1890: 3) before the onset of Aztec and Inca rule societies situated within the territory of
modern Mexico, Argentina, and Peru “maintained themselves with hunting and devoured
raw meat” (Zárate 1899: 14). Even the Aztecs and Incas—in Mexican and Peruvian
textbooks credited for their achievements as architects and political centralizers (e.g.,
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Oviedo 1894: 12; Rodríguez 1900: 4)—lacked “civilization,” epitomized by the practice
of human sacrifice. “For four days prisoners of war were sacrificed to the gods, and the
number of these unfortunate victims of this most horrendous fanaticism and evil cult of
the Mexicas rose to 20,000” (Zárate 1899: 62-63). This “infamous holocaust […]
showed the fanaticism of these people and the cruelty of their unrefined and uncivilized
religion!” (Aguirre Cinta 1897: 37) Peruvian textbooks echoed their Mexican
counterparts in treating human sacrifices as the ultimate indicator of Inca “barbarism”
(e.g., Fanning 1915: 31).
It was only Spanish colonialism that brought “progress.” In all three countries,
textbooks equated Spanish colonial rule with the construction of a “civilized nation.”
Despite the atrocities committed by Spanish colonizers, the conquest linked Mexico,
Argentina, and Peru into contact with the Western world and installed the bases for
modern nationhood. Ultimately, the beneficial effects of Spanish colonialism offset its
violence. Textbooks emphasized that the conquest was “a step ahead in the evolution of
Mexico,” because “[t]he Spanish gave their American colonies as much civilization as
Spain had herself” (Sierra 1894 in Vázquez 2000: 128). Spanish colonialism instituted
centralized rule, while the spread of Spanish as the dominant language fostered national
unity. As such, the result of Spanish colonialism was the formation of “a new society
[…], based on the principles of a superior culture” (Rodriguez 1900: 4).
Elite-centeredness
These representations of colonial history also illustrate the elite-centeredness of
textbooks published during this period. Textbook narratives were organized around
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major political leaders, whether Aztec or Inca rulers, colonial viceroys, or post-
independence presidents. In Argentina, accounts of Spanish colonialism celebrated the
foresight and virtues of Columbus, Juan Díaz de Solís, and Pedro Mendoza (Eizaguirre
1895: 76). In Mexico and Peru, accounts of the Spanish conquest predominantly
concentrated on the actions and character traits of Hernán Cortes and Francisco Pizarro
(e.g., Aguirre Cinta 1897: 65-99). Cortes was of “strong will, courageous beyond any
doubt, ingenious and astute, clear and calm in setbacks, and possessed the gift to seduce
and to lead” (Zárate 1899: 77). As a matter of fact, “[w]ithout the boldness of Hernán
Cortés the country would have never been conquered and submitted to Spanish
government” (Lainé 1890: 3).
Accounts of national independence were equally constructed around elites.
Textbook narratives of Mexican independence centered on Miguel Hidalgo who
successfully initiated the insurgency because “[t]he Indians adored him and would have
followed him to the end of the world” (Sierra 1894: 74). In Argentina and Peru accounts
of national independence were centered on the capacities of General San Martín, who
was “a man of right judgment, of refined sentiments, of pure patriotism, and of honest
character” (Rodríguez 1900: 98; see also Fregeiro 1896: 201). If textbooks mentioned
subordinate sectors, they appeared as obedient subjects, content to follow the orders of
their benevolent leaders.
Evidence on school ceremonies provides additional support for the political-
territorial yet highly elitist understandings of nationhood advanced in state-sponsored
national discourses. In Mexico, Argentina, and Peru the most important annual festivals
were the Fiestas Patrias, which commemorated the wars of independence. Porfirian
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educational officials provided Mexican public schools with elaborated guidelines of how
to celebrate this event, including the precise order of parades across schoolyards and
towns (Vaughan 1982: 36-38). During the later years of his regime Porfirio Díaz invited
the first cohorts of graduates from provincial public schools to celebrate the Fiestas
Patrias in Mexico City (Beezley 2008: 66-69). Argentine and Peruvian authorities put
similar efforts into orchestrating a standardized model of how schools should celebrate
national independence, detailing, among other things, the decoration of school buildings
and the patriotic ballads to be sung (Lionetti 2007: 217-223; Soifer 2012).
The ideological message of these celebrations was unequivocal. A few “great
men” with exceptional talent secured national independence. In all three countries, school
ceremonies conveyed stark social hierarchies. In Mexico, the main hero figure was
Hidalgo, in Argentina and Peru it was the commemoration of San Martin that dominated
the Fiestas Patrias. Accompanied by martial music, students emulated the insurgent
military forces when marching by the statues erected in the honour of these heroes
(Lionetti 2007: 217-223; Wilson 2001: 333-334).
In sum, this analysis of state-approved textbooks published in late 19th century
Mexico, Argentina, and Peru points to the limitations of the civic/ethnic dichotomy to
understand patterns of nationalism. While textbooks emphasized citizenship and territory
as defining underpinnings of the nation, this political-territorial understanding of the
national community blended with an emphasis on achieving “civilization” through the
actions of benevolent elites. Thus, during the late 19th and early 20th century official
national discourses in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru advanced political yet highly
exclusionary conceptions of nationhood.
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Cultural-assimilationist and class-based conceptions of nationhood
Over the course of the 20th century official national discourses in Mexico,
Argentina, and Peru changed dramatically. Official conceptions of nationhood began to
move away from an overt emphasis on citizenship and territory and converged in their
increasing focus on language, religion, and shared traditions as basis of national identity.
As such, cultural sameness began to constitute the main underpinning of national
belonging, and assimilation into a homogeneous culture became envisioned as the key to
achieve national unity and progress. State-sponsored national ideologies also changed
whom they assigned agency in national history and how they envisioned internal
cleavages and hierarchies within the nation. A new focus on peasants and workers as
“true” national subjects replaced the previous elite-centeredness. Moreover, state-
sponsored memory discourses put a greater emphasis on class conflict and global
economic dynamics as the main drivers of national history.
Ethnic nationalism?
In Mexico, this ideological shift unfolded during the 1920s and 1930s, in the
aftermath of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), when the postrevolutionary regime
sought to consolidate power within the context of highly mobilized subordinate sectors
(Knight 2002; Hamilton 1982). The new postrevolutionary state authorities made the
reregulation of educational content one of their top priorities and introduced a new
curriculum grounded in the ideas of “socialist education,” a program that envisioned
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schools as the primary mechanism for controlled popular mobilization (Rockwell 2007;
Vaughan 1997).
During this period cultural definitions of nationhood gained prevalence in state-
approved textbooks, and an homogeneous national culture appeared as the basis of
Mexican identity. The underpinning of this shared culture was mestizaje, the process of
biological and cultural mixing initiated under Spanish rule. “The three centuries of
Spanish domination were enough for a new race to emerge within the territory of New
Spain, previously inhabited by indigenous people, a result of the mixing between
conquerors and conquered. This race that inherited the language, religions, and customs
from the Spanish and the sense of resistance and stoicism from indigenous people, is the
one that constitutes the Mexican nation today” (Bonilla 1925: 83-84). Thus, textbooks
envisioned mestizaje, and not the spread of civilization as the main process involved in
creating national unity.
In Argentina, a comparable ideological change developed against the backdrop of
intensified subordinate mobilization and declining oligarchic power, and the almost
complete demographic reorganization of the country due to mass migration from Europe
and the Middle East (Devoto 2003). Around 1910 textbooks increasingly emphasized
Argentine identity as grounded in a Hispanic national culture. The nation appeared to be
constituted by those “who share the same language, have the same traditions, come from
the same ancestors, [and] pay homage to the same heroes” (de Bedogni 1910: 15; see also
Levene 1912: 50). In particular, language emerged as a critical identity marker.
Textbooks celebrated the “majestic eloquence” of Castellano—the version of Spanish
spoken in Argentina—as an “inexhaustible treasure of beauty, thought, and culture” and
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the “best expression” of national character (Bunge 1910: 450). The figure of the gaucho
exemplified the existence of Argentina as a cultural community. Of Spanish descent, and
making his living as a cattle herder in the pampa, the gaucho “ran free and rebellious like
his horse” (Levene 1912: 21). Even before “the nation came into political existence, […]
the gaucho already serenaded at the fatherland without even knowing it. He loved
freedom and set the stage for national independence” (Bunge 1910: 155). Thus, the
gaucho was already Argentine before national emancipation and allowed the projection
of a shared national culture backwards into the colonial period.
Comparable changes in official national discourses only unfolded much later in
Peru. Between the 1930s and 1950s, Peruvian school texts continued to advance a
political understanding of national community, combined with the vision of Peru
becoming a “civilized nation.” Only during the 1960s and 1970s textbooks began to
emphasize the cultural underpinnings of Peruvian identity. Similar to Mexico and
Argentina, these changes unfolded within the context of massive subordinate
mobilization and the decline of oligarchic domination (Cotler 2005). Under the military
government of General Juan Alvarado Velasco (1968-1975) a new generation of
textbooks celebrated the rural and the indigenous, effectively turning previous projections
of Peru as a society shaped by European influences on its head. The art forms, cognitive
scripts and normative orientations found among the rural indigenous population appeared
to be critical ingredients of an “authentic” Peruvian culture. Textbooks introduced
students to stories and legends of pre-Hispanic origins (Amigo 1976; Paseo 1976), and
provided detailed descriptions of the music and dances prominent among Andean
communities (Fichas 1974b: 44.3).
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Again, the analytical leverage provided by the civic/ethnic dichotomy remain
limited. At a first glance, the dramatic changes of state-sponsored national ideologies in
Mexico, Argentina, and Peru might indicate a shift from civic to ethnic conceptions of
nationhood. Official national discourses emphasized language, religion, and shared
traditions as the defining features of the nation. Yet, the insights derived from such an
analytical framing are ultimately limited. The emerging emphasis on cultural sameness,
and the backward projection of a national culture into the colonial or precolonial period
did not preclude an assimilationist perspective of national integration.
Assimilation into a “homogeneous nation”
In postrevolutionary Mexico the notion of mestizaje departed from explicit
references to the spread of “civilization.” Yet, becoming mestizo meant speaking
Spanish and adopting a “modern” urban life style. Being indigenous meant to not fully
belong to the national community. Only with the assimilation of the indigenous
population into a homogeneous mestizo nation national unity would be achieved. Thus,
textbooks viewed mestizaje as both a historical process initiated during the colonial
period and an idealized projection removed from contemporary lived experience (e.g.,
Cadena 1921: 131-133; Teja Zabre 1935: 189). The ultimate goal remained the
assimilation of the indigenous population into a mestizo nation in order to overcome
persistence of cultural and linguistic differences.
In Argentina between the 1910 and the 1940s European migration appeared as a
mixed blessing for the construction of a “homogeneous nation.” Migrants were critical
for national economic progress in such a sparsely populated country. “They will be
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producers of riches and […] thereby increase our well-being.” (Ruiz López 1937: 140).
At the same time, textbooks lamented the lack of national attachments found among
migrants, viewing their assimilation into a Hispanic national culture as the only viable
path towards unity and progress. “This fatherland, generous to the foreigner, demands
the forgetting of all the other fatherlands in exchange for its provisions” (Blomberg 1940:
224).
Thus, in all three cases, the increased emphasis on a shared culture and
homogeneous national identity went along with the possibility and desirability of
assimilating internal others, whether they were indigenous people or European migrants.
This assimilationist perspective is distinct from the differentialist orientation that
characterizes ethnic nationalism, where projections of shared blood ties and decent tend
to foreclose the option of assimilation (Brubaker 1992).
Agency of “the masses”
Analyzing conceptions of nationhood in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru through the
lens of the ethnic/civic dichotomy also foregoes another major change. In all three cases
the focus on elite agency in shaping the trajectory of the nation was complemented by an
increased emphasis on “the masses” as historical national subjects.
During the 1930s and 1940s the imagery of Mexico as a mestizo nation converged
with an emphasis on popular classes as driving forces of national history. In a historical
process driven by “domestic disputes” between “the poor and the rich” (Chávez Orozco
1938: 39) subordinate classes were assigned agency. “Against the orders of Moctezuma,
the masses rose up and launched a massive attack against the Spanish” (de la Cerda 1943:
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131). Subordinate sectors also appeared as a crucial actors in the independence struggles
and the Mexican Revolution. “The people, who felt their oppression […] that created the
Dictatorship [of Diaz], began with reclaiming their rights in a peaceful manner, but
exasperated by the […] dictatorship, they had to act in a violent form,” (Romero Flores
1939: 347). Thus, during the 1930s textbooks began to assign agency to popular sectors
in shaping Mexican history.
By contrast, the “oligarchy” constituted the main internal other. Transcending
particular historical epochs, large landowners, merchants, military leaders, and religious
authorities appeared to be responsible for undermining Mexico’s progress. The Aztec
Empire was ruled by a “nobility” composed of “priests and warriors,” a “closed cast the
plebeians could not enter into” (Chávez Orozco 1938: 103, 113). For the colonial period
textbooks identified “merchants, in their majority Spaniards,” endowed with “enormous
privileges” as the worst exploiters (Castro Cancio 1935: 105). After independence from
Spain, criollo merchants and large landowners represented one of the main barriers to
national progress (de la Cerda 1943: 243).
Hidalgo continued to occupy a prominent place in narratives of national
independence. Yet, he was seen as responding to a “strong popular impulse” and
providing “a politically, socially, and militarily oriented plan” when “enormous masses
of people” began to “follow their instincts to fight for their freedom and economic
improvement, tired of so much misery and tyranny” (Castro Cancio 1935: 145).
Textbooks were also highly critical of the final outcome of independence. In the end,
“the Revolution of Independence was crushed […] It were the criollos of the dominant
classes, the great landowners and higher clergy who contributed to carry out the
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Independence as a purely political project of separation from Spain.” (Teja Zabre: 1935:
139). Only the revolutionary struggles between 1910 and 1917 secured Mexico’s full
political and economic independence. Textbooks embraced the image of the Mexican
Revolution as “a revolution of the exploited poor against the opulent exploiters” (Castro
Cancio 1935: 250).
School ceremonies equally incorporated transformed conceptions of nationhood.
During the 1930s schools began to celebrate the Day of the Revolution, and Emilio
Zapata emerged as a major national hero. Class-based understandings of nationhood also
began to infuse commemorations of national independence and the wars against the
United States and France. Most prominently, the meanings associated with the Cinco de
Mayo and the Fiestas Patrias festivities at Mexican schools shifted: The historical
narrative conveyed by the latter became more concerned with Morelos (as a
“proletarian”) than Hidalgo (as a priest), while the Cinco de Mayo celebrations
increasingly focused on the contributions of “the people” to the struggles against foreign
invaders (Vaughan 1997: 66, 94-95).
In Argentina comparable changes unfolded during the 1940s and 1950s when
Juan Domingo Perón (1946-1955) ascended to power and built a highly personalistic
movement grounded in a coalition with organized labor. During historical Peronism
class-based understandings of national history and identity increasingly complemented
cultural understandings of nationhood. A new set of Peronist textbooks emphasized the
agency of subordinate sectors. In the “New Argentina,” workers and peasants appeared
in opposition to the “oligarchy,” composed of economic and political elites that had ruled
the country for centuries. Stonemasons, car mechanics, and carpenters populated
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Peronist textbooks, breaking with the exclusive focus on upper class life found in
previous texts (de García 1954: 17).
Official national discourses also emphasized the agency of popular sectors in
national history. For instance, textbooks emphasized the importance of popular classes in
the defense of Buenos Aires against the “English invasion” in 1806 (de García 1954: 19).
“[A]lmost without arms, but with courage and enthusiasm, [they] were the true heroes of
the reconquest” (de García 1954: 20). Peronist texts also associated the Argentine
success in the wars of independence against Spain with the “brave and heroic gauchos
[who] strolled around the mountains and caused despair among the hostile troops with
their surprising attacks” (de García 1954: 85). Central figures from the established
pantheon of national heroes became associated with popular agency. Textbooks
envisioned San Martín as “a man of the people” who “always served his country” (de
Palacio 1952: 124), and stressed the “humble origins” of Sarmiento (de Palacio 1952:
124, 108; see also de García 1954: 90). Thus, state-sponsored accounts of transformative
historical episodes moved away from an exclusive focus on enlightened political
leadership and emphasized the critical role played by subordinate classes.1
Yet, in the “New Argentina,” conceived of as “socially just, economically free,
and politically sovereign” (Raggi 1953: 93). Struggles between elites and the
dispossessed masses were a reality of the past. Instead, in a context where everybody,
“even the most humble Argentines [,] benefit from the riches of the country,” (de García
1 This focus on popular agency stood in tension with the identification of a charismatic leader and his wife as the embodiment of the nation. Peronist textbooks engaged in a full-fledged personality cult centered on Juan Domingo Perón and his wife Eva (Evita) Perón. Perón appeared as “the conductor” (de García 1954: 5), “the first worker of the Republic” (de Palacio 1952: 111) and “the authentic Argentine” (Raggi 1953: 33), Evita as the “Spiritual Mother” of Argentina (de Palacio 1952: 38).
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1954: x), social peace would prevail. Textbooks portrayed Argentina as a “land where
workers are happy” (Raggi 1953: 2), and where therefore class conflict had given way to
social harmony.
The transformed national ideology advanced by Perón also manifested itself in
school ceremonies. Similar to postrevolutionary Mexico, educational officials made sure
that these celebrations conveyed a more popular image of San Martín and emphasized
subordinate agency in the struggles for independence. Moreover, schools were central to
the celebrations of May Day and the Seventeenth of October, the two major political
rituals of the Peronist regime. State authorities appropriated the tradition of May Day to
celebrate Argentina as a nation of workers (and Perón as the “first worker”), while the
Seventeenth of October commemorated the rise of Peronism, equating the events of
October 17, 1945 with the uprising of “the people” on May 25, 1810 in Buenos Aires, an
event that initiated the independence wars. On both dates students would parade around
the major squares of towns and cities in military formations and sing patriotic songs
(Plotkin 2002: 42-45, 59-82).
In Peru popular agency gained prevalence on official national discourses under
Velasco during the 1970s. A new generation of primary school texts portrayed “the
people”—conceived of as “workers, peasants, and the middle sectors” (Fichas 1974b:
5.5)—as constituting the core of the national community. Visual representations focused
on children whose parents worked as carpenters, farmers, or small shopkeepers (e.g.,
Amigo 1976; Paseo 1976). It was the “oligarchy” that emerged as the most important
internal other. These “Peruvian capitalists” and “large landowners” appeared to “enrich
20
themselves” and to invest their profits abroad (Fichas 1974b: 5.3, 5.5, 16.2) by
“exploiting the majority of Peruvians” (Fichas 1974a: 31.4).
This focus on popular sectors had important implications for the representation of
Spanish colonialism. Textbooks also emphasized that Spanish authorities faced
considerable resistance from below. “The Peruvians always fought against the Spanish”
(Fichas 1974a:31.3), they “rose up against the abuse Spanish authorities committed
against indigenous people” (Venciendo 1976: 111). The highlands were the geographical
epicenter of popular insurgency. Textbooks thus maintained the well-established division
of Peru into “Coast, Highlands, and Jungle; the characteristic triptych of our geography”
(Venciendo 1976: 52), while moving away from the imagery of the highlands as the locus
of “barbarism” and instead celebrating the region as the cradle of the nation and a symbol
of “stirred up rebelliousness” against foreign invaders (Venciendo 1976: 52; Paseo 1976).
Túpac Amaru emerged as the “Peruvian precursor” of national independence
(e.g., Venciendo 1976: 112-115; Amigo 1976). “General San Martín declared the
Independence of Peru, but the Peruvian people had already fought for many years to be
free. The first great revolution that took place in America against Spain was orchestrated
by Jose Gabriel Condorcanqui Túpac Amaru [italics in text]” (Peruanito 1974: 155). He
was credited for channeling the “state of consistent rebellion” against Spanish colonial
rule found among popular classes into a major insurgency (Fichas 1974b: 15.2).
A glance beyond textbooks is equally indicative of a major change in official
memory discourse. The military government also promoted a new understanding of
national identity and history via patriotic rituals. School activities accompanying the
Fiestas Patrias put greater emphasis on Túpac Amaru, and Velasco’s widely broadcasted
21
Address to the Nation on July 28 became increasingly popular in tone. In these annual
speeches he depicted the “marginalized majorities” as the “true” Peruvians, opposed to
“the national oligarchies,” who, in tandem with “foreign powers,” were responsible for
the lack of national progress. Schools were also made to celebrate the anniversary of the
nationalization of the oil industry—the Day of National Dignity—as a new national
holiday to showcase Velasco’s efforts in securing Peru’s economic independence
(Sánchez 2002: 127-128; Wilson 2001: 330).
Nationalism and the celebration of ethnocultural difference
For much of the 20th century cultural-assimilationist and class-based
understandings of nationhood persisted in the official national ideologies of the three
countries—despite sometimes major political changes. In Mexico, Cardenas’ successors
abandoned the principles of “socialist education,” following a general move toward the
right of the postrevolutionary regime. Yet, many of the previous textbooks and festivity
guidelines remained in use (Vázquez 2000: 246). During the 1960s, under the presidency
of Adolfo López Mateos, the so-called Free-Text program started distributing a single set
of mandatory texts to students. These texts continued to fully identify Mexico with the
Aztec Empire and represented Spanish colonialism as marked by oppression and
exploitation. While the free texts softened their tone compared to the textbooks from the
1930s and 1940s, accounts of the precolonial period, Spanish colonialism, and national
independence remained organized around class conflict and global economic dynamics as
the ultimate causes for Mexico’s victories and defeats (Vázquez 2000: 256-257, 281-
283).
22
In Argentina, the 1955 a military coup ousted Perón from government. The new
educational authorities were quick to remove Peronist textbooks and abolish Peronist
political rituals. The texts published during the subsequent decades depicted Peronism as
the “second tyranny” (Romero et al. 2004: 43, 49-64, 94-95, 168-169). At the same time,
representations of national history largely resembled those found in Peronist narratives.
Textbooks continued to stress the agency of the “people,” especially in the struggles
against Spanish rule and the independence wars. Similar patterns can be found in Peru. In
1975 a dissident group of from within the military removed Velasco from power, and
soon thereafter the educational reform initiated under his government stalled. Many of
the textbooks published during the 1960s regained state approval and were used together
with the texts published under Velasco, as schools did not witness textbook removal
efforts comparable to Argentina in 1955 (Portocarrero and Oliart 1989: 89-93).
It was only during the late 20th century that another major transformation of
nationalism unfolded in the three countries. Subordinate movements emerged that
challenged popular nationalism and the assimilationist stance of official nationalisms. In
Mexico, the 1980s and 1990s witnessed an increased mobilization of the indigenous
population, who demanded the recognition of their cultural distinctiveness within the
Mexican nation, with the Zapatistas being the best known but by no means the only group
to make these claims (Gutiérrez 1999; Mattiace 1997). In Argentina, indigenous groups
and immigrant communities from neighboring Andean countries started to articulate
demands for cultural recognition (Escolar 2001; Isla 2002). Similarly, Peru experienced
the growing mobilization of local indigenous movements that demanded a voice in local
23
politics, signaling the reappearance of ethnicity as a key category in the country’s
political and cultural life (Garcia 2005; Yashar 2005).
These alternative national narratives eventually found its way into state-sponsored
national discourses. In Mexico, for instance, textbooks witnessed another round of
substantial change, when the idea of a homogeneous mestizo nation gave way to the
imagery of a multiethnic Mexico (Gutiérrez 1999: 72-89). In Argentina, changes in
official national ideology were closely entwined with democratization in 1983, when
state-approved textbooks began to problematize questions about the national “we” and
celebrated the recognition of cultural differences (Romero et al. 2004). Moreover, from
the 1990s onwards, state-approved textbooks and school ceremonies began to focus on
the lost Malvinas/Falklands War (1982) with the United Kingdom as a new focal point of
official war commemoration (Benwell and Dodds 2011). During the same time period in
Peru, state-sponsored nationalism depicted the country as a multicultural nation and
emphasized the recognition of cultural differences as integral part of the national project
(García 2005).
Discussion and concluding remarks
The comparative-historical analysis of in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru presented
in this paper provides the basic building blocks for developing a novel typology of
transformations of nationalism. At a first glance, the established civic/ethnic dichotomy
provides certain comparative insights for the three countries. During the late 19th and
early 20th century official national discourses promoted a political understanding of the
nation and emphasized the public institutions of state and civil society, most importantly
24
the Constitution, as major identity markers. Attachments to the nation were based on the
commitment to a shared set of political practices and values, and had to be reinforced by
carefully calibrated civic rituals. Analogously, national discourses in Mexico, Argentina,
and Peru also showed important traits of ethnic nationalism. During the mid-20th official
national ideologies articulated a cultural understanding of the national community
grounded in a common language, religion, and tradition. Cultural sameness, and not
shared rights and territory, constituted the main underpinning of national belonging.
Yet the analytical leverage provided by the distinction between civic and ethnic
nationalism ultimately remains limited. Based on an analysis of school textbooks and
school ceremonies this paper has illustrated that late 19th century national ideologies not
only evoked Enlightment ideas of popular sovereignty and individual citizenship, they
were also deeply infused with Comtean political positivism and adopted late 19th century
racial thinking with its emphasis on biology, eugenics, and social Darwinianism.
Achieving “order and progress” appeared as the most promising recipe to secure the
national progress and unity. Official national discourses depicted enlightened and
benevolent elites as the natural leaders of these states and portrayed them as the
protagonists of national history. Their actions were critical to propel the respective
national community from “barbarism” to “civilization.” Excluded were those who did not
match the image of a “civilized nation.” As a matter of fact, official national ideologies in
these three countries recreated the ethnoracial hierarchies from the colonial period and
conceived of only small segments of the population, wealthy, white, and literate, as fully
included nationals. Thus, late 19th century nationalism in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru
25
fused a political-territorial understanding of the nation with highly exclusionary and
elitist imageries of national belonging.
Similarly, the concept of ethnic nationalism does not capture important discursive
traits found in 20th century state ideologies. This paper has shown that official national
discourses highlighted the cultural bases of national identity in Mexico, Argentina, and
Peru, yet they did not employ imageries of shared ethnic decent or common blood ties.
Even when imagined as cultural communities, assimilation into these nations remained a
possibility. In other words, these national discourses recognized the diverse racial or
ethnic origins of the nation, but intended to blend those differences into a homogeneous
national present.
This cultural-assimilationist vision for achieving national unity was
complemented by an emphasis on “the people” as the “true” carriers of Mexican,
Argentinean, and Peruvian identity and protagonists of national history. The main
cleavage was between the “masses” and the “oligarchy,” the latter marked as not fully
belonging to the national community. Thus, in all three cases 20th century nationalisms
combined a cultural understanding of the nation with class-based ideas about national
membership.
Based on these patterns I argue that a different typology is more suitable for
tracing the similarities and differences among national discourses in Mexico, Argentina,
and Peru: the distinction between liberal and popular nationalism. As summarized in
Table 1 this typology traces these forms of nationalism along three dimensions:
membership criteria—tracking what the defining features of the national community are;
modes of incorporation—distinguishing projections about how to achieve national unity;
26
and symbolic universe—pinpointing the key actors and main cleavages within the
imagined community.
Based on this distinction it is possible to identify two main variations among
national discourses. Liberal nationalism conceives of the nation as a community
grounded in its political and economic institutions, and its territorial boundaries. This
political conception is complemented by the idea that national unity can only be
accomplished through the move from “barbarism” to “civilization” and the creation of a
“civilized” nation. By contrast, popular national discourses emphasize criteria like
language, religion or shared traditions as key identity markers. Becoming a
“homogeneous” nation is realized in the assimilation of the resident population into a
peculiar national culture. Finally, liberal nationalism advances an elitist image of the
nation organized around the agency of enlightened leaders, while popular nationalism
emphasizes that subordinate sectors embody the authentic national community and
therefore are legitimate historical agents.
I employ the label “liberal” because in the context of Latin American
historiography, the term is widely used to describe the dominant political and ideological
project in the region during the mid- to late nineteenth century (e.g., Brading 1973;
Gootenberg 1993; Hale 1968; Halperín Donghi 1987). Distinct from the contemporary
use of the word in the United States, and also distinct from the classical liberalism
associated with theorists such as Adam Smith, John Locke, and John Stuart Mill, the
form of liberalism present in nineteenth century Latin America was strongly influenced
by the philosophical positivism of Auguste Comte (e.g., Mahoney 2001; Eastwood 2004).
As such, this ideology was marked by the tension between individual rights and
27
freedoms, and the inherent value assigned to natural social hierarchies. Latin American
liberalism supported the idea that all people are equally capable of reason and progress,
while also embracing Darwin’s theory of natural selection and depicting lower classes as
biologically incapable of governing themselves.
The term “popular” is also grounded in common characterizations of modern
Latin American history. This type of nationalism occurred in the context of broader
economic and sociopolitical change during the early and mid-20th century, precisely
when previously marginalized sectors mobilized for their political and symbolic
inclusion, and when both fascism and communism gained increasing prominence as
global ideological models. Scholars often describe this epoch as “populism” or “populist
period” (e.g., Cotler 2005; Jansen 2011; Stein 1980), defined by political and ideological
projects evoking the idea of a national people in opposition to an elite (e.g., de Ipola
1979; Zabaleta 1997).
The distinction between liberal and popular nationalism should be more broadly
applicable. A cursory review of the literature on nationalism in Latin America reveals
comparable patterns of nationalism in similar cases. In late 19th and early 20th century
Ecuador and Venezuela, official national discourses were similarly concerned with the
creation of a “civilized nation.” For example, textbook representations of Spanish
colonialism found in Ecuador and Venezuela (Harwich Vallenilla 1991; Luna Tamayo
2001) were structured around the activities and outlooks of Spanish conquerors and
indigenous rulers. During the 1930s and 1940s in Brazil official national discourses
combined a class-based understanding of the national community with the celebration of
28
the nation as a “racial democracy,” projecting a homogeneous national identity based on
centuries of racial and cultural mixing (Luykx 1998; Marx 1998; Nava 1998).
The analytical leverage provided by the distinction between liberal and popular
conceptions of nationhood is not limited to Latin America. For instance, Turkey during
the 1950s comes closest to resemble popular conceptions of nationhood. Official
national discourses blended a strong emphasis on a unitary Turkish identity with a class-
based perspective. Accounts of national history also moved away from the sole focus on
benevolent elites and became more centered on the historical agency of popular sectors
(Mardin 1999; Poulton 1997).
And finally, moving forward in time, the distinction between liberal and popular
nationalism also provides a grid to develop a framework for understanding contemporary
patterns of nationalism in Mexico, Argentina, and Peru. During the last two decades
subordinate movements emerged that challenged popular nationalism and its
assimilationist stance, and state-sponsored national discourses eventually began to
emphasize ethnocultural diversity as an integral part of the national project. Analytically,
these national discourses might be best described as manifestations of multiculturalist
nationalism, a form of national discourse that defines itself against the homogenizing
tendencies of popular nationalism. Multiculturalist nationalism again treats citizenship as
the basic underpinning of the national community, while it envisions national unity to be
achieved through the recognition of cultural and ethnic differences within the nation.
The striking similarities in how official national ideologies in Mexico, Argentina,
and Peru changed in their representation of the nation over the course of the 20th century
points to global transformations of nationalism. Perhaps the most intriguing global
29
approach to nationalism is offered by world polity theory (Meyer et al. 1997; Lechner
and Boli 2005). In this theoretical perspective, transformations of nationalism are
associated with changes and innovations in a supranational “world culture” that provides
local actors with a template for legitimate action (Meyer 1999). In my estimation, world
polity theory is particularly strong when establishing the global context for the transition
from liberal to popular nationalism in Mexico, Peru, and Argentina. No scholar would
seriously question that the global diffusion of popular nationalism during the inter-war
period had enormous implications for local discourses. After World War I, when
organized labor emerged as a major political force (Silver 2003), templates of nationhood
increasingly emphasized “the people” as bearers of sovereignty and national culture
(Goswami 2002). These variants became global models when organized political actors
in the periphery emulated these currents of nationalism in their quest for legitimacy.
Yet, local transformations in Mexico, Peru, and Argentina are not simply
reflections of global trends. An emphasis too narrowly on global shifts in national
discourses directs attention away from the major differences found in Mexico, Argentina,
and Peru. States and social movements did not just copy or replicate global models of
nationhood. Instead, these actors reshaped global templates and infused them with
different meanings when advancing their particular visions of national history and
identity (Goswami 2002). Moreover, an emphasis on global diffusion alone cannot
account for variations in the timing and extent of ideological change. If we take seriously
the contestedness of nationalism, the importance of domestic politics becomes obvious. I
suggest that changing political configurations—whether brought about by subordinate
mobilization, regime change, or revolution—raised new questions about national
30
inclusion and historical agency, and made previously established framings of nationhood
more difficult to sustain. In other words, shifts in the balance of power between state
elites and social movements constitute a likely context for changes in the contents of
official discourses (Wimmer 2002). Depending on the strengths and strategies of those
actors, new alliance structures result in the adoption of alternative national narratives as
state-sponsored ideologies.
In sum, the distinction between liberal, popular, and multicultural nationalism
yields insights beyond the context of late 19th century and early 20th century Mexico,
Argentina, and Peru. More research is warranted to explore the applicability of this
typology in other contexts, but the typology developed here establishes an alternative
approach to the civic/ethnic dichotomy dominant in the literature. A first possible
extension of this research would be to explore the struggles over conceptions of
nationhood and compare official national discourses with the framings advanced by
social movements and other oppositional forces in 20th century Mexico, Argentina, and
Peru, including organized labor, militant Catholics, and regional elites, and later
indigenous movements. The comparative-historical analysis presented in this paper
provides a starting point to link shifts in official national ideologies to the politics of
nationhood and domestic struggles over the meanings of national identity between states
and state-challenging forces.
31
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Table 1 Liberal, Popular, and Multicultural Nationalism
Liberal Nationalism
Popular
Nationalism
Multicultural Nationalism
Membership Criteria
(What is the basis of national identity?)
Political
institutions; Territory
Culture
Culture; political
institutions
Modes of
Incorporation (How to achieve national unity?)
“Civilization”
Assimilation
Recognition of
difference
Symbolic Universe
(Who are the main actors/ What are the
main internal divisions?)
Elites;
Civilization vs. Barbarism
Popular sectors;
Masses vs. Oligarchy
Culturally diverse
groupings