lifetime effect and its mirror image: a neo-gricean ... · lifetime effect and its mirror image: a...
TRANSCRIPT
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Lifetime effect and its mirror image:
a neo-Gricean perspective
Yi-Hsun Chen, Rutgers University
yh.chen13 (at) rutgers.edu
Rutgers Linguistics Conference XI,
April 2nd , 2016
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Goal of this talk:
Propose a general way calculating temporal inferences raised by future temporal reference, without making reference to the structural complexity of syntactic tense
Outline:
1. What are lifetime effect and its mirror image
2. Temporal profiles of statives and scalar
alternatives
3. The mirror image of lifetime effect as quantity
implicatures
4. Conclusion
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1. What are lifetime effect and its
mirror image?
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Lifetime Effect
Musan (1995, 1997):
Individual level predicates (ILPs) with the past temporal reference lead to lifetime effect (LE).
(1) Jack was from America.
The inferences of (1): (Jack is from America)
Jack is dead (Lifetime Effect)
What follows from LE: (Jack will be from America)
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No lifetime effect
The past tense of stage level predicates (SLPs) does NOT lead to lifetime effect.
(2) a. Is Jack nervous?
b. Jack was nervous.
The inferences of (2b): (Jack is nervous)
#Jack is dead.
#(Jack will be nervous)
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The mirror image of
lifetime effect
ILPs with the future temporal reference lead to lifetime effect.
(3) Jack will be from America.
The inference of (3): (Jack is from America)
Jack is going to be born
(Lifetime Effect)
What follows from LE: (Jack was from America)
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No mirror image of
lifetime effect
SLPs with the future temporal reference lead to lifetime effect.
(4) a. Is Jack nervous?
b. Jack will be nervous.
The inferences of (4b): (Jack is nervous)
#Jack is dead.
#(Jack was nervous)
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SLP-ILP Asymmetry I
SLP:
Is Jack nervous?
Jack will be nervous.
ILP:
Jack will be from
America
Assertion:
FUT-
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
#PAST-
(#Jack was
nervous)
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
(Jack was from
America)
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FUT- PAST Symmetry
Assertion: PAST-
Jack was from
America.
Assertion: FUT-
Jack will be from
America.
ILP:
be
from
America
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
FUT-
(Jack will be from
America)
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
(Jack was from
America)
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FUT- PAST Asymmetry
Not all ILPs lead lifetime effect?
(5) a. Does Jack know French?
b. Jack will know French.
The inferences of (5b): (Jack knows French)
(Jack knew French)
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FUT- PAST Asymmetry
Not every ILP leads lifetime effect?
(6) a. Does Jack know French?
b. Jack knew French.
The inferences of (6b): (Jack knows French)
#(Jack will know French)
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FUT- PAST Asymmetry
Assertion: PAST-
Jack knew French.
Assertion: FUT-
Jack will know
French.
ILP:
Does
Jack
know
French ?
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
#FUT-
(#Jack will not
know French)
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
(Jack didn’t know
French)
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SLP-ILP Asymmetry II
SLP:
Is Jack nervous?
ILP:
Does Jack know
French?
Assertion:
FUT-
Jack will be nervous.
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
#PAST-
Jack will know
French.
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
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Puzzles and Why
SLP-ILP Asymmetry I:
be nervous vs. be from America
(without LE) (with LE)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
SLP-ILP Asymmetry II:
will be nervous vs. will know French
(#PAST-) (PAST-)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
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Puzzles and Why
FUT-PAST Symmetry:
was from America vs. will be from America
(FUT-) (PAST-)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
FUT-PAST Asymmetry:
Knew French vs. will know French
(#FUT-) (PAST-)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
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The core of the mirror image
Inception Implicatures (IIs):
When the speaker makes an assertion that a
given property will hold in a future time, the
hearer infers that the property described does not
hold before the future time.
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2. Temporal Profiles of Statives
and Scalar Alternatives
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Temporal Profiles of Statives
Temporal Profile Proposal :
SLP and ILP are (pragmatically) associated with
different temporal profiles.
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The Temporal Profile of SLPs
(7) For any tenseless stative clause , if is true at
moment m, there is a moment m' preceding m at which
is true and there is a moment m’' following m at
which is true.
(Altsuler & Schwarzschild 2013: 45)
(8) ------------ ------------
m’ m m’’
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The Temporal Profile of ILPs
(9) For any tenseless stative clause , if is true at
moment m, there is a moment m' preceding m at which
is true and there is no moment m’' following m at
which is false.
(10) ------------ -------->>
m’ m
• The idea here: ILP is a label for predicates denoting
permanent property and SLP a label for predicates
denoting temporary property (e.g., Carlson 1977, a.o.).
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Scalar Alternatives
Altshuler and Schwarzschild (2013; A&S)
• For stative sentences, PRES and PAST are scalar
alternatives.
• A stative PRES- is more informative than its PAST-
alternative.
(11) a. Scotty is anxious. Scotty was anxious.
b. Scotty was anxious. Scotty is anxious.
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Altshuler and Schwarzschild (2013)
Cessation Implicatures
The utterance of a past tensed sentence implicates that
no state of the kind described currently holds.
(12) a. Scotty was anxious
b. > Scotty is not anxious anymore.
The temporal profile of a stative PRES-
------------ ------------
m’ t*=UT m’’
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PRES- and Its Scalar Alternatives
Scalar Proposal:
• A stative PRES- has not only PAST- (assuming with A&S 2013) but also FUT- as its scalar alternatives.
• A stative PRES- is more informative than its FUT- alternative.
Crucially, FUT- and PAST- by themselves are NOT scalar alternatives to each other.
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PRES- and Its Scalar Alternatives
• The idea here: a stative PRES- is true not only at the
utterance time (t*) but also at some moment m’ in the
past (i.e., preceding t*) and some moment m’’ in the
future (i.e., following t*).
(13) ------------ ------------
m’ t* m’’
In a sense, FUT- stands as a mirror image of PAST- in
being a scalar alternative to PRES-, via the temporal
property of stativity (A&S 2013).
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Interim Summary
Temporal Profile Proposal :
(8) SLPs
------------ ------------
m’ m m’’
(10) ILPs
------------ -------->>
m’ m
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Interim Summary
Scalar Proposal:
• A stative PRES- has not only PAST- (assuming
with A&S 2013) but also FUT- as its scalar
alternatives.
• A stative PRES- is more informative than its FUT-
alternative.
(13) ------------ ------------
m’ t* m’’
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3. The mirror image of lifetime effect
as Quantity Implicatures
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SLP-ILP Asymmetry II
SLP:
Is Jack nervous?
ILP:
Does Jack know
French?
Assertion:
FUT-
Jack will be nervous.
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
#PAST-
Jack will know
French.
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
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A neo-Gricean reasoning
• Since a stative PRES- is more informative than its FUT- alternative (Scalar Proposal), and the speaker chose to utter FUT- (i.e., she could have uttered PRES- but she didn’t):
An assertion of FUT- (with SLP/ ILP) thus triggers the inference PRES-.
• In this sense, inception implicatures stand as a mirror image of cessation implicatures (A&S 2013).
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SLP/ILP and PRES-
(14) a. Is Jack nervous?
b. Jack will be nervous.
(15) a. Does Jack know French?
b. Jack will know French.
Implicatures of (14) & (15) in question: PRES-
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SLP-ILP Asymmetry II
SLP:
Is Jack nervous?
ILP:
Does Jack know
French?
Assertion:
FUT-
Jack will be nervous.
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
#PAST-
Jack will know
French.
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
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FUT- with SLP
• An assertion of FUT- with SLP does NOT trigger
an inference PAST- because:
The interval of FUT- with SLP is NOT properly
included in that of PAST- with SLP, according to
Temporal Profile Proposal.
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FUT- with SLP
(16) a. FUT- with SLP: Jack will be nervous.
b. PAST- with SLP: Jack was nervous.
(17) t* = utterance time
PAST- with SLP --- t*
m’ Past situation time m’’ t*--- FUT- with SLP
m1 Future situation time m2
• The interval of FUT- is NOT properly included in the
interval of PAST-.
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FUT- with ILP
• An assertion of FUT- with ILP further triggers an
inference PAST- because :
The interval of FUT- with ILP is properly
included in that of PAST- with ILP, according to
Temporal Profile Proposal.
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FUT- with ILP
(18) a. FUT- with ILP: Jack will know French.
b. PAST- with ILP: Jack knew French.
(19) t* = utterance time
PAST- with ILP ----t*------------------------------>>
m’ t*--- FUT- with ILP ---->>
m1 Future situation time t
• The interval of FUT- is properly included in the
interval of PAST-.
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FUT- PAST Asymmetry
Assertion: PAST-
Jack knew French.
Assertion: FUT-
Jack will know
French.
ILP:
Does
Jack
know
French ?
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
#FUT-
(#Jack will not
know French)
Temporal Inferences:
PRES- ;
PAST-
(Jack didn’t know
French)
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Deriving FUT- PAST Asymmetry
• An assertion of FUT- with ILP triggers an inference
PAST-;
• However, an assertion of PAST- with ILP does
NOT trigger an inference FUT- :
Because the interval of FUT- with ILP is properly
included in that of PAST- with ILP, according to
Temporal Profile Proposal, as we have seen in (18)
and (19).
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FUT- with ILP
(18) a. FUT- with ILP: Jack will know French.
b. PAST- with ILP: Jack knew French.
(19) t* = utterance time
PAST- with ILP ----t*------------------------------>>
m’ t*--- FUT- with ILP ---->>
m1 Future situation time t
• The interval of FUT- is properly included in the
interval of PAST-.
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The Inference PRES-
• Since a stative PRES- is more informative not only
than its PAST- alternative (see A&S 2013) but also
than its FUT- alternative (Scalar Proposal):
An assertion of PAST- triggers an inference
PRES-, namely, Cessation Implicatures in A&S
(2013).
An assertion of FUT- triggers an inference PRES-
, namely, inception implicatures.
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Interim Summary
SLP-ILP Asymmetry I:
be nervous vs. be from America
(without LE) (with LE)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
SLP-ILP Asymmetry II:
will be nervous vs. will know French
(#PAST-) (PAST-)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
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Interim Summary
FUT-PAST Symmetry:
was from America vs. will be from America
(FUT-) (PAST-)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
FUT-PAST Asymmetry:
Knew French vs. will know French
(#FUT-) (PAST-)
(PRES-) (PRES-)
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FUT-PAST Symmetry
ILP: be-from-America
(be an American)
Temporal
Inferences
Lifetime
Effect
PAST-:
John was from America.
PRES-
(Cessation
Implicatures)
FUT-
John is dead.
FUT-:
John will be from
America.
PRES-
(Inception
Implicatues)
PAST-
John is going
to be born.
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4. Conclusion
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Conclusion
• Inception Implicatures reveal two asymmetries:
SLP-ILP Asymmetry II (be nervous vs. know French)
FUT- with ILP triggers not only PRES- but also
PAST-. In contrast, FUT- with SLP only triggers
PRES-.
FUT-PAST Asymmetry: PAST- with ILP does not trigger the inference FUT-.
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Summary of proposal
• The two asymmetries can be derived, without
reference to the complexity of syntactic tense, by:
Temporal Profile Proposal: SLP and ILP are
(pragmatically) associated with different temporal
profiles.
Scalar Proposal: A stative PRES- asymmetrically
entails its scalar alternatives PAST- and FUT-.
A neo-Gricean reasoning of quantity implicatures
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Thank You!
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References
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Lin, J. 2003. Selectional restrictions of tenses and temporal
reference of Chinese bare sentences. Lingua 113:271–302.
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tenseless language. Linguistics and Philosophy29:673–713.
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Further Factors
Different temporal contexts of question under
discussions (QUDs: PRES, PAST, FUT) and inception
implicatures as relevance implicatures;
The heterogeneity of ILPs: be dead vs. be alive; be
middle-aged; be young vs. be old;
Eventives & the role of aspect/ reference time:
a. Is John singing?
b. John will sing tomorrow