liina pylkkänen department of linguistics/ center for
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Liina PylkkänenLiina Pylkkänen
Department of Linguistics/ Center for NeuromagnetismDepartment of Linguistics/ Center for NeuromagnetismNew York UniversityNew York University
MEG, the Mental Lexicon and MEG, the Mental Lexicon and MorphologyMorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Day 1Day 1 Lexical access 1: Lexical access 1: The M350 as an MEG index of lexical activationThe M350 as an MEG index of lexical activation
Day 2Day 2 Lexical access 2: Lexical access 2: The M350 and mechanisms of recognitionThe M350 and mechanisms of recognition
Day 3Day 3 Morphology 1: Morphology 1: The M350 as a tool for investigating similarity and identityThe M350 as a tool for investigating similarity and identity
Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early
effects of morphologyeffects of morphology
MEG, the Mental Lexicon and MEG, the Mental Lexicon and MorphologyMorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early effects of behavioral evidence for early effects of morphologymorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
I. Morphological family effects.II. Early effects of superficial morphology in masked
priming.III. Role of semantic transparency.IV. Early effects of morphology in ERPs.V. Grand summary of MEG results and comparison to
ERP literature.
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Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early effects of behavioral evidence for early effects of morphologymorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
I. Morphological family effects.II. Early effects of superficial morphology in masked
priming.III. Role of semantic transparency.IV. Early effects of morphology in ERPs.V. Grand summary of MEG results and comparison to
ERP literature.
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Effect of lexical frequencyEffect of lexical frequency
• High frequency words are processed faster than low frequency words.
• Prediction of decompositional theories of morphology: cumulative root frequency effects.
magnet terror
Matched for surface frequency
- ic –ize –ism
Low frequency derivatives
- ist –ize -ism
High frequency derivatives
Same number of derivates
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Effect of lexical frequencyEffect of lexical frequency
• High frequency words are processed faster than low frequency words.
• Prediction of decompositional theories of morphology: cumulative root frequency effects.
magnet terror
Matched for surface frequency
- ic –ize –ism
Low frequency derivatives
- ist –ize -ism
High frequency derivatives
Same number of derivates
Should be faster Should be faster due to high due to high cumulative root cumulative root frequencyfrequency
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Cumulative root frequency effects for Cumulative root frequency effects for inflectioninflection• Response times to a noun depend on the cumulative frequency
of the singular and plural (Schreuder & Baayen, JML, 1997)
CAT CATS
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But NO cumulative root frequency effects But NO cumulative root frequency effects for derivationfor derivation
• Family frequency
magnet terror - ic –ize –ism- ist –ize -ism
HIGH LOWFamily frequency does not Family frequency does not affect lexical decision times.affect lexical decision times.
• Family size
acid diary - ic –ity –ify –head –test –washed - ist
HIGH LOW High family High family sizesize speeds up speeds up lexical decision times.lexical decision times.
Schreuder & Baayen (1997):
S&B: this is a late post-lexical S&B: this is a late post-lexical effect.effect.
S&B: Therefore, no S&B: Therefore, no decomposition in derivation.decomposition in derivation.
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Alternative explanation for lack of cumulative Alternative explanation for lack of cumulative root frequency effects in derivationroot frequency effects in derivation
• High morphological family frequency speeds up root activationroot activationBUTBUT this facilitation is cancelled out by subsequent competitioncompetition between the highly frequent morphological family members.
• Hypothesized affix-competition in priming (Marslen-Wilson, et al. 1994):In crossmodal priming,
NO PRIMING FOR governmentgovernment – – governorgovernor ALTHOUGH ROBUST PRIMING FOR government – govern government – govern
(Marslen-Wilson, W. D., Tyler, L., Waksler, R., & Older, L. (1994). Morphology and meaning in the English mental lexicon. Psychological Review 101, 3-33.)
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Alternative explanation for lack of cumulative Alternative explanation for lack of cumulative root frequency effects in derivationroot frequency effects in derivation• High morphological family frequency speeds up root activationroot activation
BUTBUT this facilitation is cancelled out by subsequent competitioncompetition between the highly frequent morphological family members.
How to measure timing of root activation, prior to any effect of competition?How to measure timing of root activation, prior to any effect of competition? M350, an magnetoencephalographic (MEG) response component elicited by word stimuli, peaking at ~350ms post word-onsetM350, an magnetoencephalographic (MEG) response component elicited by word stimuli, peaking at ~350ms post word-onset
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Magnetoencephalography (MEG)Magnetoencephalography (MEG)
• Measures magnetic fields generated by large populations of neurons firing in synchrony.
• Millisecond temporal resolution.
• Millimeter spatial resolution (at least for cortical sources).
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Magnetoencephalography (MEG)Magnetoencephalography (MEG)
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What happens in the brain when we read words?
-100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 [msec]
0
200
200
[fT]
150-200ms (M170) 200-300ms (M250) 300-400ms (M350) 400-500ms
Pylkkänen and Marantz, Trends in Cognitive Sciences, in press.
Letter string processing
(Tarkiainen et al. 1999)
Lexical activation
(Pylkkänen et al. 2002)
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What happens in the brain when we read words?
300-400ms (M350)
Lexical activation
(Pylkkänen et al. 2002)The M350 is sensitive to
1. Lexical frequency (a)2. Repetition (b)3. Phonological similarity (c)4. Semantic similarity (d)5. Sublexical frequency (e, f)
The M350 is NOT sensitive to1. Interlexical competition (e)
(a) Embick, D., Hackl, M., Schaeffer, J., Kelepir, M. & Marantz, A. (2001). A magnetoencephalographic component whose latency reflects lexical frequency. Cognitive Brain Research 10:3, 345-348.
(b) Pylkkänen, L., Stringfellow, A., Flagg, E., Marantz, A. (2001). A Neural Response Sensitive to Repetition and Phonotactic Probability: MEG Investigations of Lexical Access. Proceedings of Biomag 2000. 12th International Conference on Biomagnetism. Helsinki University of Technology, Espoo, Finland. 363-367.
(c) Pylkkänen, L., Stringfellow, A. Marantz, A. 2002. Inhibition and Competition in Word Recognition: MEG Evidence. Submitted. (d) Pylkkänen, L. Stringfellow, A., Gonnerman, L., Marantz, A. 2002. Magnetoencephalographic indices of identity and similarity in lexical access. In preparation. (e) Pylkkänen, L., Stringfellow, A. Marantz, A. 2002. Neuromagnetic evidence for the timing of lexical activation: an MEG component sensitive to phonotactic probability but not
to neighborhood density. Brain and Language 81, 666-678. (f) Stockall, L. Stringfellow, A. Marantz, A. 2003. The precise time course of lexical activation: MEG measurements of the effects of frequency, probability and density in
lexical decision, Submitted.
Pylkkänen and Marantz, Trends in Cognitive Sciences, in press.
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What happens in the brain when we read words?
300-400ms (M350)
Lexical activation
(Pylkkänen et al. 2002)The M350 is sensitive to
1. Lexical frequency (a)2. Repetition (b)3. Phonological similarity (c)4. Semantic similarity (d)5. Sublexical frequency (e, f)
The M350 is NOT sensitive to1. Interlexical competition (e)
(a) Embick, D., Hackl, M., Schaeffer, J., Kelepir, M. & Marantz, A. (2001). A magnetoencephalographic component whose latency reflects lexical frequency. Cognitive Brain Research 10:3, 345-348.
(b) Pylkkänen, L., Stringfellow, A., Flagg, E., Marantz, A. (2001). A Neural Response Sensitive to Repetition and Phonotactic Probability: MEG Investigations of Lexical Access. Proceedings of Biomag 2000. 12th International Conference on Biomagnetism. Helsinki University of Technology, Espoo, Finland. 363-367.
(c) Pylkkänen, L., Stringfellow, A. Marantz, A. 2002. Inhibition and Competition in Word Recognition: MEG Evidence. Submitted. (d) Pylkkänen, L. Stringfellow, A., Gonnerman, L., Marantz, A. 2002. Magnetoencephalographic indices of identity and similarity in lexical access. In preparation. (e) Pylkkänen, L., Stringfellow, A. Marantz, A. 2002. Neuromagnetic evidence for the timing of lexical activation: an MEG component sensitive to phonotactic
probability but not to neighborhood density. Brain and Language 81, 666-678. (f) Stockall, L. Stringfellow, A. Marantz, A. 2003. The precise time course of lexical activation: MEG measurements of the effects of frequency, probability and density in
lexical decision, Submitted.
Pylkkänen and Marantz, Trends in Cognitive Sciences, in press.
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100
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M170 M250 M350 RT
High probability word Low probability word
n.s.
n.s.
*
*
100
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500
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800
M170 M250 M350 RT
High probability nonword Low probability nonword
n.s.n.s.
*
*
(Pylkkänen, Stringfellow, Marantz, Brain and Language, 2002)
Effect of probability/density Effect of probability/density (n=10)(n=10)
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(i) 1st component sensitive to lexical factors (such as lexical frequency)
(ii) not affected by competition
time
leve
l of a
ctiv
atio
n
resting level
Stimulus: TURN
TURN
TURNIP
TURFTURTLE
ActivationActivation SelectionSelectionCompetitionCompetition
M350
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• Effect of high phonotactic probability/ high neighborhood density:
HypothesisHypothesis
M350M350 RTRT
- - speed-up due to speed-up due to sublexical frequencysublexical frequency
- - slow-down due to slow-down due to competitioncompetition
• Effect of high morphological family frequency?
M350M350 RTRT
- - speed-up due to speed-up due to cumulative root frequencycumulative root frequency
- - slow-down due to slow-down due to competition from highly competition from highly frequent family membersfrequent family members
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• Contrast 1: Family frequency
• Contrast 2: Family size
• Four categories of visual words, all nouns
magnet (n=18)terror (n=18)
- ic –ize –ism- ist –ize -ism
HIGH LOW Matched for:Length Freq. of the sg, Cumulative freq. of the sg. & pl. forms Family size Mean bigram frequency
acid (n=21) diary (n=21)
- ic –ity –ify –head –test –washed - ist
HIGH LOW Matched for:Length Freq. of the sg, Cumulative freq. of the sg. & pl. forms • Family frequency (not perfectly) Mean bigram frequency
Materials Materials (from (from Baayen, R. H., Lieber, R., & Schreuder, R. (1997). Baayen, R. H., Lieber, R., & Schreuder, R. (1997). Linguistics Linguistics 35, 861-87735, 861-877))
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BehaviorBehavior
*n.s.
Behavioral data (n=10)
550
600
650
700
750
800
850
High-Freq Low-Freq High-Size Low-Size
[mse
c] *n.s
.
(Pylkkänen, Feintuch, Hopkins & Marantz, Cognition, to appear)
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M350 source analysisM350 source analysis
HBM 2003, poster 1345
• Equivalent current dipole analysis• Latencies and amplitudes measured at points where the
source amplitude reached 25%, 50%, 75% and 100% of the maximum source strength.
25%50%75%100%
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MEG data, single subjectMEG data, single subject
(Pylkkänen, Feintuch, Hopkins & Marantz, Cognition, to appear)
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Family frequency: M350 (S1)Family frequency: M350 (S1)
HBM 2003, poster 1345
05
10152025303540
0 100 200 300 400 500
[msec]
[nA
m]
High family frequency
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
05
10152025303540
0 100 200 300 400 500
[msec]
[nA
m]
High family frequency
Family frequency: M350 (S1)Family frequency: M350 (S1)
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
05
10152025303540
0 100 200 300 400 500
[msec]
[nA
m]
High family frequency Low family frequency
Extra processing load at the M350
Morphological competition at the M350
Family frequency: M350 (S1)Family frequency: M350 (S1)
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
Family frequency: M350 amplitude Family frequency: M350 amplitude (n=10)(n=10)
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
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25%rise
50%rise
75%rise
100% 75%fall
50%fall
25%fall
[nA
m]
high family frequency low family frequency
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
0
5
10
15
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25
30
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25%rise
50%rise
75%rise
100% 75%fall
50%fall
25%fall
[nA
m]
high family frequency low family frequency
*
Family frequency: M350 amplitude Family frequency: M350 amplitude (n=10)(n=10)
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
Family frequency: M350 latency Family frequency: M350 latency (n=10)(n=10)
200
250
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350
400
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25%rise
50%rise
75%rise
100% 75%fall
50%fall
25%fall
[mse
c]
high family frequency low family frequency
all n.s.
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
Family size: M350 amplitude (n=10)Family size: M350 amplitude (n=10)
05
1015202530354045
25%rise
50%rise
75%rise
100% 75%fall
50%fall
25%fall
[nA
m]
high family size low family size
all n.s.P = 0.09
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
Family : M350 latency (n=10)Family : M350 latency (n=10)
200
300
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600
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25%rise
50%rise
75%rise
100% 75%fall
50%fall
25%fall
RT
[mse
c]
high family size low family size
** *
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M170 M250 M350 RT
(lexical decision)
High sublexical frequency/neighborhood density
Smaller amplitude
Shorter latency
Longer RT
(competition)
High morphological family frequency
Larger amplitude
(competition)
High morphological family size
Shorter latency
Shorter RT
1. Difference in the time course of competition.
2. High family size has an early facilitory effect.
Why?
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1. Difference in the time course of competition1. Difference in the time course of competition
High frequency High frequency morphological familymorphological family
TERRORTERROR- ist –ize -ism
LINELINEloin
fine
pine
nine
lightlike
lie
lane
lime
High density phonological High density phonological neighborhood (frequency-weighted)neighborhood (frequency-weighted)
LINELINEloin
fine
pine
nine
lightlike
lie
lane
lime
TERRORTERRORterrorism
terrorize terrorist
DECOMPOSITIONDECOMPOSITION
NO NO DECOMPOSITIONDECOMPOSITION
Relationship between target and competitors qualitatively different: difference is due to morphology.
Difference is due to the different phonological and/or semantic properties of the competitors.
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1. Difference in the time course of competition1. Difference in the time course of competition
LINELINEloin
fine
pine
nine
lightlike
lie
lane
lime
TERRORTERRORterrorism
terrorize terroristNO NO DECOMPOSITIONDECOMPOSITION
Difference is due to the different phonological and/or semantic properties of the competitors.
Non-decompositional account also predicts interference effects in priming for pairs such as TERRORISM – TERROR.TERRORISM – TERROR.
BUT this is completely unsupported by data – effect is robustly BUT this is completely unsupported by data – effect is robustly facilitory (e.g. a-d)facilitory (e.g. a-d)..
(a) Marslen-Wilson, W. D., Tyler, L., Waksler, R., & Older, L. (1994). Morphology and meaning in the English mental lexicon. Psychological Review 101, 3-33.(b) Pylkkänen, L. Stringfellow, A., Gonnerman, L., Marantz, A. 2002. Magnetoencephalographic indices of identity and similarity in lexical access. In preparation. (c) Gonnerman, L. 1999, Morphology and the lexicon: exploring the semantics-phonology interface, PhD thesis, University of Southern California.(d) Rastle, K., Davis, M., Marslen
-Wilson, W., & Tyler, L.K. (2000). Morphological and semantic effects in visual word recognition: A time course study. Language and Cognitive Processes, 15, 507-538.
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1. Difference in the time course of competition1. Difference in the time course of competition
High frequency High frequency morphological familymorphological family
TERRORTERROR- ist –ize -ism
LINELINEloin
fine
pine
nine
lightlike
lie
lane
lime
High density phonological High density phonological neighborhood (frequency-weighted)neighborhood (frequency-weighted)
DECOMPOSITIONDECOMPOSITION
Competition between morphological family members appears to precede competition between phonological neighbors.
An account of the phenomenon needs to make a distinction between morphological and phonological competitors.
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ConclusionConclusion
HBM 2003, poster 1345
DecompositionDecompositionEarly morphological parsing/ segmentation Lexical access
Morphological competition effects
Phonological competition effects
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HBM 2003, poster 1345
Grammar happens early:Grammar happens early:
• Early determination of grammatical category in ERPs (Friederici, 2002).
• Early effects of morphology in masked priming (Rastle, Davis & New submitted)
ConclusionConclusion
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2. High family size has an 2. High family size has an earlyearly facilitory effect facilitory effect
One possibility:• Effect is semantic in nature and is related to effects of polysemy.
• Heavily polysemous words (such as belt) are processed faster than words that only have few “senses” (such as ant).(Rodd, Gaskell & Marslen-Wilson (2002) Making Sense of Semantic Ambiguity: Semantic Competition in Lexical Access. Journal of Memory and Language 46, 245–266)
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2. High family size has an 2. High family size has an earlyearly facilitory effect facilitory effect
• Different morphological environments induce different senses of the root and therefore nouns with large morphological families have more senses than nouns with small morphological families.
•Prediction: semantically opaque morphological family members should contribute to the family size effect the most, as those would involve the most “sense-switching”.
•BUT: there is at least some evidence that the family size effect is in fact mostly carried by the semantically transparent members of the family.(De Jong NH, Feldman LB, Schreuder R, Pastizzo M, Baayen RH (2002) The processing and representation of Dutch and English compounds: peripheral morphological and central orthographic effects. Brain Lang 2002 Apr-Jun;81(1-3):555-67.)
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2. High family size has an 2. High family size has an earlyearly facilitory effect facilitory effect
Alternatively:The family size effect is not a facilitory effect of high family size, but an inhibitory effect stemming from more potent competitors in the low family size condition.
acid diary
-ic -ity -ify -head -test -washed -Ø
-st -ø
Keeping family frequency constant but lowering family size creates more potent competitors.(See Perea and Rosa (2000) for a review of studies indicating that the important neighborhood variable in visual word recognition is not the number of neighbors per se, but the frequency of a word's neighbors relative to its own frequency. Perea M. and E. Rosa (2000) Psicologica, 21, 327-340)
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ConclusionConclusion
• Evidence for decomposition (although somewhat indirect).
• Evidence for the existence of morphological competition (cf. Marslen-Wilson 1994).
• Identification of a neural correlate of the morphological family size effect.
Thanks to:
Sophie Feintuch & Emily Hopkins (Portsmouth High School, NH)
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Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early effects of behavioral evidence for early effects of morphologymorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
I. Morphological family effects.II. Early effects of superficial morphology in masked
priming.III. Role of semantic transparency.IV. Early effects of morphology in ERPs.V. Grand summary of MEG results and comparison to
ERP literature.
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Rastle, Davis & New (2003)Rastle, Davis & New (2003)
• Masked priming – eliminates semantic effects.• 500ms forward mask, 43ms prime.
TRANSPARENT: cleaner – CLEAN OPAQUE: corner – CORN
ORTHOGRAPHIC: brothel - BROTH
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Rastle, Davis & New (2003)Rastle, Davis & New (2003)
• Result:
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
EQUAL PRIMING
NO PRIMING
TRANSPARENT: cleaner – CLEAN OPAQUE: corner – CORN
ORTHOGRAPHIC: brothel - BROTH
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Rastle, Davis & New (2003)Rastle, Davis & New (2003)
Conclusion:There is an early processing stage of pre-
lexical morphological segmentation which is based only on the formal properties of the input.
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
If morphological parsing occurs early, one would expect morphological competition to occur early as well, which is what the family frequency results suggest.
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Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early effects of behavioral evidence for early effects of morphologymorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
I. Morphological family effects.II. Early superficial effects of morphology in masked
priming.III. Role of semantic transparency.IV. Early effects of morphology in ERPs.V. Grand summary of MEG results and comparison to
ERP literature.
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Zweig et al.: Does morphological decomposition Zweig et al.: Does morphological decomposition require semantic transparency?require semantic transparency?
• If semantically opaque forms aren’t decomposed, processing a form such as UNIVERSITY would involve
i. access to the lexical representation UNIVERSITY
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
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Does morphological decomposition require Does morphological decomposition require semantic transparency?semantic transparency?
• If semantically opaque forms are decomposed, processing a form such as UNIVERSITY would involve
i. access to UNIVERSE and ITYii. combining UNIVERSE and ITYiii. access to the special meaning that is associated with
this complex structure
• Processing semantically transparent morphology would not involve step (iii).
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
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Does morphological decomposition require Does morphological decomposition require semantic transparency?semantic transparency?
• Decomposition hypothesis: Semantically opaque morphology should be HARDER than semantically transparent morphology.
• Storage hypothesis: Semantically opaque morphology should be easier EASIER than semantically transparent morphology.
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
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Does morphological decomposition require Does morphological decomposition require semantic transparency?semantic transparency?
• Most research on the effects of morphological transparency has used a priming paradigm.
• However, it’s unclear what the decomposition account would predict the effect of step (iii) (= access to a special meaning) to be in a priming paradigm – could be a complicated combination of priming and inhibition.
• The basic, contrasting, predictions of the Storage and Decomposition hypotheses can be tested in single-word lexical decision.
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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MaterialsMaterials
• 5 bins of 16 affixed or “pseudoaffixed” forms organized according to subjective ratings of “connectivity” between the base and the affixed form
• Affixes used: -ity, -ment, -er, and –en.
“Connectivity” to the base increases
Transparent
Pseudoaffixed
Opaque
• Bins matched for length, base frequency, frequency of the affixed form and difference in frequency between the base and the affixed form.
Bin 1: CORNERBin 2: RUBBERBin 3: SNEAKERBin 4: HEADERBin 5: CONSUMER
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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MaterialsMaterials
• 5 bins of 16 affixed or “pseudoaffixed” forms organized according to subjective ratings of “connectivity” between the base and the affixed form
• Affixes used: -ity, -ment, -er, and –en.
“Connectivity” to the base increases
Transparent
Pseudoaffixed
Opaque
Bin 1: CORNERBin 2: RUBBERBin 3: SNEAKERBin 4: HEADERBin 5: CONSUMER
• + 16 length and surface frequency matched non-affixed forms (e.g. PAINT).
• 40 non-words formed by attaching affixes to real words (STUPIDMENT).• 40 non-words formed by attaching affixed to non-words (LIFFMENT).• 74 non-affixed real words (stimuli for a different experiment).• 90 non-affixed non-words (stimuli for a different experiment).
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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600620640660680700720740760780
0 1 2 3 4 5PAINT CORNER RUBBER SNEAKER HEADER CONSUMER
[msec]
Pseudoaffixed Opaque TransparentNon-affixed
Results (n = 14)Results (n = 14)
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Results (n = 14)Results (n = 14)
600620640660680700720740760780
0 1 2 3 4 5PAINT CORNER RUBBER SNEAKER HEADER CONSUMER
[msec]
Pseudoaffixed Opaque TransparentNon-affixed(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Results (n = 14)Results (n = 14)
600620640660680700720740760780
0 1 2 3 4 5PAINT CORNER RUBBER SNEAKER HEADER CONSUMER
[msec]
Pseudoaffixed Opaque TransparentNon-affixed
All affixation is costly.
Semantically opaque “real” morphology is the most costly.
Cannot be accounted for by the Storage hypothesis.
(Zweig, van Rijsingen & Pylkkänen, in progress)
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early effects of behavioral evidence for early effects of morphologymorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
I. Morphological family effects.II. Early superficial effects of morphology in masked
priming.III. Role of semantic transparency.IV. Early effects of morphology in ERPs.V. Grand summary of MEG results and comparison to
ERP literature.
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Category, first-pass parsing, ELANCategory, first-pass parsing, ELAN
• The Rastle, Davis et al. proposal about fast semantics-free segmentation should connect to models of sentence processing where first-pass parsing occurs purely on the basis of word category information (Frazier, Friederici).
• Earliness of morphological segmentation:In ERP’s, violating a word category expectation has been reported to lead to an Early Left Anterior Negativity (ELAN).
NP required but participle occurs:
Der Freund wurde im besucht‘The friend was in-the visited.’
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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ELAN, how early?ELAN, how early?
• Auditory:• As early as 50ms after word uniqueness point:
The holiday is being shortened/shortening.
• Visual:• Usually a LAN – around 400ms.
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Day 4Day 4 Morphology 2: Morphology 2: Electrophysiological and Electrophysiological and behavioral evidence for early effects of behavioral evidence for early effects of morphologymorphology
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
I. Morphological family effects.II. Early superficial effects of morphology in masked
priming.III. Role of semantic transparency.IV. Early effects of morphology in ERPs.V. Grand summary of MEG results and comparison to
ERP literature.
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Stimulus factors affecting the M350Stimulus factors affecting the M350
• Lexical frequency in visual and auditory modality• Repetition• Phonotactic probability (likely a secondary effect)
• Phonological similarity in priming• Semantic similarity in priming• Regular morphological relatedness in priming
• regular AND irregular • Constituent frequency in compounds• Morphological family frequency• Morphological family size
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Representation:Representation:• There is a modality There is a modality
independent lexicon.independent lexicon.
• Lexical entries connect Lexical entries connect sound and meaning – single sound and meaning – single lexicon.lexicon.
• All word formation is All word formation is syntactic. syntactic.
Revisiting: Assumptions/hypotheses that drive, Revisiting: Assumptions/hypotheses that drive, and are tested by, the present researchand are tested by, the present research
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
Processing:Processing:• Timing of lexical access Timing of lexical access
depends on the activation level depends on the activation level of lexical entries at stimulus of lexical entries at stimulus presentation.presentation.
• The activation level of lexical The activation level of lexical entries depends onentries depends on
• FrequencyFrequency
• Preceding context (priming)Preceding context (priming)
• Phonological and semantic Phonological and semantic relatedness should affect the relatedness should affect the same neural activity.same neural activity.
NB: All of these assumptions are more or less controversial so we’ll continually keep evaluating how they succeed in explaining the data.
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N400 ERPN400 ERPLP, Aug 03, Tateshina
N =12
_ _ _ He spread the warm bread with SOCKS
____ He spread the warm bread with BUTTER (Kutas and Hillyard, 1980)
• Discovered in a semantic anomaly manipulation.
• But today we know that every word in a sentence elicits an N400. Not a “violation-component”
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M350 = N400?M350 = N400?
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Polarity Polarity
• A typical M350 source should generate a negativity at the top of the head.
• N400 usually largest at central/midline electrodes.
_
+
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Polarity Polarity
• NB: The M350 is often bilateral. • Both the LH and RL
M350 sources contribute to the midline negativity.
• N400 sums over both hemispheres.
_
+
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Localization of the N400 using MEGLocalization of the N400 using MEG
• Helenius et al 1999:• Classic N400 paradigm in MEG.• Source of the N400 localizes where the M350
localizes: in the vicinity of the left auditory cortex.
(Helenius, P, Salmelin, E, et al. 1998. Distinct time courses of word and context comprehension in the left temporal cortex. Brain, 121, 1133-1142. )
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Timing: N400 Timing: N400
N =12
_ _ _ He spread the warm bread with SOCKS
____ He spread the warm bread with BUTTER (Kutas and Hillyard, 1980)
• Onset: ~250ms.• Peak: ~400ms• Offset: ~550-600ms.
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M350 distribution
Timing: M350 Timing: M350
• Important:• The M350 is defined
as the first peak of the M350 distribution.
-100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 [msec]
0
200
200
[fT]
• But the M350 field pattern often peaks twice.
• Most of our M350 effects hold of the first peak, not of the second.
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Timing: M350 Timing: M350
• Important:• The M350 is defined
as the first peak of the M350 distribution.
-100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 [msec]
0
200
200
[fT]
• But the M350 field pattern often peaks twice.
• Most of our M350 effects hold of the first peak, not of the second.
M350
NOT M350 although may have more or less the same source.
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Timing: M350 Timing: M350
-100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 [msec]
0
200
200
[fT]
M350
NOT M350 although may have more or less the same source.
Timing of the M350 and timing of the M350 source are two separate questions.
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Timing: M350 Timing: M350
-100 0 100 200 300 400 500 600 700 [msec]
0
200
200
[fT]
M350
NOT M350 although may have more or less the same source.
• M350:From valley to valley, may as short as 50ms.
• M350 source:Onset: 300msPeak 1: ~350ms(Peak 2: ~450ms)Offset: ~500ms
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Stimulus factors affecting the N400 (partial list)Stimulus factors affecting the N400 (partial list)LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
Also affects M350?
Same kind of effect?
Expectancy:Smaller N400 for highly expected words.
YES for M350 source(Helenius et al.)
YES
Repetition:Smaller N400 for repeated words.
YES NO (latency effect for M350)
Semantic similarity:Smaller N400 for semantically related words in priming.
YES YES (but w/M350, also latency)
Phonological similarity:Smaller N400 for phonologically related words in priming.
YES YES for rhyme, NO for onset-matching
Lexical frequency: Smaller N400 for frequent words.
YES NO (latency effect for M350)
Position in sentence:N400 gets smaller the further into the sentence it occurs
? ?
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M350 M350 ≠≠ N400 N400
but the M350 is likely a but the M350 is likely a subcomponent of the N400 subcomponent of the N400 (the M250 might also be a (the M250 might also be a
subcomponent of the N400).subcomponent of the N400).
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Possible reasons for differences in Possible reasons for differences in waveform morphology in MEG and ERPswaveform morphology in MEG and ERPs
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
1. EEG picks up more activity than MEG.
2. ERP data are usually grandaveraged.• Small latency differences may be lost.
3. Summation over hemispheres in ERPs.• Differences between hemispheres may be lost.
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(Some) outstanding questions(Some) outstanding questions
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
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Latency vs. amplitude effectsLatency vs. amplitude effectsLP, Aug 03, Tateshina
• Some stimulus factors affect M350 latencies (e.g. lexical frequency, morphological family size) while others affect amplitudes (e.g. morphological family frequency).
• General assumption in cognitive neuroscience: more processing load more activity.
• How should we understand the relationship between latency and amplitude effects?
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Functional significance of the “M250”Functional significance of the “M250”LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
• Activity at 200-300ms difficult to manipulate.
• Lots of distributional variance across subjects.
• Not a single source and depends on the individual’s brain physiology which part of the activity is captured by MEG?
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M350 in the right hemisphereM350 in the right hemisphereLP, Aug 03, Tateshina
• The M350 is bilateral roughly 60% of the time (impressionistic estimate).
• There has been no systematic investigation of RH M350 sources.
• The problem being that it’s still difficult to obtain enough RH sources within a single study to obtain statistical power.
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What’s so special about the M350 peak What’s so special about the M350 peak (as opposed to other points on the waveform)?(as opposed to other points on the waveform)?
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
• One might expect activation of the lexicon to be indexed as a rise in activity in a source.
• Why do most of our effects only hold at the peak of the M350?
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Post-M350 activity and neural Post-M350 activity and neural correlates of recognitioncorrelates of recognition
LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
• The M350 is not sensitive to (phonologically-based) interlexical competition.
• What activity is? – We’ve identified no MEG activity that would appear
to index recognition (i.e. selection instead of activation).
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LP, Aug 03, Tateshina
Thank Thank you!you!