LINGUISTIC AND SPATIAL PRACTICE IN A DIVIDED LANDSCAPE       by       

Abigail Sone          

A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of PhD  

Graduate Department of Anthropology University of Toronto 

    

© Copyright by Abigail Sone 2009

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LINGUISTIC AND SPATIAL PRACTICE IN A DIVIDED LANDSCAPE   

Abigail Sone  

Department of Anthropology  University of Toronto 

PhD 2009  

Abstract of Thesis   

This dissertation demonstrates how changes in spatial boundaries map on to 

changes in the boundaries of national belonging through an ethnography of 

linguistic and spatial practice in a divided landscape.  In Israel, as in many places 

around the globe, new forms of segregation have emerged in recent years, as 

violence and the fear of violence become increasingly bound up with the production 

of social difference and exclusion.  In Wadi Ara, a valley in the north of the country 

where my fieldwork was based, segregation between Jewish and Palestinian citizens 

has dramatically increased since the fall of 2000, as the place of Palestinians in a 

Jewish state is being reconfigured.  In this dissertation I focus on the changing 

movements and interactions of Jewish Israelis in Wadi Ara as they articulate with 

changes in the ways difference, belonging, and citizenship are organized on a 

national scale.  I examine how increased hostility, fear, and distrust have become 

spatialized; how narratives of the past shape contemporary geographies; how 

competing ways of interpreting and navigating the landscape are mediated; and 

how particular forms of encounter are framed.  My central argument is that through 

daily linguistic and spatial practice people in Wadi Ara do more than just make 

sense of shifting boundaries; they bring these boundaries into being and, in the 

process, they enact both self‐definition and exclusion, reflecting and circumscribing 

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the changing place of Palestinians in Israel.  The dissertation is based on 19 months 

of fieldwork between 2002 and 2006. 

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Acknowledgments 

  So many people are so happy to see me finish this dissertation.  It is with 

great pleasure that I take this opportunity to thank them for their roles in seeing it 

through. 

  First, I owe my greatest debt to the people at my fieldsites who welcomed me 

into their lives, made me feel at home, and matched each of my questions with two 

of their own.  In particular I want to thank my friends whom I have called Nurit, Hila, 

Rina, and Ruth.  I hope that what I have written does justice to their generosity and 

audacity.   

  I gratefully acknowledge funding from the following sources: University of 

Toronto (Faculty of Arts and Science, School of Graduate Studies, Department of 

Anthropology); Canadian Friends of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Social 

Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 

  Much of this dissertation has been worked out in conversation with my 

advisor, Bonnie McElhinny.  From the beginning, Bonnie has supported me and 

guided me through every step of the process.  She has always known when to listen, 

when to push me, and when to ask just the right question.  There is no more careful, 

committed reader than Bonnie, and every page in this dissertation has been 

improved by her close attention.  Most importantly, Bonnie has been a mentor to 

me, showing me by example how to be the kind of scholar I want to be. 

  My committee members, Michael Chazan and Joshua Barker, have been 

generous with their time and insight.  Michael’s questions over the years have 

repeatedly pushed me to question what I think I know.  I am particularly happy to 

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have finally earned his “grudging respect.”  Joshua’s feat is to be encouraging even as 

he asks the hard questions.  His nuanced reading of my draft improved the 

dissertation considerably.  My external examiner, Jasmin Habib, read the 

dissertation with great sensitivity and insight.  Her comments have given me much 

to think about, and I look forward to continuing the conversation with her in the 

future.  My thanks also to Jennifer Jackson for her constructive questions at my 

defense, and for a detailed final read; to Jack Sidnell for all I have learned from him 

over the years; and to Monica Heller, Ivan Kalmar, and Hy Van Luong for their 

feedback on earlier stages of the project. 

  I was lucky to share my graduate career with colleagues and friends whose 

companionship and critical engagement made the years go by quickly.  For 

suggestions, edits, debates, and conversations my thanks to Shaylih Muehlmann, 

Kregg Hetherington, Irma Molina, Emma Jo Aiken, Laurie Zadnik, Maggie Cummings, 

Donna Young, and especially Jessica Cattaneo, Saul Cohen, and Marnie Bjornson.  

Jessica and I went through our fieldwork together, long distance from Argentina to 

Israel.  Her unerring ear and her ability to get me have been invaluable to my 

thinking on this project and to my writing.  Saul started picking on me on our first 

day of the program and, thankfully, he hasn’t left me alone since.  Throughout our 

sporadic, incoherent lunches over the years he has been a sounding board and kept 

me grounded.  Marnie always sees through to the big picture, and I rely on her 

insight to give me the perspective I need.  Being able to laugh about things with her 

has made many an unbearable moment bearable.  Outside of school, Rebecca 

Dworkin, Amie Khondo, Yael Trehearne, and Lea Nogueira were always there to 

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send me off and to welcome me home, to cheer me on and to keep me laughing.  

During my fieldwork Osnat Efraty, Ayelet Baruch, and Ori and Rocha Zisling and 

their boys made Israel feel like home.  

  My siblings have contributed to my fieldwork and writing in countless ways, 

providing crucial emotional, technical, logistical, artistic, and audio‐visual support at 

every step.  Thank you especially to Judith for being my home in Jerusalem; to David 

for taking the pictures in Chapter Five; to Jacob for sending me key Haaretz articles; 

and to Eli for Mitzi and for so much more.  Without Eli’s endless patience I would not 

have had an audio recorder to do fieldwork with, and the dissertation would be 

lacking a bibliography, maps, figures, and countless other crucial elements.  Thanks 

also to Lily for etymological advice and to Jess for her enthusiastic questions. 

  The knowledge that my parents, Ian and Laurie Sone, love me and believe in 

me sustained me in this, as in everything I do.  The political and intellectual roots of 

this dissertation go back to values I learned from them, and from my grandparents, 

Norman and Mary Davis.  

  My other family also helped get me through the last few years of writing, with 

their interest, encouragement, and constant queries as to whether I was done yet.  

Thank you to Mara, Mike, Saara, John, Janine, Dr. B, Morley, and the kids.  

  Jonathan never left my side throughout the long process of writing up, even 

when he was in Belfast.  He read every word, he finished my sentences, he told me 

what I meant to say, he knew what I needed, and he got me through the hard parts.  

Doing this without him would have been infinitely harder and much less fun.  It is 

my good fortune that I didn’t have to.  

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Table of Contents 

A Note on Translation and Transcription………………………………………………………..ix    Maps………………………………………………………………………………………………………………x 

1. Israel / Palestine 2. Wadi Ara and Surrounding Area 3. Main areas of Palestinian Localities in Israel 

 Preface……………………………………………………………………………………………………….….1 

1. Linguistic and spatial practice in a divided landscape      2. A history of the project: From Jerusalem to Wadi Ara 

 Chapter One Shifting Boundaries and the Place of Palestinians in Israel………………………20 

1. October 2000 2. Before and after October 3. Shifting boundaries: Change and the everyday 4. Divided landscapes 5. Linguistic and spatial practice 6. “Implicate relations”: Palestinians in a Jewish state 

 Chapter Two Wadi Ara: A Divided Landscape............................................................................................65 

1. Wadi Ara: Critical historical geography of a divided landscape 2. Givat Haviva: Fieldsite and methodologies 

 Chapter Three White Spaces on the Map: Geographies of Intimate Distance…………………….93 

1. Introduction 2. Aliza: “There’s noone to talk to” 3. Yoav and Benny: “Do they have blue ID cards?” 4. Yuval: “Good morning, neighbour” 5. Daniel: “A little less white” 6. Conclusion: Situated geographic imaginations 

 Chapter Four Return to the Wadi: Narratives of Nostalgia, Violence, and Fear……………..130 

1. Introduction: Return to the Wadi 2. Nurit and Hila 3. “He used to go there all the time”: Narratives of nostalgia 4. “You don’t go into those places”: Narratives of violence 5. Strategies of avoidance: Narratives of fear, risk, and danger 6. Going there: Hila and Nurit’s own boundaries 7. Conclusion: Returning again to the Wadi 

 

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Chapter Five Erasure and Disclosure on the Trans­Israel Highway.........................................172 

1. Introduction: “In spite of everything” 2. Highway 6 3. Highway 6 and Palestinian citizens of Israel 4. Sign language 5. Conclusion 

 Chapter Six Fieldtrips and Other Encounters………………………..……………………………………200 

1. Mukebele, December 3, 2003 2. Encounter 3. Tiyul 4. “Names without places”: Nazareth, December 30, 2004  5. Ethnographic tourism 6. “A remainder of long, long ago”: Um el Kutuf, November 8, 2004 7. Imperial encounters 8. “Animals in cages”: Barta’a, October 13, 2004 

Chapter Seven Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………………………..261  Figures………..……………………………………………………………………………………………..265  Bibliography………………………………………………………………………………………………283 

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A Note on Translation and Transcription 

Unless otherwise stated, all transcribed interactions are translated from Hebrew.  I 

have indicated where the original interaction took place either in Arabic or in 

English.  I have used the following transcription conventions:   

 [….. …..]       square brackets in two turns mark overlapping speech   (.)       pause  it’s not –    dash marks self‐interruption (a word or phrase broken off 

before it is finished)  xxxx       unable to decipher  kno::::w    colons mark elongated syllable  [a bypass road]  square brackets mark transcriber’s comments  THAT’S what    capital letters mark loud, emphasized speech  hhhh      laughter  ‘lets meet’    single quotes indicate quoted speech  . . .       some material from original transcript has been omitted  (shtuyot kaele)  original Hebrew or Arabic phrase  

x

Maps

Israel / Palestine (Wadi Ara area in red) Source: Jewish Arab Mayors’ Forum in Israel (JAMFI)

xi

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Main Areas of Palestinian Localities in Israel Source: Payes 2005

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Preface

1.Linguisticandspatialpracticeinadividedlandscape

EarlyonthemorningofSeptember28,2000ArielSharon,thenmemberof

theIsraeliKnessetandheadoftheoppositionLikudparty,wentuptoHaramal

Sharif/theTempleMountinJerusalem.Hisactionsupsetaprecariousbalanceand

providedthesparkthatignitedviolentconflictintheoccupiedPalestinian

territories.Thistime,theintifadawasnotcontainedoutsidethegreenlineborders

ofIsrael.PalestiniancitizensofIsrael,whoformaminoritycomprisingroughly20

percentofthepopulation,protestedtheactionsoftheIsraeligovernmentand

expressedsolidaritywithPalestiniansintheWestBankandGazaindemonstrations

alloverthecountry.1OvertendaysinOctober,twelvePalestiniancitizensofIsrael

wereshotandkilledbyIsraelisecurityforcesduringprotests.

Followingthistraumaticevent,Palestiniancitizens’nationaldemandsand

critiquesofIsraelcametotheforefrontinincreasinglyradical,vocal,and

demandingways,drasticallychangingtheirrelationsbothwiththeIsraelistateand

withtheJewishmajority.JewishIsraelisreactedwithincreasedhostility,fear,and

distrusttowardthePalestinianminority;thiscanbeunderstoodasaresponsenot

justtothethreatofaminorityperceivedtobeunrulyandpotentiallyviolent,liable

totaketothestreetsonceagain,butalsotothethreatthatPalestiniandemands

presenttoJewishIsraelis’self‐definitionascitizensofaJewishanddemocraticstate.

1WhilemembersofthisgrouparereferredtointhedominantIsraeliidiomas“IsraeliArabs,”Irefertotheminsteadas“PalestiniancitizensofIsrael.”IdiscussmyreasonsforthisinChapterTwo.

2

Scholarsandactivistshaverecentlyarguedthat“theboundariesofcitizenshipare

beingredrawn...tocreateanewconsciousnessamongJewsandArabsalikethat

theArabcitizens’‘citizenship’isnotreal;inotherwords,thattheArabsareineffect

‘citizenswithoutcitizenship’”(RouhanaandSultany2003:10).InthisdissertationI

arguethatchangestothe“boundaries”ofcitizenshiparebothreflectedinand

shapedbychangesinspatialboundaries,astheyareworkedoutthroughdaily

movementsandinteractions.

InIsrael,asinmanyplacesaroundtheglobe(seee.g.,Caldeira2000),new

formsofspatialsegregationareemergingasviolenceandthefearofviolence

becomeincreasinglyboundupwiththeproductionofsocialdifferenceand

exclusion.TheprimarywaysIfoundthatIsraelisareexperiencing,understanding,

andmakingsenseoftheviolentupheavalofthepasteightyearsisthrough

movementandthroughtalk.People’sdailyroutinesandhabits,howtheygetto

workandwheretheybuytheirgroceries,areinaconstantstateofflux.Aspeople

goaboutthesemovements,assessmentsofsafetyandcomfort,dangerandfeararea

constant,dailypreoccupation,andaconstanttopicofconversation.Overthecourse

ofmyfieldwork,asIbegantolistentomoreofsuchconversations,andtofollow

peopleintheirmovementsthrougharapidlychanginglandscape,Ibegantoask

questionsabouttheprofoundpoliticalresonancesoftheseseeminglymundane

practices.

Inthisdissertation,basedonnineteenmonthsoffieldworkconducted

between2002and2006inJerusalemandWadiAra,Ifocusontheintersectionof

linguisticandspatialpracticeinacontextofconflictandchange.Ilookathow

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peopleshapetheirsurroundingsastheynavigatein,around,andthroughthem–

discursivelyandspatially.Morespecifically,Ifocusonhowsuchmovementsand

interactionsarechanginginresponsetoviolentconflictand,inturn,onhowthese

changingpracticesarticulatewithchangesinthewaysdifference,belonging,and

citizenshipareorganizedonanationalscale.Thebulkofmyfieldworktookplace

betweenNovember2003andFebruary2005,andfocusedonWadiAra,avalleyin

thenorthofIsraelknownasa“mixed”areabecauseitisinhabitedbyboth

PalestiniansandJews.WadiArawasseenastheepicentreoftheprotestsof

October2000,andsegregationintheareahasdramaticallyincreasedsincethen.My

centralargumentisthatintheirdailymovementsandinteractionspeopleinWadi

Aradomorethanjustmakesenseofshiftingboundaries;theybringthese

boundariesintobeingand,intheprocess,theyenactbothself‐definitionand

exclusion,reflectingandcircumscribingthechangingplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.

2.Ahistoryoftheproject:FromJerusalemtoWadiAra

TheeventsofOctober2000cameatacriticalmomentinformulatingmy

researchproject,forcingareassessmentofmypoliticaloutlookand,intheprocess,

ofmyfieldwork.Myownfears,critiques,doubts,retreats,disillusionments,and

tentativeattemptstomoveforward,aswellasthoseofthepeoplewithwhomIdid

myfieldwork,arereflectedinthisdissertation.Thechangeswroughtbytheevents

ofOctober2000bothshapedmyprojectand,eventually,becameitsfocus.Forthis

reason,andinordertounderstandhowitwasshapedbymypersonalhistory,my

politicalpositionality,andtheparticulartimeandplace,Ithinkitisimportantto

shareabriefchronologyofthisevolvingproject,

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Iappliedtograduateprogramsinanthropologyinthefallof2000,witha

fieldsiteandaclearlydefinedprojecttowhichIwasfirmlycommitted.Mydecision

topursuegraduatestudiesinanthropologyinmanywaysfollowedfrommychoice

offieldsite.Ihadfoundaplacethatfascinatedme,thatIbelievedin,thatIwantedto

contributeto,andIsubsequentlydecidedthatthecontributionIhadtomakewas

throughethnographicfieldwork.MyfieldsitewasNeveShalom/WahatalSalam

(NS/WAS)–abilingualandbinationalprimaryschoolnearJerusalemthatteaches

ArabicandHebrewtochildrenfrombothlinguisticbackgrounds,withthegoalof

promotingcoexistence.

MyinvolvementwithNS/WASbeganwhenIspentmythirdyearof

undergraduatestudiesonafellowshipattheHebrewUniversityofJerusalem.The

yearwas1998‐1999.DespitetherecentassassinationofYitzhakRabinandthe

frequentbombingsinthebusesandcafesofJerusalem,Iwassweptupinthe

optimisticatmosphereoftheOsloyears.ReconcilingmyLabourZionistupbringing

withmyinterestinsocialjusticeandculturalcritiquedidnotseemimpossible.My

maternalgrandparentsmetasyouthleadersintheShomerHatsairmovementin

Torontointhe1930s,andhaveremainedcommittedthroughouttheirlivestoits

principlesofsocialismandZionismeventhoughWorldWarIIpreventedthemfrom

makingaliyah(immigratingtoIsrael),agoalforwhichtheyspenttheirteenage

yearsplanningandtraining.MyparentsbroughttheirfivechildrentoIsraeltolive

onakibbutzintheYizraelvalleywhenIwasfouryearsold,thoughwereturnedto

Torontotwoyearslater.ReturningtoIsraeltostudyinmytwentiesfeltlike

somethingofahomecoming,yetanambivalentone.MyloveforthelandofIsrael

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grewalongsidemyawarenessofthefundamentalinequalitiesandinjusticeson

whichthestateofIsraelrests.IgainedbackfluencyinHebrewandwasthrilledto

findthatthis,alongwithmynativeaccent(thelegacyofmychildhoodyearson

kibbutz),allowedmeto“pass”asIsraeli.Inmyquesttotakeon–oratleast

understand–thispartofmyidentity,IhikedthewadisoftheGolanHeightsandthe

hillsoftheJudeandesertwhileIlearnedinmycoursestoquestionthefounding

mythsofZionism,uncoveringtheimperialist,nationalist,militaristimperatives

behindthesongsandstoriesIhadgrownupon.

Inretrospect,Iseethatmyperspectivereflectedtheblindspotsandshort‐

sightednessoftheOsloera(seeChapterOne).Ihopedforpeace;Ibelievedin

coexistence.IcalledforanendtotheoccupationandforequalrightsforIsraeli

ArabswithoutquestioningtheJewishcharacterofthestate.WhenIwentona

fieldtriptoNS/WASwithoneofmyclassesIwas,likemanyothersbeforeme,

captivatedbythesiteofJewishandArabchildrenplayingtogether(seefigures0.1

and0.2).Thatsameday,Ispokewiththeprincipalandwiththekindergarten

teacherandarrangedtovolunteeratthekindergartenonedayaweekfortherestof

theschoolyear.

Whilemydaysattheschoolweretakenupbythemundanetasksofcutting

andpastingandwipingnoses,Ibecamefascinatedbytheissueswithwhich

membersoftheschoolcommunitygrappledonadailybasis:Howcouldteachers

counteractthetendencyforArabicspeakingstudentstolearnHebrewbetterthan

HebrewspeakingstudentslearnedArabic?CouldIsraelinationalholidays,suchas

IndependenceDay,becommemoratedinawaythatwasinclusiveofthePalestinian

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perspectiveandthatgaveequalweighttobothhistoricalnarratives?Forthe

remainderofmyundergraduatecourseworkatHebrewUniversityandlaterbackat

theUniversityofTorontoIexploredthesequestions,translatedintothetermsof

linguisticanthropology,inmyessays:Howcanbilingualeducationchallenge

languageideologiesaboutdominantandnon‐dominantlanguages?Whatrolecan

educationplayinresistingandchanging,ratherthanreproducing,existingpower

structuresandinequalities?Idrewontheliteraturesoncriticalpedagogyand

languageideologiesinmyproposalstoconductethnographicfieldworkatthe

schoolinordertoexplorethesequestions.

ButevenasIwasdraftingmyapplicationstograduateprogramsin

anthropology,inthefallof2000,ArielSharonwentuptoHaramalSharif/the

TempleMount;thesecondintifadabrokeoutintheterritories;Oslocollapsed;and

twelvePalestiniancitizensofIsraelwerekilledduringprotestsbyIsraelisecurity

forces.Theseeventsplungedtheregionintoviolentconflictandfundamentally

reconfiguredrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.Lessimportantly,

theseeventsalsocalledintoquestionthebasicpremisesandfundamentaltermsof

myproject.

Inthespringof2001,justaftersendinginmyacceptancetothePhDprogram

attheUniversityofToronto,IflewtoIsraelforthreemonthsofpreparatory

fieldwork.Ireturnedagainthefollowingyearforamonth,asIwasbeginningto

writemythesisproposal.ForApril,May,andJuneof2001andDecemberof2002I

waslivinginJerusalemandcatchingtheschoolbustoNeveShalomtwiceaweek.At

NeveShalomImademyselfusefulinwhateverwayIcouldwhiletryingtoclarifymy

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researchquestions.WhenIwasn’tattheschool,Icobbledtogetherlessonsin

colloquialArabicwhereverIcouldfindthem:attheYMCAwithagroupofforeigners

includingjournalists,academics,aidworkers,andactivists(thelanguageof

instructionwasEnglish);atanimmigrantabsorptioncentrewithagroupofyoung

immigrantsfromNorthAmerica;andwithaprivatetutor.Ibecamefascinatedby

thepoliticsoflearningArabicinacontextwherethiswasanincreasinglyunlikely

choiceforIsraeliJews.

OfallthetimesIhavelivedinIsrael,thesewerethehardest.InMarchof

2002IsraelbeganOperationDefensiveShield,reinvadingeveryWestBanktown

(exceptforJericho)thathadbeenturnedovertothePalestinianAuthorityduring

theOsloyears.ThiswasthelargestmilitaryoperationintheWestBanksincethe

1967war.FrommywindowinTalpiot,whichisonthesouthernedgeofJerusalem,

IcouldheargunfireinBeitJalaandplanesflyingoverBeitLechem.Meanwhile,

suicidebombingsinJerusalemkeptincreasinginnumberandscale.Friendsand

acquaintances,includingmanyteachersatNeveShalom,askedmeoverandover

againwhatIwasthinkingcomingtoIsraelatatimelikethis:WasIcrazy?Ishould

gohome.Iftheyhadmyoptionstheyneverwouldhavecome.Infact,theywould

leaveinasecondiftheycould.Itpainedmetoseeeveryonearoundmesuccumbing

tohopelessness,despair,cynicism,andhate.EvenasIcontinuedcommutingto

NeveShalom,Istruggledwithdoubtsandquestions:Whatmeaning,whatrelevance

didcoexistenceinitiativeshaveinthecontextofoutrightwar?Giventhecurrent

circumstances,whatrolecouldbilingualeducationpossiblyplayinforgingabetter

future?

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BackinToronto,in2001‐2003,whileIwaspreparingtogotothefield,the

prospectoffieldworkinIsraelseemedincreasinglydangerous,increasinglyfraught.

Atthesametime,academicdiscussionsofIsraelwereincreasinglyextremeand

increasinglypolarized.IfoundcallsforacademicboycottsunproductivebutIhad

noalternativesuggestionforwhataproductiveroleforanacademicmightbeinthis

context;how,then,couldIinsistongoing?TheeventsinIsraelforcedmeto

reassessnotjusttherelevanceofmyprojectbutalsofundamentalelementsofmy

personalbeliefsandmyidentity;didIwantmyfieldworkandmythesistobecaught

upinthispainfulprocess?

Ispentmyfirstyearofcourseworkexploringotheroptions.Iwasdrawnto

thecomparativelystraightforwardissueofanti‐povertyactivisminToronto.Onthis

issueIknewexactlywhereIstoodandfeltlikeIhadbotharightandanobligation

totakeastand.NearlyeveryoneIspokewithadvisedmetoabandonmyprojectin

favourofonelesspersonallyinvolved,lesscomplicated,lessdangerous,both

physicallyandacademically.Withoutmyadvisor’sunwaveringsupportIwouldno

doubthaveabandonedtheproject,andthisthesis,forbetterorforworse,wouldbe

adifferentone.Yetrightlyorwrongly,inspiteofeverythingandforreasonsIam

notsureIcanexplain,Ipersisted.

AnintensivecourseonthepoliticalsociologyofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,

taughtbyDanRabinowitzinthespringof2003,helpedmetochangethefocusof

myresearchbyforegroundingrecentchangesinrelationsbetweenPalestiniansand

JewsinIsrael,andquestioningNeveShalom’spotentialimpactinlightofthese

changes.Mythesisproposalfocusedonhowconflictingideasofthestateandof

9

citizenshiparenegotiatedintheprocessoflearninglocalhistoriesandlandscapesat

NeveShalom/WahatalSalam.Iwrote:

[InlightoftheeventsofOctober2000]scholarshaverecentlyargued

thatforIsraeltrulytobeastateforallitscitizens,whatisrequiredis

nolessthanafundamentalre‐evaluation“ofIsraelinessitself”;thatis,

aredefinitionofthestateandofcitizenship,ofIsraelandofbeing

Israeli(Rabinowitz,Ghanem,andYiftachel2000).Thisisachallenge

thatmustbemetbybothscholarlyandactivistexperimentsinnew

waysoforderingandinterpretingsocialexperienceinIsrael.My

workaimstocontributetotheprojectofredefiningIsraelthroughan

ethnographicexplorationofonecontextinwhichthischallengeis

beingactivelyengaged.

Stilloptimisticinspiteofeverything,Iarguedthat“throughtheprocessof

negotiatingconflictingversionsofplaceandmemoryatNeveShalom/Wahatal

Salam,newmeaningsofthestateandofcitizenship,ofIsraelandofbeingIsraeli,

maybeemerging.”Ashortsectionattheendofmyproposalposedquestionsabout

spatialpractice:“Whogoeswhere?Whoiswelcomewhere?Howdopeopledecide

whichlocationsaredangerousandwhicharesafe?Howarecommon

understandingsoftheseboundariesnegotiated?”Thesequestions,tackedonatthe

endofmythesisproposal,wouldcometoformthecoreofmyresearch.

WhenIarrivedinIsraelinNovember2003,Ihadsuccessfullydefendedmy

proposaltomycommitteebutIremainedprofoundlyuncertain,onapersonallevel,

thatwhatwasgoingonatNS/WASreallyconstitutedarelevantandmeaningful

10

engagementwiththecrucialquestionsIhadidentifiedaboutredefiningIsrael.In

myfirstmonthsinthecountry,IwassensitivetothewaysIsraeliacademicsand

activistfriendsrespondedtomyproject.Myquestionsabouttheroleofplaceand

memoryinredefiningIsraeliidentityinterestedthem,butwhenImentionedNeve

Shalommanytunedout,orbecamedismissive.Inthecurrentpoliticalcontext,their

reactionsimplied,therewassomethingnaïvetothepointoflaughablein

coexistenceinitiatives.Theirresponsesmademefeeloutoftune,outoftouch,

compoundingmyowndoubts.

IbegantakingArabiclessonsatGivatHaviva,anArabiclanguageschoolin

WadiAra,soonafterIarrived,commutingfromJerusalemtoWadiAraevery

Wednesdaywithanotherclassmateforafulldayofclasses.Stillfascinatedbythe

complexdynamicsoflanguagelearning,Ialsofoundmyselfdrawntothelandscape

ofWadiAra,oneofthefewareasofthecountrywhereJewsandPalestinianslivein

relativeproximitytooneanotherandaregionthatplaysacentralroleinmobility

andaccessinthecountry(seeChapterTwo).Iwascurioustoseehowmyquestions

aboutfear,movement,andsafetywouldplayoutthere.Iintroducedmyselftothe

studentsandteachersinmyclassesasastudentandanthropologist,andobtained

consentfromthemtotapeourclassesandobserveourinteractionsaspartofmy

doctoralresearch.TherestofmytimeIspentatNeveShalom.

NeveShalomwasgoingthroughaverydifficulttimewhenIarrived.The

dailynewsprovokedongoingandrepeatedconflictsandexistentialcrisesamong

parents,teachers,andadministration.OnthemorninginMarchthatSheichAhmed

Yassin,theleaderofHamas,wasassassinatedbyIsraeliforces,Irodetheschoolbus

11

asusualwiththekidsfromBeitSafafa(aPalestinianneighbourhoodinJerusalem),

listeningastheyrepeatedtheoutrageandfeartheyhadheardtheirparentsexpress

atthebreakfasttablethatmorning.Ali,aprecociousandsmart‐aleckygradesixer,

pronounced:“WorldWarThreeisabouttostart!”Inthestaffroomthatdaythere

werebitterargumentsandtears:WasSheichYassinamartyrandaholymanora

terrorist?Howshouldthisbediscussedintheclassroom?Similararguments

followedeachsuicidebombingandeverymilitaryincursionintoGazaortheWest

Bank.

Jewishparentswerepullingtheirkidsoutoftheschoolinalarmingnumbers.

Someofthebestteachersleftfor‘normal’schools;otherssufferedburnout.

Personaltragedyaddedtotheatmosphereofgloomwhenaveteranteacher’sadult

daughtercommittedsuicide.Powerstrugglesandadministrativedisarray

compoundedthesituation.Therewasaprotractedstrugglewiththeministryof

educationandthegoverningbodyofthevillageovertheadministrationofthe

school.ThenewJewishprincipal(oneoftwoco‐principals–theotherwas

Palestinian),anexternalappointmentfromtheministry,confidedinmeoverginger

teainherhomethatshewasnotsureshecoulddothismuchlonger.

ThereIwas,inthemidstofallthis,tryingtofitinandtofeelproductive.I

wroteinmyfieldnotesonFebruary1,2004aboutNeveShalom:“Itdoesn’tfeelright

nowlikeagoodplacetobe.Aplacethatisstruggling,inconflict,notfeelinggood

aboutitselfandwithinitselfisreallynotlikelytowelcomeanoutsider–adubious,

ill‐definedoutsider,pokinghernoseinandhangingaroundandwatching.”Atthe

sametime,mydoubtsabouttherelevanceandimportanceoftheprojectpersisted.

12

Wasanyonestillsearchingfora“bridging”narrative,awaytoreconcileopposed

perspectivesonhistoryandmemory,outsideofNeveShalom,orhadn’tthatsearch

beenabandonedasPalestiniandemandsshiftedfromintegrationtoautonomy(see

Bar‐On2006)?Shouldchildrenbemadetobearthemistakesoftheirparents’

utopianexperiments(seeBekerman2006)?MyquestionsaboutredefiningIsraelin

relationtopeople’smovement,safety,andboundariesincreasinglyfeltliketheright

ones,butNeveShalomfeltlikethewrongplacetobelookingforanswers.Ifound

thatmyfieldnoteswerefilledwithmoreinterestingobservationsfrommyonedaya

weekatGivatHavivathanfromtherestoftheweekatNeveShalom.WadiAra,a

placewhere,duetotheparticularhistoricalgeographyoftheregion(seeChapter

Two),negotiatingchangingsocialboundarieswasadailypreoccupation,feltmuch

morerelevantthanNeveShalom,aplacewhereJewsandPalestinianswerebrought

togetheronlyinthecontextofastrugglinginstitution.

WhentheschoolyearendedinJuneIdecidedthatIwouldnotreturntoNeve

ShalominthefallandthatmyprimaryfieldsitewouldbeWadiAra.GivatHaviva

wouldbemyhomebase,Idecided,mywayintoWadiAra,andlearningArabic

wouldbemywayintoquestionsaboutspatialandlinguisticpracticeandshifting

boundariesinthearea.InAugustImovedtoWadiAraandjoinedanintensive

ArabiclanguagecourseatGivatHavivafulltimeasatrueparticipantobserver:both

astudentintheclassandananthropologist.IremainedinWadiAraforthe

remainderofmyfieldworkand,whilemyexperienceatNeveShalomandlivingin

Jerusaleminformedmywriting,thisisthefieldsiteIfocusoninthisdissertation.

13

Thereisonefurtherimportantwaythatthefocusofmyresearchchanged

overthecourseofmyfieldwork.WhileIsetoutinitiallytowriteanethnographyof

JewsandPalestinians,onethatwouldbridgedivisionsindescribingadivided

landscape,thedissertationhasbecomesomethingelse.Whilethedissertationis

concernedwiththeimplicaterelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael,

theserelationsarepresentedprimarilyfromthediversepointsofviewofJewish

Israelis.InChapterOneIexplaintheimportanceofscrutinizingtheeveryday

movementsandinteractionsofJewishIsraelisbecauseoftheoftenoverlookedrole

theyplayinshapingtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.Thisfocusisintendedbothto

fillanimportantgapintheliteratureonPalestiniansinIsraelandasacorrectiveto

feelingsofcomplacencyandblamelessnessonthepartoftheJewishmajority.

ConcernedasIamwithsilencesanderasures,itisimportanttopointoutthat

Palestinianvoicesandperspectivesarelargelyabsentfromthisdissertation.Thisis

becausethisabsenceisaveryrealpresenceforIsraeliJewsinWadiAra,anditis

theirperspectivethatIamtryingtoconvey.Infocusingontheimplicaterelations

betweenJewsandPalestiniansIstilldostrivetowriteagainstdivisionsbutinaway

thatdoesn’twritethesedivisionsoutoftheexperiencesofthosewithwhomIdid

myfieldwork.

TobeanethnographerofJewsandPalestiniansinWadiAraatthetimeIdid

myfieldworkwas,forme,animpossibility.Thisisafurtherwaythatmypersonal

identity,mypoliticalpositionality,andtheparticularitiesoftimeandplaceshaped

thefieldworkthatIdid.WhileIdidgettoknowPalestinianresidentsofWadiAra

andPalestinianmembersoftheschoolcommunityatNeveShalom,andwhileIlived

14

forthemonthofAugust2004withafamilyinKafrKara(aPalestinianvillagein

WadiAra),IwasalwayspositionedinmyfieldworkasaJewish(andmanyassumed

Israeli)researcher.AttheparticulartimethatIdidmyfieldwork,beingaJewish2

researcherinPalestiniantownsandvillagesinWadiAradidnotfeellikeawelcome,

appropriate,orpoliticallysensitivewaytopositionmyself.Iwasalwaysacutely

awareof–anduncomfortablewith–myownroleincontinuingahistoryofIsraeli

Jewish“expertise”inArabmatters(seeEyal2006,Rabinowitz1998)thathasboth

beenenabledbyandcontributedtothescrutiny,surveillance,andcontrolof

Palestiniancitizensbythestate.Further,Iwasneverabletointeractconsistently

withPalestiniansinArabic–partlyasaresultofmylackoffluencyandpartlyasa

resultofthecomplexpoliticsoflanguagechoiceinthiscontext:mostPalestiniansI

interactedwithpreferredtospeaktomeinHebrew.Forthesereasons,overthe

courseofmyfieldwork,Ibecameincreasinglyuncomfortablewithpositioning

myselfasanethnographerofPalestinians,andIchoseGivatHavivaasmyhome

baseinpartinresponsetothesereservations.

Ihavebeencarefulinwritingthisdissertationnottooverstatemyaccessto

andunderstandingofPalestinianperspectives.Inmyreluctancetopositionmyself

asanexpertonPalestiniancitizensofIsraelinmywritingasinmyfieldworkIdon’t

meantodenythemavoice,oragency,oranactiveroleinthedynamicsIdescribe.

HereIfillinbutonemulti‐facetedsideofthepicture–acomplex,volatile,changing

picture,andonethatIinevitablyviewthroughthelensofwhoIamandwhoothers

2SincemostpeoplerelatedtomeasanIsraelibecauseofthewayIspokeHebrew,despitethefactthatIalwaysintroducedmyselfasastudentfromCanada,thefactthatIamnotanIsraelicitizendidnotseemtomitigatethisdynamic.

15

perceivemetobe.Theworkoffillingintheotherside(s)ofthepictureIleaveto

others(suchasthescholarsIciteinChaptersOneandTwo),ortotheworkIhopeto

dointhefuture.IhopethatthedynamicswillbedifferentwhenInextreturnto

Israeltodofieldwork.Inthemeantime,thevoicesyouwillhearinthisdissertation

arethosethatIfeelIambestpositionedtolistento,andtoconvey.ChapterTwo

providesdetaileddescriptionsofthepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldwork,ofWadi

Ara,ofGivatHaviva,andofmymethodologies,butfirst,inthenextchapter,I

elaboratemyargumentsandsituatemyquestions.

3.Overviewofthethesis

InChapterOne,“ShiftingBoundariesandthePlaceofPalestiniansinIsrael,”I

discusstheeventsofOctober2000insomedetail,inordertoprovidecontextfor

thechangesinrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansthatthethesisaddresses.I

thenelaboratethecentralquestionsandtermsofthethesisinrelationtothe

literaturesondividedlandscapes,linguisticandspatialpractice,andquestionsof

nation,state,andcitizenshipastheypertaintothePalestinianminorityinIsrael.

InChapterTwo,“WadiAra:ADividedLandscape,”Isetthesceneforthe

chaptersthatfollowbysketchingacriticalhistoricalgeographyofthelandscapein

whichthisdissertationissituatedandintroducingtheplaceswhere,andthepeople

withwhom,Ididmyfieldwork.InthefirstsectionIoutlinethecontoursofWadi

Araandthehistoryofwar,dispossession,landconfiscation,andpreferential

settlementthathasshapedthisdividedlandscape.Thesecondsectionentailsa

descriptionofmyprimaryfieldsite,GivatHaviva,anintroductiontothepeoplewith

16

whomIdidmyfieldwork,andadiscussionofmymethodologies.

ChapterThreeiscalled“WhiteSpacesontheMap:GeographiesofIntimate

Distance.”MeronBenvenistiwrotethatin1948,justbeforethefoundingofthe

stateofIsrael,“onthementalmapcarriedby[Jews],theArabcommunitieswere

whitepatches–terraincognita”(2000:56).Thischapterexploresthecontemporary

relevanceofBenvenisti’sobservationbydescribingthewaysthatincreasedhostility

anddistrustbecamespatializedinWadiAraduringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork

there.Intracingthecontoursofthislandscapeanditsvariousboundaries,asthey

areunderstoodandexperiencedbythepeoplewhonavigatethroughthem,what

emergesisapictureofintimatedistance,maintainedbydailyactsofencounteror

avoidance.Itisadistancemaintainedinthefaceof“unavoidableproximities”

(Hartigan1999:86);itthereforerequiresaconsiderableamountofinteractional

work.InthischapterIarguethatwhilePalestinianspacesintheWadiareshaped

byvariousformsoferasure,theyarefarfrombeingignored.IsraeliJewsreturnto

themagainandagain,whetherdirectlyorindirectly,whetherthroughcritical

reflectionorthroughfear,astheyworkouttheconflictedmeaningsofthesespaces

inconversationwithoneanother(thoughalmostneverwiththePalestinianswho

liveinthem).Throughthejuxtapositionoftheverydifferentperspectivesofa

varietyofclassmatesandinformants,Icomplicatemyownrubric,borrowedfrom

Benvenisti,addingnuanceandcolourto“thementalmapcarriedbyJews,”showing

insteadofasingular“mentalmap”avarietyofsituatedgeographicimaginations.

ChapterFour,“ReturntotheWadi:NarrativesofNostalgia,Violence,and

Fear,”explorestheroleofevocationsofthepastinshapingcontemporary

17

geographies.Whilethepreviouschapterisconcernedwithhowsocialboundaries

shiftintheperspectivesofdifferentpeople,thischapterisconcernedwithhowthey

changeovertime.InWadiArapeopleadjusttotheirconstantlychangingrealityby

constantlyrevisingtheirpersonalgeographies,makingdecisionsaboutwheretogo

andwherenottogo,wheretheyfeelsafeandwheretheydonot.Yetevenasonce

familiarplacesarecutoffbynewboundaries,bothtangibleandintangible,the

placespeoplenolongergohavenotdisappearedfromtheirtalk;onthecontrary,

theseplacesprovideaparticularlypoignantnarrativeframethroughwhich

memoriesofbetterdaysandtheexperienceofdrasticchangearearticulated.Inthis

chapterIanalyzeasequenceofplace‐basednarrativescommonlyheardinWadiAra

duringthetimeofmyfieldwork:narrativesofnostalgia,ofviolence,andoffear.

Thesenarrativesaboutspecificplacesinvokememoriesofrecentviolencethatmark

certainspacesasoff‐limits,whilesimultaneouslyinvokingmemoriesofbetterdays,

whenthesespaceswereaccessible.Throughdetailedanalysisofthesenarratives

thischapterexploreshowthetemporalityofthecontemporarygeographyofWadi

Araisnarrated.

ChapterFiveiscalled“ErasureandDisclosureontheTrans‐IsraelHighway.”

ThehistoryofthePalestiniancitizensofIsraelhasbeencharacterizedasaseriesof

“distortionsofomissionandcommission”(Slyomovics1998)thateradicate

Palestinianpresenceinthelandscape,reinscribingJewishclaimstolandover

Palestinianonesinwaysthatareatoncematerialanddiscursive.Thischapter

exploresaveryspecificandveryrecentsetof“distortionsofomissionand

commission”–thosefoundintheArabicplacenamesonroadsignsontheTrans‐

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IsraelHighway.“Highway6”isanewprivateexpresstollhighwaythatrunsfrom

thenorthtothesouthofIsrael;justbeforeIbeganmyfieldwork,constructionwas

completedonthesectionofthehighwaythatreachesWadiAra.InthischapterI

beginbylookingatthespecifichistoricalandpoliticaleconomicconditionsofthe

road’sconstructionandthefierceopposition,onenvironmentalandsocialgrounds,

withwhichitwasmet.Ithenexaminealesscommonlyvoicedcritiqueoftheroad

basedonitsimpactonPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,placingitinthecontextofthe

ongoing“Judaization”(makingJewish)ofthelandscapeofIsrael.Ithenfocusonthe

experienceofdrivingonthisroad,lookingattheroadsigns,athowtheirmeaningis

interpreted,andathowtheyparticipateinbothobscuringandrevealingPalestinian

presencesinthelandscapeofIsrael,beforeandafter1948.Ifocusnotonatextual

analysisofthesignsthemselvesbutonanethnographicdescriptionofhowtheyare

read,questioned,jokedabout,ignored,justified,explained,andcritiquedbydrivers

andpassengersonthisroad.Ininterrogatingcompetingwaysofinterpretingand

navigatingthelandscapeanditsvarioushistories,Iexploretheroad’simplications

notonlyformobilitybutalsoforvisibility.

WhiletheearlierchaptersareconcernedwiththemanywaysJewsand

PalestiniansinIsraelmaintaintheirdistanceChapterSix,“FieldtripsandOther

Encounters,”askswhathappenswhentheymeet.AnintegralpartoftheArabic

languageclassesIparticipatedinatGivatHavivawastheopportunityforfieldtrips

ortiyulim(singular:tiyul),astheywerecalledinHebrew.InthischapterIexamine

thissetofhighlystructured‘encounters’–eventscarefullyandself‐consciously

orchestratedtoenableJewishIsraelistospeakArabicandtointeractwith

19

PalestiniansbytravelingtoPalestinianspaces.Iarguethattheencountersenabled

bythesetiyulimareover‐determinedbyanumberoftropes–prototypical

encounters–thatstructureandconstrainthepossibilitiesavailabletoparticipants:

thegenreoftiyul;thetouristexperience;theanthropologicaltriptothefield;and

behindallthese,thecolonialencounter.Throughethnographicdescriptionsof

fieldtripsIparticipatedintoNazareth,Barta’a,UmelKutuf,andMukeble,Iargue

thattherelianceonthesetropeseffectivelyensuredthatwhilewedidcross

boundariesinthesefieldtrips,theencountersenabledonlycertainsortsof

interactionswhilepresumingcertainsortsofcitizens.

InChapterSevenIconcludebyreturningtomycentralargument.Recognizing

thattheprocessesIdescribeheredidnotbeginwhenIarrivedinthefield,nordid

theyendwhenIleft,Ialsoextendmyanalysistoconsiderbrieflysomerecentevents

inIsraelandinWadiAra.

20

ChapterOne

Introduction:ShiftingBoundariesandthePlaceofPalestiniansinIsrael

1.October2000

EarlyonthemorningofSeptember28,2000ArielSharon,then‐memberof

theIsraeliKnessetandheadoftheoppositionLikudparty,walkedupawooden

rampcoveredingreentarpaulin,leadingfromaplazawithawalltoanotherplaza

aboveitwithtwodomes,goldandsilver.Atthebottomoftherampwasthe

WesternWall,theKotel,aremnantoftheretainingwalloftheSecondTempleanda

siteholytoJews.Intheopenplazainfrontofit,internationaltouristsregularly

flocktosnappictures;observantJewsgathertopray,walkingbackwardacrossthe

plazaastheyleavethewallsoasnottoturntheirbacksonit;Israelisoldiersinthe

darkgreenuniformoftheBorderGuardsurroundtheplazaandsurveilitfrom

above,monitoringallentranceswithmetaldetectors.TheplazaoftheKotelis

accessedononesidefromtheJewishQuarter,andontheotherthroughthenarrow

alleysoftheshukoftheMuslimQuarter.DesignedbyarchitectMosheSafdie,the

plazawasbuiltshortlyafterIsraeliforcesconqueredtheOldCityin1967,once

againgivingJewsaccesstothisholysite.ItwasbuiltonthegroundofPalestinian

homesthatwererazedtomakewayforit(seeAbuEl‐Haj2001,Weizman2007).

TherampleadsfromthefootoftheKoteltoitstop,whichlevelsouttoforma

plateau–anotherplaza,overlookingtheonebelow–onwhichstandtheAl‐Aqsa

mosqueandtheDomeoftheRock,theirgoldandsilverdomessurroundedby

cedars.ThissiteisholytoMuslims,andtherockbeneaththegoldendomeis

believedtobebothwheretheworldbeganandthesitefromwhichMohammed

21

ascendedtoheaven.ThisplazaisaccessedfromtheMuslimquarterandis

administeredasawaqf,orIslamicreligiousendowmentland,ratherthanbyany

nationalsovereignty.TheplazafillswithdevoutMuslimsregularlyforprayers,and

especiallyeveryFridayatnoon,whentheImam’ssermonissometimesfollowedby

demonstrations.

Thissiteisboththesymbolandthecore,theepitomeandtheextreme,of

spatialrelationsinthisregion;itiseverythingthatisholyandeverythingthatis

dividedinthismostholyanddividedcity–condensed,concentrated,andliterally

piledoneontopoftheothertoproduceaneffectof“verticalschizophrenia”

(Weizman2007:54).1ThefutureoftheTempleMount/HaramalSharifwasthe

mostcontentiousissueinthefailedIsraeli‐PalestiniannegotiationsinCampDavid

inJuly2000.Inthelastweeksofsummerin2000,then,thesetwoholysiteswere

coexistinginaprecariousbalance,oneontopoftheotheryetresolutelyseparate,

awaitingadecisionontheircollectivefate.WhenSharonwentuptheramponthat

morninginSeptember(hisactionisalwaysdescribedinHebrewusingtheverb

la’alot–togoup),heviolatedthiscarefullymaintainedbalancingactofvertical

1EyalWeizman,acriticalIsraeliarchitect,understandsthisasthemostradicalmanifestationofaparticularlyIsraelpatternofverticalsegregation.InhisbookHollowLand,hearguesthatby2006theseparationbetweenIsraeliandPalestinianareasintheoccupiedterritories“wasnotarticulatedonthesurfaceoftheterrainalone,”butratherinthree‐dimensionalspace:“Revisioningthetraditionalgeopoliticalimagination,thehorizonseemstohavebeencalledupontoserveasoneofthemanyboundariesraisedupbytheconflict,makingthegroundbelowandtheairaboveseparateanddistinctfrom,ratherthancontinuouswithandorganicto,thesurfaceoftheearth”(2007:12).IsraelcontrolsthemilitarizedairspaceandsubterraneanaquifersoverandunderareasofPalestiniancontrol;Israelisettlementsarebuiltonhill‐topsandconnectedbyraisedroadsandextendedbridgesortunnels;inturn,PalestinianmilitantsdigtunnelsunderthewallsofGazatosmugglepeopleandexplosives,andlaunchrocketsoverthem.

22

segregation,invadingMuslimspacewithallthesymbolicforceoftheIsraelistate.

Accompaniedbyanentourageandsurroundedbyhundredsofarmyand

securityforces,Sharon’sactionwasnotspontaneousorunanticipated.2Ithadbeen

announcedinthemediathreedaysearlier,andoppositiontoithadbeenbuilding

amongPalestinianreligiousandpoliticalleaders,whoregardedthisprovocative

moveasastatementofclaimtotheMuslimholysite,atatimewhenthefateof

Jerusalemwasyettobedecided.Policeandeyewitnessreportsestimatethatthere

were1,400PalestinianswaitingforSharon,amongthemrepresentativesofthe

PalestinianAuthorityandtheIslamicMovementinIsrael,aswellasseveral

PalestinianmembersoftheIsraeliKnesset,whoweregatheredto“protectAlAqsa.”

Whiletheensuingmeleeendedinonlyminimalinjuries,thefollowingdaywas

Fridayand,followingnoonprayersatthemosque,clashesbetweenPalestiniansand

Israelisecurityforcesresumed.SevenPalestinianswereshotandkilledbyIsraeli

securityforces.

Thewarintheoccupiedterritories,widelyunderstoodtohavefollowedfrom

theseevents,becameknownastheSecondIntifadaortheAl‐AqsaIntifadaandwas

2MydescriptionoftheeventsofSeptember28‐29,2000isdrawnfromtheReportoftheOrCommission(Or,Khatib,andShamir2003a)–thefulltextinHebrewoftheofficialreportofthegovernment‐appointedcommissionofinquiryintotheevents,releasedin2003–andfromDalal’s(2003)critiqueofthereport.DescriptionsofsubsequenteventsaredrawnfromtheOrCommissionreport,theEnglishlanguagesummaryofthereport(Oret.al.2003b),alecturebySarahOzacky‐Lazar(2004),andvariousreportsputoutbyAdalah,theLegalCentreforArabMinorityRightsinIsrael.AdalahisanNGOappointedbythefamiliesoftheArabvictimsandtheHighFollow‐UpCommitteefortheArabcitizensinIsraeltorepresentthembeforetheOrCommissionofInquiry.(FormoreinformationonAdalahanditspositioninrelationtootherPalestinianNGOsinIsraelseePayes2005.ForcritiquesofandresponsestotheOrReportseethefollowingsection.)

23

televisedaroundtheworld.Thelossoflife,humanitariancrisis,abuseofhuman

rights,destruction,economicdamage,andrestrictionsonfreedomofmovement

thatensuedintheWestBankandGazahavebeenwellpublicized(seee.g.,B’Tselem

2001a,b,c).WhatislesswellrememberedoutsideIsrael,buthasbeensearedinto

thememoryandcurrentconsciousnessofIsraelisasanationaltrauma,arethe

eventsofthenextfewdayswithinthegreenline,nowcommonlyknownasIruei

October–theOctoberEvents.

OnSeptember30,ShabbatandRoshHashana,theArabsectorinIsrael

declaredageneralstrike,adayofprotestandmourningindefenseofAlAqsa,in

solidaritywithPalestinianswhowereengagedinclasheswithIsraeliforcesallover

theWestBankandGaza,andoutoffrustrationandhopelessnesswithpolitical

avenuesforimprovingtheirownsituation.3Onthefollowingday,October1,as

protestscontinuedthroughoutthecountry,crowdsofprotesterscamedownfrom

thehillsofUmelFachemandbegantoblockWadiAraroadattheUmelFachem

intersection,throwingstonesand(accordingtoreports)molotovcocktails.Asmall

groupoftheborderpatrol(Magav)wasstationedattheintersection,onthefarside

oftheroadfromthecity,withinstructionstokeepthepeace.Theyusedlive

ammunition,teargas,andrubberbulletstodisperseprotesters.AreportbyAdalah,

theLegalCentreforMinorityRightsinIsrael(dateunknown),indicatesthat60

peoplewereinjuredatthisspotonthisday,includingSheikhRa’edSallah,the

MayorofUmelFachemandaleaderoftheIslamicMovementinIsrael.Mohammed

3RoshHashanaisinevitablyoneoftheworstdaysoftheyearfortrafficinIsrael,sincepeopleareontheroad,travelingtobewiththeirfamilyfortheholiday.Thisincreasedtheimpactofprotestersblockingtheroads,particularlyinWadiAra.

24

AhmedJabarin(24)wasshotdead,andAhmedIbrahimJabarin(19)diedthenext

dayinthehospitalfrominjuriessustainedfromashotintheabdomen.Bothyoung

menwerecitizensofIsrael,shotandkilledbysecurityforcesoftheirowncountry.

Forthenexttendaysahistoricallysilentandoppressedminority

participatedinmassdemonstrationsalloverthecountry,theirtoneheightenedby

outrageatthekillingofIsraelicitizensandofincreasingnumbersofPalestiniansin

theterritories.ApressreleaseissuedbyAmnestyInternationalonOctober2,2000

reportedthat,afterfourdaysofclashes,35Palestinianciviliansintheoccupied

territoriesweredeadwithhundredsofothersinjured,andcondemnedthis

“indiscriminatekilling”(Dalal2003).WadiAraroadwasclosed,blockedby

protestingcrowds,andtrafficlightsalongitslengthweresmashed.Banks,post

officesandotherinstitutionsassociatedwiththestateweresetonfire.OneJewish

IsraelicitizenwaskilledbystonethrowingwhendrivingnearJisra‐Zarka.Between

October1andOctober9,twelvePalestiniancitizensofIsrael,fromUmelFachem,

Nazareth,Sakhnin,Arrabeh,Moawiye,KufrManda,Jatt,andKufrKana,wereshot

andkilledbyIsraelipoliceforces.4Reportsindicatethatsomeofthevictimswere

shotintheback;otherswerekilledbysniperfire(seeDalal2003).5OnOctober8

JewishresidentsfromNatsratIlitattackedtheeasternPalestinianneighbourhoods

inNazareth;AdalahreportsindicatedthatpoliceprotectedtheJewishIsraelisand

4TheirnamesandhometownsarelistedinanundatedAdalahreport.5AdalaharguedbeforetheOrCommissionthatpolicefireondemonstratorswas“massiveandindiscriminate,”providingevidencefrommedicalstudiesoftheinjuriesinflictedasaresultofpolice(seeDalal2003).HumanRightsWatch(2000,citedinDalal2003)foundthatsecurityforcesdidnotappeartofaceimminentthreatstotheirlivesorseriousinjury.

25

allowedthemtocontinuetheirattackonPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,aimingtheir

weaponsonlyatPalestiniandemonstratorsandkillingtwo(Dalal2003,Adalah,date

unknown).

ThreeyearslatertheofficialsummationoftheOrReportontheeventsof

October2000,commissionedbythegovernment,describedtheirimpactsuccinctly:

“Thelandshook”(Or,Khatib,andShamir2003b).SarahOzacky‐Lazar,aresearcher

onPalestiniancitizensofIsraelattheGivatHavivaJewish‐ArabCentreforPeace,

describedherreactiontotheeventsofOctober2000asfollows:6“Ifelt?Thatthat's

it.Thisistheend.Thateverythingwasgoingtofallapart.Thattherewouldreally

beacivilwarherethatwouldbemuchmoredangerousthanthestruggleinthe

territories.”Therewasnocivilwar,buttheseeventswereadramaticbreaking

pointinrelationsbetweenthePalestinianminorityandboththestateandthe

JewishmajorityinIsrael(seeOzacky‐LazarandGhanem2001,Dichter2001,

RouhanaandSultany2003,RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005,Rekhess2002,

Smooha2004).Thebreakingpointdidnot,ofcourse,comefromnowhere.Sharon’s

visittotheTempleMountisoftencalledthe“spark”thatignitedtheeventsof

October2000;whilethiseventdidprovidethespark,thecoalswerealreadythere,

asOzacky‐Lazar(2004)putit,andtheywerehot.Decadesofexclusion,alienation,

discrimination,anddeprivationwerebehindtheeventsofOctober2000,broughtto

theforebyanumberofmorerecentdevelopments.7

6HercommentsweremadeinalectureonthesubjecttoourArabiclanguageclassatGivatHaviva,October13,2004.7Anoutlineofthishistory,especiallyasitpertainstoWadiAra,isfoundinChapterTwo.FordetailedhistoriesofPalestiniancitizensofIsraelfrom1948untilthe

26

2.BeforeandafterOctober

The1990swasadecadeofchangeintheMiddleEast,inIsrael,andalso

amongPalestinianIsraelis.Fromthelate1980sto2000,Israelisexperiencedthe

Intifada(beginningin1987),theGulfWar(1990‐91),theMadridPeaceConference

(1991),theOsloagreements,culminatinginmutualrecognitionbetweenIsraeland

thePLOatthehistoricsigningontheWhiteHouselawn(1993),thebigsuicide

bombsandexplodingbusesofthemid‐1990s,theassassinationofYitzhakRabin

(1995),aNetanyahu‐ledLikudgovernment(elected1996),andthenaBarak‐led

Labourgovernment(elected1999).Theusualwayofnarratingthissequenceof

eventsimpliesthatwereitnotfortheassassinationofRabin,peacewouldhave

prevailed;incontrast,criticspointoutthattheOsloaccordsandtheir

implementationweredeeplyandinherentlyflawed(seee.g.,RabinowitzandAbu

Baker2005:99‐102;Mansour1993;Yiftachel2001,2004),andmanyarguethatthe

ragethateruptedintheterritoriesinOctober2000wasinlargepartaresultof

thesefailures.8

periodIfocusonhereseeGhanem2001,Lustick1980,Rouhana1997,Kretzmer1990.ForhistoriesofPalestinianlifebeforethefoundingofthestateofIsraelseeDoumani1995,Benvenisti2000.8ThemostcommonlyvoicedcritiquesofOsloincludethefollowing:theterritoryofferedtothePalestinianAuthorityundertheaccordsamountedtoaseriesofcantons,dividedbyIsraeliroadsandsecurityzones,thatcouldneversupportaviablestate;duringtheOsloyears,whilesupposedlyfacilitatingthetransferoftheWestBankandGazatoPalestiniancontrol,Israelcontinuedtobuildsettlementsandexpandsettlementinfrastructure,whileincreasingmilitarypresenceintheterritoriesandrestrictionstoPalestinianfreedomofmovement;ultimately,whileOsloprovidedthePalestinianswiththe“symbolictrappings”ofstatehooditfailedto

27

ThissamedecadewasatimeofchangeamongPalestinianIsraelis,partlyin

responsetotheeventsoutlinedabove.Followingabriefperiodofhopethatthe

Osloprocesswouldprovideanopportunitytoimprovetheirownlotinadditionto

thatofPalestiniansintheWestBankandGaza,PalestiniansinIsraelquickly

understoodthattheyweretobemarginalizedandexcludedfromthisprocessas

fromsomuchelse.Caughtinabindof“doubleperipherality,”theywere“removed

atoneandthesametimefromboththePalestinianandtheIsraelicontext”(Rekhess

2002:7).IgnoredbyboththePalestinianleadershipandtheIsraeligovernment,

theirstatusandtheirfutureascitizensofanIsraelistateneighbouringafuture

Palestinianonewassimplynotontheagenda.

Meanwhile,intheparliamentaryarena,theRabin‐Peresgovernment(1992‐

1996)didinitiatesometangibleprogressforPalestiniansinIsrael,bothinthe

allocationofresourcesandinrecognitionoftheirciviclegitimacyatthe

parliamentarylevel(Dichter2001:14,Rekhes2002:8).9Nobodyexpectedthe

subsequentLikudgovernment,undertheleadershipofNetanyahu,tocontinuethis

trend,butexpectationswerehighamongPalestiniansinIsraelfortheBarak

addressinameaningfulwaytheirdesireforself‐determination(seeStein2008:131).9WhenRabinwasforminghiscoalitiongovernmentin1992,twoArabpartiesagreedtosupporthiscabinetinKnessetvoteswithouthavingseatsinit;thisarrangementprovedcrucialtothestabilityofthecoalitionastheyformeda“blockingmajority”onanycontestedvote.Inreturn,RabinincreasedtheshareofthenationalbudgetdirectedtothePalestiniansector,improvingeducation,housing,andinfrastructure(seeRabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005:96,Dichter2001:14).Dichterarguesthatthis“bestowedonArabMKsanewleveloflegitimacy”(2001:14),andthatitwasaclearstatementofRabin’scontroversialpositiononacriticalissue:thatamajorityofthepolity,notnecessarilyaJewishmajority,isnecessaryforcrucialparliamentarydecisions.

28

(Labour)government.Electedin1999,andhavingreceivedanunprecedented95%

oftheArabvote,Barakimmediately“turnedhisback”ontheArabelectorate,

excludingArabMKs(membersofKnesset)entirelyevenfromthecoalition

negotiations,letalonefromthecoalition,andsubsequentlyignoringthePalestinian

sectorcompletelyandpointedly:noofficialvisits,noconsultationswithArab

leaders,nodiscussionoftheirissues.Palestiniansfelt“neglected,used,betrayed”

(RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005:97).Thedisappointmentandbitternessover

theseeventsamongmanyPalestiniansinIsraelwasstillpalpablefiveyearslater,

whenIwasinthefield.Ozacky‐Lazar(2004)argues,andmyexperienceconfirms

this,thatifyouaskPalestiniansinIsraelaboutthecausesofOctober2000manywill

tellyouthatBarakwasatfault,andnotSharon.

Increasinglydisillusionedwithparliamentaryandcivicactionasameansof

bringingaboutmeaningfulchangetotheirsituation,andfacingever‐worsening

economicandsocialconditions,PalestiniansinIsraelwereturningtonewgoalsand

newtacticsbythefallof2000.Afterdecadesofquiescence,anewgenerationof

leaderswas“determinedtoredefinetheirsituationwithinIsrael,modifyingthevery

natureofthestateintheprocess”(RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005:10).

RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker,intheirinfluentialandwidelycitedbook,TheStandTall

Generation(publishedinEnglishin2005asCoffinsonOurShoulders),sawthisasa

generationalshift,fromageneration“wornout”bythestruggletoachieveequal

rightsascitizensthroughdemocraticparliamentaryandlegalmeans,ageneration

whosegoal–broadlyspeaking–wastomakeIsrael“astateforallitscitizens,”toa

generationpreparedtomakeitsclaimsinincreasinglynationalist(i.e.,Palestinian)

29

terms,andinincreasinglyvocalanddemandingways.ElieRekhess(2002)

characterizedthesechangesasthe“localizationofthenationalstruggle”–demands

wereincreasinglyfocusedinward,oncivicstatusinsideIsrael,yetincreasinglyin

termsofaPalestiniannationalidentity.Whatwasatstakewasnolessthana

fundamentalre‐evaluation“ofIsraelinessitself”–thatis,aredefinitionofthestate

andofcitizenship,ofIsraelandofbeingIsraeli(Rabinowitz,Ghanem,andYiftachel

2000).ByOctober2000,PalestiniansinIsraelwerereadytotaketothestreets.

FollowingthosetendaysinOctoberatensecalmprevailed,buttheBarak

governmentfailedtodealproperlywitheitherthedeathsortheunderlying

problems.Acommissionofinquiry–theOrCommission–wascalledthatpublished

areportin2003.Whilethereportdidmakesomestridesinacknowledging

discriminationagainstPalestiniansinIsraelandcallingattentiontotheneedfor

change(seee.g.,Shamir2005),itfailedtorecommendthatanypoliceofficersbe

broughttojustice.Tothisdaythefamiliesofthosekilledhavenotbeenableto

identifywhokilledtheirsons,letaloneseethemtriedandconvicted.

Theseeventsandtheiroutcomes,alongwiththecontinuationand

intensificationofthewarintheterritories,ledontheonehandtoincreasing

politicizationamongPalestiniansinIsraelandontheothertoincreasingdistance

fromthestate(OzackyLazarandGhanem2001:20).Thesetrendsculminatedinthe

IsraelielectionsinFebruary2001,whichthePalestiniansinIsraelresoundingly

boycotted.Itwasonlybyrefrainingfromvotingthattheywereabletomake

themselvesheard,“demonstrat[ing]theirpresenceviaaverysignificantactof

absence.Itwasperhapsthemostthunderousoftheirsilences”(Dichter2001:8).

30

AsPalestiniansexpressedtheiranger,frustration,andpoliticaldemands,all

ofwhichhadbeenmountingfordecades,inincreasinglyvocalanddemandingways,

theybegan,notforthefirsttime,tobeseenbyIsraeliJewsasafeared,dangerous,

hostileelement.RelationsbetweentheJewishmajorityandthePalestinianminority

changeddramaticallyafterOctober2000.PalestiniansinIsraelweredeeply

disappointedwithJewishIsraelireactions,andespeciallywithlackofsupportfrom

theIsraelileft.Notonlywastherenoidentificationwiththeirpainovertheheavy

loss,Palestiniansfeltthattheythemselveswereblamedforwhathadhappened

(Ozacky‐LazarandGhanem2001).AtthetimeIarrivedformyfieldwork,inthefall

of2003,increasedhostility,prejudice,hatred,andfearwerepalpableinWadiAra.

Theboundariesofnationalbelongingwereintheprocessofbeingreconfigured.

ThesetrendshavebeendocumentedbyanemergingcohortofPalestinian

academics,manyofthemassociatedwithNGOssuchasMada,Sikkuy,andAdalah

thatareconcernedwiththerightsofPalestiniansinIsrael(Sultany2003;Smooha

2004;RouhanaandSultany2003;Ozacky‐LazarandGhanem2001).10Rouhanaand

Sultany(2003)documenttheemergenceofa“newconsensuswithinIsraelisociety

insupportofdiscriminatorypoliciesandpracticestowardthePalestinianminority”

(5).TheycallthisthenewZionisthegemony,andarguethatitisshrinkingthe

boundariesofcitizenshipanddemocracy,institutingnarrowerlimitsthanwhatwas

previouslytolerated.Theyprovideevidenceofthisingovernmentpolicy,

legislation,and“publicdiscourse”–consistingofpublicstatementsinthemediaby

prominentfigures.Theypointoutthatamendmentstoexistinglawswerepassed

10OnPalestinianNGOsinIsraelseePayes2005.

31

bytheKnessetin2002thatstipulate(amongotherthings)thatcandidatesrunning

forKnessetwillbedisqualifiedandexistingelectedKnessetmemberswillhavetheir

immunityliftediftheyrejectIsrael’sidentityasa“Jewishanddemocraticstate.”

Newlegislationwaspassedin2003thatpreventsPalestiniansfromtheterritories

whomarryIsraeli(Arab)citizensfromlivinginIsrael.Publicopinionpolls

indicatedasubstantialincreaseinthenumberofIsraeliJewishrespondentswho

supporttransferor“encouragedemigration”ofArabcitizensofIsrael.Rouhanaand

Sultanyconcludethat“theboundariesofcitizenshiparebeingredrawn...tocreate

anewconsciousnessamongJewsandArabsalikethattheArabcitizens’‘citizenship’

isnotreal;inotherwords,thattheArabsareineffect‘citizenswithoutcitizenship’”

(2003:10).Thisconsensus,theyargue,hasariseninthecontextof“Jewishpolitical

ethnocentrismandself‐deception,”aheightenedsenseofexistentialthreat,and

despairaboutthesolvabilityoftheconflict.

Sultany(2003)alsoprovidesdetailedevidenceofthe“declineinthelegal

andcivicstatusofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael”(9),concludingthat“theprocessof

exclusion,alienation,anddelegitimizationofPalestiniancitizensinallareasoflifein

Israelisreadilydiscernible”(9).Ingovernmentdecisions,publicopinionsurveys,

andstatementsbypublicfigureshedemonstrates“ahegemonicdiscourseofhate...

onethatdominatespublicdebate,publicconsciousness,andrealityitself”(10).

Thesereactionscanbeunderstoodasrespondingnotjusttothethreatofanunruly

andpotentiallyviolentminority,liabletotaketothestreetsonceagain,butalsoto

thethreatthatPalestiniandemandspresenttoJewishIsraeli’sself‐definitionas

citizensofaJewishanddemocraticstate.

32

3.Shiftingboundaries:Changeandtheeveryday

ItwasinthisclimatethatIarrivedinIsraelformyfieldworkinthefallof

2003.ThiswasthefourthtimeIhadbeeninIsraelsince1998.AsItraveledback

andforth,IwasstruckeachtimebyhowdrasticallydifferentwasthedailyrealityI

arrivedatfromtheoneIhadleftbefore.EachtimeIarrivedinJerusalemittookme

afewweekstoacclimatizetonewroutines,newrestrictions,thenewpatternsand

rhythmsofdailylife,sodifferentin1998,2001,2002,andthenagainin2003.Could

Itakebusesnow?CouldIsitinacaféonEmekRefaim?CouldIshopinthemarket

intheoldcity,orinMahaneYehuda,themarketdowntown?CouldItakethe

shortcutthroughSheikhJarah,inEastJerusalem,onthelongwalkfromthe

universityonMountScopustodowntown?Likeeveryonearoundme,Iadaptedto

newrealities.Ilistenedtothenewseverymorningandallday,obsessively.I

plannedmyday’sitinerarybasedonwhatIheard,foregoingbuses,cafes,markets,

andentireneighbourhoodsifthesituationsoundedparticularlytense.Iboughta

newover‐the‐shoulderbagtoreplacemyknapsack–easiertoflipopenfora

securitycheckeverytimeIenteredapublicbuilding.Ilearnedtopauseandwait,

uponhearingaloudboom,afrequentoccurrence,toseeifitwasfollowedbysirens;

ifnot,itmeantitwasn’tabombbutafighterjetbreakingthesoundbarrier.I

developedalternateroutesforarrivingatfamiliardestinations;onsomedays,I

stayedclosetohome.

AsIbegantosettleintoaroutine,myperspectiveshifted.Afteraninitial

periodofacclimatizingtothechangessinceIhadlastbeenthere,Ibegantorealize

33

thattheacclimatizationprocesswasongoing,andthatIwasnotaloneinit.The

shifting“boundaries”ofcitizenshipdescribedintheprevioussectionhavemore

thanjustametaphoricalresonance;spatialboundariesbetweenJewsand

PalestiniansinIsraelhavealsobeeninfluxsince2000.Newwalls,barriers,and

checkpointshavedrasticallychangedthelandscapeofIsrael/Palestineduringthat

time(seeWeizman2007,MisselwitzandRieniets2006),butalsowithinIsrael,

segregationbetweenPalestiniansandJewshasdramaticallyincreased

Ifoundthattheprimarywaysthatpeoplearoundmeexperiencedand

respondedtotheviolenceandupheavalwasthroughmovementandthroughtalk.

People’sdailyroutinesandhabits,howtheygottoworkandwheretheybought

theirgroceries,wereinaconstantstateofflux;aspeoplewentaboutthese

movements,assessmentsofsafetyandcomfort,dangerandfearwereaconstant,

dailypreoccupation,andaconstanttopicofconversation.AsIbegantolistento

moreofsuchconversations,andtofollowpeopleintheirmovementsthrougha

rapidlychanginglandscape,Ibegantoaskquestionsabouttheconnectionbetween

thesechangingpracticesandchangingrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestinians.I

searchedforawaytoaccommodatethedynamismandfluxIobserved,andthe

importanceoftheeveryday,inthewayIthoughtaboutsocialandspatial

boundaries.

SarahOzacky‐LazarandAs’adGhanem(2001:44)describeincreased

segregationbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsraelasfollows:

SincetheeventsofOctober2000mostJewshavesteeredclearofArab

townsandvillages:notvisitingthem,notshoppingthere,noteatingin

34

restaurants.ThosewhosejobsrequirethemtoenterArab

settlementsexpressedfearandsometimesbringalongarmedguards.

BusinessesthatsuddenlylosttheirJewishcustomershavesuffered

severeeconomicdamage.Onthepersonallevel,Arabstooareafraid

togoshoppingorvisitingplacesofentertainmentinJewishcities.

TheyreportanxietyaboutspeakingArabicinpublic,discomfortat

stayinginhotelsandresorts,andsendingtheirchildrentoshopping

malls.Oneresultofthisisatrendtowardeconomicsegregationand

anattempttomakedowiththeservicesavailableinArablocales–

bothtosupportArabbusinesses...andtoavoidtheunpleasantness

associatedwithrubbingagainsttheJewishstreet.

Monterescu(2007),RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker(2005),andothersnoticesimilar

changestopersonalandsocialgeographies.Whilethesestudiesseemtosuggesta

correlationbetweenchangingattitudestowardPalestiniansandchangingspatial

practices,theprecisenatureofthisdynamicisnotexplored.Whatisthe

relationship,then,betweenshiftingsocialgeographiesontheonehandandshifting

limitsofcitizenshipontheother?Howdochangesinspatialboundariesmaponto

changesintheboundariesofnationalbelonging?

Todatetherehasbeennoresearchpublishedthatprovidesethnographic

evidenceoftheimportantchangesinIsraeli“consciousness”describedabove,or

thatexploreshowthisnew“consensus”manifestsitselfinpractice.Neitherhas

therebeenethnographicdocumentationofchangingspatialpracticesandtheir

relationtothisnewconsensus.Thisdissertationaimstofillthisgapby

35

demonstratinghowspatialboundariesmapontotheboundariesofsocialbelonging

throughanexplorationoflinguisticandspatialpracticeinadividedlandscape.In

changestodailymovementsandconversations,changesinrelationsbetweenJews

andPalestiniansareprofoundlyfeltatthelevelofeverydaypractice.Itismy

contentionthattheseeverydaypracticesinturnplayacrucialrolenotjustin

reflectingbutalsoinshapingtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.

4.Dividedlandscapes

Israelisnottheonlyplacetoseetheemergenceofnewboundariesinrecent

years.Asviolenceandthefearofviolencebecomeincreasinglyboundupwiththe

productionofsocialdifferenceandexclusion,newformsofspatialsegregationare

emergingincitiesacrosstheglobe(seeCaldeira2000).InBelfast,SaoPaulo,

Johannesburg,Detroit,Jerusalem,Toronto,andParis,wallsandfencesarebeing

erected(Weizman2007,MisselwitzandRieniets2006),gatedcommunitiesand

fortifiedenclavesarebeingcreated(Caldeira2000,Low2003),“ghettoes”and

“innercities”arebeingdisplacedandreformed(SilversteinandTetreault2005,

KipferandKeil2002,Wacquant2008),publicspacesareshrinking(Mitchell2003).

Newboundariescreatedby“anti‐terror”securitymeasures,neoliberalrestructuring

andgentrification,crimeandpolicing,andmigrationintersectwithandsometimes

transformolderboundariesformedaroundviolentconflict,gender,race,and

poverty.Boundariesareinscribedandreinscribedonthespaceofthecityusing

everyavailablematerialandsemioticresource,inattemptstomarkselffromother,

36

tomakeclaimstoterritory,toexcludeandenclose,andtosecure,control,and

surveil.

Thisisnotanethnographyofadividedcity,yetIturntothisliteratureto

helpmethinkthroughthewayssocialboundariesarechanginginWadiAra.Ibuild

ontheinsightsofanthropologistswhohaveexploredurbanterrainsofconflict,

violence,andfearinnuanceddetail.Inparticular,Iengagewithrecentworkthat

triestocapturethedynamismandfluxofsocialboundaries,theirsituated,shifting,

andperspectivalnature,andthewaystheyareconfiguredandreconfiguredthrough

dailypractice.Toooftenstudiesofsegregationreproducesegregationinthetelling;

thatis,portraitsofdividedcitiesoftenoverstatethefixedness,rigidity,and

impermeabilityofsocialboundaries,exaggeratingthecoherenceanduniformityof

eachsideofthedivideinemphasizingdifferenceacrossthedivide(e.g.,Schnelland

Ostendorf2002).Instead,alongwiththeauthorscitedbelow,Iemphasizetheother

sideofsegregation:ambivalenceandflux,contactandentanglement,encounterand

confrontation,avoidanceanddisregard,distancesmaintainedinthefaceof

unavoidableproximities.ToparaphraseJohnHartigan(1999:110),Ifocusonallthe

wayslives,bodies,andspeechbrushandgrindagainsteachotherinenacting,

challenging,andreshapingdivisions.

WhileIengageinmoredepthwiththeworksoftheseauthorsinthechapters

thatfollow(seeespeciallyChaptersThreeandFour),hereIprovideabriefoverview

oftheworkondividedcitiesthathasshapedmyapproach.Ifocusonwhateach

authorhascontributedtomyunderstandingofthechangingnatureofsocial

boundaries,thearticulationofviolenceandfearwithsocialspace,andtheroleof

37

languageinthesedynamics.Inthesectionthatfollows,Idevelopmyunique

approachtotheseissues,whichfocusesontheintersectionoflinguisticandspatial

practice.

InBelfast,thecitymostoftencomparedtotheIsraelicontext,anearlypaper

byFrederickBoal(1973)wasimportantinshiftingthefocusofsegregationstudies

fromresidentialpatternsto“spatialactivitypatterns.”InhissurveysBoalasked

ProtestantsandCatholicsalongtheShankill‐Fallsdivide,akeyinterfacearea,where

theywaitforthebus,wheretheybuytheirmorningpaper,andwhichhomesthey

visitintheneighbourhood.Hiswork,whilestillpresentingastaticpictureof

segregation,invitedfurtherquestionsonhowpeoplemovethroughandusedivided

spaces.AllenFeldman’s(1991)influentialbookaddedanethnographicdimension

indelineatingthewaysviolence,thememoryofviolence,andtheanticipationof

violencearemappedontosocialspace.Hisworkemphasizedtheimportanceof

narrativeandembodiedpracticesincontinuallyreconfiguringsocialboundarieson

avarietyofscales.RecentworkbyJarman(2005)focusesoninterfacesasdynamic

spaces,emphasizingthewaysnewformsofintersectionandconjunctionemerge

throughvariationsinuse,development,andregenerationina“post‐conflict”

context.ShirlowandMurtagh(2006)likewiseemphasizechangestotheurban

landscapeproducedthroughconstantlynegotiatedandcontestedspatialpractices,

contendingthat“divisionisnotstaticbutisbeingmaintainedwithinaworldthat

constantlyalters”(7).Thequestionstheyaskaboutmobilityandimmobilityare

particularlyimportant.

38

The“intertwinedmutationofurbanspacesandculturalorders”(Hartigan

1999:52)hasalsobeenextensivelyexploredintheAmericancontext.Whilehere

theboundariesaredrawnalongdifferentlines–poverty,crime,andracearemore

importantthanarmedconflict–Americanurbananthropologyhascomefarfrom

RobertE.Park’s(1925)earlydefinitionofthecityasamosaicofsocialworldswhich

“touchbutdonotinterpenetrate.”SallyEngleMerry’s(1981)earlyworkon

perceptionsofdangerwasimportantinshowingthewaysurbanspaceis

transformedasfearis“encoded”onthelandscape.Thestrengthofherwork,for

me,liesinherdetailedethnographicanalysisoftheways“patternsofstayingaway”

areworkedoutthroughdailymovementsandinteractions.Morerecently,John

Hartigan(1991)exploresthe“nuancedterrain”ofclassandracialdifferenceasthey

mapontourbanspace.Hepayscarefulattentiontotheroleoflanguageinshaping

thelocalinflectionsthroughwhichpeopleunderstandandexperiencethe

significanceofraceandclass.The“interpretiverepertoires”thatpeopledeployto

makesenseof“encounters,avoidances,andexchanges”(3)areshowntobekey

waysthroughwhichracializedandclassedidentitiesareconfiguredand

reconfiguredinurbanspace.

Anotherrecentethnographythatpicksupontheimportanceoflanguagein

theongoingproductionofsocialboundariesisTeresaCaldeira’sCityofWalls:Crime,

Segregation,andCitizenshipinSaoPaulo(2000).Caldeiraoffersanethnographic

analysisofthewayscrime,fearofviolence,andthedegradationofcitizenshiprights

intersectinchangestotheurbanlandscape.Shepresentsfascinatinginterviewdata

39

tosupportherarguments,includingnarrativesofviolencethatcloselyresonate

withthoseIanalyzeinChapterFour,arguingthat:

Likeothereverydaypracticesofdealingwithviolence,crimestories

trytorecreateastablemapforaworldthathasbeenshaken.These

narrativesandpracticesimposepartitions,buildupwalls,delineate

andenclosespaces,establishdistances,segregate,differentiate,

imposeprohibitions,multiplyrulesofavoidanceandexclusion,and

restrictmovements.Inshort,theysimplifyandenclosetheworld

(20).

ThestrengthofCaldeira’sanalysis,forme,liesinherinsistenceonthecentralrole

ofeverydayconversationinshapingandtransformingsocialboundaries.

InthisdissertationIaimtounderstandtheproductionandtheimpactof

shiftingsocialboundariesinatimeofconflictandchange,andtheimbricationof

space,violence,andfear.InthisregardIparticipateinconversationsraisedby

theseauthors,thoughthelandscapeinwhichmyanalysisissetisnotanurbanone.

IntheIsraelicontextdivided(or“mixed”)townsandcitiesaretheobviousplaceto

examinesegregationbetweenJewsandPalestinians,andthesehavebeen

extensivelystudied(seeMonterescuandRabinowitzeds.2007,Misselwitzand

Rienietseds.2006,Yacobi2004,Torstrick2000,Rabinowitz1997,Romannand

Weingrod1991,Benvenisti1983).Butitisnotasthoughtheresidentsofakibbutz

(arelativelyprivileged,exclusivelyJewishspace),forexample,donotparticipatein

40

excludingPalestiniansfromIsraelipublicspace.11Recentworkonsuburbsand

otherexurbanspaces(e.g.,DuncanandDuncan2004)encouragesustoask:Ifwe

thinkofthespatializationofviolenceandfearprimarilyintermsofcityspaces,what

kindsofdynamicsofscaleandmovementareobscured?Ifweconsideronlythose

wholiveinthesamecityastheir‘others’tobeparticipatinginsegregation,what

kindsofpracticesofexclusiondoweoverlook?Inmovingbeyondtheurbanthis

projectparticipatesinproblematizingquestionsofscopeandscaleinworkon

dividedlandscapes.Italsoaimstoexploresuchlandscapesthroughanovelanalytic

approach:theintersectionoflinguisticandspatialpractice.

5.Linguisticandspatialpractice

InthisdissertationIfocusontheintersectionoflinguisticandspatialpractice

inacontextofconflictandchange.Iexaminepeople’spracticalengagementswith

thespacesandplacesoftheirdailylivesanduncoverthewaystheseactivitiesare

mediatedandaccomplishedthroughlanguage.Thatis,Ilookathowpeopleshape

theirsurroundingsastheynavigatein,around,andthroughthem–discursivelyand

spatially.Morespecifically,Ifocusonhowsuchmovementsandinteractionsare

changinginresponsetoviolentconflictand,inturn,howthesechangingpractices

articulatewithchangesinrelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.Itismy

contentionthatthe‘ordinary,’‘everyday’movementsofIsraeliJewsareintimately

11StudiesofsegregationinruralareasofIsraelhavefocusedonthewaysregionalplanningprocessesreproduceinequalityandexclusion(seeYiftachel1992,2006),butthefocusonpeopleandpracticestakenupinstudiesofmixedcommunitieshasnotbeenexploredinthiscontext,norhavethechangesbroughtaboutbyfearandviolence.

41

boundupwiththewaysdifference,belonging,andcitizenshipareorganizedona

nationalscale.Morebroadly,myanalysissuggeststhatthelinksbetweenchanging

linguisticandspatialpracticesandchangingboundariesofnationalbelonging

shouldbemorefullyexplored.

Practice,asanorientationtosocialtheory,iswidelyunderstoodtohave

emergedinthelate1970sandearly1980s,withtheworkofPierreBourdieu

(1977[1972]),AnthonyGiddens(1979),MicheldeCerteau(1984),andothers.

Broadlyspeaking,theemphasisonpracticeemergedinreactiontothelimitationsof

earliertheoreticalframeworks,particularlythosethatover‐emphasizedstructure.

Practicetheoristsshiftedthefocusofanalysisfromstructuringrulesandsystems

(betheysymbolic,social,linguistic,oreconomic)totheactionsandinterestsof

individual‘actors’or‘agents’–theirordinary“waysofoperating”(deCerteau

1984:xiii)–astheyshapeandinturnareshapedby“historicallysituatedsystemsof

meaning”(CollierandYanagasako1989:36).Genealogiesofpracticetheorymaybe

tracedacrossarangeofdisciplines,alongpathsoverlappingandoftenobscuring

eachother(seeMcElhinny1998),astheconceptofpracticeistakenupbyand

adaptedtoverydifferenttheoreticalandpoliticalprojects.

Myworkdrawsontheconceptofpracticemoreasanapproachthanas

eithertheory,method,orsymbol(seeMcElhinnyandMuehlmann2006:699,Collier

andYanagasako1989,Ortner1984).Idonotattemptinthisthesistoresolveanyof

theclassictensionsordebatesassociatedwithpracticetheory.12Rather,Iusethe

12Idonotclaimtoovercome,onceandforall,thedividebetweenstructureandagencyanditsattendantdichotomies(forrecentdiscussionsofagencyseeBourgois

42

conceptinanattempttodrawtogetherdivergentbodiesofliterature,someofthem

derivedfromtheworkofpracticetheorists,whichtogetherallowmetoapproach

theintersectionoflanguageuseandlivedspaceinacontextofconflictandchange.

Inparticular,Idrawontheconceptofpracticeasithasbeenvariouslyarticulated

byfeministanthropologists(seeOrtner1984,1996,CollierandYanagasako1989,

McElhinny1998),linguisticanthropologists(seeGoodwin1990,Hanks1990,Eckert

andMcConnell‐Ginet1992),andcriticalgeographers(seeLeFebvre1991[1958],

1991[1974],13Massey2005,Harvey2001,Soja1996).Forme,theappealofthe

approachliesinitsusefulnessinforegroundingchange,theeveryday,andthe

ongoingproductionofsocialreality.

Ortner(2006:16‐17)explainstheappealofpracticetheorytofeminists,

Marxists,andothercriticalanalystsinterestedinsocialchangeasfollows:“theidea

thattheworldis‘made’–inaveryextendedandcomplexsense,ofcourse–through

theactionsofordinarypeoplealsomeantthatitcouldbeunmadeandremade.”One

ofthewaysthatthemakingandunmakingofthesocialworld–ortheproduction

andreproductionofsocialrelations–hasbeentakenupcanbetracedbackto

Marx’sconcernwiththeproductionofcapital.WhileMarxwascertainlynopractice

theoristhisconcern,whentakenupbycriticalgeographersandappliedtospatial

relations,broughtconceptsofpracticeandtheeverydaytothefore.Questions

2003,Wardlow2006,Ahearn2001),nordoIpresentaunifiedtheoryofpracticewhichfinallyandadequatelyincorporatesissuesofpowerandhistory(seeOrtner2006),thoughmyworkdoesremainattentivetoboth.13Lefebvre’swork,ofcourse,wascontemporaryto,ratherthanderivedfrom,theearlytheoristsbutwaspickedupinthecriticalgeographyliteratureprimarilyafteritstranslationintoEnglishin1991.

43

abouttheproductionofspace(Lefebvre1991,Harvey2001),theproductionofscale

(Smith1984,Brenner2001),andtheproductionofmobility(Cresswell2006)

ensued.14ItisfromthisgenealogythatIborrowtheconceptofspatialpractice.

ByspatialpracticeImeanpeople’spracticalengagementswiththespaces

andplacesoftheirdailylives–thewaystheyorienttothemandthewaysthey

navigatein,around,andthroughthem.FollowingdeCerteau(1984),Clifford

(1997:186)describesthepremiseofspatialpracticeasfollows:

‘space’isneverontologicallygiven.Itisdiscursivelymappedand

corporeallypracticed.Anurbanneighbourhood,forexample,maybe

laidoutphysicallyaccordingtoastreetplan.Butitisnotaspaceuntil

itispracticedbypeople’sactiveoccupation,theirmovementsthrough

andaroundit.

EyalWeizman(2007:7),inhisanalysisofthe“elasticgeographies”ofthefrontiersof

thePalestinianoccupiedterritories,writes:

Thevariousinhabitantsofthisfrontierdonotoperatewithinthefixed

envelopesofspace–spaceisnotthebackgroundfortheiractions,an

abstractgridonwhicheventstakeplace–butratherthemediumthat

eachoftheiractionsseekstochallenge,transform,orappropriate.

Notwithstanding–orperhapspreciselybecauseof–theinevitableovertonesof

“occupation”intheIsraelicontext,Iusespatialpracticeasananalyticinorderto

capturethewayalandscapeacquiresbothshapeandmeaningthroughthevarious

14IowetheneatformulationofthisgenealogytotheCriticalSpatialPracticereadinggroupoftheUniversityofIllinoisatUrbana‐Champaign(www.walkinginplace.org).

44

waysitisoccupied–thatis,thewaysalandscapeischallenged,transformed,and

appropriatedthroughpeople’smovementsthroughitandactionsinit.InLefebvre’s

(1991:18)words,Iaimtounderstandthe“interactionbetween‘subjects’andtheir

spaceandsurroundings.”

Thefocusonspatialpracticeismeantasacorrectivetothetendency,

particularlyintheIsraelicontext,tofocusonspaceandplacethroughthelensof

thephenomenological,thesymbolic,thesacred,orthehegemonic.Spaceand

placehavefiguredprominentlyinIsraelisocialanalysis,asscholarsattemptto

makesenseofconflictingnation‐buildingprojectsthatconvergeoveracommon

territory.Israelianthropologistshavebeenparticularlyeffectiveinshowingthe

waysthatthe‘socialconstructionofplace’(seeTuan1991,HirschandO'Hanlon

1995)hasbeenimplicatedinnationalistandcolonial‐settlerprojects;theyhave

alsorevealedhowplaceandspacehavebeenusedtodefinecollectivities,tomake

claimstohistoryandterritory,andtocontrol,regulate,excludeandresist.These

studieshavelocatedthemeaningofplaceinritualandcommemorativeacts(see

Zerubavel1995,Katriel1995,HandelmanandKatz1990),inmaterial

manifestationsofsocialinterventionsinthelandscape(seeBoyarin1994on

ruins,AbuEl‐Haj2001onarchaeology),infolkloreandoralhistories(see

Slyomovics1998),butrarelyinspatialpractice(forexceptionsseeWeizman

2006,Yacobi2004).Asaresult,thesewritersoftenfocusoninstitutionalized

visionsimposedbythestate–static,homogenized,one‐sidedones–ratherthan

exploringhowsuchvisionsareinterpreted,contested,andchangedindailyways.

45

Thefocusonpracticeasawaytounderstandlivedspace,then,allowsmeto

recognizethesignificanceofchangesinpeople’spracticalengagementswiththe

spacesoftheirdailylives:whethertheytakeashort‐cutorchoosenotto;whether

theystopforgasataparticularstationorwaitforthenextone;thewaystheygive

directionsandinterpretroadsigns;wheretheyvisitandhowtheyfindtheirway

home.Italsoallowsmetorecognizeandinterrogatethepoliticalresonancesof

theseeverydaymovements,linkinguptheboundariesthatareinscribedandre‐

inscribedthroughsuchpracticeswiththeboundariesthatcircumscribedifference,

identity,andbelonging.

Butifspatialpractice,followingLefebvre(1991:18),isaboutthe“interaction

between‘subjects’andtheirspaceandsurroundings,”itisalsoaboutinteractions

betweensubjectsabouttheirspaceandsurroundings.Acentralargumentofthis

dissertationisthatthemovementsandactivitiesthatgiveshapeandmeaningto

socialspacearemediated,accomplished,andproducedthroughlanguage.Like

otherdefinitionsandvisionsthatestablishourunderstandingofsocialreality,they

arealways“inscribedinlanguage,andenactedininteraction”(Gal1991:197).

Whilecriticalgeographers’analysesofspatialpracticeoftenclaimthatspace,scale,

ormobilityare,atleastinpart,“discursively”produced,theirclaimsarerarely

broughtdowntotheleveloflinguisticanalysis.Assuch,animplicitdichotomy

betweenthematerial(readasspatial)andthediscursive(readaslinguistic)is

maintained,andthedetailedwaysinwhichspatialpracticestakeshapeandare

givenmeaningisnotexplainedinthisliterature.

46

Themakingandunmakingofthesocialworldisalsoacentralconcernof

linguisticanthropologists,forwhomabeliefintheproductivecapacityoflanguage–

theabilityofwordsto“contributetoproducingwhattheyapparentlydescribeor

designate”(Bourdieu1991:220emphasisinoriginal)–maybeoneofthefew

principlesthatunifyadiversediscipline.15Myworkaimstointegratetheinsights

oflinguisticanthropologistswiththoseofcriticalgeographers,lookingattheways

spatialpracticeismediated,madesenseof,accomplished–produced–through

linguisticpractice.Inturn,Iargue,itisintheintersectionofchangingspatialand

linguisticpracticesthatchangingmeaningsofthestateandofcitizenship,ofIsrael

andofbeingIsraeliarenegotiated.

Inanthropology,workonlanguageandplacehasbeeneffectivein

delineatingthewaysinwhichsensesofplacearelocallyarticulated(seeJohnstone

1990,Basso1996,BassoandFeld1996,Stewart1996,Frake1996),whileafocuson

the“multivocalityandmultilocality”ofplace(Rodman1992)hasusefully

foregroundedgeographiesofdisplacementandmarginality,contestationand

resistance(Selwyn1995,Williams2001,BenderandWiner2001,Susserand

Schneider2003,BaynhamandDeFina2005,Modan2007).Theseliteratures

approachthesocialanddiscursiveconstructionofplaceintermsofexperience,

sense,memory,perception,meaning,narrative,anddiscourse;inorderto

foregroundthecentralityofchange,theeveryday,andtheongoingproductionof

sociallife,Ifocusinsteadonlinguisticpractice.

15SeealsoFraserandGordon1994:310;Butler1990:147;Williams1976:13;EckertandMcConnell‐Ginet1995:470;Foucault1972:49;Volosinov1973:19.

47

Whiletheapplicationofpracticetheorytolinguisticanalysisremains

scattered(McElhinnyandMuehlmann2006:699),somefundamentalcommonalities

canbediscerned.Apracticeapproachfocusesonlanguage“asaformofactionfully

embeddedinthesocialworld,”locatinglinguisticpracticein“situatedprocessesof

verbalcommunication”andforegrounding“thearticulationofspeechwithother

aspectsofthesocialworld”(Hanks1990:9‐10).

Amongotheraspectsofthesocialworld,linguisticpracticehasbeenstudied

throughitsarticulationwithspatialknowledge,socialorganization,and

interactionalusesofspace(seeLevinson1995forreview).Posingsuchquestions

as“Howdopeoplerefertoplaces,describespatialarrangements,saywhere

someoneisgoing,andsoforth?”(Levinson1995:355),thisliteratureputseveryday

languageuseatthecentreofunderstandinghowsocialspaceisgivenmeaning.

Whiletheseanalyses–byandlarge–focusonorientationstospaceimplicitin

linguisticformssuchashonorifics(Keating1994),deictics(Hanks1990),or

elicitations(Sidnell1998),myanalysisinsteadfocusesonthoseoccasionswhen

people’spracticalengagementswithplacesbecomeexplicit.Thisworkisoriented

towardlanguageaspractice,butnotnecessarilytowardspaceaspractice,atleast

notintheovertlypoliticalsenseinwhichcriticalgeographersunderstandit.Itis

concernedwithuncoveringhowashared"tacitunderstanding"ofa"common

sense"geographyisaccomplished;suchunderstandingsmaybeeitheruniversalor

specifictolocalculturesorlanguages,buttheyarenotoftendifferentiatedwithin

them,andnotoftenshowntobeopentocontestation,negotiation,orchange

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(Sidnell’swork,1998,isanexception).Theresultisadynamic,detailed,though

decidedlydepoliticizedapproachtospace.

Incontrast,morerecentworkbyJanBlommaert,JamesCollins,Stef

Slembrouck,andothersexploresthe“dialecticofspaceandlanguage”specificallyin

relationtohierarchyandsystemicinequalityasking,amongotherquestions,“how

doesspaceorganizeregimesoflanguage”(CollinsandSlembrouck2005:198)?

Focusingonquestionsofglobalization,migration,anddiaspora,theseauthors

revisitfoundationalconceptsinlinguisticanthropologysuchascompetency,

socialization,community,andcontext,inordertoexplorehowmultilingualism“is

structuredandregimentedbyspacesandrelationsbetweenspaces”(Blommaertet.

al.2005:205).Theirargumentabouttheimplicationsofspatialanalysisforhowwe

thinkaboutlanguageisanimportantinterventionyet,whiletheydoposethe

obversesideofthequestion(CollinsandSlembrouck2005:191)–howlanguageuse

contributestotheproductionofspace–thisreceiveslessattentionintheirwork.

ItisthisquestionthatIpickuphere,alwayswithattentiontothepolitical

resonancesofbothspatialandlinguisticpractice.Thisfocusresultsinavery

differentviewoftheintersectionbetweenlanguageandlivedspacethanthatof,for

example,WilliamHanks(1990)inhisinfluentialstudyofreferentialpracticeamong

theMaya.Hanksfocusesonsocialnorms,onwhatBourdieucalledthe“immanent

regularityofpractices”(1977:22,citedinHanks12).Theseareasetofschemesor

orientationsthat“existinapracticalstateinagents’practice,andnotintheir

consciousness,orrather,theirdiscourse”(Bourdieu1977:27).Thatis,theyare

groundedinwhatactors“actuallydoandnotwhattheysaytheydo;”assuchthey

49

“neednotbesubjecttodiscussionorconsciousregulation”(Hanks1990:12).While

thekindsofdailymovementsIanalyzehere–navigatingahighway,stoppingfor

gas,shoppingforgroceries,choosingaroutetoafriend’shouse–canbeunderstood

to“existinapracticalstate,”theyarefarfrombeingcommonlyagreedonortacitly

understood.Inacontextofconflictandchange,suchmovementsneedtobe

understoodbothbywhatpeopledoandbywhattheysaytheydo;theybecomeboth

practicalandideological.16Atimeofchangecallsintoquestionbothsocialnorms

andthe“regularity”ofsuchpractices.

Inacontextofdrasticchange,memoriesofviolenceandthepotentialof

futureviolencehavemadethesepracticesthesubjectnotjustofconsciousreflection

butofintensescrutiny.Thesekindsofmundane,quotidianmovementsare

constantlydiscussed,indetailandatgreatlength,astheyareconstantlychanging.It

isthesediscussionsandconversationsIfocusonhere.Ilookatthestoriespeople

tellabouttheplacestheynolongergo;thewaystheyarticulateandlocatetheir

fearsandthewaystheyassessthefearsofothers;howtheymakechoicesabout

theirmovementsandhowtheyexplain,justify,orlamentthesechoices.Iarguethat

theseconversationsdomorethanjustmakesenseofshiftingsocialboundaries;they

bringtheseboundariesintobeingand,intheprocess,theyenactbothself‐definition

andexclusion.Tounderstandthenatureofself‐definitionandexclusioninIsrael,

thenextsectionexaminesquestionsofnation,state,andcitizenshipinrelationto

thePalestinianminorityinIsrael.

16OntherelationshipbetweenpracticeandideologyseeEagleton1991:78ff.

50

3.“ImplicateRelations”:PalestiniansinaJewishstate

WhileIsraelhastraditionallybeencharacterizedasaJewishdemocracy,the

contradictionthisentailsbecomesclearwhentheIsraelistateisviewedthroughthe

prismofitsrelationswiththePalestinianminority.Thisprismisitselfmulti‐

faceted,astheviewitofferschangesdependingonhowitisframed:questionsof

state,nation,citizenship,colonialism,minorityrights,orethnic/religious/national

identityhavebeenforegroundedintheworksofdifferentscholars.Workingfrom

thesediversecriticalperspectives,scholarshavecharacterizedIsraelasacolonial

power(Zureik1979),asettlersociety(Shafir1989,Kimmerling1983),asystemof

control(Lustick1980),anethnicdemocracy(Smooha1990),anethnicrepublic

(Peled1992),asystemofgraduatedcitizenship(Migdal2004,2006),andan

ethnocracy(Yiftachel1999,2006).17

Kretzmer(1990)providesadetailedanalysisofhowinstitutional

discriminationworksinIsrael,inwaysbothovertandcovert,throughbudgetary

discrimination,resourceallocation,andimplementationoflaws.Hepointsoutthat

theKnessethasthepowertoenactlawsthatinfringeuponallbasicconstitutional

principles,includingtheprincipleofequality.TheLawofReturnandtheNationality

Lawarethemainpiecesoflegislationthat“expresslyusethecriterionof‘Jew’asa

17Lustick(1980)looksatthefragmentationandcooptationofPalestiniancitizensundermilitaryrule(inthe1950sand60s),analyzingthestatemechanismsthatweredeployedtoensurecontroloverthisminority.Smooha’s(1990)ideaofethnicdemocracytriestoreconcileethnicdominancewithdemocraticprinciples.HehasbeencritiquedbyPeled(1992),whopointsoutthatthedefinitionofandaccesstopublicgoodarealwaysinJewishhands,andYiftachel(1999),whoarguesthatbecauseofethnicdominance,Israeldoesnotreallyqualifyasademocracybeyondadherencetonarrow,minimaldemocraticguidelines.IamgratefultoDanRabinowitzinwhoseclassIworkedthroughthisliterature.

51

conditionforarightorprivilege”(Kretzmer1990:89).Beyondthis,non‐

governmentalorganizationssuchastheJewishAgency,theJewishNationalFund,

andtheWorldZionistOrganizationaregrantedauthorityoversuchintegralservices

asimmigrantabsorption,ownershipandallocationofland,infrastructurefornew

andexistingsettlements,waterrights,educationalinstitutions,andsocialservices:

“Whileentrustedwithtasksthatareparexcellencetasksofagovernmentalnature,

theirmandate[asJewishinstitutionsaimedatfurtheringJewishaimsonly]restricts

themtodealingwiththeJewishsector”(96).Assuch,theiractivitiesareawayto

realizediscriminatorypoliciesthat“maynotbeadoptedbygovernmentagencies

boundbytheequalityprinciple”(97).18Theselegalandextra‐legaldistinctions

convergetoshapeaprofoundlyunequalgeographythatYiftachel(1999,2006)

characterizesasanethnocracy.InChapterTwoIexploretheroleofIsrael’sland

policyregimeinundergirdinganunequalstate,whenIdescribethehistorical

geographyofWadiAra.

ThewaysexclusionandstratificationworkinIsrael,thoughextreme,arefar

fromunique,andmanyscholarsarticulatetheircriticalanalysesofIsraelthrough

theidiomofcomparison.Indeed,asonlysomeoftheseauthorsrecognize,

discriminatorypoliciesandpracticesinIsraelarenotonlysimilartobutdrawupon

andbuildontechnologiesofruleusedinavarietyofcolonial,post‐colonialand

multi‐ethniccontexts.Zureik(1979)equatestheZionistprojectwiththecolonial

trajectoryofEuropeanstates,comparingPalestinianstonativepopulationsin

18Afurthermeansofcovertdiscrimination,inKretzmer’sterms,istherequirementforarmyserviceforallJewsbutnotPalestinians,andthesubsequentrestrictionofaccesstocertainjobs,resources,orprivilegesbasedonarmyservice.

52

classiccolonialsituations.Shafir(1983)andKimmerling(1989)refinethis

sweepingcomparisontospecifythehistoricalparallelstoimmigrant‐settler

societies,suchasCanada,theUS,Algeria,andSouthAfrica,inparticularwithrespect

tolandandlabour.Theypointoutthatinthesesettlersocieties,asinIsrael,landis

alienatedfromthelocalpopulation,whoarethenusedtoproducegoodsoutofthe

land.19Thishistory,theyargue,iswhatultimatelyshapesrelationsbetweenJews

andPalestinians,understoodasimmigrant‐settlersandalocalpopulation.

AnotherapproachframestherelationsofPalestiniansinIsraeltothenation

andthestateintermsofcitizenshipandminorityrights,comparingIsraeltoother

multi‐ethniccontextswhererightsaredifferentiallydistributedamongcitizens

basedonethnicity(e.g.,Rouhana1997,Sultany2003).Forexample,Rouhanaand

Ghanem(1998:322)arguethat“itisnotcitizenshipormembershipinthestate

systemthatdeterminestheextentofservicesandprivilegesthatthestatebestows

ontheindividualandthegroup:thedeterminingfactorismembershipinthe

dominantethnicclass.”JoelMigdal(2006),however,critiquescomparisonsofIsrael

tostateswithadominantethnic/nationalgroupandarelativelylargeminority

(suchasethnicLatviansandRussiansinLatviaorethnicTurksandKurdsin

Turkey),arguingthatsuchanalyses“tendtotakethevariousgroupsasgivenand

thelinesofdifferentiationasimmutable”(5).Headvocatesinstead“amore

complexmultigroup...categorization,encompassingrelationsbetweenJewsand

ArabsaswellasstatusandidentitydifferencesamongJewishsubgroupsthemselves

19Kimmerlingfocusesonthe“degreeoffrontierity”–thepresenceorabsenceoffreeland–asthecentraldistinguishingfactorinthesecases.HecharacterizesIsraelasasettlersocietywithoutafrontier.

53

(and,toalesserextent,amongArabs)”(5).MigdalarguesthatIsraelisbest

characterizedasasystemof“graduatedcitizenship”:differentgroupswithinthe

statecarrydifferentlevelsofformallegalrightsandobligations(asdescribedby

Kretzmer1990)aswellasdifferentinformal,affectivefeelingsofbelongingtothe

state.Thefocusongraduatedcitizenshipasahierarchyofprivilegesand

obligationsthatisnotfixedbut“dynamic,changingunderthepressureofinter‐and

intragroupstruggle”(22)bringsothercomparisonstolight.Ong(2006)discusses

themultiplemodesofgovernancethatadministersegmentsofthepopulationin

MalaysiaandIndonesiadifferentially“intermsoftheirrelevancetoglobalcapital”

(78);Thobani(2007)discussesthewaysdominantCanadianideasofnationhood

bothrelyonandexcludeimmigrantsandFirstNations;DeGenova(2007)argues

thatthepositionofmigrantMexicanmigrantworkersinChicagoisstructuredboth

byideologiesof“nativism”andbyracializedpolaritiesbetweenblackandwhite.

YetwhilesituatingIsraelinacomparativeandhistoricalperspectiveisan

importantanalyticmove,wemustrecognizethat,asAnnStolerhasrecentlyargued,

“actsofcomparison[also]performimportantpoliticalwork”(2006:57).Stoler

pointstotheneedtohistoricizethe“politicsofcomparison”inimperialstudiesin

particular,andtotracethechangingstakesinvolvedinrecognitionofconnections

andclaimstoexception.InthecontextofIsrael/Palestine,certainlyIthinkthemore

interestingquestionisnotwhichcomparisonsaremoreapt,butratherwhichare

deployedbywhichscholars,politicians,activists,andjournalists,inwhichcontexts,

54

andforwhatpurposes.20WhenisIsraelcomparedtoSouthAfrica,whento

NorthernIreland,andwhentotheUS?Whenisitseenasanexception?Whenare

PalestiniansinIsraelreadasanindigenouspopulation,whenasanethnicminority,

andwhenassecond‐classcitizens?Thoughansweringthesequestionsisbeyond

thescopeofthisdissertation,Iremainattentivetohowcomparisonscirculatein

criticalanalysesoftheIsraelistate,andtohowquestionsofinequalityinIsraelare

framed.21

Whatalltheauthorscitedaboveshare,despitetheirvariouswaysofframing

theproblem,isthegoalofdestabilizingtheconsensusaroundIsraelasaJewish

democracy.WhileIaimtoparticipateinthisimportantproject,andwhileIbuildon

theirwork,manyoftheiranalysesfocusonhowIsrael’sself‐definitionasaJewish

democracyframesanddefinescitizens,ratherthanonhowcitizensunderstand,

experience,andimaginethiscontradiction,intermsofthestate,thenation,andthe

boundariesofbelonging.AnneStoler(2006b:95)hasrecentlyarguedthat,in

imperialstudies,thefocusonmacroscalesofpolicyandstrategy,securityand

design

somehowremain[s]unmooredtomicromovementsofpeopleswho

aresubjectandscarred,beholdentoandinvestedintheseempireson

theground.Thisis...acalltoidentifythosestructuredimperial

predicamentsbytracingthemthroughthedurabilitiesofduressinthe

20Recentconflictsaround‘anti‐apartheid’campaignsonuniversitycampusesinCanada,whichcompareIsraeltoSouthAfrica’sapartheidregimeasawaytomobilizesimilartacticsofopposition,arebutonedemonstrationofthehighlychargednatureofcomparisonsinthiscontext(seeAiken‐Klar2008).21ThisissomethingIhopetoexplorefurtherinfutureresearch.

55

subsoilofaffectivelandscapes,intheweightofmemory,inthe

maneuversaroundtheintimatemanagementofpeople’slives.

Myfocusonlinguisticandspatialpracticeismeanttoilluminatepreciselythese

micromovements,the“maneuversaroundtheintimatemanagementofpeople’s

lives”withinastateprofoundlystructuredbyimperiallegacies.

SteinandSwedenburg(2005:6‐7)arguealongsimilarlinesthatradical

scholarshiponIsrael/Palestinelargelyoverlookstherealmof“dailycultural

practices”becauseofadefinitionofthepoliticaloverlyinfluencedbynation‐state

paradigms.22Stein(2001:4)suggeststhatethnographycanilluminate"thefluid

waysinwhichstateinstitutionsanddiscoursesproducecitizen‐subjects,practices,

culturalformationsandregimesofintelligibility,evenastheyareproducedbyand

throughthem."(OnethnographiesofthestateseealsoGupta1995,Mitchell1991,

Scott1998,SharmaandGupta2006.)Acriticalanthropologicalperspectiveon

Israel(seeStein1998,2001,2008,Rabinowitz1997,Slyomovics1998,Kahn2000,

Kanaaneh2001,MonterescuandRabinowitz2007,Habib2004),andespeciallya

focusonlinguisticandspatialpracticeasdescribedabove,canmakevisiblethedaily

practicesthroughwhichtheIsraelistateandnationareconstituted,andthrough

whichchangingideasofIsraelandofIsraelicitizenshiparenegotiated.Iarguethat

itisparticularlyimportanttobringsuchpracticestolightinIsrael,aplacewhere,to

paraphraseBrettWilliams(2001),thestateliesheavyontheland.

22The“dailyculturalpractices”exploredintheireditedvolume,however,aregenerallylimitedto“expressive”practices,understoodaspopularculture.

56

ThecriticalscholarlyliteratureonIsrael/Palestineisalsodeeplydivided,with

veryseparatehistoriesandtrajectoriesofworkonPalestiniansintheWestBank,

Gaza,andthePalestiniandiasporaontheonehand,andIsraelisontheother.23Asin

somuchelse,PalestiniansinIsraelarecaughtinbetween,excludedfromeithergroup

andoverlookedinscholarshipasinpolicyanddiplomacy(seealsoRabinowitz1998).

ThefewcriticalethnographiesofIsraelwhichtakeseriouslythepresenceof

PalestiniansinIsraeleitherstudytheminisolationorpointoutomissionsand

erasureswithoutfillingthemin(thoughseeRabinowitz1997,Slyomovics1998,

RabinowitzandMonterescu2007,Torstrick2000forexceptions).Iamnotthefirstto

pointouthowthisscholarshipremainsstuckintheverynation‐basedparadigmsit

seekstocritique(seeSteinandSwedenburg2005,Monterescu2007).Mywork,as

discussedabove,isastudyofsegregationthattriesnottoreproducethissegregation

inthetelling;Ifocusonsocialboundariestoilluminatenotdivisionbutambivalence

andflux,contactandentanglement,encounterandconfrontation,avoidanceand

disregard,distancesmaintainedinthefaceofunavoidableproximities.Itherefore

startfromtheunderstandingthatthelivesofJewsandPalestiniansinIsraelarenot

onlyhighlyinterdependent,butmutuallyconstitutive.

InthisIdrawontheworkofYuvalPortugali(1993),whocharacterizes

relationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansas“implicate,”todenote“enfoldedinward”

(xii).Thatis,hearguesthatIsraeliandPalestinianhistories,societies,and

individualscannotbedefinedorunderstoodindependentlyofeachother(39);

23SeeSteinandSwedenburg’s(2005)insightfulgenealogyofradicalscholarshiponIsrael/Palestine.

57

rather,theyaremutuallyconstitutedandmutuallyconstitutive–historicallyformed

andcontinuallyformingagainsttheotherbutalwaysinrelationtotheother.

Portugaliisageographer,andhisinsightshavebeenfruitfullyappliedtothespatial

dynamicsofPalestinian‐Jewishrelationsinparticular.Monterescu(2007),inhis

analysisofthesedynamicsinJaffa(amixedcity),followsPortugaliinarguingthat

“thetwogroupsandtheiridentitieswereconstitutedinaseriesofdialectic

oppositionsandhomologieswhichnotonlyopposedeachother,butatthesame

timedialecticallycreatedeachother,indynamicbutconstantlyasymmetrical

relationsofpower”(175).Yiftachel(2006)similarlyreliesonPortugali’stheoryof

implicaterelationstoarguethatintheZionist‐Palestinianstruggleforterritory“the

spatialpracticesandideologiesofeachmovementprofoundlyinfluencedtheother”

(57):“neighbouringentitiesdevelopandchangeinconstantinteraction,becoming

‘enveloped’throughaprocessofmutuallydependentdevelopment”(8).These

analysesprovideanuancedwaytounderstandtheinterconnectionsandreflections

thatunderliewhatmayonthesurfaceappearassegregation,emphasizingthatwhat

isdividedisfarfromseparate.

ShuliDichter(2001),headoftheNGOSikkuythatworksfortheadvancement

ofcivicrightsinIsrael,beganhissubmissiontotheOrCommissionInquiryintothe

eventsofOctober2000withthefollowingcritiqueofscholarshiponPalestiniansin

Israel:

Untilthelastdecade,ingeneral,inquiriesintotherelationsbetweenthe

stateandArabcitizenshavebeenexaminedfromtheperspectiveofJews

andofthestate,meaning,theJewsareconductingtheresearchandthe

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objectbeingstudiedhasbeenArabcitizens.

Theexceptiontothisincisivecritiqueistheemergingbodyofworkonandby

PalestiniancitizensofIsrael(workingintheacademyorinNGOs),whichhas

continuedtogrowandstrengthensince2001,whenDichterwrotethis.24An

ethnographicperspectiveisregrettablyandnotablyabsentamongthesescholars

(seeKanaaneh2001fortheonlyexceptionIknowof,inEnglishorHebrew).

Dichtercontinues:

AninherentassumptionofthisapproachisthatArabcitizensand

theirbehaviorconstitutethemainvariable,andthatrelations

betweentheStateofIsraelandArabcitizensaredeterminedmainly

bythebehaviorofArabcitizens,whilethestatemerelyreacts.Only

rarelyisthebehaviorofthestateitselfexaminedcriticallyby

academicsorbystateinstitutions.25

Evenmorerarely,Iwouldargue,isthebehaviourofIsraeliJewsexaminedcritically

intermsoftheroleitplaysinshapingtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.This

dissertationattemptstocounterthetrendsdescribedbyDichterbyfocusingonthe

“implicaterelations”betweenJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael,asseenthroughJewish

Israelieyes.JewishIsraeliperspectivesarethusmadetheobjectofstudy,rather

thanremainingtheimplicit,unmarked,andthereforeprivilegedgaze.Thisanswers

Stein’s(2008:15)calltopaymoreseriousattentionto“boththetermsofIsraeli

24ThisisthebodyofworkIreliedoninmakingtheargumentabouttheshrinkingboundariesofPalestiniancitizenshipinthebeginningofthischapter.25Thischapter,though,citesthoseauthorswhodo.Rabinowitz(1998)similarlyarguesthatIsraelischolarstendtostudyPalestiniansocietyinisolationfromitspowerrelationshiptotheIsraelistate.

59

dominanceandtheeverydayIsraeliculturalmachineryofPalestinian

dispossession.”

Dichter(2001)furtherwritesthatrelationsbetweenPalestiniansandJewsin

Israelfluctuatealongaxesofpresenceandabsence,recognitionanddisregard;the

tensionsbetweenthesepolesanimatedmyresearch,anditispreciselythe

negotiationofthis“matrix,”inlinguisticandspatialpractice,thatmyworkseeksto

understand,foritiswithinthismatrixthattheimplicaterelationsbetweenJewsand

Palestiniansareplayedout.26Dichterarguesthatthephenomenonofdisregard

“expressesthegeneralattitudeofJewstowardArabsinthecontextofIsraeli

citizenship.”HetoodrawsonPortugali’sresearchtoillustratethis,which

demonstrateshowdisregardismanifestedspatially:

Forthemostpart,JewsinIsraelignoreArablocalities,meaningthat

theydonotexistontheJews’cognitivemaps...Infact,thedisregard

describedherehasbeenoneofthelongstandingbehavioralmodesof

Jewsandofthestateinthisconflictthroughoutthepastfiftyyears...

Thephenomenonhasalsobeentermedignorance,alackof

knowledge,anabsenceoftheopportunityforsocialcontact,andso

on.Butthetruthisthatknowledgeofthefactsofblatant

discriminationisnoguaranteeofachangeinattitude;thisdisregard

maywellbewhatitappears–partofthebehaviorofarulingmajority

preoccupiedwithitselfalone,behaviorthatmerefactsareinadequate

toalter.Thedisregard,ratherthanapreventivetoconflict,isan

26SeealsoHandelmanandShamgar‐Handelman1997on“thepresenceofabsence.”

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activeconflictualbehavior:awayofhandlingtheconflictthataimsto

diminishit.Motivatedindifferenceofthissorthasmanyfaces,some

ofthemelusiveanddifficulttodistinguish.Byitsnature,itisnot

drivenbymaliciousintent,butbytheintentionnottocometogrips

withtheconflict.Generally,theonewhodisregardsinthisfashionis

surprisedwhenconfrontedwiththefactofhisdisregard,indeedwill

exerthimselftoremainunawareofit,andwillrejectthefactswhen

broughttohisattentioninonewayoranother(Dichter2001:8).

Muchofthisdissertationprovidesethnographicevidenceofthewaysthisdisregard

ismanifestedlinguisticallyandspatially,throughprocessesoferasureandof

distancing.ButthedissertationoveralltakesDichter’sargumentonestepfurtherin

exploringthepoliticsofrecognitionbehindthisdisregard.Morethanawayof

avoidingdealingwith“theconflict,”Iarguethatthisdisregardisawaytoavoid

confrontingthefundamentalcontradictionentailedinIsrael’sself‐definitionasa

Jewishdemocracy.ItthereforeplaysacrucialroleinconstitutingIsraeliJewish

nationalidentity.

Iwouldarguethatthisisthesamepoliticsofrecognitionthatunderlies

BenedictAnderson’sinfluentialdefinitionofthenationas“animaginedpolitical

community.”Andersonarguesthatthenationis“imaginedbecausethemembersof

eventhesmallestnationwillneverknowmostoftheirfellow‐members,meetthem,

orevenhearofthem,yetinthemindsofeachlivestheimageoftheircommunion”

(6).Thenationalcommunity,then,isconstitutedthroughanimaginativeactof

recognition–that“imageofcommunion”thatconnectsfellow‐membersseparated

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byspaceandeventime.Forthoughtheymaynevercomefacetoface,theyare

linkedbytheirsharedexperienceofthespaceandtimethatseparatethemor,more

specifically,byanimaginativeawarenessofthissharedexperience.Theythus

conceiveoftheirnationas“asolidcommunity”movingsteadilyonwardthrough

sharedcalendricaltime(27),throughashared“familiar”landscape(32),andina

commonlanguage(44).Inreadingthemorningpaperorsingingthenational

anthem,theindividualislinkedtoothermembersofthenationthroughthe

awarenessthatthissame“massceremony”“isbeingreplicatedsimultaneouslyby

thousands(ormillions)ofothersofwhoseexistenceheisconfident,yetofwhose

identityhehasnottheslightestnotion”(35).

Ifitisthroughtherecognitionofthis“experienceofsimultaneity”(145)that

thenationisconstituted,thenitispreciselythroughthedenialofrecognitionthat

thedividednationalcommunityinIsraelisimagined.InIsraelPalestiniansandJews

tracewidelydivergentpatternsofcollectivememoryoveracommonpastandover

acommonlandscape(Slyomovics1998:xii;seealso,e.g.,AbuEl‐Haj2001,

Benvenisti2000,Boyarin1994).Theynotonlylocateandlocalize(Slyomovics

1998)imagesofaradicallydifferentpastinthesameplace,theyalsomovethrough

differentcalendricalcycles,whichareinturnlocatedandlocalizedindifferent

spacesandinscribedindifferentlanguages.Storesandmarketsareclosedon

SaturdayinJewishneighbourhoods,andonFridayinPalestinianones;the

calendricalcycleofIsraelinationalholidaysandstateceremoniesisbasedona

narrativethatdeniesthepresenceofPalestinians,orrendersthemonlyasanenemy

(HandelmanandKatz1990);Israelinationalsymbolslikethenationalanthem

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likewiseexcludePalestinians(Rabinowitzet.al.2000).The“experienceof

simultaneity”fortheJewishmajorityinIsraelthusdependsontheactivedisregard

ofthosewhomitexcludes.

Thisdenialofrecognitionisnotcontradictorynorperipheralbutintegralto

theconstitutionoftheIsraelinationalwhole.Inmanywaysthisdissertationis

concernedwiththewaysIsraeliJewsimaginethenationasadividedcommunity:

itsbordersandboundaries,itsinternalfrontiers,anditsothers.Iexaminethe

practicesthroughwhichmanyIsraeliJews–who,followingAnderson,donotknow,

meet,hear,orseemostoftheirfellow‐members–contrivetorecognizeonlysomeof

thesefellow‐members,disregardingothers,orimaginativelyconstructingtheir

absence.Iargueforthecrucialroleofdailylinguisticandspatialpracticein

imaginingthisdivide.Ialsoconsidermaps,census,andidentitycards(seeChapter

Three),roadsigns(seeChapterFive),placenamesandmuseums(seeChapterSix)–

centraltechnologiesthroughwhichthestateshapesthisdivide,butalsokeysites

whereboundariesofbelongingareactivelynegotiated.IarguethatinIsrael

nationalbelongingisconstructedinpartthroughtheimaginationoftheabsenceof

Palestinians,thatthenationisconstitutedinpartthroughthisexclusion.

SuneraThobanihasrecentlyarguedthatinCanadaitistheexclusionofthe

other(FirstNations,immigrants)that“rendersthenationpossibleandcoherent”

(2007:20):“thenationalsubjectisnotonlyexistentiallybutalsoinstitutionallyand

systematicallydefinedindirectrelationtotheoutsider”(Thobani2007:5).Further,

followingfeministandpostcolonialcritiquesofnationalismmoregenerally,she

pointsoutthat“anationalidentitythatisformedprimarilyinrelationtothatwhich

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itexcludesremainstiedtotheexcluded,andtheexcludedOtherbecomesthe

nation’sdouble”(20);inotherwords,theirrelationshipisalwaysimplicate,always

enfoldedinward,alwayswrappeduponeintheother.Likeconstructionsof

nationhoodinothersettlersocietiessuchasCanada,Iargue,constitutionofIsraeli

nationalidentityreliesbothonitsformsofalterityandontheirdenial.Thefigures

of“thenative”and“thestranger,”arguablyconflatedinthecaseofPalestinians

Israelis,playacriticalrolein“hownationalsubjectsexperienceandconfigurethe

nationalcommunity’sborders”(Thobani2007:15).InthewordsofAmyKaplan

(quotedinStoler2006b:100),thesefigures“bothremainlodgedwithinthe

‘domestic’senseofthe...nationandcastadarkshadowacrossitsunstable

borders.”

IwouldarguethatthedisregarddescribedbyShuliDichterissodeeply

entrenchedpreciselybecauserecognitionofPalestiniansinIsraelnecessitatesnot

justcomingtogripswith“theconflict”butapainfulreckoningwiththefundamental

contradictioninIsrael’sself‐definition.Thatis,onlybyignoringthepresenceof

Palestiniansintheirmidst(disregardingthem,denyingthemrecognition,actively

imaginingtheirabsence)canIsraeliJewsmaintaintheirself‐imageascitizensofa

statethatisbothJewishanddemocratic.27Torecognizetheimpossibilityofthe

Palestinians’positionandthevalidityoftheirdemandsistoacknowledgetheneed

27SeealsoRouhanaandSultany(2003:8)onthe“self‐deceivingconsensus”:“NoZionistparty,includingontheLeft,haseveracknowledgedthefundamentalcontradictionbetweenIsraelasanethnicJewishstateanditsclaimstobedemocratic.Onepossibleexplanationforthisdenialisthe‘invisibility’oftheArabminorityforIsraeliJews.Theprevailingattitudeofthegeneralpublic...isthatifIsraelisthestateoftheJewishpeople,andiftheJewishcitizensenjoydemocracy,thenIsraelbydefinitionmustbebothJewishanddemocratic.”

64

forafundamentalreconsiderationoftheveryessenceofIsrael.Iwouldarguethat

thishaslongbeenthefundamentaldynamicofJewish‐Palestinianrelations,butthe

eventsofOctober2000andfollowinghavebroughtthispainfullyanddramatically

tothefore.InthenextchapterIdescribethehistoricalandgeographicalprocesses

throughwhichthismatrixofpresenceandabsence,recognitionanddisregard,was

formed.Inthechaptersthatfollow,IanalyzehowpeopleinWadiAranavigatethis

matrixastheymovethroughadividedlandscape.

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ChapterTwo

WadiAra:ADividedLandscape

1.Introduction

InthischapterIsetthesceneforthechaptersthatfollowbysketchingthe

geographical,historical,andpoliticallandscapeinwhichthisdissertationissituated

andintroducingtheplaceswhere,andthepeoplewithwhom,Ididmyfieldwork.In

thefirstsection,IoutlinethecontoursofWadiAraandthehistoryofwar,

dispossession,landconfiscation,andpreferentialsettlementthathasshapedthis

dividedlandscape.Thesecondsectionentailsadescriptionofmyprimaryfieldsite,

GivatHaviva,anintroductiontothepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldwork,anda

discussionofmymethodologies.

Ibeginwithanimportantnoteoncontext.Whilethisdissertationfocuseson

WadiAra,itisimportanttokeepinmindthesituationinIsrael/Palestinegenerally

duringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork.DuringthetimeIwasinIsraelaSharon‐led

Likudgovernmentwasinpower;theplanfordisengagementfromGazawas

announced(December2003)andwascarriedoutthesummerafterIleft(August

2005);constructionoftheseparationwall(beguninJune2002)wasprogressing,

withthenorthernsectionthatrunsjustsouthofWadiAracompletedwhileIwas

livinginthearea;twoleadersofIslamicHamas(SheikhAhmadYassinandAbed

AzizalRantissi)wereassassinatedbyIsraeliforces(MarchandAprilof2004);

YasserArafatdiedinParis(November2004);MahmudAbbaswaselectedtothe

presidencyofthePalestinianAuthority(January2005).InWadiAraalone,inthe

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threeyearsbetweenOctober2000andmyarrivalinthefield,29peoplewerekilled

interroristattacks.

OrenYiftachel(2006)hasrecentlyarguedthat“theentireareaunderIsraeli

control–thatis,Israel/Palestinebetweenriverandsea–shouldbeanalyzedasone

political‐geographicunit”(8).Whilehisargumentiscompelling,andwhilethe

followingchaptersshouldbereadwiththesituationinGazaandtheWestBank

alwaysinmind,itshouldbenotedthatthefocusofthisdissertationdoesremain

firmlywithinthegreenline.Thisreflectsboththelimitsofmyexpertiseandthe

perspectivesandexperiencesofthosewithwhomIdidmyfieldwork.1

2.WadiAra:Criticalhistoricalgeographyofadividedlandscape

WadiAraisthenameofawide,shallowvalleyinthenorthofIsrael(see

mapsandfigures2.1‐2.4).IfyoufollowthecoastalplainnorthfromTelAviv,about

aforty‐fiveminutedrive,andthenturneast,youcanfollowthisvalleyacrossthe

widthofthecountry,asitskirtsthenorthernendofthehillsoftheWestBank.A

highwayrunsthroughthevalley,andtheslopinghillsthatriseoneithersideofit

arecoveredwithfarmland,interspersedwithmostlyPalestinianvillages,afew

Jewishones,andonePalestiniancity:UmelFachem.Thenorthernslopesofthe

WadimergewiththegreenplateaucalledinHebrewRamatMenashe,afterthe

biblicaltribethatsettledinthatarea;inArabicitiscalledRoha,meaningrest,since

itwasaplacewheretravelersonanancienttraderoutewouldrestontheirjourney.

1ForarecentethnographicaccountofsocialandspatialpracticeintheWestBankduringthesecondintifada,seeAllen(2008).

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Tothenorth‐west,beyondthisplateau,theCarmelmountainsrisetowardHaifa,

anddirectlytothenorthliestheGalilregion.TheWadi’seasternendconnectswith

avalleycalledIbnAmerinArabic,forthetribewholivedthereinOttomantimes,

andYizraelinHebrew.ThecityofNazarethliestothenorth‐east,andAfulais

locatedatthejunctionofthetwovalleys.TheWadi’swesternendslopestoward

Haderaonthecoastalplane.

Thegreenline,thearmisticelineofthe1948‐49warthatseparatesIsrael

fromtheoccupiedterritoriesofGazaandtheWestBank,runsjustoverthesouthern

slopes,immediatelybehindUmelFachem.Duringthetimeofmyfieldwork,the

portionofthewallthatrunsthroughthisareawascompleted,sealingWadiAra

fromthehillsoftheWestBanktothesouth.ThismeansthatWadiAraroadisthe

firstplaceyoucandriveacrossIsrael,easttowest,asyougonorthfromthecentre

ofthecountry,connectingtheheavilypopulatedcoastalplaintothelowerGaliland

EmekYizrael.ThecountlessstandstilltrafficjamsIhavesatinattesttothevalley’s

centralityasanaccessroutetothenorth;onweekendsandholidaystrafficis

routinelyatastandstillfromMegiddotoHighway6,andyoucanseethebraveror

morefoolhardydriversbumpingalongthefieldsthatlinetheroadastheybypass

you.ThehillstothesouthhavemeantthatWadiArahasplayedthisroleof

crossroadsforcenturies–longbeforethecurrentconfigurationofbordersand

traffic.ThehighwayfollowsthepathofanancienttraderoutebetweenEgyptand

theareathatisnowSyriaandLebanon.

ThemajorityoftheresidentsofWadiAraaregenerallyreferredtoinIsrael

as“IsraeliArabs”andcollectivelyas“theArabsector.”Incontrast,Irefertothemas

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PalestiniancitizensofIsrael,amarkerofpoliticalandnationalidentitywithwhich

theyincreasinglyidentify(seeOzacky‐LazarandGhanem2001:59,Smooha2004),2

andwhichemphasizesthatIsraelinessformanyisaquestionofcitizenshipandnot

ofnationality;thatis,manyseetheirnationalidentityasPalestinianandtheir

citizenshipasIsraeli.3Rabinowitz(1993)furtherexplainsthatthecommonlabelof

'IsraeliArab'isimposed,notchosen,emphasizescultureovernationality,and

silencesthelinkwhichPalestinianshavetothedisputedland.ThesePalestinians

(asopposedtothoseintheWestBank,Gaza,orthePalestinianDiaspora)liveinthe

stateofIsrael,asdemarcatedbythegreenline,andhaveIsraelicitizenship.They

livemostlyintheNegev,theGalil,theTriangleregionandWadiAra,andinthe

mixedcitiesofLod,Ramle,Yaffo,Haifa,andJerusalem(seemaps).

Theparticularityoftheirsituationdatesbacktotheendofthe1948warthat

followedthedeclarationofthefoundingofthestateofIsrael,knownastheWarof

IndependencetoIsraeliJewsandasal‐NaqbahortheCatastrophetoPalestinians.

ThiswardrasticallyreconfiguredtheterritoryofIsrael/Palestineingeneraland

WadiArainparticular.4In1947therewereapproximately600,000Jewsin

2TheresultsoftwosurveysconductedbyAs’adGhanemprovidestatisticalevidenceofthischange.Inresponsetothequestion“Whichofthefollowingbestdescribesyouridentity?”in1995,38.4%chose“IsraeliArab”while27.4%chose“PalestinianinIsraelorPalestinianArabinIsrael”;in2001,21.8%chose“IsraeliArab”while36.2%chose“PalestinianinIsraelorPalestinianArabinIsrael.”InaseparatesurveyconductedbySammySmooha(Smooha2004),22.9%chose“IsraeliArab”and41%chose“PalestinianinIsraelorPalestinianArabinIsrael.”3Theterm“IsraeliArab”isusedinthethesiswhenIamrelayingthewordsorperspectivesofotherswhothemselvesuseit.Thisisbecausethelabelsareanimportantpartofidentifyingandunderstandingdifferentperspectives.4Themostcommonlycitedsourcesonthe1948warinthecriticalliteratureonPalestiniancitizensofIsraelareBennyMorris(1989)andWalidKhalidi(1992).On

69

Palestine,theirlandholdingscovering8%oftheterritory;by1949,78%ofthis

territorywasinJewishhands(Yiftachel2006:58).5Between700,000and750,000

Palestiniansweredisplacedfromtheirhomesandbecamerefugees,andmorethan

420villagesweredestroyed.ThenumberofPalestinianswhoremainedwithinthe

greenlinebordersofIsraelattheendofthe1948warisoftenestimatedat160,000

–approximatelyonesixthofthepopulationbeforethewar.Israelicitizenshipwas

grantedtoallthosewhoeitherremainedwithinIsraelthroughoutthe1948war,

returnedthereshortlyafter,orhavebeenborntheresince.Althoughmany

PalestiniancitizensofIsraelfeel“solidarity,unity,andasharedfate”(Rabinowitz

1997),aswellasasharedhistory,withthosePalestinianslivingoutsidethegreen

thehighlycontestedhistoriographyofthe1948warseee.g.,Ram(1996).Inparticular,theissueofwhetherPalestinianrefugees“fled”orwere“expelled”isahighlycontentiousone.5InthischapterIreportstatisticalandnumericaldatagatheredbyotherswithsomefrequency.WhileIrecognize,alongwithIanHacking(1990),MaryPoovey(1998),CharlesBriggs(2003),andothers,thatthecollectionandcirculationofsuchnumbersisheavilyimplicatedinnationalprojectsofproducing,maintaining,andsurveillingdifference,Ifoundthemimpossibletoavoid.TheyaresuchasignificantpartofhowPalestiniansinIsrael(likeotherminoritizedorindigenousgroups)arerepresented,andofhowtheyhavecometorepresentthemselves.Reportsofnumbersofrefugeesdisplaced,villagesdestroyed,anddunamsoflandconfiscatedcirculateinacademia(asinotherarenas)inattemptstodrawattentiontothehistoricalwrongsdonetoPalestiniansinIsrael.Similarly,statisticsonpoverty,unemployment,andinadequatefundingforeducationorinfrastructureareincreasinglyusedtocallattentiontothecontemporarysituationofthisgroup.ThismayhavesomethingtodowiththerecenttrendLaurieKingIrani(2007b)hasidentifiedtowardtheuseofthediscoursesandtermsofinternationallawandhumanrightsinadvocacyworkbyandforPalestiniansinIsrael.Manyofthesenumbersaredebated,oftenfiercely(seeRam1996),andcertainlytheyarewieldedbyspecificsourcesforspecificpurposes,butthisisnotmyfocushere.Incasesofdiscrepancyordebate,Ihavechosentopresentthenumbersmostconsistentlyoffered,orofferedbythosescholarsororganizationswhomImosttrustandwhosepurposesImostagreewith.

70

line–includingthoselivinginvillagesvisiblefromtheirwindows–theirIsraeli

citizenshiphasmeantthattheyhavelivedverydifferentlives.

Comprisingapproximately20percentofthepopulationofIsrael,

PalestiniansinIsraelareprecariouslysituatedandvariouslyunderstoodasa

religious,linguistic,cultural,ethnic,andsometimesnationalminority.Whichever

wayyoudefinetheirminoritystatus,thefactremainsthattheyaresystematically

deniedfullrightsascitizensonthebasisofthisstatus.WhiletheyareequaltoJews

“atthedeclaratorylevel”(Payes2005:7),Israel’sself‐definitionasaJewishstateis

usedtojustifyunequalbudgetallocationsanddiscriminatorylawsonissuessuchas

housing,education,andpoliticalparticipation(seeKretzmer1990,ChapterOne).

Someofthemostwidelycirculatedofthestatisticsgatheredinthelasteightyears

thatdemonstratesocialandeconomicdeprivation,underdevelopment,

unemployment,poverty,andexclusionamongPalestiniansinIsraelincludethe

following(fromDalal2003,Dichter2001,Ozacky‐LazarandGhanem2001,Payes

2005,RabinowitzandAbu‐Baker2005):

• Three‐quartersofthecommunitiesdefinedbyIsrael’sBureauofStatisticsas

low‐incomearePalestinian.

• TheinfantmortalityrateforPalestiniansisnearlydoublethatofJews.

• The24townswiththehighestratesofunemploymentareallPalestinian

towns.

• ThepovertylevelamongPalestinianchildrenisthreetimeshigherthanthat

amongJewishchildren.

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• Palestinianlocalcouncilsreceive50percentlessfundingpercapitafromthe

governmentthanJewishIsraelicouncilsreceive.

• Only5.7%ofallcivilservantsarePalestiniancitizens,andofthese

only2%havepolicy‐relatedroles.

• Inacademia,approximately50collegeanduniversitylecturersare

Palestinians,amongapproximately5,000overall.

Underlyingthisinequalityisalonghistoryofdispossession,confiscation,and

marginalizationfromlandandterritory.

OrenYiftachel(2006:143),ageographerwhoseworkonthisissueiswidely

cited,arguesthatitisthestate’slandpolicythatcreatesthespatialfoundationfor

whathecallstheIsraeli“ethnocraticregime.”Hesummarizesthisgeographyof

inequalityasfollows:

• Palestinianscomprisebetween16and18percentofthepopulationbut

privatelyown3.5percentofavailableland;theareaofmunicipaljurisdiction

forArabmunicipalitiescovers2.5percentoftheareaofIsrael.

• OverhalfofthelandownedbyArabsin1948hasbeenexpropriatedbythe

state.

• Palestiniansareblockedfrombuying,leasing,orusinglandin80percentof

statelandarea.

• Morethan700Jewishlocalitieshavebeenbuiltsincethefoundingofthestate;

duringthesametimenonewPalestiniansettlementshavebeenbuilt.

Tounderstandhowthisgeographyofinequalitycametobe,wemustreturntoWadi

Araattheendofthe1948war.

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TheborderintheareawascreatedinApril1949,whenthearmistice

agreementsbetweenIsraelandJordanweresignedatRhodes,afterthewar.Wadi

ArawashandedovertoIsraelinexchangeforlandinthehillsofHebron,andthe

residentsoftheWadi,likeotherPalestinianswhoremainedwithinthegreenlineat

theendofthewar,weregrantedIsraelicitizenship.Newman(1995)explainsWadi

Ara’sstrategicimportanceatthetimeasfollows:

Israelinsistedoncontrollingkeytransportationroutesthatlinked

differentpartsofthecountry,evenifitmeantsignificantdeviation

fromtheceasefirelines.Thisinvolvedterritorialexchanges.The

inclusionoftheWadiArrahregion,includingfifteenArabvillages

withinIsraelwasagreedtobytheJordanianssothatIsraelwouldnot

reopennegotiationsoverpartsofSamaria(Pappe1992).Controlof

thisarea,includingsomestrategiclocationsinthesurrounding

foothills,ensuredIsraelicontrolovertheroadlinkingthetownsof

AfulaintheeasttoHaderainthecoastalplain[i.e.,WadiAraRoad].

WadiAra’scentralroleinmobilityandaccessintheregionhasrepeatedlybeenkey

inshapingthefateofitsresidents.Thecontinuedimportanceoftheregioninthe

geographyofcontemporaryIsraelwasdemonstratedduringtheeventsofOctober

2000:keepingtheroadsclearandunblockedbyprotesterswasconsideredofthe

higheststrategicimportance,andseniorofficialswerequotedsayingthattheroute

mustbeopened“atanycost.”

Forthisreasontheborderintheregion,aselsewhere,followedstrategic

imperativesthatprovedtomakelittlesenseinhumanterms.Therouteofthegreen

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lineintheareaessentiallysplitinhalfacorridorofheavilypopulatedArabland:

“Whathadpreviouslybeenasinglefunctionalandculturalspacesuddenlyfound

itselfdividedbetweentwoseparatepoliticalentities”(Newman1995:9).Themost

dramaticexampleofthisisthetownofBarta’a,splitdownthemiddlebetweeneast

andwest,WestBankandIsrael(seeChapterSix,Grossman1992),butseparating

theadjacenturbancentresofUmelFachemandJeninwasequallyarbitrary.

ThenewbordermeantthattheresidentsofWadiAra–Arabcitizensina

newJewishstate–followedaveryseparatetrajectoryfromtheirneighboursacross

thegreenline.Forthefirstseventeenyearsoftheircitizenship,until1966,they

wereundermilitaryrule.Duringthistime,theIsraeligovernmentimplementedan

aggressiveprojectofsettlement,aimedatconsolidatingitsnewbordersand

maintainingademographicadvantagebybuildingandpopulatingnewsettlements,

forJewsonly,onlandpreviouslyinhabitedbyPalestiniansdisplacedinthewar.To

facilitatethisavarietyofnewlawsandregulationsenabledtheconfiscationof

1,288,000dunams6ofArabland(Benvenisti2000:162).7Landcontinuedtobe

confiscatedfromtheremainingPalestiniantownsandvillages,effectivelycuttingoff

theirfuturegrowth.Jiryis(1976)reportsthatUmelFachemandthesurrounding

townsinWadiAralostover40,000dunamsbetween1945and1962.

6AdunamisaunitofareausedbytheOttomansandstillusedinIsraelandothercountriesthatwereformerlypartoftheOttomanempire.Ithasbeenstandardizedinavarietyofwaysindifferentcountries;inIsraelitisequalto1,000squaremetres.7Themostimportantofthesewasthe1950LawontheAcquisitionofAbsentees’Property,whichallowedthestatetoconfiscatethepropertyofanyonewhodidnotoccupyhisorherpropertyonSeptember1,1948.ThisaffectedhundredsofthousandsofPalestinianswhoweredisplacedbytheeventsofthewar,andwereonthatdayeitherindifferentpartsofIsraeloroutsidethecountry.

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Bytheendof1949,117newJewishsettlementshadbeenfoundedwithinthe

newbordersofIsrael(Newman1995);bytheendofthe1960sover600Jewish

settlementshadbeenfounded(Yiftachel1999).TheinfluxofJewishrefugeesand

immigrants,fromEuropeandNorthAfrica,wasmobilizedforstateimperativesand

settledinthenew“developmenttowns”ofthe“periphery.”8Meanwhile,notasingle

newPalestiniansettlementhasbeenbuiltsince1948(Dalal2003,Yiftachel2006).

OrenYiftachel(1999:372)callsthiscombinationofdisplacement,confiscation,and

selectivesettlementa“state‐orchestratedandessentiallynon‐democratic

Judaizationproject.”9(SeealsoBenvenisti2000:Chapters4,5,Jiryis1976.)

Thenewbordersofthestatewerepriorityareasforsettlementinthe1950s,

andWadiArawasoneoffivestrategic‘frontier’regionstargetedforsettlement

8Thispolicyhadtheeffectofcreatingandsegregatinganethnicunderclass,forginga“geographyofdependence”(Yiftachel1999:375)thatunderliesrelationsbetweenJewsinIsrael.Thesettlementof“mizrahim”–JewsofNorthAfricanorMiddleEasterndescentwhoimmigratedtoIsraelafterthefoundingofthestate–indevelopmenttownsand“frontier”urbanneighbourhoodsplayedasignificantroleinestablishingandcontinuingtheirunequalanddiscriminatorypositioninthestate.Yiftachel(1999:381)arguesthattheyare“positioned–culturallyandgeographically–betweenArabandJew,betweenIsraelanditshostileneighbours,betweena‘backward’Easternpastanda‘progressive’Westernfuture.”9Yiftacheldescribesthedevelopmentoftwoparallelprocessesonthesameland,whichwerefundamentaltotheestablishmentofIsraelaswhathecallsanethnocracy:“thevisibleestablishmentofdemocraticinstitutionsandprocedures,andamoreconcealedyetsystematicandcoerciveseizureoftheterritorybythedominantethnicgroup”(372).Essentially,thiswasaccomplishedbygrantingnon‐stateorganizationssuchastheJewishNationalFund,theJewishAgency,andtheZionistFederationauthorityoverland,development,andsettlement.Theresultinginstitutionalandlegallandsystemmeantthatlandcouldbetransferredintothehandsoftheseunaccountablebodies,whocouldthenimposewhatevernon‐democraticlimitstheywantedonit–suchasprohibitingnon‐Jewsfrombuyingitorbuildingahouseonit.Thisensuredthatconfiscatedlandbecame“ajointpossessionofthestateandtheentireJewishpeople”(373),thatitcouldneverbesold,andthatalllandtransferswereunidirectional:“fromPalestiniantoJewishhands,andneverviceversa”(373).

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activitybeginningin1949(Newman1995).Thefrontier“becameacentraliconand

itssettlementwasconsideredoneofthehighestachievementsofanyZionist...The

glorificationofthefrontierthusassistedbothintheconstructionofnationalJewish

identityandincapturingphysicalspaceonwhichthisidentitycouldbeterritorially

constructed”(Yiftachel1999:372).“Strategicdepth”and“territorialcontiguity”of

JewswerekeyimperativesdrivingsettlementinIsrael,andareasinhabitedby

Arabswithinthestatethusbecomeaninternalfrontier.InWadiAra,thisis

compoundedbyitslocationalongthegreenline,theliteralfrontierorborder.The

endresultwas“thepenetrationofJewsintomostArabareas,theencirclementof

mostArabvillagesbyexclusivelyJewishsettlements(wherenon‐Jewsarenot

permittedtopurchasehousing),andthevirtualghettoizationoftheArabminority”

(Yiftachel1999:373).

Norweretheseimperativeexhaustedinthefeverishsettlementofthe1950s

and60s.The1967warchangedthenatureofthegreenline(seeNewman1995),

creatingnewimperativesforsettlementsonbothsidesofit.In1991ArielSharon,

thenministerofhousing,revivedtalkofsettlingtheperipherywithhis“Stars”

settlementplan(tochnityishuveihakochavim),inwhichheoversawthebuildingof

eightnewsettlements,justinsidethegreenline(ontheIsraeliside),asitrunsfrom

WadiArainthenorthtoModi’ininthesouth,includingtheexpansionofKatsir‐

HarishinWadiAra.10

10SeeLevy‐Barzilay2001.ThesevillagesweresuccessfullymarketedasanaffordablewaytoachievethecommonIsraelidreamofahousewithagardenandallthepeace,quiet,andgoodairofcountryliving.Thevillageswerelocated,though,directlyacrossthegreenlinefromexistingJewishsettlementsintheWestBank(or

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LandconfiscationalsocontinuestocurtailthegrowthofPalestiniantowns

andvillages,albeitlessopenlyandwithmoreoppositionthanduringtheyearsof

militaryrule(seeChapterFive).InWadiAra,amilitarycampwasbuiltonland

confiscatedfromthevillageofKafrKara(seefigure2.5).LandsinRohawere

confiscatedforashootingrange.In1998thegovernmentattemptedtoconfiscatea

further60,000dunamsofagriculturallandinRoha,acrossfromUmelFachem,for

militarytraining.Theselandswerethelastreservesofnon‐builtlandforthecity,

whose33,000residentsliveononly35,000dunams(Payes2005:97).Inapreview

ofwhatwastocometwoyearslater,protesterswerebrutallyrepressedbypolice

andarmyforces(Payes2005:97,Benvenisti200:331).

TheresultingconfigurationofJewsandPalestiniansintheregionisthe

reasonWadiAraisknownasa“mixed”area.Inpracticethismeansitissegregated

onasmallerscale:JewishandPalestiniancommunitiesintheWadiareincloser

proximitytoeachotherthantheyareinmuchofIsrael,butstillcompletelyseparate.

ConventionalwisdomhasitthatasyoudrivealongthehighwaysofIsrael,youcan

tellJewishfromArabvillagesinthedistancebytheroofs:Jewishhomeshavethe

slopingterracottashingles,whileArabroofsareflatandwhite,oftenwith

protrudingelectricalwiresandotherbitsofinfrastructuretoenablethefuture

constructionofanadditionalstory–acommonadaptationtothecombinationof

patrilocalmarriagepatternsandthescarcityoflandproducedbythelandpolicy

broughtintheinfrastructureneededtobuildnewones).Sharon’sideawasthatwithtimethesettlementswouldgrowintoeachother,blurringthegreenlinethatdividesthemandachievingterritorialcontiguityaswellasademographicadvantageintheseborderregions.

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regimeI’vejustdescribed.InWadiAra,though,manyofthePalestinianvillages

haveadoptedthe“Jewish”style,andtheroofsofKafrKara,forexample,aremixed

(seefigure2.6).AsyoudrivealongWadiAraroadandupthesouthernslopesin

particular,themorereliablewaytodistinguishavillagefromadistanceisits

location:Jewishvillagesareoftenperchedontheridges,lookingdownoverthe

Palestinianvillagesbuiltontheslope.TwoexamplesareMeiAmmi,whichsitsatop

UmelFachem,andKatsir,whichoverlooksBarta’a,Ara,andEina’Sahla.Inaddition

tobeingclosertothegreenlinethantheirPalestinianneighbours,formingabuffer

thatbreaksupPalestinianterritorialcontiguitybetweenthevillagesofWadiAra

andthoseoftheWestBank,thislocationalsoaffordsthestrategicadvantageof

height;notcoincidentally,bothKatsirandMeiAmmiareimmediatelyadjacentto

armybases.Anotherdistinguishingfeature,particularlyinmorerecentyears,is

thatJewishvillagesaretheonessurroundedbyelaboratefencing,withelectrical

gatesbarringtheirentrances(seefigures2.7‐2.9).

2.GivatHaviva:Fieldsiteandmethodologies

OntheedgeofWadiAra,justsouthofWadiAraroadandjustwestofthe

newlyconstructedTrans‐IsraelHighway(seeChapterFive)liesthecampusofGivat

Haviva.Itissurroundedbycottonfields,kibbutzim(Ma’anit,EinShemer,Metzer,

Barka’i),andPalestiniantownsandvillages(Meyser,BakaalGharbiya,UmelKutuf).

Thegreenlinerunsjusttotheeastofit,ontheothersideofthenewhighway.The

nearestJewishcityisHadera,ahalf‐hourdrivewest,onthecoast,andthenearest

PalestiniancityinIsraelisUmelFachem,afifteenminutedriveeastalongWadiAra

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road.GivatHavivawasfoundedin1949asthenationaleducationcentreofthe

KibbutzArtsimovement(afederationofkibbutzimthroughoutIsraelthatis

ideologicallyaffiliatedwiththeLabourZionistShomerHaTsairmovement).Itwas

here,attheArabiclanguageschool,thatmyfieldworkwasbased.InthissectionI

providesomebackgroundaboutGivatHavivainordertounderstandhowitis

situatedinthelandscapeofWadiAra,whoIdidmyfieldworkwith,andhowthey

endedupthere.

Thelayoutandphysicalstructuresofthecampusrevealitskibbutzorigins:

clustersoflow,white‐washed,red‐roofedbuildingsareseparatedbystretchesof

greenlawn,connectedbywidedirtpaths,withmatureshadetreeshereandthere

(seefigures2.10‐2.12).Therearedorms,offices,classroomsandlecturehalls,a

cafeteria,alibrary,anarchive.Inwintertheinstitutionalausterityofthebuildings

isbrokenbyflowerbedsandcascadesofbougainvillea,fuschiaandpurpleagainst

thewhitewalls.Arowofpinesfollowstheperimeterofthefencearoundthe

property.Entranceisthroughthefrontgateandcarsareleftintheparkinglotat

theentrance;aguardoperatestheelectricbarrierattheturn‐offfromtheroad,

checkingeveryonethatentersbeforeraisingit.

ThelargestandmostactivecomponentofGivatHavivaistheJewish‐Arab

CenterforPeace,foundedin1963andrecipientoftheUNESCOPrizeforPeace

Educationin2001.Thecentercomprisesdepartmentsofeducation,community

involvement,regionalcooperation,andteachertraining;thewomenandgender

studiesunit;theinstituteforpeaceresearch;andtheinstituteforArabicstudies.

Therearealsothepeacelibrary,thecentreforholocauststudy,theartscentre,and

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anarchiveoftheShomerHaTsairmovement.Inadditiontothesecoreprograms,

GivatHavivahasbeenforcedinrecentyearstotakeonrolesthatareoutsideits

mandate,essentiallyrentingoutitscampusoritseducationalservicesinorderto

coverbudgetshortfalls.Thishasresultedinsomestrangeminglingsalongthe

pathwaysofthecampus.

OnatypicaldayatGivatHavivain2004‐2005youcouldseesoldiersin

uniformclearingtheirtraysinthecafeteria,theirriflesstrappedontheirbacks(the

armypaysGivatHavivaforthespacetorunhighschoolequivalencycoursesfor

youngsoldiers);agroupofjuniorhighkidssittinginacircleonthelawn,holding

multi‐colouredballoons(GivatHavivaruns‘encounter’programs,promoting

dialogueandcoexistence,forschoolchildren);agroupofPalestinianwomeninhead

scarveswalkingalongthepaths(theyarehereforanenrichmentcoursefor

managersofArabwomen’sNGOs);teenagedJewishboysandmiddleagedJewish

womennoddingoffoverArabicverbconjugationsintheclassrooms;andatour

groupofNorthAmericanJews,manyofthemdonors,snappingpicturesofitall.A

fewyearsearlieryoumightalsohaveseenworkshopsofpeaceactivistsfromIsrael

andtheWestBank,butthatendedin2000.Shortlyaftertheoutbreakofthesecond

intifadaPalestiniansintheterritoriesdeclaredabanoncooperationwithallgroups

withinIsrael,andGivatHavivasufferedseriouslossoffundingfrominternational

NGOsasaresult.

Thecontradictionsapparentinthisunlikelyjuxtapositionofpeopleand

activitiesarereflectedalsoinGivatHaviva’smissionstatement,asitappearsinthe

Englishlanguageversionofthe2003and2004‐2005annualreports:

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GivatHavivaimplementsactivitiestodeveloptheexperienceof

equalitybetweenJewsandArabslivinginIsrael,andprovidestoolsto

thisend...Today,aftermorethan50yearsofinnovativeteaching,we

continuetopromotetheprinciplesonwhichIsraelwasfounded...We

believethatinatruedemocracy,equalrightsforallcitizensarean

essentialcomponent.Ourmission,therefore,istocontendwiththose

pressingnationalissuesthatconfrontIsrael’scollectivesocial

conscience.

Aswasdiscussedinthepreviouschapter,trueengagementwithcivicequalityin

Israel,inawaythatmeaningfullyaddressesthecurrentdemandsofPalestinians

citizens,necessitatesacriticalre‐evaluationof“theprinciplesonwhichIsraelwas

founded.”Themost“pressingnationalissuesthatconfrontIsrael’scollectivesocial

conscience”–thosediscussedinChapterOne–areside‐steppedbyclaimingto

promotecivicequalitywhilecontinuingtopromote,uncritically,thefounding

principlesofZionism.

TheultimateexpressionofthesecontradictionsatGivatHavivaisfoundin

theinstituteforArabiclanguagestudies,wheremyfieldworkwasbased.The

instituterunsday‐longArabiclessonsatthebeginnerandadvancedlevelsevery

Wednesdayduringtheschoolyear,amonth‐longcourseinthesummer,andasix

monthintensiveprogrameachyear,fromSeptembertoFebruary.Iwasa

participantobserverintheweeklylessonsfromDecember2003toFebruary2005,

inthesummercourseinAugust2004,andintheintensivecoursefromSeptember

2004toFebruary2005.

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MostoftheteachersattheinstituteforArabiclanguagestudiesatGivat

HavivacomefromWadiAra.TheteachersofliteraryArabictendtobeJewish

Israelis,whiletheteachersofcolloquialArabictendtobePalestinianIsraelis.11

MostoftheJewishteacherswerekibbutzniksfromthearea,withuniversitydegrees

inArabiclanguageandliteratureandmanyyearsofteachingexperience.Manyof

themareideologicallymotivatedtoteachArabic,believingthatlearningthe

languagepromotescoexistence.ThetwomainPalestinianteachers,Riyadand

Fouad,12liveinvillagesinWadiAra.Eachofthemhasawifeandtwoyoung

children.Botharetalented,dedicatedteachersandbothremainedsomethingofa

mysterytomethroughoutmytimeatGivatHaviva.Iwasunabletointervieweither

FouadorRiyad;thoughtheywillinglyassentedtohavingtheirclassestaped,and

whileIgottoknowthembothquitewell,theybothevadedandavoidedinterviews

withme,withouteverrefusingoutright.Afterrepeatedefforts,Ieventuallygaveup,

attributingtheirreticencetothesensitivityandprecariousnessoftheirpositionat

GivatHaviva,andnotwishingtointrude.Asaresult,Inevergottoaskthemthe

questionsabouttheirintentionsandmotivationsthatcontinuetopuzzleme:

questionsaboutloyalty,resistance,strategy,andnecessity.Thereaderwillgetto

11Thisisastrangeandsomewhatdisturbingpattern,implyingthatPalestiniansareonlyrecognizedasexpertsintheirownlanguageinitslessprestigiousform(thelocalcolloquialdialect),displayingasortofauthenticfolkexpertise.WhereknowledgeofArabicholdsthemostculturalandlinguisticcapital,intheliteraryform,itisJewswhoarepositionedasexperts.(SeeEyal2006onthehistoryofJewishexpertiseinArabmattersinIsrael.)TheJewishteachersexplainedthistomebysayingthatitismoredifficulttoteachone’sownlanguageclearly,butmyPalestinianteacherswerequalifiedenoughtoteachliteraryArabicinthePalestinianhighschoolsinthearea.12Allnameshavebeenchanged.

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knowbothofthemthroughthepagesthatfollow,butonlytotheextentthatthey

wishedtobeknown.

TheweeklyclassesandthesummercourseatGivatHavivaattractstudents

interestedinlearningArabicfromWadiAra,butsomecomefromasfarawayas

JerusalemandTelAviv.OverthecourseoffourteenmonthsatGivatHaviva,

approximately60studentsintheweeklyandthesummerprogramsparticipatedin

myresearch(thisinadditiontotheapproximately30studentsintheintensive

program,introducedbelow).Myclassmatesintheweeklyandsummerprograms

weremenandwomen,youngandold,AshkenaziandMizrachi,mostlymiddleclass,

fromimmigrantstothird‐generationIsraelis,witharangeofpoliticalviewpoints

fromoneextremetotheother.Amongthemwere:Rafi,aretiredmusicteacherand

biblicalscholarfromanearbykibbutzwhowantedtolearn“thelanguageofthe

enemy”inordertobetterunderstand“theenemy’smindset”;Yosi,amiddle‐aged

contractorfromKatsir,fatheroftwo,whowantedtolearnArabicinordertobeable

tocommunicatewithhisworkers;Boaz,anIsraelidoctoralstudentinMiddleEast

strategicstudiesatanAmericanuniversity;Efrat,astudentofArabiclanguageand

literatureattheUniversityofBe’erShevawhowantedtoaugmentherstudieswith

colloquialArabic;Chaya,asinglemotheronwelfarefromPardesChanawhowas

outragedthatPalestinianIsraelismustlearnHebrewwhileIsraeliJewscanremain

entirelyignorantofArabic;andRuth,whomwegettoknowinChapterFive,a

foundingmemberofMachsomWatch–anorganizationofIsraeliJewishwomenwho

monitorhumanrightsviolationsatcheckpointsbetweenIsraelandtheWestBank.

ThemotivationsofthesestudentsforlearningArabicvariedfromthepragmaticto

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thevaguelyidealistic,fromorientalistcuriositytofear,fromneighbourlygood‐will

toradicalpoliticalengagement.Despiteageneralconsensusthatpoliticsshouldbe

kept“outoftheclassroom,”thismixoflocations,politicalorientations,andlife

storiesmadeforsomefascinatingconversations.

Themake‐upofthesixmonthlongintensivecourseisconsiderablymore

complicated,anditisherethatthemajorcontradictionofGivatHavivaisfound.

Michal,thecoursecoordinatorandheadArabicteacherherselfstudiedArabicinthe

intensivecourseatGivatHavivaasateenager.Inaninterviewoverteainherhome

inEinShemer,theneighbouringkibbutzwhereshegrewup,sheexplainedtome

thecomplexhistoryofthecourse.TheinstitutebeganteachingArabictoIsraeli

Jews47yearsago.Initsearlyyearsitattractedkibbutzyouthfromaroundthe

country.WhenMichaltookthecourseherself,sometwentyyearsago,itwasa

longer,lessintensiveprogram,eightmonthslong,attendedmostlybyyouthfrom

thekibbutzimwhowantedsomethingtodobeforetheygotcalledupforthearmy,

orwhoweresimplyinterestedinlearningArabic.Thecoursehadareputation,

though,andattractedpeoplefromalloverthecountrywhowantedtolearnArabic,

mostlyoutofmotivationsofcoexistence–theprofessedgoaloftheinstitute.

Overtheyears,Michalexplainedtome,thearmytooknoticeofthequalityof

thegraduatesofthisprogram.TheneedforrecruitstrainedinArabicforjobsin

ArmyIntelligenceorModi’ingrewasthenumberofJewishnativespeakersofArabic

inthecountrynaturallydwindled(asimmigrationfromNorthAfricaandtheMiddle

Eastslowed).Thearmybegantogivepartialscholarshipstocoverthecostofthe

courseatGivatHavivatoyouthwhocommittedtojoiningModi’inoncompletionof

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thecourse.AsGivatHaviva’seconomicsituationworsenedinthe1990s(duetothe

economicdeclineofthekibbutzmovementmoregenerally),thearmy’sinvolvement

inthecoursegrewandbecameformalizedunderthetitleof“ProjectElAd.”There

wasaneedforstrong,well‐trainedleadersfluentinArabicandthegraduatesofthis

course,accordingtoMichal,werethecreamofthecrop:highlymotivated,

intelligent,andknowledgeable,theybecameofficers,commanders,andeducatorsin

Modi’in.

TwoyearsbeforeIjoinedthecourse,in2002,withGivatHavivainthemidst

ofafinancialcrisis,thearmysteppedinandchangedtheformatofthecourse.Itis

nowshorter(sixmonthsinsteadofeight)andmoreintensive,andthearmy

subsidizesthecostscompletelyforthestudentsitsends.Theincreasedfinancial

supportfromthearmygrantsitinturnmorecontrol.Thearmynowvetsand

choosesitsparticipantsbeforethecourse.Armyofficialscomeonceamonthto

administerastandardizedtestand,asoftheyearIjoined,thereisafulltime

madrichorcounselorfromthearmy,whodealswithmotivationanddiscipline.His

presence,andparticularlythefactthatheisinuniform,meantforMichalthatshe

feltshewasalwaysbeingwatched;he“clippedherwings,”shesaid.Icanonly

imaginethatthiseffectwasamplifiedforFouadandRiyad,myPalestinianteachers.

Michalfindsthissituationincreasinglyimpossibleandabsurd,areflectionof

the“crazycraziness”(haterufhametoraf)ofcontemporaryIsrael:“Inwhatother

countryintheworldwouldtherebeacentreforpeacethatpreparespeoplefor

armyintelligence?”Atthesametime,shesays,withoutthearmy’sinvolvementthe

coursewouldnotbeabletocontinuetofunctionandwouldnotbethereforthe

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otherparticipants.AfteryearsofteachingArabicsheisnolongeratpeacewithher

role,andcontemplatesleaving:“Iaskmyself:Isitmyroletopreparepeoplefor

Modi’in?AndIthinkno.”

The“otherparticipants”intheintensivecourse,thoseciviliansforwhomthe

coursewasoriginallyintended,nowconstituteaminority.In2004‐2005,the

intensivecourseconsistedof22participantsin“ProjectElAd”andtwelve“others,”

includingoneanthropologist.AmongthesewasYael,aJerusalemnativeinher

twenties,whomarriedaSwedeandmovedtoSweden.ShereturnedtoIsraelto

participateinthecoursebecauseshewantedtoapplyforanundergraduate

programinArabiclanguageatauniversityinSweden.Gadiisasoft‐spoken,

moderatelywell‐knownpoetandpsychologist,ofEuropeanorigins,livingwithhis

familyinJerusalem(hisdaughterwasrecentlycalledupforarmyservice).He

speaksEnglish,French,andHebrewfluently,withafaintaccentinallofthem;

despitethis,hestruggleswiththeArabiclanguage.OshriisthedaughterofIsraelis,

raisedinFlorida,whoisspendingayearinIsraelbeforereturningtotheUSfor

university.Tsachi(inhislate30s)immigratedfromtheUKtoIsraelsometenyears

earlierandnowlivesinTelAviv.HespentsometimeteachingEnglishintheWest

BankandthismotivatedhimtolearnArabic.Nurit,Rina,andHila,whobecamemy

closestfriendsintheclass,willbeintroducedinChaptersFourandSix.

The22participantsinProjectElAdwereallyoungmen,recenthighschool

graduates,eighteenornineteenyearsold.Theycamefromalloverthecountry:

Haifa,TelAviv,Jerusalem,RoshHaAyin,KfarYona,Afula,Nahariya,Rehovot,

Ra’anana,etc.Manybutnotallofthemwerefromrelativelyprivileged

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backgrounds;allbuttwoofthemwereAshkenazi(thetwoexceptionswerethesons

ofimmigrantsfromMoroccoandYemen).Asacollective,theyweregenerally

referredtoas“theboys”(habanim)bytherestofusintheclassandbythe

teachers.13Theythemselvesoftenusedthisnametodistinguishthemselvesasa

groupfromtheclassasawhole,andItoousethisnamewhenIrefertothemasa

groupinthethesis.IdothiseventhoughIamawareofthepotentiallyinfantilizing

effectofthistermanditsforegroundingofthemasculine,becauseitreflectsthe

termsonwhichtheinteractionsandgroupingsthatIobservedwerebased.(See

Dunk1991foradiscussionofhisuseof“theboys”andPaulWillis1988on“the

lads.”)Imakeeveryefforttocounteractthepotentiallyhomogenizingeffectof

sometimesreferringtothese22youngmenasagroupbyalsodescribingmanyof

themindividually,indetail,attheplaceinthethesiswhereIdiscusseachoftheir

particularinteractionsorcomments(seeespeciallyChaptersThreeandSix).Inthis

wayIallowthereadertogettoknowthemasindividualswithverydifferent

perspectives,opinions,andexperienceswhoarenonethelesspartofawell‐defined

groupwithitsowndefiningcharacteristics(whichmayormaynotmatchupwith

thoseofeachindividual).

Indeed,alargepartoftheexperienceofGivatHavivafortheseboyswasthat

of“gibush,”orgroupbonding,aninitiationintoasortofquasi‐militarygroup

identity(ongibushseeKatrielandNesher1986).Thiswasastrangesortofliminal

periodforthem.Mostofthemhadgraduatedfromhighschoolthepreviousspring

(afewwerecomingtothecourseafterayearofnationalservice–shnatsherut–

13Analternatetranslationwouldbe“theguys”.

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followingtheirgraduation)andalltheirfriendshadalreadygonethroughthenearly

universalrightofpassageforJewishIsraelisof“giyus”–beingrecruitedorcalledup

tothearmy.14Theywerenotyetofficiallycalledup(theywouldbeamonthafter

completingthecourse),theywerenotinuniformnorhadtheybeenissued

weapons,buttheirliveswerealreadyinmanywaysnottheirown.

WhilewaitingatthestationinHerzliyaforthetraintoJerusalemoneFriday

afternoon,Yanivpatientlyexplainedtometheprocessbywhichheandtheothers

hadarrivedinthecourse.Iwasonmywaytomysister’sfortheweekend;Yaniv

wasonhiswaytohisfriend’sswearinginceremonyattheKotel.HelivesinRishon

LeZion,apredominantlyworkingclasstownsouthofTelAvivandisthesonof

Russianimmigrants.YanivtoldmethatheneverwantedtolearnArabic(hetookit

inJuniorHighandhatedit)buthealwayswantedtobeinModi’in.Theirgroupof

22,heexplained,wasselectedfromabout1000youngmenwhowereinvitedtothe

firststageoftry‐outsforModi’in,afewyearsearlier.Theywereselectedbasedon

theirphysical“profile”(ascoreoutof100basedonstrength,fitness,eyesight,etc.

thatdeterminesyoursuitabilityforvariousrolesinthearmy),gradesinschool,the

resultsoflinguisticaptitudetests,personalityassessmentinterviews,andasecurity

screening.Theirsisanelite,selectgroup,heexplained(andMichalconfirmedthis).

Yaniv,liketherestoftheboys,didn’tknowmuchaboutwhathewoulddoin

hisservice,andhewaslikelynottellingmeeverythingheknew.Whateveritisit

willbeimportantandtopsecret,hetoldme.Therewasmuchspeculationonthe

14OnmilitarisminIsraelseeLieblich1989,BenAriandLomsky‐Feder1999,Kimmerling2001.

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subjectamongtheboys.Afterthecoursetheyexpectedtobecalledup,thensentto

anarmybaseforfurtherlanguagetraining,specializinginaparticulardialectof

Arabic,forsixmonthsorayear.Fromthere,theywouldgotowork.Thegeneral

consensuswasthattheirjobwouldbe“listening”(ha’azana)–asdistinctfrom“field

intelligence.”Theyhadavagueideathattheywouldsitforhoursonendpluggedin

toear‐phones.Butwhatwouldtheybelisteningto?Theywouldbefollowing

Arabicmedia,accordingtosome,listeninginonwiretaps,accordingtoothers.Most

ofthemagreedthattheywouldbeworkingtopreventbombingsandtokeepIsrael

safe.Someofthemacknowledgedthattheywouldlikelygiveinformationthat

wouldleadtopeople’sdeaths.Afewofthemwererelievedthattheywouldnot

havetobeincombat,thattheywouldnothavetostandatacheckpoint.Two

(ShacharandDaniel,whomwemeetinChapterThree)chosetogotoModi’in

despitetheircombat‐readyphysicalprofilepreciselytoavoidthis;ideallythey

wouldhavelikedtorefusetoservebutwerenotwillingtotakeonthe

consequences.Atleastone(Benny,whomwealsomeetinChapterThree)saw

Modi’inasashamefulsecondbest,themostprestigiouspositionhecouldgetwith

hisnon‐combatphysicalprofile.WhenIaskedYanivwhattheywouldbedoinghe

winked:“IcouldtellyoubutthenI’dhavetokillyou.”Theywereeighteenand

nineteenyearsoldtheyearIspentwiththem,andthethoughtofthembeinghanded

automaticweaponsinafewmonths’timeregularlybrokemyheart.Bynow,they

willbenearingtheendoftheirarmyservice.

Ourswasamake‐shiftcommunity,broughttogetherbythecommongoalof

learningArabic,despitegreatdifferencesinmotivationsandagendas.Thediverse

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backgroundsandperspectivesoftheseindividuals,aswellastheirmovementsand

interactions,offerawayintounderstandingtheplacewhereweallcametogether:

WadiAra.Inthechaptersthatfollow,thereaderwillgettoknowmanyofthemin

greaterdetail.

MydaysatGivatHavivawerespentbalancingtwodifferentroles,each

exhaustingandintensive:Iwasafull‐timestudentofliteraryandcolloquialArabic

andafull‐timeanthropologist.Iconjugatedverbs,didhomework,andwrotetests

andquizzesalongwithmyclassmateswhileatthesametimeobserving,recording,

andmakingnoteoftheirinteractionsandconversations.Isatatmydeskinclass

withmyrecorderonandwithtwonotebooksopeninfrontofme:oneforfieldnotes,

oneforclassnotes.Iswitchedbackandforthbetweenthem,makinganoteofthe

timeontherecorderwhenevertheteachermadeacommentthatinterestedme,or

wheneverclassdiscussionorthewhisperingsaroundmetookaninterestingturn.

Classbeganat8:30a.m.andendedat6:15p.m.,withanhourandahalfbreak

forlunch,SundaythroughThursday.Fridaymorningswehadatestbeforewe

scatteredfortheweekend.Thebulkofourschedulewassplitbetweenliteraryand

colloquialArabic,withafewhoursaweekon“TheMiddleEast”andwithoccasional

lectures(e.g.,“October2000”),workshops(e.g.,“ArabMusic”),andfieldtrips(see

ChapterSix).Weconjugatedverbs,wrotedailyvocabularyquizzes,translated

passagesfromArabicnewspapers,theQur’an,radiobroadcasts,andUmKulthoum

songs.Ourclassroomswererickety,flimsystructures,coldinthewintermonths

andterriblydamponrainydays.OnewetmorninginJanuaryIarrivedlatetofind

everybodymillingaboutinthehallway,giddyattheinterruptiontoroutine:our

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classroomhadfloodedovernight.Therewasacornerinthehallway,stockedwith

theubiquitousNescafeandteaand,ifyouwereluckyandiftheadministratorwasin

agoodmood,aboxofcookies.Danielkeptthecornerstockedwithwildmint,sage,

andlemongrass,forwhichheforagedonbreaks.Therewasanold,out‐of‐tune

pianointhecorner,andShacharoftenplayedduringbreaks.

Outsideoftheclassroom,IcarriedmyrecorderaroundwithmewheneverI

could,duringbreaks,onfieldtrips,andwheneverIfeltitwouldnotbetooobtrusive.

WhenIleftitbehind,IoftenfoundmyselfwishingIhadit,andinsteadtookdetailed

fieldnotesatthenextopportunity.Ialsojoinedmyclassmatesintheirlivesoutside

ofGivatHaviva:eatingmeals,doinghomeworkandstudying,goingonhikesand

bikerides,hangingoutinpubsorcoffeeshops,visitingtheirhomesonweekends

andmeetingtheirfamilies.InallItapedapproximately230hoursoftalk.

Ialsocarriedoutopen‐ended,informalinterviewswithapproximately25

people.IconductedmostofmyinterviewstowardtheendofmytimeinIsrael,so

theywerewithpeopleIhadcometoknowwelloveraperiodofatleastsixmonths

beforeinterviewingthem.InthechaptersthatfollowIhavetriedtoinclude,where

possible,thecontextoftheinterviewsorconversationsIquotefrom,aswellas

personalinformationabouteachspeaker,inordertoavoidtheeffectofquotes

comingfromnowhere.InafewcasesIinterviewedmorethanonepersonatatime

–friendswhowereofteninconversationwithoneanother,andwhowere

comfortabletalkingtogether,withme.Whileatthetimethiswasmoreofa

pragmaticthanamethodologicalchoice,Ifindthatthesearesomeoftherichest

interviews,sincetheyallowedmetoaudio‐tapeconversationsbetweenfriendsthat

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Iwasoftenapartof–butoftenwithoutwithmytaperecorder.Ihopeitwillbe

clearthatthequestionsIaskedinmyinterviewswerenotimportedtheoretical

concerns;indeed,theywerenotthequestionsIcametothefieldwith.Iusedthe

interviewstofollowuponeventsIhadobservedorparticipatedin,toaskabout

howpeopleunderstoodandinterpretedtheseevents,andtoaskpeopletoexplain

theirreactionsortheirpointsofview.

Icastmynetwidely,andmynotesarefilledwithobservationsthathavenot

madeitintothisthesis.IpaidattentiontocommentsaboutArabsandIslam,about

modernityandbackwardness,aboutwomeninArabsociety(afavouritetopic),

aboutthemilitaryandmilitarisminIsrael,abouttheconnectionbetweenarmy

intelligenceandlanguagelearning,abouthomophobiaanddisplaysofmasculinity.I

notedthewayspeopletalkedabouttheArabiclanguageandaboutlanguage

learning,abouttheirreasonsforlearningArabic,aboutArab“customsand

traditions”(widelyagreedtobeanecessarypartoflearningtheArabiclanguage),

aboutRamadan,theQur’an,Muslimweddings,Arabfood,traditionalsayings

(anotherfavouritetopic),folktalesandsongs.Ilistenedwhenpeopletalkedabout

politicsandwhentheyrespondedtowhattheyhadheardonthemorningnews.

Theobservationsandinteractionsthatformthecoreofthisthesis,though,

arethosethathavetodowithplaceandspace,movementandmobility–withhow

peopleunderstand,interpret,andnavigatethelandscapearoundthem.Ilistened

whenpeoplegavedirectionsordiscussedthebestroutesordetoursorhowtoget

places.IpaidattentiontohowpeoplenavigatedwhenIdrovewiththem,which

landmarkswererelevantandhowtheynamedthem,howtheyidentifiedroadsand

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valleysanddirections.Conversationsaboutfear,safety,ordangercaughtmy

attention,asdidstoriespeopletoldaboutplaces.Ilistenedwhenpeoplementioned

thewall,orthenewhighway,orthecheckpoints.Ilistenedtohowpeopletalked

aboutplacestheynolongerwent.Thesearethestoriesandvoicesyouwillhearin

thecomingpages.

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ChapterThree

WhiteSpacesontheMap:GeographiesofIntimateDistance1.Introduction

MeronBenvenistiisafamiliarvoiceintheIsraelimedia,mainlythroughhis

frequentopinionpiecesinHaaretznewspaper.Hewritesjudiciously,passionately,

andalwayswithconcernforthehistoricalandcontemporarywrongsdoneto

PalestiniansinthenameofthefoundingandcontinuedexistenceofaJewishstate.

Eventhemanywhodisagreewithhispointofviewareforcedtoacknowledgehis

expertise,whichstraddlespoliticsandintellectinawaythatistypicalofmany

Israelipublicfigures:trainedasageographer,historian,andpoliticalscientist(and

sonofafamousgeographer),hewasdeputymayorofJerusalemforsevenyearsin

the1970s.

InhisbookSacredLandscape,publishedin2000,Benvenistitriestofillina

pictureofthePalestinianlandscapelostinthe1948war.Hebrieflyconsidershow

thislandscapelookedtotheJewishpopulationinwhatwasthenBritishMandate

Palestine,justbeforesomuchofitwasdestroyed:

[F]ew...JewshadevervisitedanArabvillage,andeventhosewho

haddonesodidnotspeakArabicandsocouldnotcommunicatewith

thevillagers,inanycase.Infact,theyhadnoreasontomakesucha

visit...Eventheinsignificantminoritywhoshowedaninterestin

theirArabneighbourshesitatedtoactuallyventureintothosealien

communitiesforfearofbeingharmed.Onthementalmapcarriedby

[Jews],theArabcommunitieswerewhitepatches–terraincognita.

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TheJewswere,ofcourse,awareoftheArabcommunities,butthese

towns,villagesandneighbourhoodshadnoplaceintheJews’

perceptionofthehomeland’slandscape.Theywerejustaformless,

randomcollectionofthree‐dimensionalentities,totallyisolatedfrom

theJewishlandscapeandviewedasifthroughanimpenetrableglass

wall.There–inthatotherlandscape–werehouses,orchards,and

peoplewhohadmeaningfortheJewsonlyastheobjectsoftheir

perceptionsandpoliticalconcerns,butnotassubjectsintheirown

right.TheattitudeoftheJewishpopulationtowardtheArab

landscape–physicalandhumanalike–wasastrangemixtureof

disregard,anxiety,affection,superiority,humanitarianism,

anthropologicalcuriosity,romanticism,and,aboveall,European

ethnocentricity(Benvenisti2000:56).1

IreadthissittingonabenchinOctobersunshinein2003,inBaka,a

neighbourhoodofJerusalem,whereIhadjustrentedaone‐roomapartment.Ihad

recentlyreturnedtoJerusalemtobeginmyfieldwork,andwasacutelyawarethat

mynewneighbourhoodhadoncebeenpartofthelostPalestinianlandscape

Benvenistidescribes.Theoldstonehouseswiththeirhigh,archedwindowsthat

madetheneighbourhoodsopicturesquehadbeeninhabitedbyArabsuntilthe1948

1SeealsoOzAlmog(1997),EllaShohat(2001),GilEyal(2006)fordescriptionsoftheambivalentattitudeofJewishsettlersinthepre‐stateperiodtotheirArabneighbours.EyalWeizmansummarizesthissuccinctly:“ZionistssawthePalestinianseitheraslate‐comerstotheland,devoidofthousand‐year‐oldrootsor,paradoxically,astheverycustodiansoftheancientHebrewcultureandlanguageofthisland–allthiswithoutanysenseofcontradiction”(2007:44).SeealsoChapterSixforfurtherdiscussion.

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war.AtthispointIhadstartedlearningArabicbutmostlymydayswerestill

absorbedwithsmallsweetpilgrimagestofamiliarandbelovedspotsinthiscitythat

Ihadsomissed,amongthemthebookstoreattheHebrewUniversityonMount

Scopus,whereIfoundthisbook.Thepassageresonatedformeinawaythatatthe

timewasdifficulttoarticulate.Inowseethatitencapsulatesmanyofthethemes

whichassertedthemselveswithgrowinginsistenceduringmyfieldwork,andwhich

becamethefocusofmydissertation:theintimate,dailywaysinwhichJewsand

Palestiniansmaintaintheirdistance;theconnectionbetweenspatialandlinguistic

practice;andtheroleoffearandoferasureincreatingandmaintainingsocial

boundaries.Theimageofthewhitepatchesonthemapisparticularlyvivid,calling

tomindtheoldmapsofexplorers,onwhichthewhitespacesmarkedtheareaofthe

unknown–terraincognita–throwingintorelieftheboundarybetweenasafe,

civilizedselfandthewild,unknowableother.The‘whiteness’ofthesespacesis

racializedinunexpectedways,relyingonoldoppositionsbetweenlightand

darkness,selfandother,evenasitreversesthem.Itistheseoppositionsthatmake

theimagesoresonant,inBenvenisti’sdescription,sincethe‘white’spaceshe

describesarebothobscuredandracialized–rendereddark–byignorance,erasure,

avoidance,andfear.2

2ThoughBenvenistidoesnotmentionJosephConrad,andthoughIrecognizethisonlybelatedly,itisperhapsConrad’sdiscussionof“whitespacesonthemap”inHeartofDarknessthatgivestheimageitsparticularenduring,contradictoryresonance:toexplorethewhitespacesonthemaponemustventureintotheheartofdarkness.Nesiah(2003:4),inheranalysisofJosephConrad’suseoftheimageinrelationtointernationallaw,boundaries,andterritoriality,writes:“Conradbothinvokesdualismsandthenalsorearrangestheirinheritedmeanings.Here...thefamiliarpositivemoralconnotationsofwhiteinrelationtoblackareinvokedinonepage,thenreversedinthenext.Moreover,thetransitionfromwhitespacesona

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ThischapterexploresthecontemporaryrelevanceofBenvenisti’s

observationbydescribing“theattitudeoftheJewishpopulationtowardtheArab

landscape”(Benvenisti2000:56)inWadiAraduringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork

there.Specifically,IexplorehowthepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldworknavigate

in,around,andthroughPalestinianspaces–discursivelyandspatially.Intracing

thecontoursofthislandscapeanditsvariousboundaries,astheyareunderstood

andexperiencedbythesepeople,whatemergesisageographyofintimatedistance,

maintainedbydailyactsofencounteroravoidance.3Itisadistancemaintainedin

thefaceof“unavoidableproximities”(Hartigan1999:86);4itthereforerequiresa

considerableamountofinteractionalwork.Whilethesespacesareshapedby

variousformsoferasure,theyarefarfrombeingignored.IsraeliJewsreturnto

themagainandagain,whetherdirectlyorindirectly,whetherthroughcritical

reflectionorthroughfear,astheyworkouttheconflictedmeaningsofthesespaces

inconversationwithoneanother(thoughalmostneverwiththePalestinianswho

liveinthem).Thehistoricalandgeographicalcontextoutlinedintheprevious

chaptersshouldemphasizethatthesediscussionsandmovementsareoccurringin

maptotheheartofdarknessisnotjust(althoughitisinescapablythattoo)anallusiontoacontinentofblackpeople,itisalsoanallusiontowhitespacesonamapthatarefilledupbythedarknessofimperialismandallthebrutalityandplunderassociatedwithit.”SeealsoAnderson(2006[1983]:173‐176)ontheroleofmap‐makersandexplorersin“fillingin”thewhitespaces,makingthemlegibleinparticularcolonialforms.3ThisformulationisalsoinspiredbyBenvenisti(2006),whowritesofthe“intimatedisregard”betweenJewsandArabsinIsrael:“likethatofamanwhocanignorehisownshadow,butcannotberidofit.”RebeccaStein(2008:89)hasrecentlywrittenonissuesofinteriority,proximity,andsmallscaleinplanningPalestinianvillagesastouristspacesintermsofa“geographyofintimacy.”4ThisishowJohnHartigan(1999)describesthespatializationofraceintheextreme‐povertyneighbourhoodofDetroitwherehedidfieldwork.

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thecontextofaveryspecificpoliticalhistoricalmomentandatimeofcrisisand

change.Iarguethatchangingmeaningsofthesespacesinpeople’stalkand

movementsbothreflectandcircumscribethechangingplaceofPalestinianswithin

theIsraelination.5

InthischapterIintroduceAliza,Yoav,Benny,Yuval,andDaniel.Insections

organizedaroundeachofthem,Ifollowthemintheirmovementsthroughthe

dividedlandscapeofWadiAra,asIlistentothemexplainhowtheyrelateto

differentspaces:wheretheygoandwheretheydonot,howtheymakethese

choices,andhowtheyunderstandtheimpactoftheirmovementsandthoseof

others.Throughtheirmovementsandconversations,Iexplorethemeaningofthe

“whitespaces”onthemap,theboundariesthatkeepthemfromenteringPalestinian

places,and,morebroadly,whatIcallinthischapterthegeographiesofintimate

distancethatdivideandconnectJewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.

Initsfocusonindividuals,thestructureofthechapterisintendedto

emphasizethehighlyperspectivalandcontingentnatureofsocialboundaries(see

alsoYuvalDavisandStoetzler2002b).Whilethenextchapterisconcernedwith

howsocialboundarieschangeovertime,Istructuredthischaptertofocusonhow

theyshiftintheperspectivesofdifferentpeople.InthisIengagewithrecentwork

thattriestocapturethedynamismandfluxofsocialboundaries,theirsituated, 5ItmustbenotedthatthischapterdescribesPalestinianspacesastheyappeartoIsraeliJewsandnotastheyaretothosePalestinianswholiveinthem.WhileafewPalestinianvoicesareheardinthechapter,andinthethesis,IdidmyfieldworkprimarilywithIsraeliJewsandassuchamlimitedtotheirperspectives(IdiscussthisinthePreface).Iwouldsuggest,andIhopetoexplorethisinfutureresearch,that‘intimatedistance’wouldbeanaccuratewaytodescribethesegeographiesfromtheperspectiveofPalestinianIsraelisaswell,butboththeintimaciesandthedistancewouldtakeverydifferentshapeandform.

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shifting,andvariednature,andthewaystheyareconfiguredandreconfigured

throughdailypractice(e.g.,Hartigan1999,Caldeira2000,MisselwitzandRieniets

2006,MonterescuandRabinowitz2007;seeChapterOne).

ThepeopleIencounteredduringmyfieldworkwereIsraeliJewsbrought

togetherinArabiclanguageclassrooms.6Theirmovementsandfearswereasvaried

astheirpoliticalperspectives:somespenttheirtimemonitoringhumanrights

violationsintheWestBank,andotherswereafraidtogotothemarketinthe

neighbouringArabvillage.Throughthejuxtapositionoftheseradicallydifferent

perspectives,Ihopetocomplicatemyownrubric,borrowedfromBenvenisti,

addingnuanceandcolourto“thementalmapcarriedbyJews,”showinginsteadofa

singular“mentalmap”avarietyofsituatedgeographicimaginations.

2.Aliza:“There’snoonetotalkto”

OntherareoccasionswhenRuth,myregularlift,couldnotmakeittoour

ArabicclassatGivatHaviva,Alizagavemearide.Shewouldpickmeupatthebig

mallbythesideofthehighwayinNorthTelAviv,nearherhomeinaluxuryhigh

risewithaviewoftheMediterranean.Probablyinherearlysixties,Alizaisnow

enjoyingasecondcareerinsemi‐retirement:sheleftahigh‐poweredbankjobto

becomeaguidewithaninternationaltouringcompany.Everysooftenshewould

returntoclassafteranabsenceandtellusabouthertriptoBerlin,Budapest,one

timeIndia.ShelovedBerlin,butcouldn’twaittoleaveIndiaasshesaidshewas

overwhelmedbythedirt.Shewouldexplainhowsheresearchesherdestinations 6SeeChapterTwoforadetaileddescriptionofthesestudentsandoftheirreasonsforlearningArabic.

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beforethetrips,downloadingmapsandhistorical,archaeological,andcultural

materialfromtheinternet.ThedaughterofIraqiimmigrants,shewouldjokethat

sheisjustlikethestereotypeofaninsularresidentofTelAviv:shecanfindherway

aroundbetterinEuropeancapitalsthanintheruralnorthofIsrael.Alizais

immaculatelywelldressedandmanicured,andhercarisspotless,spacious,and

veryair‐conditioned.

Aswedrovenorthalongtheshoreroad,onemorninginMay,sheheldforth

onwhyshewashavingsomuchtroubleimprovingherArabic:“Theproblemisthat

there’snoonetotalkto.(Einimmiledaber.)Really,there’snoonetoopenyour

mouthwith.”7SheexplainedthatforZoharandothersintheclasswholiveinthe

north(aroundWadiAra)there’ssomuchmoreopportunity.Butforher,livingin

TelAviv,there’snoonearoundtospeakArabicwith.True,sheadmitted,sheis

surroundedbyArabicspeakers:hercleaninglady,thegreengrocer,thecar

mechanic.ButsheneverspeakswiththeminArabic.Foronething,theyallspeak

Hebrewsoitfeelssilly.WhenshetriestospeaktotheminArabic,shefreezes.The

bestwaytolearnalanguageis“onthestreet”(barechov),sheinsisted,repeating

adviceweheardoftenfromourteachers.8Buttheproblemisthat“thereisnoArab

streetinIsrael”(einrechovAravi).

7MyconversationwithAlizawasnottaped.Inthissection,then,Iamparaphrasingwhatshesaid,basedonmynotes.ThepartsthatareinquotationmarksaretheonlypartswhereI’msureIgotherwordingexactlyright.ThebracketeditalicsaretheoriginalHebrewwordingofcertainkeyphrases.8Riyad,oneofourteachers,putitthisway:“Hereyou’regoingtolearnmaybethirtypercentofthelanguage.You’llgetthebase.Thebestistolearninthestreet.Gooutside,golivewithafamilyforthreeweeks.Threeweeksinavillageisbetterthanayearinaclassroom.”

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Aswetooktheturn‐offfromtheshoreroadandheadedeastonaroadthat

windsthroughpicturesquefieldsandmoshavim(agriculturalsettlements),Aliza

continued.ThelasttimesheactuallyspokeArabicwithsomeoneoutsidetheclass

waswhenshecalledhersoninLondonandreachedawrongnumber.Thevoiceat

theotherendcouldn’tunderstandher,andshecouldtellitwasanArabicspeaker.

SoAlizasaid“wrongnumber”inArabicbeforeshehungup.

“Einimmiledaber”(there’snoonetotalkto)wasacomplaintIheardoften

fromAlizaandotherclassmateswhowantedtopracticetheirArabicwithnative

Arabicspeakersbutcomplainedofalackofappropriateinterlocutors.My

classmatesfrequentlybemoanedthefactthattheydidnothaveanopportunityto

speakArabicoutsideoftheclassroom.Afewexpressedjealousythat,withmy

CanadianpassportandnativeEnglish,IcouldgolearnArabicinCairoorAmman.

TheywonderedwhyIdidn’t,sincethereIcouldlearnthelanguageinthebestway

possible:onthestreet.Theabsenceof“Arabstreets”9remarkedonbystudentsina

schoollocatednottenminutes’driveawayfromtwoArabcitiesisstriking.

Likewise,itisremarkablethatsomeonelivinginacountrywhereatleasteighteen

percentofthepopulationspeaksArabicasanativelanguageneedstocallawrong

numberinLondoninordertofindsomeonewithwhomtospeak.

9SeeAsefBayat(2003)andRanyaAbdelSayed(2003)fordiscussionsofrecentWesternpreoccupationwiththe“Arabstreet”andits(imagined)roleinthepoliticsofdissentintheArabworld.Bayatarguesthat“the‘Arabstreet’isdamnedifitdoesanddamnedifitdoesn’t–itiseither‘irrational’and‘aggressive’oritis‘apathetic’and‘dead.’”Eitherway,theconcept“reifie[s]thecultureandcollectiveconductofanentirepeopleinaviolentabstraction”(44).ItisinterestingthatforAlizaandotherslikeher,the‘Arabstreet’isalsofoundlacking,butitfiguresinstead–albeitinitsabsence–asthesiteofcultural/linguisticauthenticity.

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Aliza’scomplaint,though,isbasedonmuchmorestringentcriteriathan

linguisticcompetence;recallthatherArabic‐speaking‘cleaninglady’doesnot

qualify.ItisnotjustanArabicspeakerthatsheseeksanddoesn’tfind,buta

particularkindofspeakingsubjectand,byimplication,aparticularkindofcitizen.

Hercriteriaforheridealinterlocutorremainunspoken(implyinganassumption

thatIwouldunderstandthemandagreewiththem–anassumptionIfoundmyself

resenting),butitissafetosaythattheyareinformedasmuchbyrace,class,gender,

andpoliticalideologiesasbylanguage.

Inordertounderstandthis,itisnecessarytohearanechoatworkinher

words.“There’snoonetotalkto”tastes–touseBakhtin’s(1981)word–ofanother

context.10AcommonexplanationforthecollapseoftheOsloaccordsandthe

subsequentfailuretore‐startnegotiationsisthelackofaliberal,democratic,

moderatemainstreamamongPalestinians.“There’snoonetotalkto”isthe

frequentshorthandexplanationforthisincertainsoft‐leftliberalcirclesinIsrael–

thosesamedisillusionedcirclesthatvotedLikudforthefirsttimeinJanuary2003,

bringingArielSharonintopower(seeChapterOne).11Thepre‐conditionfor

negotiatingforpeace,asexpressedbythiscomplaint,istheexistenceofanideal

negotiatingpartner–orinterlocutor–bearinganappropriatecivicandpolitical

sensibility.InfailingtoliveuptothisidealthePalestiniansprovethemselvesan

10“Eachwordtastesofthecontextandcontextsinwhichithasliveditssociallychargedlife”(Bakhtin1981:293).ThankyoutoMarnieBjornsonforbringingthisquotetomyattention.11Anothercommonwaytophrasethisis“einpartner”(there’snopartner).UsingtheEnglishwordpartner(ratherthantheperfectlygoodHebrewwordforit–shutaf)“tastes”oftheAmericaninvolvementbothinthenegotiationsandininterpretationsoftheirfailure.

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unworthy“partner”inpeace.Becausethisidealisinformedasmuchbyorientalist

asbyethnocentricjudgments,thePalestinianssimultaneouslyprovethemselvesan

inadequately“civilized”globalsubject.12Thosewhovoicethiscomplaint,then,

locatetheblameforthecurrentimpasseinintrinsicallyPalestinianfailures.In

additiontoabsolvingthemselvesofanyguilt,theyexpressatonceawillingnessto

negotiateandtheirregretattheimpossibilityofanyproductivenegotiations.

Aliza’scomplaintthatshecan’tfindsomeonetospeakArabicwithisphrasedin

exactlythesametermsand,infact,itseemsthatherinterlocutorsandthoseofthe

peaceprocessarefoundlackinginsimilarways.

AsweapproachedGivatHavivawepassedtheroadcomingfromBakaal

Gharbiya,aPalestiniantownthatwehadbypassedonourroute.Alizamused,“I

wonderwhywedon’tdrivethatway–it’smuchclosertodrivethatway.”Shethen

proceededtoanswerherownquestion:“ButtheretheyhateJews.”WhenI

expressedsurpriseatthisjudgment,sheofferedevidence.Onetime,shetoldme,

shedrovederechhabik’a(alongthe“valleyroad”thatcutsthroughtheWestBank)

andstoppedatabakeryalongtheway.Shechattedwiththebaker,anArabman,

andaskedhimwherehewasfrom.“FromBaka,”heanswered.Soshetoldhim

she’dliketogothere,toseewhatit’slike.Hisreply:“Mapit’om!”–anexpressionof

surpriseanddismaythatcouldberoughlytranslatedas“Whatareyoutalking

about!”“I’mscaredtogothere,”Alizaconcluded.“IheartheyhateJewsthere.”

12Theinadequatelycivilizedsubjectis,ofcourse,acommontropeinimperial/colonialdiscourse,usedasajustificationforoccupationinavarietyofcontexts(seee.g.,Pratt1992,Grewal1996,Rafael2000;seealsoChapterSix).

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WhileAlizadoesnotmakethisconnectionherself,itseemscleartomethat

herfearofenteringBaka(andplaceslikeit)providesareadyexplanationforthe

absenceofanArabstreetinherunderstandingofIsraelitopography.Whileitisnot

withinthescopeofmyresearchtodiscussthisindepth,Iwouldsuggestthatthe

Israelileft’sassessmentoftheirPalestinianinterlocutorsmaybesimilarly

compromised.

3.YoavandBenny:“DotheyhaveblueIDcards?”

TheschoolbusturnedoffWadiAraroadandbeganasteepascentalonga

roadthatslowlydeterioratedasweclimbed,untilitwasjustdirtandgravel.Atthe

pointwherethebuscouldgonofurther,weclimbeddownandclusteredaroundour

teacherRiyad,onasparsewind‐sweptridge.ItwasaWednesdayafternoonin

October.Ontheschedulepostedonthebulletinboardoutsidetheclassroom,the

day’sdatewasblockedoffandoveritwaswrittenClassTrip:GreenLine.

Thegreenlineisthearmisticelineof1949:theborderofIsraeluntil1967,

whenIsraeloccupiedtheWestBank,Gaza,andtheGolanHeights(alsoSinaibutthat

waslaterreturned)intheSixDayWar.Whilethegreenlinecurrentlymarksthe

internationallyrecognizedbordersofIsrael,thelinedoesnotappearonmost

Israeli‐mademapsofthecountry–includinganymapstheboyswouldhave

encounteredinschool.Thisfollowsagovernmentdecisionin1967toeraseitfrom

atlases,maps,andtextbooks(seeNewmanandYacobi2005).13

13InDecember2006(aftermyfieldwork)YuliTamir,MinisterofEducationandamemberoftheLabourparty,recommendedthatthegreenlinebeincludedinallmapsappearinginnewtextbooksandcurriculummaterials.Thisrecommendation

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Belowustothenorthwasapanoramicviewofthewhiteroofsofthecityof

UmelFachem(seefigure3.1).BelowustothesouthRiyadpointedtowherethe

wall–herenotconcretebutafence,bothbarbedwireandelectric,withswathsof

landoneitherside–cutthroughthelandscape,thehillsoftheWestBankinthe

distancebeyond(seefigure3.2).Whileinotherpartsofthecountrytherouteofthe

wallcutsintoPalestinianterritory,Riyadexplained,hereitfollowsalongthegreen

line.Theborderherewascreatedin1949,hecontinued,whentheceasefirehalted

theretreatingJordanianarmyhere,onthesouthsideofthisridge,beyondUmel

Fachem.14ThisleftWadiAra(whichatthetimewaspopulatedalmostentirelyby

Palestinians)insideIsrael.TheinhabitantsoftheWadi,includingthoseofUmel

Fachem,weresubsequentlygrantedIsraelicitizenship.Theyarefullandequal

citizens,formallyentitledtothesamerightsandprivilegesasJews,thoughthe

realityissomewhatdifferent,explainedRiyad(seeChapterTwo).AsRiyadoffered

anexampleoftheirtreatmentbytheIsraelistate,explaininghowlandwas

confiscatedfromUmelFacheminordertobuildamilitarycampoverthere,inthe

hillsofRamatMenashetothenorth,Yoavinterruptedhim:“Waitaminute,waita

minute.InUmelFachemdotheyhaveblueIDcards?”(yeshlahemteudotkchulot?)

Thatis,dotheycarrythesameformofidentificationthatallIsraelicitizenscarry?

InordertounderstandYoav’squestionitisimportanttorecognizethe

centralplaceofidentitypapers(Hebrew:teudatzehut;Arabic:hawiye)inthehighly

stratifiedsystemthatregulateswhohasaccesstowhatrightsandprivilegesand wasmetwithanuproarfromLikudKnessetmembers,whoaccusedTamirofforcingherleft‐wingideologyonthenation’schildren,andrabbinicalauthorities,whoforbadestudentsfromusingthenewtextbooks.(SeeEldar2006,Pogrund2006.)14ThisisaslightlydifferentversionofeventsfromwhatIoutlineinChapterTwo.

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whocangowhereinIsrael.15Inparticular,Palestinianscarrydifferentcoloured

identitycardswhichmarktheirdifferentialstatus:thoselivingintheWestBankand

GazacarrygreencardsandhavenoclaimswhatsoevertoIsraelicitizenship;those

livinginEastJerusalemcarryorangecardsandareconsideredresidents,butnot

citizensofIsrael;andthosewholiveinsidethegreenline,withintheundisputed

bordersofIsrael,carryblueidentitycards–thesameasanyothercitizenofIsrael.

AllIsraelicitizensarelegallyobligedtocarrytheseidentitycardsatalltimesand

presentthemondemand,aspertheIdentityCardCarryingandDisplayingActof

1982.Onthesecards,inadditiontosex,placeofbirth,andnamesofmotherand

father,thereisaspacemarked“leum,”whichcanbetranslatedasnation(thoughthe

Hebrewwordhasmultipleovertones).Themainoptionsforfillinginthisspace–

JeworArab–pointtothewayscategoriesofidentityinIsraeloverlapinconfusing

andhighlyloadedways.16ThisbelieswhatBenedictAnderson(2006:166)calls“the

15SeeKelly2006foraninterestingdiscussionof“theroleofidentitydocumentsinproducingtheparticulartextureofrelationshipsbetweenpersonsandstatesintheIsraeli‐Palestinianconflict.”16OtheroptionsincludeDruzeandCircassian,buttheseareaverysmallminority.Leumcanbetranslatedasnation,butwhereitdistinguishesbetweenbearersofthesamecitizenshipcard,itcanbeunderstoodasreferringtoethnicaffiliation.Jew,then,isinthiscontextamarkerofethnicornational,notreligiousidentity,anditsoppositeisArab,notMuslimorChristian,andcertainlynotPalestinian.NationalidentityusedtobefilledinonidentitycardsbytheMinistryoftheInteriorregardlessofthecard‐bearer’spreference.Asof2005(aftermyfieldwork)thiscategorywasremovedfromidentitycards.Thisoutcomefollowedfromadisputenotoverthequestionable‘nationality’ofPalestinianIsraelisbutoveranotherfundamentaldilemmaofIsraeliexistence,referredtoasthe“whoisaJew”debate.WhentheSupremeCourtruledthatpeoplewhoconvertedtoJudaismthroughaReform(ratherthananOrthodox)conversionbeidentifiedasJewsontheiridentitycards,theMinisteroftheInterior(amemberofShas,anOrthodoxparty)decidedtoremovethecategoryaltogetherratherthanidentifyasJewsthosenotconsideredJewishbyOrthodoxJewishlaw.

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fictionofthecensus”:“thateveryoneisinitandthateveryonehasone–andonly

one–extremelyclearplace.”

WhenYoavaskedwhetherresidentsofUmelFachemcarryblueidentity

cards,hisquestionwasmetwithafewsnickers(hewasnotoriousintheclassforhis

frequentquestions,oftencomingfromsomewhereinthevicinityofleftfield).But

heisnotaloneinhisconfusionoverthestatusoftheresidentsofUmelFachemand

placeslikeit.AfewminutesearlierLior,athoughtfulandearnestboywhogotthe

bestmarksintheclass,hadapproachedmeandquietlyasked:“IsUmelFachem

Israeli?”

OnwhichsideofthegreenlinearePalestiniancitizensofIsraellocated?This

questionpersisted,evenaswestoodonaridge,peeringdownoverthegreenlineas

itclearlyandconcretelydividedthelandscape,withtheWestBankononesideand

IsraelandUmelFachemontheotherside.Beyondgeographicconfusion,Iargue

thatthepersistenceofYoav’squestionreflectsadeepambivalenceoverwhetheror

nottoincludePalestiniancitizensofIsraelwithintheimaginativegreenlinethat

markstheboundariesoftheIsraelination.

YoavandhisfriendBennywerethetoughguysintheclass.Disappointed

thattheywereassignedtoarmyintelligence(thiswasthereasontheywereinthe

course),theymadeitclearatanyopportunitythattheyhadwantedtobeassigned

toacombatunit.Benny’sfamilylivesinoneofthemanydormitorysuburbssouth

ofTelAviv,awealthyone.YoavisthesonofYemeniteimmigrantsandlivesinRosh

HaAyin,atownonthecoastalplane,populatedlargelybyotherfamiliesfrom

Yemen.Iinterviewedthembothonedayduringourlunchbreak,sittingondesksin

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theteachers’lounge.BennytoldmehehadneverbeeninanArabvillagebeforethe

course:

InmywholelifeI’veneverbeeninanArabvillage.Whynot?Because,

stam(justbecause),there’snothingformethere.(Einlimalechapes

sham–literally,I’vegotnothingtolookforthere.)Youknow,welive

apart.Me,theArabvillagenearesttomeismaybe100kilometres

away,it’snotclose...AJewlikeme,wholivesinthecentre,inGush

Dan[theareaaroundTelAviv],thingslikethisdon’tconcernyouso

much.Arabs.It’slikeakindofbubble.It’sakindofbubble.

ThenearestArabvillagetoBenny’shomeisactuallyaroundtenkilometresaway,

thoughitisintheWestBank.ThenearestArabvillagewithinIsraelistwenty

kilometresaway.IaskedYoavifitwasthesameforhim,ifhehadneverbeeninan

Arabvillagebeforethecourse.Herespondedwithabitofbravado:

Nonono.MydadworkswithArabssosometimestheycomeeatat

myhouseandstufflikethat(shtuyotkaele).I’vebeentoKfarKasem,

KfarBara.

Yoav’sdadisacontractorwhohiresArabstodoconstructionworkforhim.Both

KfarKasemandKfarBaraarelocatedwithinatenkilometreradiusofYoav’shome.

WhenIaskedYoavwhyhehadgonetotheseplaces,helaughedandanswered:

Onadrivinglesson!No,butalsotobuythingslikecoal,firecrackers.

Mydadgoesthere...Peoplewilltellyou:‘einlechamalechapessham’

(there’snothingforyouthere).Butme,mydad,whenIcametothe

courseforthefirsttimeforinstance,wedrovethroughBakaal

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Gharbiya.Okay,atfirstitwasbymistake[helaughs]butafterhe

stopped,gotout,boughtthings,feltathome[hirgishbabayit],you

know.

Yoav’sdescriptionofhisdadfeeling“athome”(babyit)inBakaechoeshisearlier

mentionofhisfather’sArabemployeeseatingathisownhome.Heretherecurrent

imageofhouseandhome(theHebrewwordforthemisthesame:bayit)createsa

pictureofintimateproximityconstruedasneighbourliness;theother,more

threateningsideofthisproximity,however,soonemerges.IaskedBennyifthe

‘bubble’hefeelshelivesinhasanythingtodowithfear,andheresponded:“More

thanfearit’slackofknowledge”(choseryeda).Yoavadded:

Listen,there’snofearandallthatbutonedayit’sgoingtocomeback

atyouforsure.(yomechadzeholechlehitnakembechabedugri—

literally,it’sgoingtogetrevengeonyouforsure.)We’veheardabout

lotsofpeopleonthenewswhoalltheydidwasgotodosomenormal

business(iskaregila),likealways,everySundaysittinganddrinking

coffeewithsomeArab(eizearavi)andintheendtheygotshot.(kiblu

eizekadur–literally,caughtsomebullet)

TheimplicationofYoav’swarningisthatweareperhapslulledintoafalsesenseof

security,thatitisourlackoffearthatwill,intheend,provedangerousor‘get

revenge’onus.ItispreciselyourintimateproximitytoArabs–thefactthattheyeat

inourhomesandwefeelathomeshoppingintheirtowns,thefactthatdrinking

coffeetogetheris“normalbusiness”–thatputsusindanger.Thisisnot,itturns

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out,animageofneighbourlinessbutanexplanationofwhyitisdangeroustotrust

Arabs.Havingneverheardofsuchaneventmyself,IchallengedYoavonhisstory:

Abigail:We’veheardaboutthis?InSIDEIsraelorintheterritories?

Yoav:[No,inIsrael‐

Benny:No,intheterritoriesthat’s‐]

Yoav:Ya,like,intheterritories,youwenttosomeArab(halachtale

eizearavi)and–

Abigail:Ok,buttogotoBakaalGharbiyaisnottogoto,Idon'tknow,

Hevron.

Yoav:Still,listenwhat,alsoinJeninthere’suh‐

Abigail:Jenin’sintheterritories.

Yoav:Um,Jenin!Ha!um,alsoinUmelFachemthere’sstufflikethat

(shtuyotkaele).

Yoav’sconfusionoverwhereJeninislocated–whetherintheterritoriesorinIsrael

–andhisuncertaintyoverwhichsideofthebordertheviolencehedescribestook

placein(despitemyinsistencethatthisdistinctionisimportant),echoeshisearlier

questionabouttheinhabitantsofUmelFachem.Itseemsthatthecrucialhistorical,

political,andgeographicaldistinctionbetweenPalestinianslivingintheterritories

andPalestiniancitizensofIsraelisnotonethatisrelevanttoYoavandBenny.What

isrelevanttothemistheArabidentityofthesepeopleandtheplacesinwhichthey

live,ratherthantheirlocationonthisortheothersideofthegreenline.Umel

FachemisnotdistinguishedfromJeninbecausebothareunderstoodasequally

dangerousandinaccessible,andequallyoutsidetheboundsoftheIsraelistate–

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thoughoneisadministeredbythelocalregionalcouncilandtheotherisacrossa

wallandacheckpoint.Whatmattersisthatineitherplaceyouareliabletobe

harmedby“someArab.”

Theconflationoftheseverydifferentlypositionedgroupsrepresentsa

curiouselisionoftheinternationallyrecognizedborderthatseparatesthem.Critical

Israelischolarsunderstandtheerasureofthegreenlinefromstatemapsasan

attempttoincorporatetheoccupiedterritoriesintotheIsraeliterritorial

imagination.DavidNewman(1995:15)callsthisaprocessof“territorial

socialization,”meanttocreatementalimagesofhomelandmapsfocusingonthe

areaofmandatePalestineasaterritorialwhole.YoavandBennyshowthattheyare

indeednotclearonthelocationofthegreenline,itscontours,andwhichArabslive

onwhichside;onthemapsthatIaskedthemtodrawformeatthebeginningofour

interview,thegreenlineismarkedlyabsent.

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TheterritoriesoftheWestBankandGazaarenotmarkedofffromIsraeliterritory

inanywayoneitherofthesemaps.Instead,theyappearaswhite,emptyspaces

encasedwithintheclearlyboundedspaceofIsrael.17Theabsenceofthegreenline

isparticularlyglaringgiventhatthesemapsweredrawnafterconstructionofthe

wallwascompletedalongmostofitslength,andafterwewentonaclasstripwith

theexplicitpurposeofseeingandlearningaboutthegreenlineandthewall.18In

17OtherwhitespacesincludetheNegev,onBenny’smap,andthenorthernGalilonYoav’s–bothknownincommonIsraeliparlanceasthe“periphery,”andbothareaswheremanyPalestinianIsraelislive.WadiAraitselfisfilledinbecauseIaskedthemtomarkoffGivatHavivaandtheplaceswewentonourfieldtrips.18Benny’smap,ontheleft,depictsIsraelasneatlyenclosed,hermeticallysealedwithinitsmaximalborders,floatinginmorewhitespace:noneofthesurroundingcountriesareindicated.Yoav’smapindicatesEgypt,Sinai(somehowelevatedtothe

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describinghowmapsanticipatespatialrealtyAnderson(2006:176)describesthe

linesoflongitudethatsetsovereigntyonmanycolonialmapsas“invisibleline[s]

whichcorrespondedtonothingonthegroundbutboxedinConrad’sdiminishing

whitespaces.”OnYoav’sandBenny’smapstheabsenceofahighlymilitarized,

increasinglyfortifiedlinethathasaveryconcreterealityonthegroundisanactof

erasurethatlikewiseanticipatesrealityandboxesinwhitespaces.

Itismorethanjusterasurethatisatwork,though.Whilethegreenlineis

erasedfromthesemaps,itseemstoretainamobilepresenceindemarcating

internalfrontiers,settingtheboundsoftheimaginednationalcommunityinways

thatconflictwiththenationalterritorialimagination.Intheirconfusionoverwhere

thegreenlinerunsandwholivesonwhichsideofit,ratherthanincorporatingthe

WestBankintoIsrael,YoavandBennyseemtoexpelplaceslikeUmelFachemfrom

Israel,incorporatingthemintotheWestBank.Itisasthoughthegreenlineisboth

erasedandrecursivelyprojectedwithinthestate,toseparateJewishfrom

Palestiniancitizens.OthershavecommentedontheIsraelinationalimagination

thatseesthepresenceofPalestiniansasa“‘defiled’substancewithinthe‘Israeli’

landscape,”or,drawingonMaryDouglas,as“matteroutofplace”(Weizman

2007:20).ButiftheseboysexpelPalestinianIsraelisfromtheimaginednational

community,theydosoinawaythatassumestheirbelongingtoalargerPalestinian

nation.Indoingso,theironyisthattheygranttheArabminorityinIsraela

Palestiniannationalidentity,anidentitythatisroutinelydeniedthembytheIsraeli

statusofaseparatecountry),Lebanon,andSyria;Israel’snorthernborderiscuriouslyleftopenonhismap.

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state.19AsYoavandBenny–andotherslikethem–engagewiththemeaningand

locationofthegreenlineintheireverydaylives,movementsandinteractionsform

“temporarylinesofengagement,markedbymakeshiftboundaries”;these

boundariesare“notlimitedtotheedgesofpoliticalspacebutexistthroughoutits

depth,”markingexclusionandinclusioninavarietyofoftencontradictoryways

(Weizman2007:4‐5).

4.Yuval:“Goodmorning,neighbour”

Anewstudentarrivedinclassonemorning.ItwasOctober,onlythesecond

monthoftheintensivecourse,sohisentranceinterruptedthetediumofgoingover

someverybasicvocabularyincolloquialArabic:Whatdaywasyesterday?

Tuesday.Whatwasthedaybeforethat?Monday.Theheadoftheschoolbrought

himin,introducedhimbrieflytousinArabic,andleft.“Howdowegreetthenew

student?”Riyad(ourteacher)promptedus.Wechimedindutifully,“Ahalanwa

sahalan”–welcome.“Whowantstogettoknowthenewstudent?”Riyadasked,

takingadvantageofhisentrancetoletustryoutsomeofour“gettingtoknowyou”

questionsinaclose‐to‐real‐lifesituation:ifnotwithanArabicspeakerthenatleast

withsomeonewedidnotyetknow.Westumbledoverthequestions,making

mistakesoftenseandagreement,butthequestionsweaskedweredeterminednot 19ThisisaperspectivethatisnotuniquetoYoavandBennybutiscommonamongright‐leaningIsraeliJews.Stein(2008:56)identifiesasimilarcontradictioninthe“discursiveshift”thatattendedshiftsintouristpracticesinIsrael:“Intimesofpeace,thevillagesoftheGalileewereenjoyedasexplicitly“Arab”places.Atmomentsofcrisis,theirthreateningstatusof“Palestinian”camesuddenlytothefore.Thestate‐sponsoredfictionofadenationalizedArabminority,apopulationstrippedofitsPalestinianidentityandhistory,oftencollapsedundertheweightofpoliticalcrisis.”Iwouldarguethattheubiquityofthisperspectivedoesnotdetractfromitsirony.

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onlybyourlimitedvocabulary,itseems,butalsobysomethingmorefundamental:

“What’syourname?”followedby“Whereareyoufrom?”OverandoverIobserved

thatthisisalwaysthesecondquestionthatisaskedwhenmeetingsomeonenewin

Israel.Theanswercarriesawealthofessentialinformation,allowingyoutoplace

thenewpersoninmanymorewaysthanjustgeographically.20

Thenewstudent,Yuval,saidheisfromMetser.Sincethisisasmallplace,he

explainedfurther:“NorthofBaka.”Riyad,locatingYuval’shomeinrelationtoa

morefamiliarlandmark,added:“KibbutzMetser,nearGivatHavivaya’ni(thatis).”

WeaskedhiminArabichowoldheis,hisoccupation,whetherheismarriedor

single,thenamesofthemembersofhisfamily.ThenGadiaskedhimanother

essentialquestion:“WhydoyouwanttolearnArabic?”Yuvalansweredinhesitant

Arabic,interspersedwithcorrectionsandclarificationsfromRiyad,andfromYael,a

studentintheclass:

Yuval:Allthe(.)place(makan).IntheTriangle‐

Yael:region(mantika)?

Yuval:AlltheregionoftheTrianglewhereIlive–me,tomyleftisBaka,

tomyrightis‐

Riyad:Meyser.

Yuval:Meyser.

Riyad:Ya’ni(thatis),kifmabtita’labitshufArab.Whatdoesthatmean?

[HetranslatesintoHebrew.]EverywhereyoulookyouseeArabs.

Yuval:EverymorningatthreeinthemorningIhear– 20Forexample,Alizasayingshe’sfromNorthTelAvivtellsyoushe’swealthy;Yoavsayinghe’sfromRoshHaAyintellsyouhe’smostlikelyofYemeniteorigin;etc.

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Yael:themosque?

Yuval:Ihear“Alahuakbar”(Godisgreat).

Riyad:Everymorningatthreeinthemorningyouhearthecallofthe

muezzin.

YuvalisamemberofKibbutzMetser,acooperativeagriculturalcommunityafew

kilometresdowntheroadfromGivatHaviva.Locatedjustinsidethegreenline,its

nearestneighboursinIsraelarethetownofBakaalGharbiyaandthevillageof

Meyser,bothpopulatedbyPalestinianIsraelis.Metserislocatedononecornerof

anareacalledinArabicIlMuthalath,“theTriangle,”oneoftheregionsofthecountry

thatisheavilypopulatedbyPalestiniancitizensofIsrael(seemapsandChapter

Two).YuvalrespondedtothequestionofwhyhewantstolearnArabicby

describinghissurroundings,presentingapictureofintimateproximitywithhis

Arabneighboursashisreason.SurroundedbyArabspaces,hefeelshimself

surroundedbytheArabiclanguageandsowantstolearnit.Whilebeing

surroundedbyArabsisoftenawaytotalkaboutfeelingsoffearorencroachment,I

don’tthinkthatisthereinYuval’sdescriptionofhissurroundings.Speakingin

ArabicofhisdesiretolearnArabic,hedescribedthislandscapeinArabicterms:the

landmarksheused(Baka,Meyser,theTriangleregion)arenottheusualwaysto

locateKibbutzMetser–theregioniscalledtheChefervalleyinHebrew.21Inusing

thesignpostsofaPalestinianandnotaJewishlandscape,Yuvalrevealsanunusual 21DescribingaplaceasbeinglocatednearanArabplace,inaconversationbetweenJews,issounusualastobemarkedasastatementofsomesort.YouwouldusuallynameaJewishlandmark,evenifitwerefartheraway.(SeePortugali1993:160‐161forstrikingsurveyevidenceofthis.)Forexample,Rina(whomwemeetinChapterFive)alwaysdescribedTnuvot,whereshewasliving,asbeing“nearKalansawa”inaconsciousanddeliberate(anddeliberatelyprovocative)reversalofthistendency.

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sensitivitytohissurroundings,andtothepoliticsofdescribingthislandscapeinthe

Arabiclanguage.Riyad,though,seemedtopickuponYuval’swordsinanother

register–asthoughhewasdescribingfeelingsurroundedbyanunwanted

preponderanceofArabs:“Ya’ni,everywhereyoulookyouseeArabs.”

Yuvalcontinuedwithanexampleoftheever‐presenceoftheArabiclanguage

inhislandscape:thesoundofthecalltoprayerwhichisbroadcastfrommosquesin

Baka,fivetimesdaily,includingapre‐dawncall.(Thereusedtobeamuezzinwho

wouldcallpeopletoprayoveraloudspeaker,butnowitisarecordingthatis

played.)Thissound,broadcastfrommosquesalloverthecountry,canbeheard

frommanyJewishtownsandneighbourhoods,includingfromthewindowofmy

apartmentinJerusalem.TomanyitservesasacommonintrusionofMuslim‐nessin

anotherwiseJewishlandscape,andaconstantreminderofthesurprisingproximity

ofseeminglydistantArabneighbours.Theauditoryminglingalsocreatesan

unexpectedsenseofclosenesssince,forinstance,Ineverwenttoseethemosque

nearmeinJerusalem,wherethesesoundsoriginated,yetmydaysweremarkedby

theechoesofthesecalls,theirmelodysoundingsometimeseerie,sometimes

melancholy,sometimescomforting.InYuval’saccount,physicalproximityisfelt

throughthisaudiblepresence,theforeignsoundsincorporatedintohisdaily

environment.

BenedictAnderson(2006)describessingingthenationalanthemorreciting

ceremonialpoetryasonekindofexperienceofsimultaneitythroughwhichthe

nationalcommunityisimagined:

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Howselflessthisunisonancefeels!Ifweareawarethatothersare

singingthesesongspreciselywhenandasweare,wehavenoidea

whotheymaybe,orevenwhere,outofearshottheyaresinging.

Nothingconnectsusbutanimaginedsound(145).

Thecalltoprayercanbeunderstoodassuchanexperienceofsimultaneitypar

excellence–an“echoedphysicalrealizationoftheimaginedcommunity”thatsets

bothacommonrhythmandanawarenessofcommonalityforthoseitcalls,

wherevertheymaybe.Yetitdoesnotcallallwhohearit.Ifthecalltoprayer

connectsMuslimsallovertheworldthroughtheexperienceofimaginedsound,it

alsoformsotherconnections–anddivisions–closertohome.22

Barker(1999)discussestheroleofsoundinmarkingandcreatingdegreesof

belongingandnot‐belonging,gradationsofinsideandoutside.Thesoundofthecall

toprayerreferencesmultipleandconflictingboundaries,reinforcingsomewhile

crossingothers.LikethesoundofthekentonganthatBarkerdescribes(thehollow

instrumentstruckbynightwatchmenintheneighbourhoodsofBandung),the

soundofthecalltoprayerpunctuatesthenightsofallwithinitsrange.Forthose

whohearit,JewsandMuslimsalike,it“createsanephemeralorder,atempointhe

night”;itthusgivescoherence“notjusttoatemporalitybuttoamilieuinwhichall

thenearbydwellingsaredrawntogether”bythesharedexperienceofthissound

(Barker1999:109).ItisthisthatYuvalrespondsto,embracingthesoundasan

experienceofaudibleconnectionamongneighbours. 22AndersonreferencesHegelwhoobservedthat“newspapersservemodernmanasasubstituteformorningprayers”(35).Yetinthiscontexttheimportanceofmorningprayerspersists,alongsidetheother“massceremony”ofreadingthemorningpaper.

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Yetthekentongan,asdescribedbyBarker,hasotherfunctionsbeyond

connectivity.Itnotonlydrawsalinearoundthosewhohearit;italsodistinguishes

betweendifferenthearers,markingcertainhouseholdsanddemandingparticular

responsesfromparticularhouseholdsorindividuals.Thesameistrueofthecallto

prayer:itinterpolatesonlysomeofitshearers.IncallingMuslimlistenerstoprayer,

itrequiresaresponse;itactivatesarelationship;itestablishesapresence;itmarks

outaterritory.Incontrast,noresponseisrequiredofJewishlisteners.Theymay

continueabouttheirbusiness,gobacktosleep,ormostoftenlearntotuneitout,

havingonlythevaguestawarenessofitstimingorsignificance.Therelationship

activatedbythissoundhasnorelevancetothem;byextension,theterritoryit

marksdoesnotincludethem.HowdoIsraeliJewsrespondtotheregularaudible

reminderofaforeignpresenceintheirmidst?Noteveryonechoosestoconstrueit,

asYuvaldid,asareminderofneighbourlyconnection.

WhileRiyadwasusuallyeasilydistractedfromgrammartoelaborationsof

Muslimtraditions,hedidnottakethisopportunitytoexplainthescheduleof

Muslimprayers.Instead,hemovedonandreturnedtothelesson:Whatdayis

tomorrow?Thursday.Whatisthedayaftertomorrow?Friday.

Buttheconversationwasnotyetover.Tenminuteslater,theclasshad

movedonandweweretakingturnsreadingaloudastoryfromthetextbook.We

encounteredavocabularywordthatwehadlearnedtheweekbefore:neighbour

(jar).Riyadreinforcedthewordbyremindingusofanumberofproverbsinwhich

itappears.(HewouldfrequentlytellusthatthekeytoArabcultureisinitswealth

ofproverbs.)What’stheproverbwelearnedabouttheimportanceofknowingyour

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neighbour?heaskedus.“Askaboutyourneighbourbeforeyouaskaboutyour

house.”(Neighbour–jar–rhymeswithhouse–dar.)What’stheoneaboutnot

gettinginvolvedinyourneighbour’sbusiness?“Sabachilcher,yajari.Intafidarak

waanafidari.”(Goodmorning,neighbour.You’reinyourhouseandI’minmy

house.)Riyadpausedbeforetheendofthelineandwechimedinwiththerhyming

word.ThenRiyad’sexplanationofthisproverb,inaddressingYuvalasanexample,

suddenlybecameaboutalotmorethanproverbs.HecontinuedinArabic:

That’sright.Goodmorningneighbour,ya’ni(thatis),youandMeyser

[addressingYuvalandmentioningtheArabvillagenexttohis

kibbutz],that’srightthatyouhearArabicbutyouarealoneandheis

alone.Wesay:goodmorningneighbour,you’reinyourhouseandI’m

inmine.Ya’ni,[translatesintoHebrew]you’reinyourhouseandI’m

inmyhouse,you’reinyourheadandI’minmyhead.[Atababyit

shelchave’anibabayitsheli.Atabaroshshelchave’anibaroshsheli.]

Ya’ni,wedon’twanttogetinvolvedineachother’sbusiness.(Hebrew:

lorotsimlehitarev.)

ComingafterYuval’sdescriptionofintimateneighbourliness,ofacommonmilieu

boundedbysharedsound,thiscouldbeunderstoodasRiyad’scounter‐claim

regardingthespatialrelationsofJewsandArabsintheregion:youareinyour

house,Iaminmine;you’reonyourown,I’monmyown.LikeYoavintheprevious

section,Riyadishereusingtheimageofhouseandhometoassertadifferent

versionofneighbourliness,emphasizingseparatenessdespitephysicalproximity:

theremaybeauditoryminglingbutweremainfundamentallyseparate,eachwithin

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ourownhomeandeachwithinourownmind‐set(“that’srightthatyouhearArabic

but...”).Thiscounter‐versiontowhatYuvaldescribedasaclose‐knit,integrated

landscape,unifiedbyacommonexperienceofsound,couldbereadasanassertion

ofterritoriality,areminderoftheveryseparateexperiencesandrealitiesofthe

residentsofMeyserandMetser.23

Riyad’swordssetupaparallelbetweenhouse/home(thewordforbothin

Hebrewisbayit)andhead:“You’reinyourhouseandI’minmyhouse,you’rein

yourheadandI’minmyhead.”24“Head”canhereberead,followingcommonIsraeli

parlance,asmind‐setorhead‐space.25Accordingtothisparallel,entering

somebodyelse’sspace–theirhome–couldpossiblybeconstruedasentering

someone’shead–thatis,takingon,oratleastrecognizing,theirperspectiveorpoint

ofview.Riyad’sformulationcaninturnbereadasanassertionoftheneedto

preserveanautonomousspaceinordertoprotectonespointofview.Entering

somebodyelse’shomecanthusbereadasanintrusion,asachallengeto

territoriality,orevenasathreattoautonomy.Iwouldarguethatwecanaddathird

layertothisparallel:language.Tospeaksomeone’slanguagewasoftendescribed

tomeasto“entertheirhead,”tounderstandtheirculturalviewpoint;likewise,the

linkbetweenlearningsomeone’slanguageandenteringsomeone’sspacecomesup

repeatedlyinthedissertation.Whetheravisitorisreadasaguestoranintruderin

23Itcouldalsobereadasawarning(‘don’tgetinvolved’;‘stayout’),asareminderthatsegregationlooksdifferentdependingonwhichsideyouarelookingatitfrom,orasacritiqueofoccupationmasqueradingasneighbourliness.24ThankyoutoMichaelChazanforpointingoutthisinterestingparallel.25“Toentersomeone’shead”(lehikaneslarosh)istoseethingsfromtheirperspective.“Tobeinonehead”(lihiyotberoshechad)istoagree,tobeonthesamepage.

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one’shome,head,orlanguageperhapsdependsonwhetherornotheorshehas

beeninvitedin(seealsoBarker1999:109‐111).ThatRiyadswitchesfromArabicto

HebrewinaddressingthiscommenttoYuvalperhapsemphasizesthatheisnot

extendinganinvitation.

WhatwasnotmentionedeitherbyRiyadorYuval,butwhatwasunderstood

byeveryoneintheclasstoformthesubtextofthisinteraction,isthetragicrecent

historyofKibbutzMetser.InNovember2002(twoyearsbeforeYuvaljoinedour

class),aPalestiniangunmancrossedoverfromtheWestBankonenight,enteredthe

kibbutz,andshotandkilledfivepeople.InthecoverageofthiseventintheIsraeli

media,twodetailswereemphasized,makingthisstandoutasparticularlytragic

amongothersimilarevents:first,amongthevictimswerea35yearoldmotherand

hertwosons,agesfourandfive,whowereshotintheboys’bedroomassheread

themabedtimestory;andsecond,thespokespersonforthekibbutzstatedthat,in

thewakeofthekilling,thekibbutzremainedcommittedtotheidealofcoexistence

withitsArabneighbours.Dependingonthesource,thiswaspresentedeitheras

misguidedfollyorutopianhope,butmuchwasmadeinthecoverageofthehistory

offriendshipandcooperationbetweenMetseranditsneighbour,Meyser.Meyser

shareditswellwiththenewkibbutzwhenitwasinitsearlyyears,andsincethen

generationsofMeyserchildrenhavecometoplayinMetser’splayground.26A

monthbeforetheshootingmembersofthekibbutzprotestedtheconstructionofthe

wallwhichwastobebuiltsomedistanceoverthegreenline,cuttingoffthefarmers

26SeeChapterFourforanalysisofnostalgicnarrativesofcoexistence.

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ofthevillageofKafin,Metser’sotherneighbours,ontheothersideofthegreenline,

fromtheirfields.

Themoredistanthistoryofthekibbutzformsanimportantsubtexttothis

storyofcoexistence,thoughitisahistorythatisnotincludedindominantIsraeli

versionsofthepast.Thekibbutzwasfoundedin1953onlandthathadbeen,until

1948,aPalestinianvillage.27ItwasfoundedbyagroupofArgentineanimmigrants

anditslocationrightontheborder,surroundedbyArabs,wasnotcoincidental:it

waspartofasettlementpolicyofthetimeof‘Judaizing’thefrontiers(seeChapter

Two).

Thisisthecontextforthetwoopposingversionsof‘neighbourliness’

presentedbyYuvalandbyRiyad.Understoodintheseterms,whatisatstakein

describingMetserassurroundedbyorseparatefromitsPalestinianneighbours,

connectedtothemordividedfromthem,isclearer.TheminglingthatYuval

describescanbeunderstoodtohavedangerousconsequences–theinfiltrationof

thesoundofthecalltoprayerintoacontainedJewishspaceparallelingamore

lethalinfiltrationfromPalestinianspaces.Assertingtheseparatenessofthese

spaces,despitetheirproximity,canthenbeunderstoodasawayofminimizingthe

27Itsname,Metser,isaHebraicizationofthenameoftheArabicname,Meyser.Duringtheerainwhichthekibbutzwasfounded,itwascommontoincorporateformerArabicplacenamesinnamingnewJewishsettlements(seeBenvenisti2000–oftentheArabicsourcewasretainedinsomeform,butdistortedinordertoaddsomeBiblicalornature‐relatedmeaning).ButtheunusualthingisthatMeyserisstillthere,theneighbouringArabvillage.ItisnotcleartomewhetherthelandonwhichMetserwasfoundedhadformerlybeenpartofMeyserorwhetherasecondArabvillagehadbeenlocatedonthatland.

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potentialthreatpresentedbyMetser’sPalestinianneighbours–athreatwhich

Yuvaldidnotreferto,butwhichRiyadappearstohaveunderstoodasimminent.

5.Daniel:“Alittlelesswhite”

OnagreydaytowardtheendofDecember,wewentonafieldtripto

Nazareth–acityofPalestinianArabs,themajorityChristians,locatedintheGalil,

north‐eastofWadiAra.ThedroopingandsoggyChristmasdecorationsaddedtothe

forlornatmosphereofthequietstreetsweexplored.Afterabusymorningwe

stoppedforlunchatafalafelrestaurant.Theywereexpectingus,andbroughtthe

foodouttothetablesassoonaswearrived:shishkebabs,shwarma,falafel,chips,

freshpita,manysmallplateswithsaladsandpickles.Theyhaddesignatedoneof

thefourtablesvegetarian,andIsattherewithNurit,Hila,andDaniel–theonly

vegetarianamongtheboys.

Danielisayearolderthanmostoftheboys,sincehedeferredhisarmy

serviceinordertodoayearofvoluntary“nationalservice”(sherutleumi),buthe

oftenseemedtomefarmoremature.Hespentthisyearworkingasacounselor

(madrich)fornewimmigrantteenagersinapoornortherntown.Theotherboys

wouldteasehimforhis“flowerchild”ways(hekepttheteacorneroutsideour

classroomstockedwithwildlemongrassandmint,whichheforagedforonthe

breaks,andprovidedmewithanexcellentrecipeforgranola)butreallyhewas

deeplyrespectedbyalltheboys.Heisdeliberateandthoughtfulineverythinghe

does,andhechooseshiswordscarefully.Deeplyconflictedabouthisimminent

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armyservice,hetoldmethatjoiningarmyintelligencewasacompromise;theideal

wouldhavebeentorefusetoserve.

NuritandIhadspentChristmasinNazarethearlierintheweek,goingto

midnightmassattheChurchoftheAnnunciation,andstayingoverataconvent(see

figure3.3).DanielandhisfriendNiv,wholivesnearbyinAfula,haddrivenupfor

ChristmasEveaswell.NuritandIhadtriedtomeetupwiththembutdidn’tmanage

tofindtheminthecrowds,sonow,overfalafel,thethreeofuscomparednotesof

ourexperience.

Weweresurprisedandthrilledbyourabilitytounderstandthemassandthe

cardinal’sspeech,bothofwhichwereinthemostformalofliteraryArabic.Our

attemptstospeakcolloquialArabic,however,werelesssuccessful.Danielsaidthat

heandNivenjoyedwanderingaroundthestreets,attemptingtochatwithpeoplein

Arabic,untiltheymadethemistakeoftellingsomeonethattheywerelearning

Arabicforthearmy–amistakehewouldn’tmakeagain.Hesaidhe’dliketoask

otherpeoplewhowentthroughthecoursebeforehimhowtheydealtwiththis

dilemma,howtheymanagedtospeakArabicwithArabswithoutgettingintothis

explanation.Hesaidhe’dliketoaskthemalsohowthiscoursechangedthem.

Unabletoresist,Iaskedhimhowhethinksthiscoursechangedhim,andhepaused

reflectivelybeforeanswering:“I’malotlessafraidtowalkaround,let’ssay,in

placeslikeNazarethnow.”

AfewmonthslaterIinterviewedDanielathisarchitectparents’beautiful

homeinBinyamina.Sittinginasunnybackroom,cross‐leggedonrugsonthefloor,

Iaskedhimwherethisfearcamefrom.Thiswashisreply:

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Prejudiceandignorance,attheendoftheday(batachlis).Andit

perpetuatesitself.Ihavenothingpersonalagainst–therecouldbean

Arabperson,oneonone,fine.Sohe’sArab,okay.Ihavenothing

againsthim,I’lltalktohimandeverything'sokay.No.That’snot

entirelytrue.Idohavesome(.)twitch,somepinchinthestomach

let’ssay.IfIsee(.)aguywholookslikeatoughArabgettingonthe

bus.I’llstillhaveathought–let’ssayoverwhetherornotIwantto

hitchhikewithanArab.

Abigail:Wouldyou?

Daniel:Ihave.

Abigail:Withthatpinchinthestomachthough.

Daniel:Yes.Anditgetsallmixedup,Idon'tknow.BeyondthatIdon't

know.

Evenasheadmitshisfears,Danielseemstoexpressregretandguiltoverthem.We

wentontodiscusshowthisfearbecomesspatialized:

Abigail:It’sbecomeakindofdailypreoccupation,Ithink,especially

livinghere[nearWadiAra]orlikeforme,inJerusalem,wheretogo,

wherenottogo,whethertodrivethroughhere–

Daniel:It’smorebecomeakindoftabooalready.Likeno–youdon't–

it’snot–youdon’tthink‘waitaminute’–likeforexample,mymom

lovesmarketsand‘there'snomarketsinthearea.’Actually,thereare

marketsreallyclosebutwedon'tgotothem.GoingtoFaradisorto

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Jiser[nearbyArabtowns],it’sjustnot–there’snosuchthingforus.

Formeatleast.IneverthoughttogotoJiser,toBarta'aorsomething.

IsuggestedtoDanielacommonexplanationforthis,tellinghimthatlotsofpeople

saidtome“there’snothingforyouthere”(einlechamalechapessham).Hereplied

slowly:

Ihavethisfeelingthat(.)justasecond(.)[he’sthinking]thatthisthing

iserasedalittle.Idon’tneedtoknowabouttheseplaces,Idon’tneed

tospeakthislanguage,Idon’tneedtoknowthesepeopleinorderto

livehereagood,full,nicelifefromthedayIamborntilthedayIdie.

It’sasif(.)it’serasedforme.Theseareareasthat(.)it’snotthatI

don'thavewhattolookforthere,thequestiondoesn’tevencomeup

forme.There’snot‐itjustdoesn’tcomeup.Idrivebyplaceslikethis

andit’sasifitpassesthroughmyheadsomehow.Isuppressitalittle.

Iignoreit.

Daniel’swordsreturnustotheimagewithwhichIopenedthechapter,ofthewhite

spacesonthemap.Indeed,thiswasoneofthoseexcitingmomentsoffieldwork

whentheoryseemstojumpoutofthebookandintothemouthsofinformants.I

sharedmyexcitementwithDaniel,tellinghimofBenvenisti’sdescriptionofthe

whitespacesonthemapwhichsocloselyresonateswithhisown.Thinkingofwhat

hehadtoldmeoverfalafelinNazareth,IaskedDanielwhetherlearningArabichas

changedthisatallforhim.“It’smadeitmoreofanoption,letssay.It’smadeita

littlelesswhite.”Hepaused.“Inthemeantimethere’snobigchangethough.Itstill

feelstomeveryfaraway.”

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6.Conclusion:Situatedgeographicimaginations

Incharacterizing“theattitudeoftheJewishpopulation[before1948]toward

theArablandscape–physicalandhumanalike,”Benvenisti(2000:56)wrotethat

thewhitespacesonthemapwerefilledinby“astrangemixtureofdisregard,

anxiety,affection,superiority,humanitarianism,anthropologicalcuriosity,

romanticism,and,aboveall,Europeanethnocentricity.”Thestrangemixture

describedbyBenvenistiaccuratelyencompassesthevarietyofperspectivesofthe

IsraeliJewsIdidmyfieldworkwith,somesixtyyearslater.Yetwhileallthese

attitudescontinuetoplayaroleinthewaysomeIsraeliJewsviewPalestinian

spaces,Ihavetriedtoshowthathowthesespaceslookdependsonwhoisviewing

them.Ihavetriedtosketchthecontoursofamapthatismoreactive,moresocial,

morevaried,andmoresituatedthanthe“mentalmap”describedbyBenvenisti.It

maybeusefultothink,insteadofamentalmap,ofavarietyofsituatedgeographic

imaginations.

IdrawhereonStoetzlerandYuval‐Davis'(2002)conceptofthe“situated

imagination”assomethingthatconstructsthemeaningofsocialknowledge,

experience,andpracticewhilesimultaneouslystretchingandtranscendingit.28

CombiningBenedictAnderson’sinsightswithfeministtheoriesofstandpointand

situatedknowledge,theyarguethattheimaginationissituatedinthat“our

imaginaryhorizonsareaffectedbythesocialpositioningofourgaze.Butatthe

28RebeccaStein(2008:8),followingSaid(1978:53‐54,citedinStein),similarlywritesofan“imaginarygeography,”butitisunderstoodinthesingular,asthedominantregimeofintelligibilityproducedby“prevailingpoliticaldiscourses.”

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sametime,itisourimaginationthatgivesourexperiencestheirparticular

meanings,theircategoriesofreference”(327).Itisthroughstandpointthatthe

imaginationbecomesideological,inthesenseofperspectival,value‐laden,and

positioned(seeGal2003).InsuchahighlypolarizedcontextasIsrael,wherethe

tendencyistooverstatethecoherenceanduniformityof,forexample,“theattitude

oftheJewishpopulation,”itisparticularlyimportanttoemphasize(asIhaveinthis

chapter)that“collectivityboundariesareconstructedbytheimaginationinspecific

waysthatareaffectedand–todifferingdegrees–determinedbythesituated

positioning–bothsociallyandpolitically–ofthosewhodotheimagining”(Yuval

DavisandStoetzler2002b:331).

Whatemergedthroughthewritingaswell,though,aresomefundamental

commonalitiesthatunderlietheseverydifferentperspectives.Thecommonality

liesfirstintheconstantpreoccupationwiththewhitespaces:whetherintheformof

apresenceoranabsence,theyloomlargeinalltheseverydifferentlandscapes.

FurthercommonalitieslieintheassumptionthatPalestinianspacesareeasilyand

obviouslyrecognizableassuch;inthefrequentslippagesbetweenbodiesand

languagesandspaces;andincertainrecurringtropesandrefrains:‘there’snothing

foryouthere’;‘there’snoonetotalkto.’Anothercommonalityliesinthecentrality

ofimagesofhouseandhomeinconstruingintimacy,enmity,neighbourliness,trust,

anddanger.Inallthesediscussionsofproximityordistance,presenceorabsence,

visibilityorerasure,thepoliticsofrecognitionanddisregardarealwaysthereinthe

background.Whatthesestoriesrevealisthatdespiteallthetalkoffearanddanger,

people’smovementscannot,inmostcases,beexplainedasbeingonlyabout

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maximizingpersonalsafetyandsecurity.Rather,theyareaboutredrawingsocial

boundaries,re‐enactingsegregationandexclusioninatimeofcrisisandradical

change.

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ChapterFour

ReturntotheWadi:NarrativesofNostalgia,Violence,andFear

1.Introduction:ReturntotheWadi

Succotisaweek‐longholidaythatusuallyfallsinOctober,shortlyafterthe

majorholidaysofRoshHashanaandYomKippur.InIsrael,thelong,hotsummeris

finallycomingtoanend;thefirstrainhasfallen;schoolisabouttostart.Secular

IsraeliJewsareboredandlookingfordistraction.OnOctober7‐9,2004,theywere

offeredanoveldiversion.Amongthelistofnaturehikes,puppetshows,galleries,

andotheractivitieslistedinthedailypapers,appearedanadtitled:“Returntothe

Wadi.”Thead,aimedtoenticeIsraeliJewstospendaleisureafternoonoftheir

holidayexploringWadiAra,promisedanexhibitbylocalartists,markets,guided

toursofcoffee‐roastinghousesandolivepresses,and,thehighlight,“twentyhouses

willopentheirdoorstothevisitingpublicandallowapeakintotheArabwayof

life.”1

Ina1998paperontheemergenceofruralethnictourisminIsrael's“Arab

sector”duringtheyearsoftheOslopeaceprocess,RebeccaSteindescribeshow

“sitesoncedeemedhostilewererepackagedasplacesofJewishleisure”(92).

Previously,Steinwrites(andmyfieldworkconfirmsthis),JewishIsraelismighthave

enteredruralPalestiniancommunitiesinIsraelbecausevegetableswerecheaperin

1Notetherecurrenceoftheimageofhouseandhomehere,inthe“opendoors.”Incontrasttosomeoftheusesofthisimagediscussedinthepreviouschapter,itishereusedtoconveyaninvitationandanenthusiasticwelcome.SeeStein(2008:71‐96)onthepoliticsofinteriorityinPalestiniantouristspaces.

131

themarketsthere,ortobringthecartothemechanic.Many,though,kepttheir

distance–takingthelongwayaroundratherthandrivingthrough.Inthemid

1990stheseplaceswerebeingofferedupforJewishconsumptionaspartofanew

popularcuriosityabouttheArabworld,whichaccompaniedthethen‐utopianvision

ofthe“newMiddleEast.”ButthesePalestinianspaceswerereincorporatedintoa

newstate‐authorizednationalgeographyonlyinverycircumscribedform:asde‐

historicized,de‐territorializedperformancesofauthentic,native,andlocalArab

culture(seealsoChapterSix).

“ReturntotheWadi”playsonpreciselythetropedescribedbyStein,

attemptingtorepackagesitesoncedeemedhostileasplacesofJewishleisure.But

thereistothisiterationanaddedelement:IsraeliJewsarebeingexhortednotto

“cometotheWadi,”butratherto“return.”Whatismeantbythis?Betweenthe

timeofStein’sfieldworkandthefallof2004theburgeoningindustryshedescribes

hasallbutdisappeared.Intheinterveningyearstherehasbeenaviolentrupturein

the“wayoflife”inWadiAra,asinallofIsrael.Fearandenmityhavereplacedany

“desire”forthingsArab,andthegeographiesofintimatedistancediscussedinthe

previouschapterhavereplacedthe“newproximities”Steindescribes.Theword

“return”isrootedinthiscurrentrealityofincreasedfear,distrust,andsegregation

betweenPalestinianandJewishcitizensofIsrael.

Morethanthat,though,“return”setsupaparticularwayofnarratingthe

temporalityofthiscontemporarygeography,condensingnarrativesofnostalgia,

violence,andfeartoproduceaparticularconfigurationofpast,present,andfuture

landscapes.“Return”impliesthatpeoplehavenotbeencomingtotheWadi;thatis,

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itsuggeststhatJewishIsraelisarenowafraidtogotoplaceswherePalestinianslive,

therebyobliquelyreferencingalandscapemarkedbyviolence.“Return”expresses

aninvitation,aplea,ahopethattheywillcome.Butitalsoinvokesatimeinthepast

whenpeopledidcome,ahappytimewhentheWadiwasfullofguests,whenJews

andPalestiniansmingledinpeacefulcoexistence.Implicitinthewordisalament

overthelossofthisgoldenpast,andawishtoreturntothesebettertimes.The

wordexpressesacommonnarrativeofcontemporaryIsraelimemory,rootedin

changingpoliticalandsocialgeographies.

Israelisadjusttotheirconstantlychangingrealitybyconstantlyrevisingtheir

personalgeographies,makingdecisionsaboutwheretogoandwherenottogo,

wheretheyfeelsafeandwheretheydonot.InWadiAra,duringthetimeIdidmy

fieldwork,thiswasaconstantpreoccupationforbothPalestiniansandJews.As

socialboundariesareconstantlyre‐shapedthroughdailyinteractionsand

movements,placesthatlastyearwerepartofone’sroutineandfamiliarterritory

maybecome,forallpracticalpurposes,gone–cutoffbynewbarriersoffearand

perceiveddangerasmuchasbynewwallsandborders.Buttheplacespeopleno

longergohavenotdisappearedfromtheirtalk;onthecontrary,theseplaces

provideaparticularlypoignantnarrativeframethroughwhichmemoriesofbetter

daysandtheexperienceofdrasticchangearearticulated.Thewishforareturnto

thegoodolddaysofthepastisrepeatedlyexpressedthroughthewishtoreturnto

theplacesonenolongergoes:theneighbouringPalestinianvillage,themarketin

theoldcityofJerusalem,theharbourinAkko,thefalafelrestaurantinAbuGhosh,

WadiAraroad.Ineverydayconversation,storiesabouttheseplacesabound–

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storiesabouttheease,familiarity,andcomfortwithwhichtheseplacesusedtobe

approachedandthewarmwelcomeoneusedtobeabletocounton.Atthesame

time,andalmostinthesamebreath,thesestoriesareoftenfollowedbystories

abouttheviolencethatnowmarkstheseplacesasoff‐limits,emphasizingdanger,

anxiety,andfearasthereasonswhy“wedon’tgothereanymore.”Togetherthese

stories–andparticularlytheirsequencing–resonatewithtensionsbetweenfear

andsafety,conflictandconsensus,blameandguilt,autonomyandintegration.

Throughtheirtellingandre‐telling,peoplemakesenseoftheexperienceofdrastic

changeand,morespecifically,thechangingplaceofPalestinianIsraeliswithinthe

nation.

Thischapterexplorestheroleofevocationsofthepastinshaping

contemporarygeographies.Whilethepreviouschapterisconcernedwithhow

socialboundariesshiftintheperspectivesofdifferentpeople,thischapteris

concernedwithhowtheychangeovertimeand,morespecifically,withhowthese

changesareunderstood,experienced,andtalkedabout.Ifocusonasequenceof

narrativestoldinaninterviewwithtwofriendsandinformants:NuritandHila.In

analyzingtheirstoriesofnostalgia,violence,andfearasoneexampleofarecurrent

narrativesequence,Iexplorehowthetemporalityofthecontemporarygeography

ofWadiAraisnarrated.

2.NuritandHila

NuritandHilaweremyclosestfriendsintheclass.BothwereborninIsrael

andspentmostoftheirchildhoodthere,buttheirfamiliesleftfortheUSwhenthey

134

wereyoung.TheywenttohighschoolthereandhavedegreesfromAmerican

universities,butbothspentalotoftimebackinIsrael,wheretheirextended

familieslive,overtheyears.Likeme,NuritandHilacanpassasnativespeakersof

HebreworofEnglish,andaseitherIsraeliorNorthAmerican.Bothofthem

codeswitchwithease,switchingbackandforthbetweenHebrewandEnglish

dependingonwhomthey’respeakingto,butalso,betweenus,withinconversations

andevenwithinsentences.

BothNuritandHilawerelearningArabictohelpthemwiththePalestinian

humanrightsandadvocacyworktheywereinvolvedin.Iwasprivilegedtohave

twosuchincrediblysharp,critical,engagedwomenasmyfriendsandconfidantes

duringmyfieldwork,andthethreeofusfoundcomfortinoursharedperspectiveon

Israelisociety.NuritandHilabothbroughtakeencriticaleyeandheightened

sensitivitytothegoingsoninIsrael,likemefeelingthemselvesbothapartofand

slightlyremovedfromIsraelisociety.They(alongwithafewothers,mostnotably

RinaandRuth,whomwemeetinChaptersFiveandSix)sustainedarunning

commentarythroughoutmyfieldworkonthecomplexpoliticsbehindthemost

seeminglymundaneinteractionsandmovements.IoftenfeltthatIwascheatingin

myconversationswiththesewomen–thattheyweredoingmyanalysisforme.I

couldtryoutmyemerginginterpretationsonthemandtheywoulddisagree

vociferously,orprovideconfirmation,oraugmentwiththeirownobservations.

TheywouldpointoutthingsthatenragedthemthatIhadn’tnoticed,orrespondto

anunfocusedquestionwithanhour‐longdebate.

135

Yet,becauseofthenatureofourfriendship,Ialwayshadtroublepullingout

myrecorderwhentalkingtothemorhavinga“formal”interview.Sooneevening

towardtheendofmytimeinIsrael,wethreewentoutfordinnertoasushi

restaurantnearPardesChana.Thiswasourofficialinterview–thoughfarfroma

formalone–whichtheyheldmetobyremindingmetotakeoutmytaperecorder

andbysteeringtheconversationbacktobusinesswhenwegotofftoofarinto

gossip.Itreallyranjustlikecountlessotherconversationsbetweenus,though.

TheyaskedasmanyquestionsasIdid,andthetopicswereoneswehadcovered

before,andonesonwhichmythinkinghasbeengreatlyinfluencedbytheir

perspectives.OnthisoccasionourconversationwasinEnglish,sothetranscripts

thatfollowareintheoriginallanguage.

MuchofourconversationrevolvedaroundNuritandHila’sunderstandingof

the“whitespaces”onthemap–oftheboundariesthathadkeptusandour

classmatesfromenteringplaceslikeBakaand,morebroadly,whatIcalledinthe

previouschapterthe“geographiesofintimatedistance”thatdivideandconnect

JewsandPalestiniansinIsrael.OurconversationwasfocusedmainlyonHilaand

Nurit’sanalysisofhowtheseboundariesareexperiencedandmaintainedbyothers:

bytheotherstudentsinourclassespecially,butalsobyourfriends,family,and

acquaintances.Whatwehavehere,then,isprimarilyNuritandHila’svoicingsof

whattheyseeastheperspectives,fears,andprejudicesofothers.Butwhatwealso

seeisthem–andme–delicatelystakingoutourownpositionsvisàvisthesepeople

andeachother.

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Ifocusspecificallyonapartofourconversationthatfollowedthecommon

andpredictablesequenceofnarrativesthatarecondensedbythecallto“returnto

thewadi”:narrativesofnostalgia,ofviolence,andoffear.Throughthesenarratives

NuritandHilaoffersomeinterpretiveframeworksthroughwhichtomakesenseof

theinteractionsandmovementsofAliza,Yoav,Benny,Yuval,Daniel,andotherslike

them,aswellastheirown.Theybothvoiceandatthesametimecritiqueacommon

wayofnarratingthetemporalityofthegeographiesofintimatedistancedescribed

inthepreviouschapter.

3.“Heusedtogothereallthetime”:Narrativesofnostalgia

OurconversationbeganwithaquestionfromHila.SheaskedmewhatIhad

beenaskingothersintheclassintheirinterviews,andIrepliedthat,amongother

things,IwasinterestedintheirreactionstoourclasstripstoPalestiniantownsand

villages(seeChapterSix):

Abigail:Iwascurioustoseewhateffectgoingtotheseplaceshadon

them.BecauseIkindofhadahunchanditturnsoutIwasright,and

thisistrueIthinkofmostIsraelisoralotofIsraelis,thatlike,they

just.don’t.go:::there,theyjustdon’tgotothoseplaces,[Nurit:right]

theyjustdon’t–likeyoucouldliveinKfarSaba[aJewishtown]and

neverbeinTira[aneighbouringArabvillage],likeever.Everever

ever.Doyouguyshavethatimpressiontoo?

NuritandHilaagreed,andwebeganalengthydiscussionofwhythisisthecase.

Althoughmyquestiondidnotspecifyatimeframe(Isaid“theyjustdon’tgotothose

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places”andnot“theydon’tgothereanymore”)thediscussionimmediatelyturned

tothetemporalityofthegeographyIhaddescribed.Aseriesofnarrativesfollowed

–ofnostalgia,ofviolence,andoffear–thattogetherattempttohistoricizeandmake

senseofthispresentlandscapethroughtellingaparticularversionofhowitcameto

be.

Hilabeganwithastoryaboutherfatherwhousedtospendlotsoftimein

Arabvillagesforworkandhadgoodrelationswithpeoplethere,butnowrefusesto

gointotheArabvillagesnearhishome.IquoteHila’snarrativehereatsomelength,

becausehervoicecomesthroughclearlywhenyoulistentothestoryinfull.My

owninterjectionsandthoseofNuritareinsertedinthetextinsquarebrackets:

Butyouknowwhen–whenIwasgrowingupmydad–mydad’s

companyumworked–theyhadcontractswiththeelectriccompany

intheRa’anana‐KfarSabaarea?Andtheywouldbasicallycutdown

thetreesaroundthehighwires–theelectricalhighwiresbecauseyou

can’thaveplantsinterferingwithit,andalotofthepeopleheworked

withumwerefromthevariousArabvillagesandtownsintheKfar

Sabaarea.Andtherewere,youknowreallygoodrelationslikethey

wouldcomeovertoourhouse–Imeantheirwiveswerepretty

traditionalsotheywouldn’ttravelsomuchbuttheyinvitedustotheir

villageandwhenwecametheywouldlikehhhslaughterala:::mb,

whichwasverytraumatictomeasachildhhh.Butyouknowlikemy

momandI–[Abigail:Wherewasthis?]Theywerevarious–they

werelivinginvariouslittleplacesaroundKfarSabaIthink[xxx]

138

aroundQalqilya.2Andum–youknowandmymomandIwouldbe

allowedtobewith–withallthemenupontheroofwherethekhafla

was(Arabicforparty)andthewomenwouldbeinthekitchenbutwe

wouldlikebeabletogoinbothplaces–Iwasyoung,Iwasvery

young.Andthenrecentlymydad–whenmydadwasherein

Septemberforthehighholidayshelea::rnedthat,oneofthesepeople

whoheusedtoworkwithdiedrecentlyfromaheartattack.Hemust

havebeenlikefifty–likeaprettyyoungmanandleftyouknowa

wido::w,hehadabunchofkids.Somydadwantedtogotothevillage

andgivethewifemoney?AndhewasAFRAID!That’swhathetold

me!Heusedtogothereallthetimeandhesaidyouknow–[Nurit:

Really.Andthiswasclose,closetowhere–]Qalqilya,nearQalqilya?

[Nurit:Whichisclosetowhereyouliveright?Like–]Ya,it’snotthe

DISTANCE–[Nurit:It’sjustthefactthatit’s–]Hesaidtome–you

knowheusedtogotherealot,hesaid‘Ireally–’andthisisfunny

becausemydadisnotknownasaphilanthropist,hesaid‘Ireallywant

togoandgivehermoney’youknow,heWORKEDforhimforlike

twentyyearsalmost,youknow‘Ireallywanttogo’...Andhesaidto

me–actuallyIwasthereImean‘I’llgowithyou’andhewaslike‘I’m

2ItisinterestingthatHilahereusesalandmarkthatisacrossthegreenline,intheWestBank.Itispossible(thoughlesslikely)thatherfather’semployeescamefromtheWestBank(seeBornstein2002onPalestinianworkersinIsrael).Becausesheisvagueaboutboththetimeperiodandtheexactlocationofthese“Arabvillages,”itisdifficulttoascertainwhethersheistalkingaboutPalestiniansfromIsraelorfromtheWestBank.Itispossiblethatshe,atthetime,wasnotherselfawareofthedistinction,thoughshecertainlyisnow.

139

just–Idon’tfeelcomfortablegoing.’Whichwasinterestingbecause

forapersonwhousedtogotherequiteabi::t,whoworkedwith–He

wasalwaysverysuspicious,hewasn’tlike‘Oh,lets–’youknow,itwas

alwayslike‘kabdehuvechashdehu’(respecthimandbesuspiciousof

him–aHebrewaphorism)kindofthing.But.Therewasalotmore

like–youknowtheywouldcalleachotheronthepho::ne,therewere

GOODlike–therewasgoodrelations,Iwasreallysurprisedthathe

would–...Buthejustsaid‘no::,I’mjust–I’mafraidtogo::.’

Nurit’snarrativesetsupacontrastbetweenatimeinthepastwhenherfatherhad

good,neighbourlyrelationswithhisPalestinianemployees,whenhewouldgoto

theirvillages“allthetime,”whensheherselffeltcomfortableandwelcomethere,

andthepresent,whenthesegoodrelationshavebrokendowntothepointthateven

herfatherisafraidtogothere.ThenarrativefirmlylocatesthegeographyI

describedinmyquestionasacontemporaryphenomenon,arelativelyrecentone,

rephrasingmyoriginalformulation–“theyjustdon’tgotothoseplaces”–inslightly

differentterms:“Theydon’tgothereanymore.”Thoughthisisnotidentifiedin

Hila’sstory,theimplicitbreakbetweenthegoodolddaysofthepast,when

convivialitywasmanifestinmobility,andthepresent,whenfearismanifestin

segregation,isthebeginningofthesecondintifada:October2000.

“Wedon’tgothereanymore”wasalamentIheardoftenfromasurprising

varietyofpeopleandperspectives.3Indiscussingthepossibilityofanend‐of‐year

3JaneHill(1998)foundthat,intheMexicanocommunitywhereshedidherfieldwork,thosemostlikelytorepeattheformulasofnostalgicdiscoursewere

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triptoSinaiwithsomestudentsduringabreak,myliteraryArabicteacherSharon

reminisced:“JusttoSinai?WealwaysusedtogotoCairo,everyyear.Thatwasback

intheday.Itwasanotherera.NobodybelievesnowthatweusedtogotoCairo.”4

ClassmatesandteacherswholivedinWadiArareminiscedaboutcheapvegetables,

freshcoffeebeans,andgoodoliveoilintheArabmarketstheynolongervisited.

“ThebestcoffeeisintheoldmarketinNazareth,”oneenthused.“ButIdon’tgo

thereanymore.”Anotherrecalled:“OnSaturdaysthemarketsinUmelFachem

usedtobefullofJews–buyingshoes,DVDs,furnitureandgroceries.Thiswasfive

yearsago,beforetheintifada.Nowwe’reafraidtogonearUmelFachem.”Thereis

asceneinoneofourcolloquialArabictextbooks,writteninthe70sbyoneofour

teachers,Noam,inwhichtwoyoungArabiclanguagestudentsfromakibbutzhitch‐

hiketoJenininordertohaveachancetopracticeArabic.Thefriendstheymeet

theresubsequentlycometovisitthemonthekibbutz.Theludicrousnessofthis

scenariotakingplacetoday,inthecurrentsituation,ispointedoutoverandoverby

myclassmatesaswe'rereadingthesestories,withbothuproariouslaughterand

regret,totheextentthatmyNoamhassaidthathewillhavetomakechangesinthe

neweditionhe'sworkingon.

successfulmen–thosewhosepracticesarelegitimatedbytraditions.Incontrast,theubiquityofnostalgianarrativesamongthepeoplewithwhomIdidmyfieldworkwasstriking:IheardsuchnarrativesfrombothJewsandPalestiniansfromacrossthepoliticalspectrum.Perhapsitservedasasortofunifyingorbridgingnarrative:theonethingthatpeoplecouldagreeonwasthatthepresentsituationwasterribleandthepastwasbetter.4Intheend,evenourtriptoSinaiprovedtoo‘dangerous’anundertaking:afterabombexplodedattheHiltonHotelinSinaiinOctober2004,killingmanyIsraelitourists,therewasnomoretalkofaclasstriptoSinai.

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Theselamentsoverplacespeoplenolongergo,whilemorecondensed,

followanidenticaltemporallogictothatfoundinHila’snarrative.Likethestories

ofcrimeinSaoPaulodiscussedbyTeresaCaldeira(2000),inwhichpeopleexpress

nostalgiafortheidylliclivestheyleadbeforetheyweredisruptedbycrime,these

narratives“divid[e]localhistoryintobeforeandafter,”simplifyingandoverstating

each:“thebeforebecomestoogood;theafterbecomestoobad.”(28)5

Thisisacompellingnarrative,oneIoftenfoundmyselfparticipatingin,in

conversationsamongfriends,andoneIstillfindmyselfdrawntoasIattemptto

reconstructtheeventsofmyfieldwork.But,followingthewarningofMarilyn

Strathern(1995)andtheexamplesofJaneHill(1998),RenatoRosaldo(1993),

JasminHabib(2008),andothers,Iwanttoshiftnostalgiafrommeansofanalysisto

objectofinquiry,whilesimultaneouslyinterrogatingtheconstructionsofplaces–

pastandpresent–whichthisnarrativeassumes.

Nostalgia,Strathernwrites,“mournsforwhatismissingfromthepresent,

andthuscreatesrepresentationsofthepastastheplacewherewhatisgonewas

oncepresent”(1995:111);butnostalgiaalsoparticipatesin“themakingofa

particularpresent”(1995:114).Thus,asJasminHabibputsit(2008:78),“whatisin

thehereandnowismiredinthepastandthefuture.”Nostalgicdiscourses,

accordingtoJaneHill,actasapragmaticclaimonthepresent,“using‘pastness’asa

‘naturalizing’ideologicalstrategy”(1998:78).Rhetorically,theclaimisthatthose

5ThenarrativesCaldeiradiscussestemporalizespatialchangesfollowingaremarkablysimilarlogic:“Theneighbourhoodbecameworsesincethecrowdfromthenorthstartedtoarrive....Thiswasaboutfifteenyearsago.Nowtherearetoomanyofthem.Gorgeoushouses,beautifulhousesofMoocaweresublet,andtodayitisimpossibletoenterthem,they’vetornthemdown.”

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practicesthataremostlikethepast(goodrelations,goingtoPalestinianspaces)are

themostvaluable,yetthisnarrativebothassumesandconfirmsthatthepeople

producingitarenotengaginginpreciselythesepractices.

Theresolutiontothiscontradictioniscontainedinthenarrative.Narratives

suchasHila’sparticipateinaparticularexpressionoflongingidentifiedbyRosaldo

(1993)as‘imperialistnostalgia’:“wherepeoplemournthepassingofwhatthey

themselveshavetransformed”(2).The“particularpresent”thisnostalgia

participatesinmaking,then,isconstructedasregrettableatthesametimeasthe

teller’sinnocenceinbringingaboutthisrealityissecured;nostalgiathus

“transformstheresponsible(colonial)agentintoaninnocentbystander”(3,my

brackets).

LikeWilliamJones,theearlyanthropologistoftheIlongotwhoseletters

homeRosaldoanalyzes,Nuritlongsfor“anirretrievablylosttime,atonce[her]

childhoodandaperiodofhistory”(1993:13).Thelongingforchildhood–themost

innocentofdesires–isthuslinkedwiththedesireforaparticularpolitical,social,

andculturalorderandtheideologicalisthuslinkedwiththesentimental(Rosaldo

1993).Likethepre‐colonialIlongotwayoflifewhoselossJoneslaments,the

namelessPalestinianvillageofthepastisdescribedinHila’snarrativein

stereotypically‘traditional’terms.Thekhafla,theslaughteredlamb,andthe

sequesteredwomenarecontrastedwithHila’sownfreedomandmobility(notonly

couldshevisitaPalestinianvillage,shecouldbeeitherontheroof,wheretheparty

was,orinthekitchenwiththewomen).Hila’sconstructionofthepastfriendship

betweenherfatherandthePalestinianmenhe“workedwith”uses“compelling

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tendernesstodrawattentionawayfromtherelationship’sfundamentalinequality”

(Rosaldo1993:16).GiventherealityoftheIsraelilabourmarket(seee.g.Romann

andWeingrod1991,Bornstein2002),whatIknowofHila’sfamily’ssocioeconomic

position,andherfather’slaterroleinthestoryaswould‐bebenefactor,I’mquite

certainthatthesePalestinianmenwereHila’sfather’semployeesandnothisco‐

workers,thoughsherepeatedlysaystheyworkedwithhimandnotforhim.

Nostalgiahasbeenidentifiedasacommonelementinnarrativesofforced

displacementorrelocation(seeHabib2008,McCormick2005),whereoftenan

integralpartoftheexpressionoflongingistheawarenessthat“thisdesiredoesnot

conformtoanactualplaceintheworldanymore”(Habib2008:76).Incontrast,

whileHila’snarrativeexpressesasimilarlongingforlostlandscapes,thevillagesshe

remembersstillexist;sheandherfatherhavenotbeenforciblydisplaced,buthave

madeachoicetonolongergothere.Narrativesofnostalgiaofthistypecanbe

understoodasastrategicwayofconstructingthepresentthatlamentsalossevenas

itsecurestheteller’sinnocenceinbringingaboutthisloss.Implicitinthelamentis

ashrugofhelplessself‐righteousness,arefusaltoacceptresponsibilityforthe

choicetostayawayfromtheseplaces,andadenialoftheconsequencesforthose

wholiveinthem.

Nuritconcludesherstorywithacoda:

AndIthoughtthat’sverytellingaboutlikeevenifyouwerethere–

youhearstorieslikewellsomebodywaskidnapped,somebodywas

shotator–andthat’senou::ghtosortofcolour,twentythirtyyea::rs

ofpositiveexperiencethato:::neonebadstoryyouheard.

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Inidentifyingthesignificanceofhernarrativehere,Nuritevaluatestheperspective

fromwhichshetoldit,therebydistancingherselffromthisperspective.Thepeople

–identifiedas“you”–whostayawayfromPalestinianspacesbecauseofonebad

storytheyheardareheregeneralizedbeyondherfather,buttheyseemnotto

includeher(thisisconfirmedlaterintheconversation–seebelow).Thenostalgic

pointofview,then,isnotpreciselyherownbutalsonotpreciselyoneshecritiques.

Nurit’scodaisalsoimportantbecauseitlinksustothenextnarrativeinthis

sequence:the“badstory”sheidentifies,thatreinscribesboundariesandmarksonce

familiarplacesasoff‐limits,isthenarrativeofviolence.

4.“Youdon’tgointothoseplaces”:Narrativesofviolence

ImmediatelyfollowingHila’snarrativeofnostalgia,Nuritagreedwithher

assessmentandbuiltonherpointbytellingtwostoriesofherown.Theseare

preciselythe“badstories”thatplayedaroleinHila’sownnarrative:storiesofpast

violence.InNurit’swords,thesearetheeventsthatpeople“referbackto”inmaking

senseofPalestinianplacesor,morespecifically,inexplainingwhytheydon’tgo

thereanymore.

Thefirststoryisaboutoneofthemosthorrificandmostenduringimagesin

Israelis’recentmemory,yetNurit,Hila,andIhadaconsiderableamountoftrouble

namingtheeventandlocatingit:

Nurit:IthinkalsoforalotoftheboysthatI’vetalkedtoaboutgoing–

I’vetalkedtoafewofthemaboutgoingplaces,either–evenwhen

theywenttolikeUmelFache::m,placesthata::ren’t[xxx]theyalways

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referbacktoum(.)thatmassacrethatwas?Andkindof–youknow

whatI’mtalkingabout?Um,youknow–

Abigail:Ohyoumean–youmean–whatareyoutalkingabout?

Nurit:Likeitwas–um::(.)Idon’trememberwhereitwasbutitwas

like–thereweretwosoldiers,andxxx

[Abigail:ItwasinHevron.Hevron–

Nurit:Andtherewasthatfamouspicturewiththatgu:::y–]

[…]

Abigail:Youmeanwhenabunchofs–IthinkitwasinHevron,right?

WhenabunchofsoldierswentintoHevron–

[Nurit:Idon’tknow,theycamedownandtherewaslike–

Abigail:–andtheirbodies–andallthat.]Isthatwhatyou’retalking

about?

Nurit:Ya,andtherewassome–therewaslikethisfamouspictureof

like–ofsomebodyatthewindowandtheyhadbloodallovertheir

hands

Abigail:Yaya.Itwasthat.Yourememberthat?

Hila:Ithinkitwascivilians

Nurit:Itwassoldiers.Miluim[reserve]soldiers–

Hila:Right,butIfeellikethat’ssuchadifferentthing–

Nurit:Right,butalotoftheboysItalkedto?TothemlikeTHAT’S

whattheyreferto,they’relikewell–likehowtheyacted,howthey

killedthesepeople.

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Nuritisherereferringtothe“lynching”oftwomen,Israelireservists,inRamallah

onOctober12,2000.Thedetails,asreportedintheIsraelimedia,areasfollows:At

theheightoftheinitialoutburstthatbecameknownasthesecondintifada,twooff‐

dutyIsraelireservistsenteredRamallahinanunmarkedcar,incivilianclothes,and

wereattackedandkilledbyaPalestinian“mob.”Thestorywasthattheyhadlost

theirwayandendedupinRamallahbymistake.Thegruesomeimagesofthemen’s

deathatthehandsofthecrowdwerecapturedonfilmbyanItalianjournalistand

televisedinIsraelandaroundtheworld.TheimagethatNuritmentions,ofthe

bloodyhandsinthewindow,becameparticularlyiconicoftheevent.

Thisstory,whileclearbytheendtoallthreeofus,isneverdirectlytold.In

fact,weallseemtogotogreatlengthstoarriveatmutualunderstandingofthe

eventwithoutdirectlystatingit,afeatthatrequiresaconsiderableamountof

collaborativeinarticulateness:“youknowwhatI’mtalkingabout?Um,youknow”;

“Ohyoumean–youmean–whatareyoutalkingabout?”;“Isthatwhatyou’re

talkingabout?”RayMcDermott(1988)pointsoutthatincertaincontextsthe

appearanceofinarticulatenessrepresents“notadisabilitybutaninvitationtolisten

inanewway”(40).6Thisisaninvitationweallseemtoheed.Inourtellingofthis

eventwehave‘forgotten’someessentialdetails–boththeplace(Ramallah,not

Hevron)andthekeywordassociatedwithreportsoftheevent(“lynching,”not

6“Occasionswhenpeopleareleftwithoutwordsaresystematicoutcomesofasetofrelationsamongagroupofpersonsboundinasocialstructure.Theclaimisthatinarticulatenesssisnotwellunderstoodasanindividualdisability,butbetterunderstoodasawellorchestratedmomentinwhichinarticulatenessisinvited,encouraged,dulynoted,andremembered,nomatterhowmuchlamented”(McDermott1988:38).

147

“massacre”)arenotnamed,anditisnotuntiltheendofthetellingthatthe

protagonistsareidentified.Further,theactatthecentreofthestory,thekillingof

thesemenatthehandsofthemob,isneverexplicitlystated;insteadtheiconsofthis

violence(thebodies,thebloodyhandsatthewindow)actaseffectivemneumonic

devices,allowingustojointlyrememberwithouteveractuallynamingtheevent.7

Boththedetailsoftheeventandourhighlydysfluentattemptatitscollaborative

reconstructionareimportanthere;boththehorrificresonanceoftheimagesand

thelackofspecificityinthememoryareimportant,sincetheplaceofthiseventin

publicmemoryissomewhereinbetween(seeDasetal2000onviolenceandpublic

memory).Withthepassageoftime,thedetailsoflocationandidentityfadebutthe

gruesomeimagesretaintheirpotency.

ThesecondeventNuritmentioned(ofwhichIhavenorecollectionandfor

whichIhavebeenunabletolocateanewssource)isabout“twoguyswhoopeneda

coffeeshopinTelAvivwhowenttobuyplatesandwerealsokidnappedand

murdered.”WhenIpressedNuritfordetails,sheandHila(whoalsoremembered

theevent)saidithappenedinthe“shtachim”(theterritories);inthe“gada”(the

bank,ie.,theWestBank).ApparentlytwoIsraelimenwentshoppingsomewherein

theWestBankinsearchofthecheapergoodsthatareavailablethere.Inpeople’s

accountsoftheyearsbeforethesecondintifada,thisisacommonreasonwhyJews

wouldbefoundintheWestBank,takingadvantageoftheeconomicdisparityand

thethenrelativelyporousborders(seeBornstein2001,Stein1998).Carmechanics,

7Thelackofspecificityalsohastheeffectofinflatingtheevent:“massacre”impliesmanydeaths,and“abunchofsoldiers”isaboutmorethantwo.

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fruitsandvegetables,andblackmarketelectronicswereprobablysomeofthemore

commonlysoughtaftergoodsandservices,butashoppingtripforequipmentfora

newrestaurantwouldmakesenseinthiscontext.Theendresultofthisfamiliarand

banalexpeditionintounfamiliarterritoryisthesameasinthefirststory:theywere

kidnappedandmurdered.

Nuritdescribedtheimpactoftheseeventsonourclassmatesasfollows:“And

tothemthat’slike,that’sit.Youdon’tgointotheseplaces,you’renotwantedthere.”

Thesestories,beyondbothbeingabouthorrificactsofviolencehaveafewthingsin

common.Bothtellofpeoplewhostrayinnocently–inadvertentlyorforafamiliar,

commonpurpose–intotheterritoryoftheother,and,inbothstoriesitisbecause

theyareoutofplaceintheseplacesthattheybecometargetsofviolence.The

storiesrely,then,ontheassumptionofclear,commonlyunderstoodboundariesthat

demarcateselffromother,locatewhobelongswhere,andmakeiteasytoidentify

whoisoutofplace.Theinvocationofthesestoriesnotonlyassumesbutreinforces

theimpermeabilityoftheseboundariesbyprovidingahorrificreminderofthe

dangeroftransgressingthem:“Youdon’tgointotheseplaces,you’renotwanted

there.”Ratherthanmarkingboundariesbetweenselfandother,thesestoriesof

violencerelyonsocialboundariesalreadytheretodemarcatewhathasbecamenot

onlyaspaceoftheother,butnowaspaceoffear.

AllenFeldman(1991),writingonBelfast,describesthedemarcationofsocial

spacethroughviolence,thememoryofviolence,andtheanticipationofviolence.In

NuritandHila’sstories,violenceissimilarly“territorialized”(Feldman1991:34):

theviolencetheydescribepunishesthetransgressionofboundariesandthe

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memoryoftheseviolentactsreinscribestheseboundaries.Feldmandescribesa

processinwhichviolenceisinscribedonalandscapesuchthatcertainplacesaccrue

ahistoryofviolencethatmarksthemassitesoffear.Certainsitesaretransformed

into“repositoriesofasocialimaginary,”turnedinto“investedsurfaces”bythe

violencethathappenedthereandthememoryofit(64).Hedescribesa

“cartographyofdeathevents”inwhich“thespacesofthedead”formapermanent

geographyforthelocalcommunity(68).TheprocessNuritdescribes,wherethe

boys“referbackto”theseeventswhenencounteringPalestiniansspaces,issimilar

towhatFeldmandescribes,butwithadifference:whilebothNurit’sandHila’s

storiesareverymuchgroundedinplace,theparticularlocation(theshtachim,the

gada,Ramallah)becomeslessimportantinthetellingthanthefactthatitis

Palestinianterritory.Thesitesoftheseviolentactsbecomeplacestobeavoided,

butnotonlythesespecificsites.

VeenaDas’(2007)discussionofrumoursandfearhelpstoexplainhownot

onlyRamallahbut“theseplaces”–read,Palestinianspaces–cometobeavoided.

AccordingtoDas,rumour,asaregisterofspeech,isdefinedbylackofasignature

(thatis,itisnottraceabletoaspecificidentifiablesource)andowestothisits

propensitytospread:“Words...canalsobelethalasinthecaseofwordsfloating

aroundinpanicrumorswithoutbeingtetheredtoasignature”(Das2007:9).The

narrativesofviolencetoldabovedonotfunctionasrumours,accordingtoDas’

formula,sincetheyarelocatableintermsofsource;whatislacking,though,inthe

circulationofthesestories,isthespecificsiteofviolence.Fearthatlacksaspecific

location,thatisnottraceabletoaspecificidentifiableplace(likerumourslackinga

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specificsignatureandnottraceabletoanidentifiablesource)maybesimilarly

pronetospreading.Ifovertime,inthetellingofnarrativesofpastviolence,thesite

offearlosesitsspecificlocationthefearmaygrowtoencompassawiderarea.The

effectisthattheseiconicplaceswhereboundary‐markingviolencehastakenplace

(eg.,Ramallah)castashadowfarbeyondtheirperiphery;inourcollaborativetelling

ofthesetwostories,theentireWestBankbecomesimplicated.

InCityofWalls:Crime,Segregation,andCitizenshipinSaoPaulo(2000)

TeresaCaldeiraalsoarguesthatnarrativesofviolence“helpviolencecirculateand

proliferate”(37).Sheoffersanethnographicanalysisofthewayscrime,fearof

violence,andthedegradationofcitizenshiprightsintersectinchangestotheurban

landscape.Shedescribestheretreatofthemiddleclassintofortifiedenclaves,the

creationofdistanceamidshockinglandscapesofadjacentwealthandpoverty,the

disappearanceofpublicspace,andtheexploitationoffearofcrimetojustify

escalatingpoliceviolenceandtheerosionofcivilrights.

Caldeiraarguesthatchangestoeverydaylifeandthecity,wroughtbycrime

andfear,arereflectedindailyconversation(19).Sheanalyzestalkofcrimeasa

ubiquitousgenreofinteractionthroughwhichresidentsofSaoPaulo(particularly

middleclassones)attempttorestoreordertoadisordereduniversewhile

simultaneouslypolicingtheboundariesofsocialbelonging(72).Throughnarratives

ofviolence,sheargues,everydayconversationsplayanimportantroleinshaping

andtransformingsocialboundaries:

Likeothereverydaypracticesofdealingwithviolence,crimestories

trytorecreateastablemapforaworldthathasbeenshaken.These

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narrativesandpracticesimposepartitions,buildupwalls,delineate

andenclosespaces,establishdistances,segregate,differentiate,

imposeprohibitions,multiplyrulesofavoidanceandexclusion,and

restrictmovements.Inshort,theysimplifyandenclosetheworld

(20).

ThestoriesNuritandHilatell,inmakingsenseofpastactsofviolence,alsoestablish

distance,reinforcingtheimpermeabilityofsocialboundariesbyemphasizingthe

dangerofcrossingthem.

Nurit,Hila,andIclearlyparticipateinthecirculationofthesestoriesthrough

conversationssuchasthese.AccordingtoNurit,however,ourclassmatesareguilty

ofagreaterimprecisioneventhanourown:intheirimaginativegeographiesthe

memoryofviolenceisnotconfinedbygeopoliticalborders,creepingacrossthe

greenlineandintoPalestinianspaceswithinIsrael.ItisnotjustRamallah,oreven

theWestBankthattheyfear,butUmelFachemandBaka.Thiscomesthrough

clearlyinthepreviouschapter,inthesectiononYoavandBenny’sconfusionover

thegreenline.Nuritputitthisway:“It’sinterestingthattheydon’tdrawthe

differencebetweenUmelFachemwhenwewerethereandlikeRamallah...It’slike

whatwedidtoday,”Nuritconcluded,referringtothetripthethreeofustookearlier

thatdaytothePalestinianIsraelitownofBaka(seebelow).“Idon’tthinkthey[our

classmates]wouldhavegonetoBaka.”

5.Strategiesofavoidance:Narrativesoffear,risk,anddanger

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ChantalTetreault(2008),inherarticleonracializedspaceintheParisian

subburbs,arguesthatcertainnarratives“establishthewaysthataparticularsocial

group...discursivelycomestostandinforstigmatizedpublicspace.”Parisians

speakoflaracaille(malestreettoughs)inawaythatindexesanationalmoralpanic

aboutcités(subsidizedhousingprojects).InHilaandNurit’snarrativeswhatIsee

happeningismorethereverse:stigmatizedspacesdiscursivelycometostandinfor

thepeoplewhoinhabitthem.InfactNuritpointedoutthatinassessmentsofrisk,

safety,anddangertheArabidentityofavoidedspacesisoftennotdiscussed:

Nurit:ItalkedtoDafnathispastweek.Shewasdrivinghomeandit

wasnightanditwasrainingandIwantedhertodrivebyBarkai

[whereNuritwasliving]andpickupsomestuffandsayhelloandI

waslike,wellyoucouldgothroughWadiAratogettoGivon[where

Dafnalives],causeit’sreallyclose,yougothroughWadiAraandyou

makealeftatMeggido,andshe’slike‘no:::it’sreallydarkthe:::re,’and

itwasnottalkedabout,notinthewaythat–Idon’tknow.

Abigail:Youmeanthatiswhat’sgoingonbutit’snottalkedaboutin

thoseterms?

Nurit:OhIKNOWthatshe’sscaredtogotherebecauseit’slike,there

wereallthosemehumot(riots,disruptions)thereinthepast.Idon’t

knowifshespecificallytome–saidtomeit’sdarkthere,it’sno

darkertherethanotherplaces.

NuritheredescribesasetofcircumstancesunderwhichherfriendDafnachosenot

todriveonWadiAraroad,andsuggeststhatthereasonsshegaveforavoidingit

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werenotherrealreasons.Nuritatthistimewaslivingnextdoortome,inatrailer

inKibbutzBarkai,rightontheedgeofWadiAraandatenminutebikeridefrom

GivatHaviva.Inherrecountingoftheconversation,shesuggeststhatDafnastopby

herplaceonherwayhome,andsuggestsaneasyroute.Dafnarefuses,andoffersan

excuse:“no:::it’sreallydarkthe:::re.”ButNuritrejectsthisexcuse,alongwithits

racializedundertones(“it’snodarkertherethanotherplaces”),insistingthather

realreasonisnottalkedabout.InNurit’sview,atleast,Dafnaseemstothinkthatit

ismoreacceptabletospeakofbeingafraidofWadiArathanitistospeakofbeing

afraidofArabs.ThesilencethatNuritidentifies(“doyoufindthatit’snottalked

about?Notinthatway?”)indicatesareluctanceamongcertainpeopleincertain

contexts,tonamePalestiniancitizensofIsraelasthesourceoftheirfear.

Nurit’sanalysisalsoaddsnuancetothemoregeneralformulationImade

above,basedonTetreault’sargument.Ifstigmatizedspacescometostandinforthe

peoplethatinhabittheminthesestories,itisonlyamongcertainpeopleandin

certaincontexts.Butwhichpeople?whichcontexts?Nuritsays:“Idon’tknowifshe

specificallytome–saidtomeit’sdarkthere.”WhatthissuggestsislessthatDafna

“doesn’ttalkaboutit”andmorethatsheexhibitedaheightenedsenseofawareness

ofwhoshewastalkingto;shedoesn’ttalkaboutitwithher‘radical’friendNurit,

whoisnotonlystudyingArabicbutlivinginWadiAra.Tomethisimpliesnotthat

fearofArabsistaboo(Iheardmanypeopleinvariouscontextstalkingaboutthis

quiteexplicitly)butratherthatnarrativesofviolenceandassessmentsoffear,risk,

andsafetyalwaysbringintoplay,arepositionedinrelationto,andthrowintorelief

people’spoliticalsubjectivities.NuritsuggeststhatDafnadidnotmentionherreal

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reasonsforavoidingWadiArabecauseDafnaknewthatherfriendNuritwouldnot

agreewithorwouldnotlikeherrealreasons.Andshewasright.

ButwhyexactlydoesDafnaavoidthewadi,andwhydoothers?Deciding

whetherornottodrivethroughWadiArainvolvescomplicatedassessmentsofrisk,

danger,comfort,safety,andconveniencethataresometimesarticulatedasbeing

aboutfear–andsometimesnot.Whatexactlyarepeopleafraidof?Nuritsays,“OhI

KNOWthatshe’sscaredtogotherebecauseit’slike,therewereallthosemehumot

thereinthepast.”Nuritdoesn’telaborateonmehumot,buttheword,anevocative

andambiguousword,meaningriotsordisturbancesfrommehuma(noise),conjures

upthosetendaysinOctober,andtheperiodfollowing,whenWadiAraroadwasthe

siteofprotestandunrest(seeChapterOne).Whiletherewasactioninmanyother

partsofthecountry,WadiAraroad,andtheUmelFachemintersectioninparticular,

wereseenastheepicentreofprotest–perhapsbecause,asthiswasanareawhere

Jewsdiddrivethroughonaregularbasis,theprotesthaditsmostdisruptiveeffect

there.Itwasduringthattimethatsomepeoplebegantofindalternateroutesto

avoidthewadi,asmuchtoavoidthetrafficjamscausedbyroadclosuresasforfear

ofhavingrocksthrownattheircars.ButatthetimethatNuritinvitesDafnatodrop

by,inthefallof2004,WadiAraroadhasbeenquietforyears–apartfrom

commemorativeactionsontheanniversaryofthosedaysinOctober.Thereareno

morerocksbeingthrown,andonlytheusualtrafficjams.Butpastviolencehas

markedthelandscapeinawaythatrefusestoremaininthepast,transcendingsome

boundaries–thistimetemporalones–asitreinforcesothers.

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AnotherreasonthatNuritandHilasuggestforwhypeopleavoidplaceslike

BakaandUmelFachemistheunfamiliarity.AfterNurittoldthestoryofDafna,I

remindedherofarecenttimewhenshediddrivethroughWadiArawithsome

friends,andevenstoppedinUmelFachemtobuyknafe,asweetcheese‐based

pastrywhich,inthebakeriesofWadiAra,comesoutoftheoveninsheetsinthelate

afternoon,andisquicklygrabbedup.

Abigail:Buttherewasthatothertimeyouguysdrovethroughthere

andyouwentintoUmelFachemandyougotknafe

Nurit:Ya,andtheywerealittlescared,theywerereally(.)Iwasthere

withSagi[hersister’sboyfriendwhohadstudiedArabicinTelAviv]

soitwasthetwoofuswhocanreadArabicandtwootherswhodon’t

knowanythingaboutArabic.AndwegointoUmelFachemandit’s

kindoflikeBaka–everythingthereisinArabicallofasuddenandit’s

like–you’reinIsrael.Youpassthisplaceallthetime,andtothemit’s

like–wedon’tunderstandanythingthat’sgoingonhere.

Hila:[Andit’sSCARYwhenyoudon’tunderstandanything

Nurit:It’sSCARYwhenyoudon’tunderstandanything]andit’sscary–

Hila:Forallyouknowitsayshorriblethingsaboutyou

Nurit:Exa:::ctly.

Toacertainextent,thefearcomesfromtheinabilitytonotsomuchnavigateas

interpretanunfamiliarlandscape,markedinanunfamiliarscriptinanunfamiliar

language.AsBenny,oneoftheboysdiscussedinthepreviouschapterputit,“When

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youdon’tunderstandyouthinkeverywordispiguathis,piguathat.”Piguaisthe

Hebrewwordforasuicidebomb.

AtonepointinourconversationHilapointedouthowodditisthatthereis

nobodycheckingyourbagwhenyougointorestaurantsinUmElFachem.Ipicked

uponthislater,sayingthat,inanoddreversal,it’salmostasthoughpeoplesee

Palestinianspacesassaferfrompiguim,thatthey’relesslikelytohappeninUmel

FachmthaninChadera(anearbyJewishcity).NuritandHilabothrespondedin

excitedoverlappingspeechtocontradicttheimplicationthatUmelFachemis

thereforeseenasarelativelysafespace:

NuritandHila(overlappingspeech):Right,buttheotherthingthat’s

goingtohappenisyou’llbekidnappedandmu::rdered,you’llget

TARGETTED.Itwon’tberandombutyou’llgettargetted,it’llbe

specificallyagainstyou.

Nurit:It’slikeyoukno:::wthatthey’ll–Ihaveafeelingit’slikethat

wholecityhasbeenlike.um.likeinsteadofhavingaguardatthedoor

there’slikesomethingintheentrancetotheplacethatlikeyoudon’t

go–youdon’tenter.It’slikeifyouenter?you’rea:::llreadyatrisk

Hila:It’sassumptionofrisk

Nurit:Likeit’snot–you’renotevensupposedtobethere.Likethe

busesislike,youdon’thaveachoi:::ceyouhavetogettowo:::rk,it’s

like,Idon’tthinkpeopleseeitassafer.

Abigail:Peopledidn’tstoptakingbuses,thatIknow.Toalargeextent

that’salsoaboutmoneyandaboutwhocanstoptakingbuses.People

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didn’tstoptakingbusesandyet,theysureashellstoppeddrivingon

WadiAraorgoing–

Hila:Butthat’ssomethingtheyneedtodo,theyhavenonee:::d

Nurit:WadiAra?YougoonHighway4[abypassroad].Andyougo

around.

NuritandHilahereseemtocreatetypologiesofviolence,distinguishingbetween

randomviolenceandtargetedviolence,violencethattransgressesborders,and

violencethatpunishestheirtransgression.Inmakingassessmentsofriskand

safety,indecidingwhichspacestoavoid,itseemsthatthesearesomeofthe

relevantcriteria.

6.Goingthere:HilaandNurit’sownboundaries

NuritandHila’sdiscussionthusfarfocusesontheirunderstandingofother

people’sbehaviour,otherpeople’spracticesoffearandavoidance:whentheymake

statementslike“it’sscarywhenyoudon’tunderstandanything,”“youdon’tenter,”

“you’renotevensupposedtobethere,”“you’renotwantedthere,”the“you”they

arereferringtodoesnotseemtoincludethem.WhileIam–nominallyatleast–

interviewingthem,whattheyaresharingwithmeistheircritiqueofotherpeople’s

behaviour,asimplicitlycontrastedwiththeirown.Theypositionthemselvesas

slightlyremovedfrommainstreamIsraelisociety–asparticipantsinit,but

participantsatarmslength,alsocriticalobservers.Ourconversationaboutwhy

IsraeliJewsdonotgointoPalestinianspacestakesplaceverymuchinthecontextof

ourself‐satisfactionathavingjustthatmorninggonetoBaka,anearbyPalestinian

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town.Wehadwanderedalongthemainstreetandstoppedinalocalbakerytobuy

acakeforourclass,tocelebratetheendofthecourse.Inexplainingwhyothers

wouldhavebeenafraidtogotoplaceslikeBaka,aswehaddone,NuritandHilaare

alsocritiquingthisperspectiveanddistancingthemselvesfromit.

YetthistripwasthefirsttimeanyofushadbeeninBaka,atownlocatednot

eventenminutesaway(bycar)fromGivatHaviva,wherewehadspentthelastsix

months.WealsospokeEnglishorArabicthewholetimewewerethere,jokingthat

wewere“undercover”–presentingourselvesasNorthAmericanstudentsofArabic

ratherthanasIsraeliJews.Weagreedthatthiswasthebestwaytogetothersto

speakwithusinArabic,butwestillweren’tentirelycomfortablewiththisstrategy

(seebelow).ClearlyNuritandHilaarenotoutsideofthedynamicsoffearand

avoidancealtogetherand,ofcourse,neitheramI.Wetoomakechoicesaboutwhere

togoandwherenottogo,basedonassessmentsofrisk,safety,anddanger.What

comesthroughinthisconversationisthatwetoodrawboundaries,butindifferent

placesthanourclassmates(whoseemtorepresentwhatNuritandHilaperceiveto

bethemainstreamJewishIsraeliperspective),andfordifferentreasons.Inthefirst

twostoriesofviolence,forexample,Nuritcritiquesourclassmatesforhavingan

irrationalfearofUmelFachembecauseofsomethingthathappenedinRamallah.In

herownassessment,then,shedistinguishesbetweentheWestBankasanunsafe

spaceandUmelFachemasasafespace,whilecritiquingothersforfailingtomake

thisdistinction.

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Itisinteresting,then,thatwhenIaskedNuritandHilaabouttheirown

spatialpractices,theirownfears,bothturnedintheiranswerstotheWestBank.I

askedthem:

Howdoyouguysmakethosedecisionsaboutwheretogo?Because

eventhoughitisaboutignoranceandracism,thereareplaceswhereI

wouldbescaredtogo.Howdoyoudealwiththat?

Nurit’sresponseappearsatfirstnottoanswermyquestiondirectly:

SinceSeptemberwhenIstartedlearningArabic–andthisiseven–

I’mnotgoinganywhere,I’minGivatHavivalearningArabic,butI’m

goingtoUmelFache:::m,goingtoNazare:::th,andmeetingArabic

speakers,thereactionI’vehadfrompeoplehasbeensohostileandso

hateful.Hateful.Ohya,peopledon’tunderstandwhyIwouldlike–

[Hila:who?]myfamily,mysisters’andmyroommates’friends.Ifind

itverytiringtoexplaintopeople,ortonotliebutnotexplain

everythingornotexplainmypoliticalviewsbecauseIjustdon’twant

togetintothatdiscussion.

NuritheremakesitclearthatlearningArabic,forher,goeshandinhandwith

“meetingArabicspeakers”andgoingplaceslikeUmelFachemandNazareth.These

choicesaretiedtoherpolitics,andevenindexherpolitics:learningArabic,

interactingwithPalestiniansorgoingtoPalestinianplacesindicatetoothersa

particularpoliticalposition,onethatshefeelsisoutsideofthemainstream.Telling

peoplesheisgoingtotheseplaces,then,necessitatesajustificationanddiscussion

ofherpoliticswiththosewhosepoliticsopposehers,adiscussionshefinds

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exhaustingandonerous.Sheclearlyfeelsthatamongherfamilyandfriendssheis

intheminorityinmakingthesechoices,andinherpoliticalopinions,totheextent

thatherpositionismetnotonlywithademandforexplanation,butalsowith

hostility.Thisdoesnotstopherfromgoingtotheseplaces.DuringourtimeatGivat

Haviva,inadditiontotheclasstripswetook,NuritdidvisitplaceslikeNazareth,Um

elFachem,KafrKara–tripssheoftentookwithme.Shedidsometimeslieaboutit–

byomission–toheroldersister,whohadneverbeentotheseplacesandwas

scaredtogo,muchinthewaythatteenagerswouldnottelltheirparentsthatthey

haddonesomethingtheirparentswouldconsiderdangerous.Sheneverspokeof

beingafraidoftheseplaces,thoughshedidfeelacertainamountofdiscomfort

goingthere.

Thewishtoavoid“thatdiscussion,”however,didstopherfromgoingtothe

territories.Immediatelyaftertheabovequoteshecontinued,nowturningmore

directlytomyquestion:

Nurit:Soforexample,inNovember,myfriendwho’slivinginJaryis[a

villageintheWestBank],wheneveryonewasgoingfortheolive

harvestshewaslike‘youshouldco:::me,everyone’sgoing’andforme

thatwasaconsciousdecisionof,Ireallydon’twanttodealwith

everyone,withmysister,withmyaunt,andtellingthemthisiswhere

Iwanttogo.

Abigail:Likeit’shardenoughtellingthemyou’regoingtoUmel

Fachem,letalone–

Nurit:Exactly.Andit’sdisappointingthatIthinkthatway.

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Hila:Towho?

Nurit:Tomyself.

ThefriendNuritmentionsisfromherundergraduateprogramintheUS,ayoung

AmericanwomanwhowaslivingandvolunteeringinavillageintheWestBank.

TheoliveharvesteveryyearattractsactivistsandsupporterstotheWestBankto

assistinthepicking,butalsotohelppreventattacksfromsettlers,whichare

particularlycommonduringthistime(seeMeneley2008).EventhoughIexplicitly

askedaboutfear,andeventhoughherearlierstoriesseemtoimplythatthereis

somethingtobelegitimatelyafraidofintheWestBank,Nuritdidnottalkaboutfear

asherreasonfornotenteringtheterritories.Instead,shesaidthatshemadea

“consciousdecision”nottogoinordertoavoidhavingtodealwiththefalloutthat

wouldcomefromtellingherfamily“thisiswhereIwanttogo.”Ifgoingto

PalesetinianplacesinIsraelisamarkedchoiceindexinganunwelcomepolitical

position,thengoingtotheterritoriesisallthemoreso.

Nuritoftenspokeofgoingtotheterritories,debatedwhetherornottogo,

butneverwent,duringthetimeIspentwithheratGivatHaviva.Shecontinuedher

explanationbygivinganotherreason;againitisnotaboutfear:

AlsoknowingthatIwouldenterwithmyAmericanpassport,notmy

Israelipassport,notspeakHebrew,nottellanyonethatI’mIsraeli

mostlikelyandkindof–howdoIfeelaboutthatlikeknowingthat–I

don’tknowIdidn’t–Ithinkthatpartespeciallymakesmevery

uncomfortable.Alsoliketoday[inBaka]likewedidn’tfeel

comfortable–wewantedtospeakArabicbutwedidn’tknowwhat

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theirreactionwouldbe...Ithinkthat’ssomethingthat–Idon’tknow.

Idon’tknowifinmyheadIdecideaheadoftimethatwe–I–won’tbe

welcome.Idon’tknow.MaybeIdo.

WhileNuritisabletogo“undercover”asanAmericaninordertofeelmorefreeand

morewelcomespeakingArabicinthebakeriesofBaka,shedoesnotdothiswithout

acertainamountofguiltanddiscomfort.Itisalsoonethingtopassivelyprojectan

identitybyspeakinginEnglish,butanotherthingentirelytoactivelydenyherstatus

asanIsraelicitizenbycrossingbetweenIsraelandtheWestBankonherAmerican

passport.(Unlikeme,bothNuritandHilahavedualcitizenshipandcarryboth

passports–theycanpasswiththeseofficialmarkersofidentityaswellaswith

language.)Havingexperiencedthissamediscomfort,Iwouldsaythatitpartly

comesfromdenyingapartofyouridentity–thesamediscomfortfeltbyotherswho

“pass”inothercontexts(aswhite,asstraight).Itisalso,though,guiltandregretfor

actingontheassumptionthattheotherpartofyouridentityshouldbehidden–that

is,thatitwon’tbewelcome.WhetherwegotoBakaortoRamallah,wearehighly

awarethatpeople’sreactiontouswillbeinlargepartbasedonouridentity,and

“we[don’t]knowwhattheirreaction[will]be.”TogoasAmericansistoassume

fromtheoutsetthatthereactiontoJewishIsraeliswouldbeanegativeone.8That

thisisanassumptionthatsheisnotcomfortablewithisshowninthehedgingand

self‐interruptioninNurit’slastline–itsoundslikeapainfulconfessiontomake:“I–

8Also,oddly,thatthereactiontoAmericanswouldbemorepositive.Althoughthisdidnotstrikeusatoddatthetime,inretrospectitissurprisinggiventhecommonperceptionofanti‐Americansentiment(largelyduetosupportofIsrael)amongPalestiniansspecificallyandintheMiddleEastmoregenerally.

163

Ithinkthat’ssomethingthat–Idon’tknow.Idon’tknowifinmyheadIdecide

aheadoftimethatwe–I–won’tbewelcome.Idon’tknow.MaybeIdo.”

UnlikeNurit,HiladidsometimesgototheWestBank.Amonthearlier(on

January9,2005)shehadspentthedayofthePalestinianelectionswitha

democraticprocessmonitoringgroup,travelingaroundtheWestBank.

Immediatelyaftertheaboveexchange,sheansweredmyquestionbyrecountingher

experiencesonthatday:

Butthatquestionthatcriteriaofhowyoudecidewhethertogo

somewhereornot.Imean–Idon’tknow,whenIdecidedtogowith

thatgrouptoRamallahfortheelectionsandtheysaid‘letsmeetin

Ramallahinthemorning,’Iwaslike,inmymindIwaslike‘Ohno.’

Andnotbecause–IknewIwouldhavetogothereatsomepointbutI

thoughtitwouldbewiththem,andI’veneverbeentherebeforeandI

wasjustthinking‘Nononono,Idon’twanttodotha:::t!’hhbutIalso

justdidn’twanttobelikeababy,youknow.Andmaybethatwaslike

theirwayoftestingmetooyouknow,whoknows.Maybesomebody

couldhavecomepickedmeupbuttheywantedtobelike,‘wouldshe

dothat.’

LikeNuritbeforeher,Hilarespondedtomyquestionaboutherpersonalboundaries

byturningimmediatelytotheWestBank,leavingPalestinianspacesinIsrael

completelyoutofthediscussionofplacesshemightpossiblybeafraidtogo.She

tellsastoryofasituationwheresheisreluctanttogosomewhere(“Nononono,I

don’twanttodotha:::t!”)butgoesanyway.SheisgoingtoRamallah,amajorWest

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BankcityandthesiteofthelynchingdescribedearlierbyNurit,butsheseemsto

implythatitisnotRamallahitselfthatispotentiallydangerousbutthe

circumstancesunderwhichshewasaskedtogothere:alone,earlyinthemorning,

toaplaceshe’dneverbeenbefore.Infact,herwillingnesstogotoRamallahseems

toestablishsomekindof‘trialbyfire’whereinshecanprove,throughherlackof

fear,herappropriatepoliticalcredentials.9

Inhercontinuednarrationoftheevents,sheseemsatpainstoestablishthat,

thoughshewas“IMMENSELYuncomfortable,”thiswasnotcausedbyanything

particulartoRamallah,totheWestBank,ortoPalestinianplacesmoregenerally.

Rather,sheestablishesanumberofother,moregeneralreasonsforherfear:

Hila:...Maybesomebodycouldhavecomepickedmeupbutthey

wantedtobelike,‘wouldshedothat.’

Abigail:Andyouweren’tsocomfortablebutyoudiditanyway.

Hila:Ididitanywayanditwasveryuncomfortable.

Nurit:YouwentasanAmerican?

Hila:WellIdidn’thavetoshowany–Iwasgoingtobutya–well

theoreticallyyes.AnditwasIMMENSELYuncomfortable.Ididn’t

reallyknowhowtogetthere.ImeanIhadbeentherebeforebutnot

aloneanditwasreallyearlyinthemorningandfiguringoutwhich

busorwhichlittlemini‐bus–andItoldyouIendeduphitch‐hiking

withsomereallyniceguywhowasaPalestinianwhowasgoingdown

9ComparethistoNurit’sfriendDafnawhoalsorecognizesthattoacknowledgefearistomarkyourpoliticalstanceinsomeway.

165

theroadfromA‐RamtoQalandiya,whichisjustanilladvi:::sedthing

todoanywhereintheworld.ButIdidn’twanttobelate.Sohetook

meinhiscarandwe’rechatting,andthiswouldnotbesomethingI

woulddoifIwere–

Nurit:Youactuallyhitched?Likeyoustuckoutyourhand?

Hila:No,Ijuststoodtherelookingdesperatebecausethelittlemini‐

vanthatwentbywaslike‘We’renotgoingtoQalandiya’andIwaslike

‘Aaah!’andIwaslike–Isaid,‘IneedtogotoQalandiya’andhe’slike

‘Oka:::y.’

ThedrivefromJerusalem,whereHilawascomingfrom,toRamallahisadistanceof

fifteenkilometres.Duetoavarietyofmilitaryandbureaucraticobstaclesalongthe

way,foradriverwiththerightpermits,onagooddaythiscouldeasilytaketwo

hours(onthemechanicsanddynamicsoftheQalandiyacheckpointseeHammami

2006).ThoughHilahasacar,youcan’tdriveacrossinaprivatevehiclewithouta

specialpermit,soshewouldhavemostlikelycaughtasherut,amini‐vantaxi,at

DamascusGate(theoldcityofJerusalem)thatwouldtakehertothecheckpointat

A‐Ram,onthenorthernborderofJerusalem.Fromthereshewouldhavetocross

thecheckpointleavingIsraelonfoot,showingherpassporttoIsraeliborderguards,

iftheyasked,andansweringtheirquestions.WithherAmericanpassportshe

wouldnotneedapermittopass.FromthecheckpointatA‐Ram,shewouldhaveto

godowntheroadabittoQalandiya,whereshewouldgothroughanother

checkpointenteringtheWestBank,andthencouldcatchataxioraservis,asimilar

mini‐vantaxi,toRamallah.

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Coordinatingthelogisticsofalltheserides(“figuringoutwhichbusorwhich

littlemini‐bus”)acrossaheavilymilitarizedinternationalborder,inunfamiliar

territory,alone,earlyinthemorning,andwiththepressureofarrivingintimeto

meetupwiththegroupisplentyofreasontocauseHila“IMMENSE”discomfort.

Addtothisthefactthatshehitch‐hikedthatshortdistancebetweenA‐Ramand

Qalandiya.Thegeneralsituationofhitch‐hiking,andnottherespectiveidentitiesof

herselfandherdriverasanIsraeli/AmericanJewandaPalestinian,seemstobe

whatmadethispotentiallydangerous;Hilaemphasizesthathitch‐hikingwouldbe

“anilladvi:::sedthingtodoanywhereintheworld.”

YetHila’sidentitydoescomeintoplayhere,thoughsheonlydiscussesit

whenpressedbyNuritandme.Inthequoteabove,NuritasksifHilawent“asan

American”–inthecontextofthisconversationthatwouldmeanbothusingher

AmericanpassportandspeakingEnglish.Hilaseemsreluctanttoanswer,oratleast

doesn’tgetintoitatthattime:“Well,Ididn’thavetoshowany–Iwasgoingtobut

ya–welltheoreticallyyes.”Later,whenshetoldthestoryofhitch‐hiking,Ialso

pressedheronwhatidentityshewastravellingunder,byaskingherwhatlanguage

shewasspeaking.DespiteHila’sinsistenceongeneralizinginhertelling,

emphasizingconditionsthatwouldbefearful“anywhereintheworld,”bothNurit

andIseemtothinkthatwhatlanguageshewasspeaking,whatpassportshewas

travelingunderareessentialpiecesofinformationinorderforustobeableto

correctlyinterpretherinteractionsandexperiences.

Nurit:...andIwaslikeIsaid,‘IneedtogotoQalandiya’andhe’slike

‘Oka:::y.’

167

Abigail:Inwhatlanguage?

Hila:Ijustsaid‘leqalandiya?’[toQalandiya?inHebrew]andhesaid

‘okay.’There’sbasicallyjustoneroadthatgoesdown–Imeanthere’s

afencedownthemiddleit’snotlikeyoucan–butmaybehewas

gonna–whoknowswherehewasgonnagobuthe’slike‘Okay.’Sohe

drovemedownallthewaydowntothemachsom[checkpoint].And

wewerechattingandIwasspeakinginArabicandhe’slike‘Oh!you

soundlikeaJewishpersonwhenyouspeakinArabic!’andIsaid‘Oh,

isthatagoodthingorabadthing?’andhewaslau::ghing,like‘haha

haha.’Andyouknow,‘whereareyoufro:::m,’youknow,‘theUS,’and

likehehasfamilyinChicago,sothenwespokealittlebitofEnglish

andalittlebitofArabic,andthenIwantedtopayhimbut–butthe

pointwasthatIwasinahurrysoIdidn’treally,Iwasn’treally

processingtheriskinawaythatperhapsIwoulddootherwise.And

thenIcrossedandthenIgotintosometaxithatwouldtakemewhere

Ineededtogo,butthewholetimebecauseIwasinahurryIwasn’t

reallyprocessingtheriskbut–.Whenyouthinkaboutit,it’sacity

you’veneverbeento–Imeananywhereintheworldthat’spretty

scarybut–.Notknowinghowpeoplewillreacttoyou?Andin

Ramallahit’snotlike,Imeantheykno::wsomepeoplethereare

Israelibutit’snot,it’ssortoflikethepolitethingtodoisnotspeak

Hebrewthere–evenifyouspeakEnglishwithaheavyHebrewaccent

it’sbetter.

168

Hilahereacknowledgesthatherpersonalidentitywasafactorinhowshe

felt,andinfactwasbroughtupobliquelybyherdriver,thekindPalestinian

manwho,sheseemstoimply,mayevenhavedrivenoutofhiswaytohelp

herout.Hesays:“Oh!YousoundlikeaJewishpersonwhenyouspeakin

Arabic!”Hercoylyevasiveanswer(“Isthatagoodthingorabadthing?”),I

think,revealsthesameuncertaintythatNuritmentions,notknowing

whetherornotshewouldbewelcomeasanIsraeliJew,“notknowinghow

peoplewillreacttoyou.”Again,though,sheseemstosuggestthatitisnot

thatsheisafraidtospeakHebrewandpresentherselfasIsraeli,butrather

thatitis“thepolitethingtodo”nottoenteranoccupiedcityspeakingthe

languageoftheoccupier.

Hilacontinues:

Sohow–whatmademethink–IwenttherebecauseIhadareasonto

go,andbecauseIknewthattherewouldbesomeonepresumably

meetingmetherebutyouknow,therewereafewmomentswhenthe

personIwassupposedtobemeetingwasn’tthereandIwaswaiting

andwaitingandwaitingandIwasthinking‘Uhoh’hhh.‘WhatamI

goingtodo,’youknow.Therewerethosemoments.AndIwastrying

tocallandthephonewasswitchedoffandyouknow.Therewasthat

momentofpanicof‘Waitaminute,whatdoIreallyknowaboutthis

organization?’Thereareplacesyou’renotsupposedtogo.

Theonlytimeinherstorywhenshedoesbegintoconsciously“processtherisk”

resultsinamomentofpanic.DespitealltheeffortsheandNurithavemadeto

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distancethemselvesfromthefearthattheyseeascharacterizingthemainstream

JewishIsraeliperspective,Hilaacknowledges,“Thereareplacesyou’renot

supposedtogo.”

7.Conclusion:ReturningagaintotheWadi

The“ReturntotheWadi”campaign,designedtodrawIsraeliJewsbackto

WadiArainthefallof2004,wasledbythemayorofUmElFachem,SheichHashem

AbdelRachman.Hecametohispositionwiththeprimarygoalofchangingthe

imageofUmelFachemintheeyesoftheIsraelipublic.“Therewasatimewhen

WadiAraroadwasalmostempty,”heisquotedassaying,inaninterviewpublished

onthewebsiteoftheregionalcouncil(Kochavi2005,mytranslation).Hepointsout

that,inadditiontothefearthatkeptpeopleaway,theremayhavealsobeenan

elementofboycott:foraperiodphoneandelectriccompaniesandotheressential

servicesrefusedtoenterthearea,orenteredonlywitharmedsecurity

accompaniment.LocalmerchantswerehardhitbythelossoftheirJewishclientele.

Palestinianslostorfoundithardtofindemploymentinthecentreofthecountry.

TheseeconomicconsequencesareobscuredinIsraeliJewishlamentsoverthe

vegetablemarketstheynolongervisit,andresponsibilityforthissituationis

shirkedinstoriesabouttheviolencethatkeepspeopleaway.

Thetemporalframeworksetupbythissequenceofnarratives–ofnostalgia,

ofviolence,andoffear–beliessomeharshpoliticalrealities,implicitlyplacingthe

blameforincreasedsegregationpreciselyonthosewhoarepunishedbyit.Itactsas

a“strategyofinnocence”(seePratt1992),awaytoevaderesponsibility.Itisalsoa

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waytoavoidtalkingaboutwhatisreallyatstake.TeresaCaldeiraarguesthat,

beyonditsroleinshapingsocialboundaries,talkoffearalsooffers“alanguagein

whichtotalkandthinkaboutmanyotherdestabilizingprocesses”aboutwhich,

unlikecrime,thereisnoconsensus(39).InSaoPaulotalkoffearoffersawayto

talkaboutanxietiescausedbyeconomicuncertainty,poverty,inflation,

unemployment,disruptionstoclassrelations,andpoliticalupheaval:“Discussions

aboutfearofcrimerevealtheanguishproducedwhensocialrelationscannolonger

bedecodedandcontrolledaccordingtooldcriteria”(51).Caldeira’sinsighthere

alertsustothewaysthattalkoffearcanmaskarangeofotheranxietiesinacontext

ofconflictandchange.Foremostamongthesehere,Iwouldargue,istheanxiety

andvulnerabilityproducedbychallengestothedefinitionoftheIsraelinational

community.

Thenostalgia,then,isformorethancheapvegetablesinthemarketofUmel

Fachem.ItexpressesalongingforatimewhenIsraeliJewsfeltsafeinPalestinian

spaces,butitisalso–althoughitdoesnotexplicitlyexpressthis–alongingfora

quiescentminoritywhoaspirestointegrationandnotautonomy.Itisalongingfor

asocialandspatialorderthat,protectedbyapatinaofhopeandoptimism,under

theguiseofcoexistence,didnotrequiretoomanypainfulconcessionsfromthe

IsraeliJewishmajority.Afterall,thisgoldenpastwastheeraoftheOsloprocess,a

fundamentallyflawedprocessfromwhichPalestinianIsraeliswerealtogether

excluded(seeChapterOne).Thegoldenageinvokedbythisnarrativeisonein

whichtherecollectedfreedomofmovementwasone‐sided–inwhichPalestinian

spacesweremadeavailabletoJewsforconsumption,andPalestinianswere

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acceptedinJewishspaces,onlyinveryrestrictedcircumstances,whichplaced

Palestiniansinveryspecificsubservientroles(seeChapterSix).Despitethe

rhetoric,duringtheseyearsanastonishinglyhighlevelofsegregationwas

maintainedandactivelyenforcedbytheIsraelistateaswellasbythespatial

practicesofitscitizens–asegregationthatexcludedPalestiniansfromalargepart

oftheeconomicandpoliticalbenefitsoftheircitizenship(seeChapterTwo).

IwasunfortunatelyunabletoattendtheReturntotheWadievent,and

thereforecannotcommentonthesortsofencountersitenabled.SheichHashem,

though,waspleased:“OnSuccotvisitorscameandsawthatUmelFachemis

differentfromthemonsterofpublicperception.TheywilltellmoreIsraelisand,just

astheystoppedcomingduringthetimeofcrisis,sothevisitsarebeingrenewed.”A

yearlater,inthefallof2005,andagainin2006whenIvisitedIsrael,peoplewere

indeedreturning.WadiAraroadwasonceagainfull.Butthereistothisreturnan

elementofcapitulation:asacrificeofpoliticalmomentumforeconomicreality.

Whilerelativequietnowprevails,itisaforcedsilence.AsIsraeliJewsreturntothe

Wadi,critiqueofstatepolicyanddemandforchangeretreatfromthepublicrealm

andreturntotheprivacyofPalestinianspaces.

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ChapterFive

ErasureandDisclosureontheTrans­IsraelHighway

1.Introduction:“Inspiteofeverything”

ThehistoryofthePalestiniancitizensofIsraelhasbeencharacterizedasa

seriesof“distortionsofomissionandcommission”thateradicatePalestinian

presenceinthelandscape,reinscribingJewishclaimstolandoverPalestinianones

inwaysthatareatoncematerialanddiscursive(Slyomovics1998).Thischapter

exploresaveryspecificandveryrecentsetof“distortionsofomissionand

commission”–thosefoundintheArabicplacenamesonroadsignsonthenew

Trans‐IsraelHighway.

WhiletheconstructionofnewwallsinIsraelwasreceivingmuchattentionat

thetimeofmyfieldwork,newroadswerealsobeingconstructed.Likewalls,roads

enableandinhibitmovement,structurelicitandillicittraffic,makeconnectionsand

enforcedifference,solidifyandmakemanifeststatepower(Campbell2006;seealso

e.g.,Roseman1996,Thomas2002,Wilson2004).Assuch,Campbell(2006)

suggeststhatpayingattentiontothe“concretehistories”ofthesestructurescan

illuminatethematerialandculturalprocessesthroughwhichtheirmeaningis

producedandthroughwhichtheyinturnproducemeaningfulworlds–worlds

madeasmuchfromthedailypracticesofpeoplewhonavigatealongthemasfrom

mortarandasphaltorengineer’splans.

Forinstance,AdelineMasquelier(2002)describeshowinapostcolonial

contextroadsmayserveasmapsthatsupportsocialmemory,bearingorbecoming

connectionstothepastthroughthe“sedimentationofcollectiveandpersonal

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histories”alongtheirlength(833).InthecommunityinSouthernNigerwhereshe

worked,recollectionsofbeingconscriptedforroadworkformsomeofthemost

salientmemoriesofthecolonialperiod,andtheroadbecomesasitewherethepast

–oftenintheformofspirits–“disruptsinvades,butalsoexplainsthepresent”

(832),condensinghistoricalexperiencesofviolenceanddislocationaswellas

contemporaryambivalencesabouttheexperienceofmodernity.

Thischapterisalsoconcernedwiththe“sedimentation”ofthepastalonga

road,butinthiscaseratherthanservingasamaptosupportsocialmemory,the

roadbecomesanimportantsiteforthecontestationofpastandpresentlandscapes.

Highway6literallyreconfiguresthemapofIsrael,alteringscaleanddistanceintrue

postmodernfashion,compressingbothtimeandspace(Harvey1990).A

sophisticatedmarketingcampaignboastedthattheroad“bringstheperiphery

closer”and,indeed,forcertainprivilegedpeopleintheruralnorththeroaddoes

enablenewexperiencesandnewpossibilities.1Itislesstheimplicationsofthis

roadformobilitythatconcernmehere,though,andmoreitsimplicationsfor

visibility.

Asanewroadopensuproutesfortravel,driversonitarenotonlyabletogo

placestheyhadnotbeenbefore;theyarealsoabletosee,throughthewindowsas

theydrive,sitestheyhadnotseenbefore.Familiarvistasandlandmarkstakeon

newformsandmeaningswhenseenfromnewperspectives–atopanewbridgeor

tunnellingthroughahill.Newlandmarksandnewvistascomeintoview.Signposts 1Forexample,IwasabletocommutetoArabicclassesinWadiAraonceaweekfrommyhomeinJerusalem;friendsofminewholivedinEmekYizraelwerethrilledthatallofasuddenaneveningconcertoftheIsraeliPhilharmonicinTelAvivwasapossibleouting–nowanhourdriveawayinsteadoftwo.

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notseenbeforearemadesuddenlyrelevantbynewproximities,asdriversnavigate

unfamiliarterritorytoarriveatfamiliardestinations.Myargumentinthischapter

isthatevenastheconstructionofHighway6inmanywaysbringsaPalestinian

presenceintheIsraelilandscapeintoview,itsimultaneouslyworkstoobscureit.

Theroad,then,bothrevealsandconceals,bothdisclosesanderases,makingvisible

the“sedimentation”ofthepastwhilesimultaneouslyworkingtodistortorconcealit

beyondrecognition.Thischapterexplorestheroleoftheroadsignsalongthe

lengthofthehighwayinmediatingtheseprocesses.

ThreeweeksafterIbeganmyfieldwork,inthedimlightofanearly

WednesdaymorninginNovember2003,Ifoundmyselfwaitingonaquietstreet

cornerinJerusalemforawomanIdidnotknowtotakemetoaplaceIhadnever

been.Ruthturnedouttobeacompact,matter‐of‐fact,grey‐hairedwomanwho,I

graduallylearned,ispassionateaboutclassicalmusic,‘proper’Hebrewgrammar,

hergrandchildren,Palestinianhumanrights,andoppositiontotheIsraeli

occupation.Nowinherretirement,afteralongandvariedcareerinhealthsciences,

shedevotesallhertime–exceptTuesdayswhicharedevotedtohernewborn

grandsonandWednesdayswhichareforArabiclessons–toMachsomWatch:a

feministhumanrightsorganizationthatshewasinstrumentalinfoundingin2001.

ThewomenofMachsomWatchvolunteerforrotatingdutyatcheckpointsbetween

IsraelandtheWestBank,wheretheystandinprotestoftheoccupationwhile

monitoringtheactionsofIsraelisoldiers,ensuringthatPalestinianhumanrightsare

protected.ButallthisIwasyettolearnonthatmorninginNovember.Asitwas

Wednesday,Ruthwasgivingmealifttothefirstofourweeklyday‐longArabic

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languageclassesatGivatHaviva.(SomeoneattheschoolhadsuggestedIcontact

herforaridefromJerusalem.)Classbeganat8andwehadoveratwohourdrive

northandwestaheadofus.Iwasearly,whichwasgood.RuthisnotawomanI

wouldwanttokeepwaiting.

Itwasacalmmorning,accordingtoboththeradiotrafficreportsandthe

news,andwewerehopingwewereearlyenoughtoavoidthedailytrafficjamson

thewayoutofthecity.Wewere,andasweleftthecitybehindandbeganour

descentalongthebusy,winding,four‐lanehighwaythatcutsthroughthewooded

hillsaroundJerusaleminthedirectionofTelAviv,Ruthsaidthatthedriveshould

onlytakealittleoveranhour;wewouldbetakingHighway6,sheinformedme,“in

spiteofeverything.”Shesaidthiswithchagrin,andperhapsalittleguilt.Iwas,of

course,immediatelyintrigued.

Ihaveheardthissametoneoften,anduseditmyself,whentalkingabout

takingroadsthatcutconvenientlythroughtheWestBank;inthiscaseit’satone

thatacknowledgesyourrecognitionthatyouarecompromising–oratleast

suspending–yourprincipledobjectiontoIsraelipresenceinthePalestinian

territories,makinganexceptiontoaccommodatethemostdirectroutefora

particularjourney.“Inspiteofeverything”meansthatyouareawareofthe

objectionstoIsraelisdrivingontheseroads,andevenagreewiththem,butare

choosingtoover‐ridetheminthisparticularcaseforthesakeofease.It’ssimilarto

thetoneenvironmentallyconsciousconsumerswillusetoapologizeforthe

presenceofstyrofoamtake‐outcontainersintheirgarbage,acknowledgingthatease

inthisparticularcasehasovercomeprinciples.ButHighway6,thenewroadthatI

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hadbeenhearingaboutbutnotyetdrivenon,didnotpassthroughtheterritories.

Whatwasthereforaconscientious,politicallyactivegrandmothertofeelguilty

about?

Soonafterthehillsgavewaytocoastalplane,justbeforetheturn‐offtoBen

GurionairportinLod,theTelAviv‐JerusalemHighwaywewereonwidenedand

mergedwithHighway6;allwedidwasfollowthewhitesixespaintedontheroad–

overafewlanes,aroundabendandunderabridge–andwewereheadingnorthon

thebrandnewhighway.Wewereamongthefirsttodriveonthissectionofthe

highway,whichhadbeencompletedonlyafewweeksbefore.Thelanemarkers

werebrightandcleanagainstthedarknewpavementandthescarsinthehillsides

androckformationswheretheroadhadbeencarvedoutlookedfresh.Onlyafew

othercarswereontheroadthismorning,thoughitwasapproachingrushhour,and

aswespednorth,cuttingoutthenecessityofcontinuingoutofourwaywesttoTel

Aviv,topickupthecoastalhighwaynorth‐bound,itwaseasytoseetheappealofthe

newhighway.Ittookmeawhilelongertounderstandthe“inspiteofeverything.”

OverthenextsixteenmonthsofmyfieldworkIwasdriven(oftenbyRuth)or

drove(Iwasluckytobeabletoborrowmybrother’scaronoccasion)backandforth

onthisroadatleastonceaweek.WhenIwasdrivingIoftengavealifttotwoother

fellowstudents–friendsandinformants.LikeRuth,RinaandNuritaresharp,

critical,informed,andpoliticallyengagedIsraeliJewishwomen,whowerelearning

ArabicbothasapoliticalstatementandasatooltohelptheminthePalestinian

humanrightsandadvocacyworktheywereallengagedin.(IdescribeNuritinmore

detailinChapterFourandRinainChapterSix.)Aswedrovealongit,theroad,the

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landscapeitcutsthrough,andthesignsthatframeitwereoftentopicsof

conversation.

WhilethemajorityofthesignsonHighway6followIsraelilawinincluding

allplacenamesineachofIsrael’sthreeofficiallanguages–Hebrew,Arabic,and

English–wenoticedanastonishingamountofvariationintheArabiclanguage

content.Arabicplacenamesoftenappearindistortedormistakenform,andon

manysignstheydonotappearatall.Foroverayear,asourabilitytoreadthe

contentofthesignsbecamemorefluent,thefourofusengagedinanongoing

conversation,tryingtointerprettheirmeaninginthecontextofthepolitical

economiccircumstancesoftheroad’sconstructionandtheongoinghistoryof

dispossessionofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael.Weenlistedourclassmatesand

Arabicteacherstohelpusinterpretthelanguageofthesignsaswellasthe

Palestinianlandscapestheybothrevealanderase.InparticularItalkedaboutthe

roadatsomelengthwithNir,oneofthefewboysintheclasswhohadtheirdriver’s

licenseandaccesstoacar.Nirlivesinasmalltownjustwestofthehighway,onthe

roadtoNetanya,anditsconstructionsignificantlychangedhisoptionsfortravel.An

intenseandseriousyoungman,abitofaloner,hehaddevelopedaninsightful

critiqueoftheroad’ssemiotics,whichhesharedwithmeinalongandrambling

interviewoneafternooninFebruary.ItwasNuritwhosetmethetaskofgettingto

thebottomofwhatwasgoingonwiththeseroadsigns.Shesuggestedthe

methodologyandactedasphotographerforawhile,butmybrothercompletedthe

projectwithme.OnmylastweekinIsrael,onagreydayinFebruary2005,Idrove

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thelengthoftheroad–dangerouslyslowly–ashehunghisheadoutthewindow

and,withmydigitalcamera,snappedapictureofeverysignontheroad.

BeforeIgettothepictures,though,Ibeginbylookingatthespecific

historicalandpoliticaleconomicconditionsoftheroad’sconstructionandthefierce

opposition,onenvironmentalandsocialgrounds,withwhichitwasmet.Ithen

examinealesscommonlyvoicedcritiqueoftheroad,basedonitsimpacton

PalestiniancitizensofIsrael,placingitinthecontextoftheongoing“Judaization”

(makingJewish)ofthelandscapeofIsrael.Ithenfocusontheexperienceofdriving

onthisroad,lookingattheroadsignsthemselves–or,morespecifically,atRuth,

Rina,Nurit,andNir’sinterpretationsoftheroadsigns–examininghowthey

participateinthisprocessbybothobscuringandrevealingPalestinianpresencein

thelandscapeofIsrael,beforeandafter1948.

2.Highway6

KvishShesh(Highway6),alsoknownasKvishChotseYisrael(theTrans‐Israel

Highway),isaprivateexpresstollhighwaythatrunsfromthenorthtothesouthof

Israel.Itwasopenedinstages,beginningin2002,andcurrentlyrunsfromWadi

ArainthenorthtotheMaachazjunctioninthesouth,atotalof121kilometres.

Furtherextensionsarecurrentlyunderconstruction,bothnorthwardand

southward,andextensionsbeyondthatareintheplanningstages,foraprojected

totalof300kilometres.Accordingtoitswebsite(www.kvish6.co.il),theroadentails

twelveinterchanges,twotunnelsofapproximatelyhalfakilometreeach,andabout

100bridges.Theroadispresentedonthewebsiteasafaster,morecomfortable

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alternativewithbettertrafficflowthananyotherroadinIsrael.Highways2and4

(whichrunparalleltoit,closertothecoast)arenotoriouslycongested,particularly

astheypassthroughGushDan,thebuilt‐upcentreofthecountryaroundTelAviv,

whichHighway6bypasses.At110kilometresperhour,Highway6hastheadded

advantageofthehighestspeedlimitofanyroadinIsrael.

Sincethebeginningofthestate(andevenbefore)thedevelopmentofa

networkofroadshasbeenaninseparablepartoftheZionistproject,combining

ideologicalelementsofmodernization,settlement,andterritorialexpansion.2

RoadsinIsrael,asinothercolonialorstate‐buildingcontexts(seee.g.,Thomas

2002,Roseman1996,Wilson2004),serveasanexpressionofeconomic

development,butalsoasaclearandassertivesymbolofthestateanditsinstitutions

(Rabinowitz2002:23‐24).ButtheconstructionofHighway6alsorepresentsa

radicalchangeinthepoliticaleconomyofdevelopmentinIsrael.Inthecontextof

extremeneo‐liberalrestructuringwhichhasbeenovertakingIsraelsincethe1990s,

corporateinterests,privatization,andconsumerismseemtohavetakenprecedence

over–oratleastdovetailednicelywith–nation‐buildingimperativesinthe

constructionofthehighway.AsRabinowitz(2002)argues,undercoverofsaving

thecountryfromchokingbytrafficcongestion,theroadrepresentsaretreatofthe

statefromnationalinfrastructuretomakewayforprivaterealestateand

developmentprofiteeringonamassivescale.

Highway6firstappearedontheplanningmapsinthemid1970s.Theidea

2InthenextfewparagraphsIrelyprimarilyonDanRabinowitz’s(2002)insightfularticle,publishedinHebrew.IdrawaswellonGarb2004andthewebsitesofthehighwayandtheconstructioncompany,DerechEretz.

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wasforathirdmajornationalhighway,anorth‐southtrafficartery,thetwo

previousonesbeingHighway2,whichrunsalongthecoast,andHighway4,which

runsparallelandslightlyeastofit.Theplannedroutewouldbypasstheheavily

populatedcentreofthecountryaroundTelAviv,clearingupchronictraffic

congestionon2and4,andconnectthe“centre”ofthecountrytothe“periphery.”In

1992theroadcamebackonthetable.Bythistimeprivatization,whichbeganin

Israelinthe1950swithindustry,continuedinthe70swithhousing,andreached

municipalservicesinthe80s,hadreachedthebiggestpotofall:national

infrastructure(Rabinowitz2002).Inthatyearandin1994lawswerepassedinthe

Knessettopassoverconstructionandoperationofanewtrans‐Israelhighwayto

twoprivatecompanies.

TheroadwasbuiltonamodelnewtoIsrael:Bid,Operate,Transfer(BOT).A

privatecompany(DerechEretz)builttheroadonitsownbudgetinreturnforthe

righttooperatetheroadandprofitfromcollectionoftollsforapre‐setnumberof

years,attheendofwhich(in2027),therighttooperatetheroadisreturnedtothe

state.Theconditionsinthecompany’scontractincludenolimitstothetollsother

thanpuremarketinterests,andapublicsubsidyofupto80%ofthedifferenceif

projectedprofitsaren’treachedinanygivenyear,intheeventthattheanticipated

numberofdriversisn’tmet.Thisineffectmeansthatthebestsituationforthe

road’soperatingcompanyistokeepthetollshighandthenumberofdriverslow.

Inanotherconvenienttwist,itturnedoutthatwhiletheroadwassoldtothe

publicasbenefitingtheperiphery,thecentralpartoftheroad,bypassingGushDan,

wasthefirsttobebuilt.Thissectionoftheroadrepresentsmassiverealestateand

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developmentinterestsforthecompaniesbehinditsconstruction.Theroadineffect

connectsofficetowerstoindustrialzonestoshoppingcomplexes,manyofthemon

landownedordevelopedbythecompaniesbuildingtheroad.Rabinowitz(2002:

27,mytranslation)sumsuptheeffectsthus:

Israel,aseriouscontenderfortheworldcrowninincreasingthegap

betweenrichandpoor,hasfoundanewandinimitablepath–asortof

fail‐proofscheme–for“transferpayments”ofstaggeringsizefromtax

payerstolocalfinancialbarons,withahalf‐waystopinthe

governmentbudget.

Theroadmetwithfierceoppositionateverystepofitsconstruction–from

law‐suitstomassiveproteststotree‐sits(Garb2004,MovementtoStoptheTrans‐

IsraelHighway2002,Rabinowitz2002,Humphries2001).Oppositionhasprimarily

beenframedinenvironmentalterms.Themostvocalopponentsfocusedtheir

objectionsaroundthethemesof“leisure,aesthetics,andnature”(Rabinowitz2002),

emphasizinglostgreenspaceandparkland,urbansprawl,andpollution.3The

environmentalistsalsopointedoutthattheroadwouldencourageprivate

transportationoverpublic;themoney,theyargued,shouldhavebeenspenton

developingtrainsasviablepublictransportation.

Buttheroadalsometopposition,albeitlessvocal,onsocialgrounds.Oneof

itsprimaryobjectives,accordingtoitsproponents,wasto“bringtheperiphery

closer”(lekarevethaperipheria)byshorteningthedrivingtimetoandfromthe

centreofthecountry.Thepooroftheperipherywouldbenefitfromthe

3SeeMcElhinny2006onstrategicframingofenvironmentaldisputes.

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constructionoftheroad,whiletheroaditselfwouldencouragethespreadof

populationandindustryfromthecrowdedcentretotheeast,north,andsouth.The

oppositionbetween“periphery”and“centre”isakeyorganizingtropeinIsraelis’

understandingoftheirgeography(seee.g.,YiftachelandMeir1998),andonethatis

crucialtounderstandingthecontextofHighway6.Asyougofurthernorthorsouth

fromthepopulated,urbancentreofthecountry(aroundTelAvivandJerusalem),

thethinkinggoes,thesettlements,primarilyruralandagricultural,arepoorer,more

isolated,andlessdeveloped.Theperipheryispopulatedbyimmigrants–mostly

fromNorthAfrica(especiallyYemenandMorocco)–thoughthese“immigrants”

mayhavearrivedaslongagoasthe1950s.Theperiphery,accordingly,carriesthe

racializedconnotationsofthewildfrontier:primitiveandbackward,yetidyllicinits

naturalsimplicity.Theperipheryisalwaysunderstoodinoppositiontothe

sophisticated,modern,urban,culturedcentrewhichis,notsurprisinglyaccordingto

thislogic,whereJewsofEuropeandescent(Ashkenazis)aremoreconcentrated.

Thisoppositionbetweencentreandperipheryiscruciallylinkedto

settlementpolicieswhich,since1948anduptothepresentday,followstate

imperativesoflayingterritorialanddemographicclaimsbycreating“factsonthe

ground”–buildingnewJewishsettlementsasawaytoestablishJewishcontrolover

moreandmoreland(seeChapterTwo,Yiftachel1999).Thesettlementof

immigrantsinthemoreremoteareasofthecountry–i.e.,closertoitsborderswith

Jordan,Syria,Lebanon,andEgypt,aswellaswiththeWestBankandGaza–thus

servesthedoublepurposeof“developingtheperiphery”whilesimultaneously

extendingJewishpresenceinthelandscapeasanirrevocablefact.In“bringingthe

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peripherycloser”Highway6participatesinexactlythesameprojects.

Thosewhoopposetheroadonsocialgroundsaskwhobenefitsfromit.They

pointoutthat,despiteprotestationstothecontrary,itisaroadfortherich;thepoor

oftheperipherydonothaveprivatecars,orcannotaffordthesteepandmounting

tolls.ItisthosewholiveinthecentralsuburbsandworkinTelAvivorthosewith

realestatealongitslengthwhostandtobenefitmostfromtheroad(asidefromthe

privatecompaniesthatownandrunit).Asaresult,itservestowidenthealready

largegapbetweenrichandpoorinIsrael.

3.Highway6andPalestiniancitizensofIsrael

Thegroupofpeoplethatismostaffectedbytheconstructionofthishighway,

however,remainshiddenineventhesecriticaldiscussionsofpovertyandthe

racializedperipheryamongtheIsraelileft.Correspondingly,whiletheinternational

academiccommunityhaspaidmuchattentiontothewaysthatthebuilt

environmentregulatesandconstrainsPalestiniansintheregion,critiquehas

focusedlargelyontheconstructionofthewallandof‘bypass’roadsintheWest

Bank(e.g.,Weizmann2007,Lagerquist2004).Thereisagroupthatisleftoutof

boththesediscussions:PalestiniancitizensofIsrael.

TheconstructionofHighway6isplayingitsroleinthecontinuationofthe

historyofdispossession,forcedunderdevelopment,andlandconfiscationthathas

characterizedrelationsbetweentheIsraelistateandthePalestinianminority.In

October2001,inTiraandTaibeh,constructionofthehighwayonPalestinianland

wasstoppedbyPalestinianprotesters.Itlaterresumedunderarmedguard.Afew

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criticalanalystshavepublicizedPalestinians’critiquesofthehighwayinHebrew

andEnglish:DanRabinowitzisanethnographerofPalestiniancitizensofIsrael,and

IsabelHumphriesworksinNazarethforanNGOthatrepresentstherightsof

Palestinianfarmers.Humphries(2001)pointsoutthatofthe20,000dunamsof

landappropriatedforthehighway,17,000werePalestinianowned.Landwas

confiscatedmostlyintheareaknownastheTrianglefromninedifferentPalestinian

villages.Thoughtheywerecompensated,thecompensationprocesswas

discriminatory(withdifferingmodesofcompensationforJewish‐andPalestinian‐

ownedland)andcoercive.Palestinianfarmersweredevastatedbythebreak‐upof

alreadysmallpiecesoflandandcutofffromtheirwatersources.Inacruellyironic

twist,somePalestinianvillageswereawarded,ascompensationforlandthatwas

confiscatedforthehighway,piecesoflandthatbefore1948hadbelongedtothe

village(Humphries2001).

DevelopmentofthehighwayensurednotonlythatPalestinianssuffered

disproportionatelyfromlandconfiscation,butalsothattheywouldnotbenefit

economicallyfromitsdevelopment.Sixregionalindustrialzoneswerebuiltorare

beingbuiltlinkeddirectlytothehighway–noneisinthejurisdictionofanArab

municipality(Rabinowitz2002).Criticsofthehighwaypointoutthattheroad

breakstheterritorialcontinuityofPalestiniancommunitiesintheTriangle,while

encouragingJewishresidentialdevelopment(Humphries2001).Themostsinister

effectofthehighwaypointedoutbyitscriticsistheincreasedcapabilityforswift

militarymobilizationthelengthofthecountry,nearthegreenlinebutalsonearthe

mostheavilypopulatedPalestinianareasinIsrael(Humphries2001).

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ButthehighwayalsoparticipatesinJudaizingIsraelinmoresubtleways.

Peopledrivingonitarebroughtintocontactwithlandscapestheywouldotherwise

notsee,andpartoftheroad’sconstructionprojectwastopackageandpresentthese

landscapesinspecificways.IturnnowtoadiscussionoftheroadsignsonHighway

6andthewaystheymediatecompetingwaysofseeingandknowingthelandscape

theyframe.

4.Signlanguage

Whileroadsignsmaybedismissedas“purely”semiotictexts,mycontention

hereisthat,inmediatingtheexperienceofdrivingorbeingdrivenonthishighway,

theseseeminglyinnocenttextsparticipateintheverymaterialprocessesIhave

beendescribinguptonow.4Theyshapethewaysweseethelandscapewedrive

throughbutnot,ofcourse,inapassiveway.Itisthehistoricandpoliticaleconomic

contextinwhichtheyarefound(whichIhavedescribedintheprevioussections),

andthepeoplewhoreadthemandnavigatebythemthatbringmeaningtothem.It

isforthisreasonthatIfocusnotonatextualanalysisofthesignsthemselvesbuton

anethnographicdescriptionofhowtheyareread,questioned,jokedabout,ignored,

justified,explained,andcritiquedbydriversandpassengersonthisroad.In

focusingonRina,Nurit,Ruth,andNirIprovideonlyIsraeliJewishperspectives–

andbynomeanstypicalorrepresentativeones.Allfourareeducated,relatively

privileged,AshkenaziJews,thoughtheiragesrangefrom19to72.Theircritical

4OnlanguagepoliticsinsignageofstreetnamesinIsraelseeFriedman2006,Zrahiyaetal.2005.Onroadsignsas“officialgraffitioftheeveryday”seeHermerandHunt1996.

186

politicsplacethesefourintheminority.Butalso–andrelatedly–theirabilityto

readtheArabicontheseroadsignsisunusualamongIsraeliJews.Butitisthis

unusualperspectivethatallowsmetointerrogatethelinksbetweenlearning

languageandlearningparticularwaysofseeingandknowingalandscapeandits

varioushistories.

Theroadsignsweretheobjectofourraptattentionfromthebeginning

because,aswelearnedtheArabicalphabet,weslowlywereabletodiscernmore

andmoreletters,thenwordsandnamesonthesignsaswedrovepastthem.Inthe

firstfewmonths,withmountingexcitement,wewouldcallthemoutaswepassed.

Ruthhadadangeroustendencyofinadvertentlyslowingdowntogiveusmoretime

todecodeanapproachingsign.ItwasNuritwhofirstcommentedonthe

inconsistencyintheArabiclanguageontheroadsigns:mostofthetimeplacenames

appearedinthreelanguages,butsometimestherewasonlyEnglishandHebrew.

TheArabicsimplywasn’tthere.Shewonderediftherewasapatterntoit.Rina,

withcharacteristicacerbicwit,proposedthatperhapsplacenamesonlyappearedin

Arabiconexitsignsandnotonanyothersignsontheroad;theimplicitmessage:

Arabsout!

DrivingNuritandRinahomeonenight,asweturnedoffthehighwaytoward

Rina’shome,NuritpointedoutthesigntoBakaalGharbiya,alargePalestiniantown

adjacenttothehighway.

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Whereasinotherareasofthecountry,shesaid,youcancompletelyignoreorforget

thefactthatPalestiniansliveheretoo,whiledrivingonHighway6youpassbysigns

forBaka,Tira,andTaibeh;youseetheroofsofBakaalGharbiyaandthespiresof

themanymosquesofQalqilya.

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189

Inourinterview,NirconfirmedNurit’ssuggestionthattheroadbringsmanyIsraelis

intocontactwithPalestinianspacestheywouldnototherwisesee.HelivesinKfar

Yona,acommunityafewkilometrestothewestofHighway6,ontheroadtoward

Netanya.Heexplainedtomehowthenewhighwaychangedhisorientation,allofa

suddencreatingareasontodriveeastfromKfarYona,whenbeforehiscommunity

wasontheeasternedgeofhisknownandnecessaryterritory.Heexplaineditlike

this:

Look,thatwholeareatherewasanareawedidn’tdealwith(lohayinu

mitaskimito).Weusedtodealwithitjustfartherwest–[Abigail:

Eventhoughit’sfiveminutesfromyourhouse?]Yes.Ineverwenteast

fromKfarYonabecauseinthatdirectionthere’snothing,justafew

Palestinianvillagesandthat,weonlyeverdroveinthedirectionof

NetanyaandTelAviv,whichistheoppositedirection.Untiltheybuilt

Highway6andnowwepassrightbythatareawhenwedriveonthe

road.Butbeforethatwenevergotthere,itdidn’tinterestus.

BeforetheconstructionofHighway6,Nircontinued,theonlytimetheyheadedeast

wastobuyvegetablesinthemarketinthePalestiniantownofQalquilya.Not

actuallyinQalquilya,heclarified;justattheentrancetothetown.

ButevenasHighway6exposespeoplelikeNirtoplaceslikeBaka,Tira,and

Taibeh,itisinthesignstothoseplacesthatwefindaninterestingresolutiontothe

questionthatNuritoriginallyraised:whendothesignsonlyhaveEnglishand

Hebrew,noArabic?Itturnsoutthatoften–thoughnotconsistently–itissignsthat

indicatePalestiniantownsorvillagesthatweremissingtheArabic.

190

191

WhenIpointedthisouttoRuth,itsoinfuriatedherthatshehandedmehercell

phoneandtoldmetodialthenumberforcomplaintsandcommentsdirectedtothe

companythatoperatesHighway6;thephonenumberwaspostedonmanysigns

alongthelengthoftheroad.Whileshedrove,Ispenthalfanhouronhold.Inthe

endtheoperatorwhoansweredtoldusthatcomplaints“ofthatnature”mustbe

filedbyfax.

WhileplacenamesdonotappearonsomesignsinArabic,onothersignsthe

Palestiniantownsorvillagesthemselvesdonotevenappear.Hereisasignatwhat

was,atthetime,thenorthernmostexitoftheroad.ItpointstotheJewishcitiesof

Afula,ahalf‐hourdriveaway,andTveria,anhourdriveaway,whileUmElFachem,

oneofthelargestPalestiniancitiesinIsraelandtenminutesaway,doesnotappear.

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Thisistheturn‐offtoRoad65,whichisknownalmostuniversallyasWadiAraroad,

namedforthevalleyitrunsthrough.Butthatnamedoesnotappearanywhereon

thesigns.WadiArawasthenameofaPalestinianvillagedestroyedin1948that

stood,asfarasIcantell,exactlyonthelandHighway6nowcutsthrough.Kibbutz

Barkai,whereIlivedforsixmonths,isalsobuiltonlandthatbelongedtothisvillage

beforethe1948war.WhilenooneIspokewithknewaboutthevillage,itsnameis

retainedinthenameofthisvalley.Andwhilethisvillageisgone,WadiAraremains

anareapopulatedbymanyPalestinianswithIsraelicitizenship.InadditiontoUm

ElFachem,themajorcity,thetownsandvillagesofKafrKara,Ara,Arara,Barta’a,

Musmus,andmorelinethisroad;noneofthesenamesappearonthesignforthe

turn‐off.ThesignsobscurebothcurrentPalestinianpresenceinthelandscapeof

IsraelandwhatMeronBenvenisti(2000)callsthelandscape’s“buriedhistory.”

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Similarly,theKeseminterchange,oneofthelargestandmostcomplicatedof

thehighway’sinterchanges,presumablyderivesitsnamefromthenearby

PalestinianIsraelitownKafrKasem.Thenamewasdistortedtoaslightlydifferent

soundwithacompletelydifferentmeaning:KaseminArabicmeanspartorsection,

whileKeseminHebrewmeansmagicorenchantment.Howdoesthisnameappear

onthesign?TheHebrewistransliteratedintoArabicletters,retainingan

inaccurateapproximationoftheArabicsoundwithneithermeaning.TheArabicis

distortedbeyondrecognition,withtwooffourlettersdifferentfromthenameofthe

town.(ThisissimilartowritingCeyseminsteadofKasem.)Thisissobizarreasto

appeardeliberate,sincetheArabiclettersdonotevencorrespondtotheirHebrew

counterparts.

AlsonotethatKafrKasem,immediatelyadjacenttotheinterchange,atown

of16,000foundedintheseventeenthcentury,doesnotappearanywhereonthe

roadsigns.KafrKasemisinfamousforthemassacreof43ofthetown’sinhabitants,

Israelicitizens,byIsraeliBorderGuardforcesin1956.Thisisatragicdefining

momentintherelationsofthePalestinianminoritywiththestate,andasourceof

deepcollectiveshameforIsraelis.Thissign,then,meansyoucandrivebythe

Keseminterchangewithouthavingtothinkaboutortakenoticeofthepresenceof

KafrKasemoritstroubledhistory.

Highway6playsaroleinhidingandrevealingPalestinianspacesoutside

Israelaswell.Forastretchitfollowsrightalongthegreenline,bringingtheWest

BankintoviewinawayitseldomistothemajorityofIsraeliJews,yetalso

simultaneouslyobscuringit.Thegreenlinedoesnotappearonanymapsofthe

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company.Thesignindicatingaturn‐offtoaJewishsettlementintheWestBank

suchas,forexample,Ariel,isnotdistinguishedinanywayfromthesignindicatinga

turn‐offtoanearbytownwithinIsrael.

WhenIaskedhimwhetherhehadeverbeentotheWestBankNirexplaineditlike

this:

Well,look.Generallyspeaking.OnceIdroppedafriendoffinAriel(a

settlementintheWestBank).IdroveonHighway6,thenyouturnoff

onto5andsomewherealongthereyou’reintheshtachim

(territories).Iwasn’treallysureifIwasthereornot.[Abigail:Did

youpassacheckpoint?]Idon’tthinkso.WasIactuallyinthe

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shtachim?Notsure.Look,shtachim,notshtachim–it’slikeEurope.

France,Germany,aftertheunificationofEuropenowit’slikeasign

‘welcometoGermany’andyoudriverightin.Look,myhouseisright

nearTulKarem(aPalestinianrefugeecampintheWestBank).Ifyou

keepdrivingontheroadfrommyhousepastHighway6yougettoTul

Karem.Theonlythingthatseparatesusisasignthatsays‘army

checkpointahead’andIneverwentpastit.Iimaginethere’sa

checkpointsomewhereaheadandthat’sit.

Thatthehighlymilitarized,increasinglyfortifiedandincreasinglyimpenetrable

borderbetweenIsraelandtheWestBankcanbecomparedto(whatarehere

construedas)thecasual,porousbordersoftheEuropeanUnionisatestamenttothe

carefulplanningthatwentintoconstructingthehighlystratifiedsystemofaccess

andmobilitythatstructuresthisborder(seeWeizman2007).Inlinkingupso

seamlesslywiththelimitedaccessroadsthatleadthroughtheWestBanktothe

settlements,Highway6contributesbothtotheinfrastructureoftheoccupationand

toitsconcealmentfromthemajorityofIsraeliJews.

Theultimateexpressionoftheinfrastructureofoccupation–thewall

separatingIsraelfromtheWestBank–wasunderconstructionatthesametimeas

Highway6,andforpartsofthedrivealongthenewroadthewallisimmediately

adjacent,bringingitshockinglyintoview.

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Butevenwiththismostconcreteofobjectsthereissomesleightofhandatwork.In

thefirstfewmonthsof2004,drivingalongtheroadwithRuth,wewatchedinsome

confusionasweekafterweekdirtwaspileduplikearampartinfrontofthewall

surroundingtherefugeecampofTulKarem.Evenwhenwesawworkersplanting

flowersandbusheswewereconfused.Thenwesawthefinalresult:withflower

bedsreachingalmosttothetopoftheconcretewall,itiseasytopassbyandnot

realizewhatyouareseeing.RuthcallsthesethegardensofTulKarem.

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5.Conclusion

Lestwegetthemistakenimpressionthatroadsignsareclosedsemiotictexts

removedfromthesocialcontextinwhichtheyarefound,Iconcludewithafew

disturbingimages(andonehopefulone)ofsocialinterventionsintheirmeaning.

198

199

ThesesignsarenotfoundonHighway6butarewithinafiveminutedriveofthe

turnoffatWadiAraroad.Thesesignsshowgraffiticoveringupanderasingthe

Arabicwriting–aninterventionthatseekstowipeoutPalestinianpresenceinthe

landscapebyobliteratingtheArabiclanguageontheroadsigns.Thisfinalimage,

though,ismyfavourite.Itisasignthatsimplypointsnorth.Someonehaswhited

theArabicout,butsomeoneelsehascomealongandwrittenitbackin.

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ChapterSix

FieldtripsandOtherEncounters

1.Mukeble,December3,2003

DuringmysecondweekofArabiclessonsatGivatHaviva,shortlyafterI

arrivedinIsrael,myclasswentonafieldtriptothevillagewhereourteacherRiyad

lives:Mukeble.MukebleisinIsraelanditsresidentsareIsraelicitizens,butitis

rightontheborderwiththeWestBankandafiveminutedriveawayfromJenin,a

cityinthenorthernWestBankthatwasthesecondmostcommonstartingpointfor

suicidebombswithinIsraelin2003‐4(afterNablus).TheproximitytotheWest

BankaddedtothediscomfortmanyofmyclassmatesfeltvisitinganArabvillage.1It

becameclearinconversationsduringrecessintheweekleadinguptothetripthat

mostofthemhadneversetfootinanArabvillagebefore.Thefieldtrippresenteda

dilemmatosomeofmyclassmateswho,duringourbreaks,discussedwhetherit

wassafeandweighedtheobjectionsoffamilymembers(“myhusbandthinksI'm

crazy”;“Ididn’ttellmyparents”).Onthedayofthetripwegatheredattheschool

andthensetoutinanumberofseparatecars.AsRiyadgavethedrivers

instructionsforhowtogetthere,generaldiscomfortemergedinrathertensebut

boisterousjoking,metwithloudlaughter:“So,yougoright,thenleft,thenstraight,

1AsignificantpartofthefearmanyIsraeliJewshaveofWadiAracomesfromitslocationalongtheborderwiththeWestBankandthesupposedpermeabilityofthisborder(seeChapterTwo).Muchwasmade,inthemediaandinconversationsamongmyclassmates,oftheeasewithwhichterroristsweresupposedlyabletopassfromJeninintoWadiAra,undetected,andfromthereintotherestofIsrael.SeealsothesectionbelowonBarta’a.

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andifyougettoJeninyou'vegonetoofar!”“Howdoyougetthere?Firstyoudrive

toJenin...”

Asiftoconfirmtheirfears,trafficsoonslowedtoastandstillonourway,on

WadiAraroad.Whilethereisbumper‐to‐bumperweekendtrafficalongWadiAra

roadeveryThursdayandSaturdayevening,thistrafficwasunusualforthisspoton

aWednesdaymorning.Weturnedontheradioandheardimmediately:hatra’otin

WadiAra(highalert‐duetoinformationthatabomberhadinfiltratedthearea).

Rightawaywenoticedthesigns:temporarycheckpointsateveryentrypointtothe

road;policecarsandborderpolicejeepseverywhere;sirens,andthesoundsof

helicoptersoverhead.AtonespotrightbeforeUmelFachemwesawasteady

streamofcarsturningoffthehighwayontoadirtpath,headingsouthupasteep,

rocky,thornyhillsideandescapingthetrafficjam.Clearlytheyknewsomethingwe

didnot.Ruth,whowasgivingmealift,pointeditout:“Yousee?Theyknowthe

roads.Theyknowthearea.Theyknowhowtogetaroundthis.Justlikethe

mechablim(terrorists),theyknowtheroads.”We,whodidnot,continuedtositin

traffic,arrivinginMukebleanhourandahalflate.Ruth(whomwemetinChapter

Five)isimplyingthatthekindoflocalknowledgeofthelandscapethattheArab

inhabitantsofWadiArausetoescapeatrafficjam(navigatingunmarkeddirtroads)

maybepreciselywhatallowsPalestiniansfromtheterritoriestocrossborders,

bypasscheckpoints,andinfiltrateIsraeliterritory.

TheinfiltratorprobablycamefromJenin.AccordingtoRiyad,Jeninusedto

bethenearestcitytothevillageofMukeble:whereheoftenwentonweekendsto

visitfriendsandfamily;whereteenagerswenttohangout;wherepeoplefromhis

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villagewenttodotheirshopping.(Alsogroceriesweremuchcheapertherethanin

Israel‐manyJewishIsraeliswouldgotothemarketstheretoshop).2Riyadtoldme

hehadn’tbeentheresinceSeptember2000.Whereasheusedtocrossthegreen

linetwoorthreetimesamonth,hesaid,hehasn'tcrossedsincethennorhavemost

peopleinthevillage.AsIsraelicitizenstheyarenolongerallowedinJenin(it'sarea

A,whereIsraelicitizensaren'tallowed)buttherearealsotwosmallvillagesdirectly

acrosstheline(JalameandA'rana)thatusedtobeneighbours–youcanseethe

housesfromtheyardsofthehousesinMukeble–thatareinareaB(joint

PalestinianandIsraelicontrol,whereIsraelicitizensareallowed).Mostpeoplein

hisvillagehaven'tbeenthereeithersince2000.Riyadsaidit'sjustnotworththe

harassmentandhumiliationofhavingtocrossthroughthecheckpoint.

Ourinstructionsweretopulloveratthebusstopattheentrancetothe

village(stillalandmark,thoughnobusreachesMukebleanymore;servicetothe

villagewasstoppedin2000),whereRiyadmetusinhiscar,andledusintothe

village.Weparkedatthecommunitycentreandwentin.Thebuildingwas

undergoingrenovations,orratheritappearedtobeinapermanentstateof

undergoingrenovations.Wegatheredroundaplastictableladenwithpita,labane

sprinkledwithzaatar,andtea.Balancingplasticplatesonourknees,wetriedto

chatinArabicwithamanwhomRiyadintroducedashisbestfriendandamember

oflocalgovernment,Tawfik.Tawfikthenledusintothevillage’smuseum,alarge,

sparseroominthecommunitycentrewithpicturesonthewallshowingMukeble 2MukebleisjusttheothersideoftheGilboamountainfromthekibbutzIlivedonasachild‐maybea15minutedriveaway.MyfatherremembersdrivingtoJeninfromthekibbutzwithharvestsofolivesbecausetheolivepresswasthere.Thiswasin1982‐1983,beforethefirstintifada,buthesaystheyusedtocarrygunswiththem.

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anditsresidentsovertheages.HetalkedtousaboutMukeble,inArabic,which

Riyadtranslatedintoslower,simplerArabicthatwewereabletounderstand.

Theintroductiontotheplacebeganwithanexplanationofitsname:

Mukeble.Itsroot(kbl)formsanumberofwords:togreetaguestwithhonour;to

faceeast;thefuture.Theoriginsofthenamemaylieinthevillage’sreputationfor

beinghospitable,heexplained,areputationitstillhastoday.Alsothevillageis

locatedontheroutepilgrimsusedtotravelfromtheGaliltoJerusalem,andwasa

restingpointwheremanytravelersweregreeted.Riyad’sfamily,onhisfather’s

side,hasbeenheresincethetimeoftheOttomans,some300years.Hismother’s

familyarrivedduringthetimeoftheBritishmandate.TheywereBedouins,forcibly

settledbytheBritish:eachfamilywasgiven80dunamsoflandandinstructedto

farm.Tawfik’sfamilyarrivedin1948–partofalargenumberofinternalrefugees

displacedduringthewarandofficiallydesignated“presentabsentees.”Hisfamily

lefttheirhomeinthevillageofSidniyalionthecoast(whichisnowthewealthy

JewishsuburbofHerzliya)andarrivedhere,wheretheyknewpeople,andstayed.

OthermembersoftheirfamilycontinuedontoJenin.“It’sourluckthatmyparents

decidedtobuildtheirhousehere,andnot300metrestothesouth,”Tawfiktoldus.

Whenthewarwasover,theywerelivinginsidethegreenline–thenewlyformed

armisticelines–andwerethereforegrantedIsraelicitizenship;theirfamily

memberswhohadendedupinJeninwerenot.

Aftertakingourleavefromhisfriend,Riyadleadusonaguidedtourofthe

village,stoppingeveryfewhousestobeofferedrefreshmentsbyvariousofhis

relativesandclosefriends:coldwater(broughtoutinsmallglassesonalargetray,

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notnearlyenoughforthishotDecemberday),orangepop,hotsweetteawithmint,

freshlybrewedstrongblackcoffeewithcardamom,eventhefreshlyroastedcoffee

beanswhichTawfik’smotherhandedout,droppingafewfragrantbeans,stillwarm,

inourout‐stretchedhands.Shehadbeensittingintheshadedareainfrontofher

house,peelingandfinelychoppinganenormouspileofcucumberswhenwecame

by,andenthusiasticallyinvitedusintoeat(all15orsoofus).Wedeclinedthis

invitation,aswehadmanyothersimilarones.Wevisitedthemosque,andthesite

whereanewmosqueisbeingbuilt;theelementaryschoolandkindergarten,where

childrenstaredandwaved;theoldchan(camelstables),nowconvertedintorooms

withstunninghighdomedceilings,butcrumblingwalls;Riyad’sfamily'ssheepbarn,

wherewepattedthenewlambs;andtheslaughterhouse(Istayedoutside).Then

Riyadtookustoseewherethewallwouldbebuilt.Westoodinafieldbehindhis

family’sbarn,thedrydarksoilcrumblyinoursandals,andlookedwherehe

pointed.“Overthere[onthehorizon]istherefugeecampthissideofJenin.Over

therearethevillagesofJalameandA'rana.Seewherethefencepasses?”(Afew

minutesofpointing,orienting,describingensued,untilwewereallabletomakeout

whatlookedfromthedistancelikeasimplewirefence,thoughitwasprobably

eitherbarbedorelectric,orboth.)“That'sthegreenline.That'swherethewallis

goingtopassthroughhere.It'ssupposedtobebuiltsometimeinthespring[of

2004].Justattheendofmyfather'sfields.Herethewallwillfollowthegreenline.”

Onourwayhome,aftermorecoffee,sweets,andhome‐madedate‐filled

cookiesservedtouswhilewesatinawidecircleofplasticlawnchairsontheshady

terraceofRiyad’smother'shome,aftermeetinghistwoyoungchildrenandhiswife,

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andbeingproudlyshownherpaintingshangingintheirlivingroomandtheir

beautifullytendedgarden,aswewalkedbacktowherethecarswereparked,Ruth

askedtobeshownthemachsom.Thewordmachsomcomesfromtherootchsm,

meaningtosealortoblock.Itisusuallytranslatedasacheckpoint,butreferstoany

barrier,ofvariablepermeability,setupbyIsraelisecurityforcestocontrol

movementinto,outof,andwithinIsraelandtheterritories.Inthiscaseitreferstoa

checkpointwheremovementbetweenIsraelandtheWestBankiscontrolled.Most

oftheclasspasseduptheopportunityandcontinuedtotheircars,choosingnotto

see,whileasmallergroupofuscontinuedonfootwithRiyadtotheoutskirtsofthe

village.

Westoodatthesideofaone‐laneroad,afewhundredmetresawayfromthe

checkpointitself.Allwecouldseeofthemachsomwasconcretebarriers,ashort

lineofcarsonthefarside,andanumberofsoldiersinthedarkgreenuniformofthe

borderpolice.Riyadexplainedthatthisareawasbeingpreparedtobeaborder

crossing,forafuturetimewhentherearetwocountriestocrossbetween,andan

internationalborderbetweenthem.Whenbetterdayscome,hesaid,thiswillbe

justlikeTabaandAqaba(theinternationalbordercrossingstoSinaiandtoJordan

fromEilat,inthesouthofIsrael).Thiswillbringemploymentandmoneyto

Mukebleandtotheothernearbyvillages,hesaid.Alreadyawidecorridorhadbeen

flattenedbetweenthefields,andearlysignsofconstructionwereevident,thoughon

thisdayinDecember2003(andstilltoday)thisactivityseemedoverlyoptimistic.

Aswewerediscussingbetterdays,amanwhohadclearlyjustpassed

throughthecheckpointonfootfromtheWestBankintoIsraelapproachedusalong

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theroad.Wecouldnotseewhathadgoneonatthecheckpoint,butashe

approachedthetensionwasvisibleinthesetofhisshoulders,inhisgait.Whenhe

camecloserthetightlycontrolledangerwasonlytooclearonhisface.Hestoppeda

fewpacesawayfromusandletouthisanger,inperfectHebrew:“Gothere,go!See

foryourselveshowapersonisbroughtlow.(eichmashpilimbenadam–howto

humiliateaperson.)AndI'mwithablueteuda,justlikeyours.”HewavedhisIsraeli

identificationpapersinourfaces,bluebecauseheisanIsraelicitizen.Onthem,I

know,iswritten,Ezrahut(citizenship):Israeli;Leum(nation):Arab.“That'showit

is,thisisequalityinEretzYisrael(thelandofIsrael).”Hespatontheground,and

continuedonhisway.Notoneofussaidaword.

2.Encounters

WhiletheprecedingchaptershavebeenconcernedwiththemanywaysJews

andPalestiniansinIsraelmaintaintheirdistance,thischapteraskswhathappens

whentheymeet.Iamnotconcernedherewithdailysortsofminglingin

bureaucraticsettings,intheworkplace,orthroughshoppingandexchangeofother

services.Basedonmyobservations,IwouldhypothesizethatthesituationinWadi

AraisquitesimilarintheserespectstomixedcitiessuchasNazarethandJerusalem,

asdescribedbyRabinowitz(1997)andRomannandWeingrod(1991),respectively.

ManyPalestiniansinWadiAra,asinNazarethandJerusalem,mustenterJewish

spacesdailytoaccessessentialservicesprovidedbythestateorforwork.Riyad,for

example,livesinMukeblebutworksinAfulaandGivatHaviva.TheencountersI

examineinthischapterareunusualinthattheytakeplaceinPalestinianspaces.

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IsraeliJewshavehistoricallyenteredPalestiniantownsandvillagesinIsrael

onlyrarelyandonlyunderahighlyproscribedandlimitedsetofcircumstances(see

ChapterThree,Stein1998);asIdocumentinthepreviouschapters,eventhese

limitedventureswereallbuteliminatedduringthetimeIdidmyfieldwork,asfear

markedPalestinianspacesinWadiAraasoff‐limitstomostJews.InthischapterI

examineaparticularsetofeventscarefullyandself‐consciouslyorchestratedto

enableJewishIsraelistotraveltoPalestinianspaces.Becausethesemovementsare

farfromeverydayacts,andbecausetheytakeplaceinthiscontextoffearand

distance,theeventsarehighlystructuredtomakethemfeelbothsafeand

intelligibletotheparticipants.Iarguethatwhatgaveshapeandmeaningtothese

experiences–andwhatultimatelylimitedtheirpossibilities–wasthetropeof

encounter.

Atleastonceamonth,membersoftheArabiclanguageclassesatGivat

HavivawouldleavetheclassroombehindandspendadaytravelingtoPalestinian

townsandvillagesinthearea.Theexpresspurposeofthesefieldtripsortiyulim

(singular:tiyul),astheywerecalledinHebrew,wastohaveachancetospeakArabic

withrealliveArabicspeakerswhilesimultaneouslylearningaboutArabculture

throughvisitingArabpeopleinArabplaces.Iparticipatedinelevenday‐long

tiyulimwiththreedifferentclassesatGivatHavivaoverthetimeIwasthere.The

tiyulimwereanintegralpartofthecurriculum,somethingGivatHavivawasknown

for.SinceitwasunusualinthisregardamongArabiclanguageschools,thestaffof

theGivawerequiteproudofit,oftenpointingouthowluckyweweretobeabletake

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advantageofthelocationoftheschool–inWadiAra,surroundedbyPalestinian

villages.

ThetriptoMukeblewasmyfirsttiyul,andtheabovedescriptionoftheday

(takenlargelyverbatimfromawrite‐upofmyfieldnotes3)isremarkabletomenow

forthewayithighlightsasetofelementswhichInowrecognizeassodefinitiveof

ourtiyulimastobeclichéd:thefearanddanger;thebraveventureintounknown

territory;thewarmreception,generosity,andhospitality,asevidencedbyan

abundanceoffoodanddrink(alldelicious,exotic,andauthentic);theruralsetting

withconnotationsbothidyllicandbackward;therevelationofforgottenhistoryand

alternativegeography;andtheinterruptionofpolitics,intheformofconfrontations

withtheborder,initsvariousforms.Myimmediatereactiontotheexperienceis

nowtemperedbytheawarenessthatthissamecombinationofelementswas

repeatedwitheeriesimilarityonalmosteverysubsequenttiyul.Itisalsonow

colouredbyrecognitionoftheresonancesthatanimatethesecommonelements,

andthatgiveshapeandmeaningtotheseencounters.WhydidRiyadmeetusatthe

busstopjustoutsidethevillage,ratherthanatthecommunitycentreinthevillage?

WhatistheplaceofSidniyali–theformerhomeofTawfik’sfamily,emptiedand

destroyedin1948–inmyclassmates’imaginativegeographies?HowwereRiyad’s

friendsandfamilypositioningthemselves,astheyoffereduswarmhospitalityand

traditionalArabdelicacies?Howdidmyclassmatesseeandunderstandtheborder

–boththefencethatpassedalongthegreenlinewherethewallwouldsoonbebuilt

andthesceneatthecheckpoint?Thischapteraimstoanswerthesequestions. 3Iwasnotyettapingsomyobservationsareentirelyfromnotes.DuringsubsequenttiyulimIcarriedmyrecorderwithme.

209

ThetiyulimfromGivatHavivaarepredicatedonanumberofassumptions

aboutlanguagelearning:thatlanguageisinseparablefromculture;thatArabicmust

thereforebetaughtalongwithArab‘customsandtraditions’(awdatwatakalid);

thatthebestwaytolearnalanguageis‘onthestreet’;andthatJews,inthenormal

courseoftheirlives,havenoopportunitytospeakArabic‘onthestreet’(thatis,that

thestreetstheyinhabitareemptyofArabs–oratleasttherightkindsofArabs–see

ChapterThree).Atthesametime,thetiyulimarealsopredicatedonanumberof

related,thoughlessexplicit,assumptionsaboutspaceandidentityinIsrael:that

ArabandJewishspacesareseparateandmutuallyexclusive;thatbothArabsand

theArabiclanguagearelocatedexclusivelyinArabspaces;thatJewsdonotgoto

thesespacesinthenormalcourseoftheirlives;andthatexposuretothesespaces–

andthepeoplewhoinhabitthem–issomehowmutuallybeneficial.Ourtiyulilm

weremeantnotonlytoimproveourlanguageskillsbutalsosomehowtopromote

harmonyandunderstanding–tofacilitateencounter.4

IusethewordencounterasatranslationoftheHebrewwordmifgash.The

mostcommonwaythatthetiyulimweredescribedandunderstoodbyeveryone

involvedwasintermsofamifgash.Michal,theJewishhead‐teacherandorganizer

ofthetiyulimdescribedwithsomepassionwhatforherwastheirgoalinan

interview(February10,2005):

[Mygoalis]thatthey’llgetadifferentimpressionof–thatthey’llhave

morerealCONTACT(maga)withtheArabpopulation,thattheywon’t

4TheideaoffurtheringharmonyandunderstandingthroughimprovinglanguageskillscanbecomparedtoideologiesoflinguisticdiversityandmulticulturalismintheCanadiancontext(seee.g.,Heller2006).

210

thinkallArabsareattackers,murderers,rapistsand–and–and

suicidebombers,whichiswhatmostofthemthinkandit’snotTRUE

...What’simportantformeisthatthey’llseethatpeoplelive–they’re

likeus!Theythinklikeus!Theirchildrenwantthesamethi:::ngswe

want,theylooklikeUS–theyLOOKlikeus!What’sthebig–Andalot

ofpeoplethinkotherwise.And‐(.)Mostpeoplethinkotherwise!...

TheArabsinIsraelareaminoritythatwantskirva(closeness,

integration),theywanttobeapartof.Andthereisnootherwayto

saythis,withoutanencounter(mifgash),there’snoway.There’sNO

WAY.Theonlything–thesinglethingthathelpstocatchthis?istobe

inside.Istheencounterinthevillages...Theencounterlowersthe

fear,toacertainextent.Toacertainextent.It’soneofthemost

importantthings...Soliterally(beferush)oneofthemostimportant

goalsofthecourse,forme,istocreatethisencounter(la’asotet

hamifgash),tohavethembeontheground(lehachnisotamlashetach),

sotheycangettoknow,sotheycansee.Thatpeopleareno

di:::fferent,thattheywantthesamethi:::ngs.Whatdotheywant?[in

onebreath]Theywantquiet,thewanttolive,theywanttolove,they

wanttoteach,theywanttolearn...Andthatthey’reverysimilar.

Verysimilar(.)Andthatthey’renotprimitive!Writeitdown!That

thereareamazingpeople–smart,bright,genious,andenlightened...

There’snoendofamazingArabpeopleinIsrael.

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Michal,then,explicitlydesignsthetiyulimtocountertheassumedstatusquooffear,

distance,andignorance.Bybringingusintocontact(maga)withArabsinIsrael

whowillintheprocessrevealthemselvestobe“amazingpeople,”shehopesto

disprovestereotypesanddispelfearbyshowingustherealsituation,ontheground

(bashetach);allthisisachievedsimplybyenablinganencounter.Ourother

teachers,thetourguides,andmyclassmates,likeMichal,alsooverwhelmingly

describedtheirgoalsfororexperiencesofthetiyulimintermsofencounter.

Thewordencounterresonateswithcenturies‐longhistoriesofmovement

andtravel,invokingthecomplexandoverlappingroutes(cf.Clifford1997)of

explorers,colonialists,settlers,anthropologists,touristsandothertravelersasthey

intersectwith‘thelocals.’Theseroutesaredenselyinscribedinparticularforms

overtheterritoryorIsraelandPalestine.5Representationsofencountersbetween

travelersandlocalsincolonialandpost‐colonialcontexts,fromearlyexplorersand

settlerstocontemporarybackpackers,havebeenextensivelycritiquedfortheways

theyoftenworktosilence,immobilize,de‐historicize,andnaturalize‘thelocals’as

theyabsolvethetravelerofanyroleintheconquestsanddominationswhichenable

hismovement(e.g.,Pratt1992,Shohat1987,Grewal1996,Deloria1998,Adams

5OnhistoriesoftraveltoIsrael/PalestineseeStein2008,ChapterOne.FollowingStein,Isituatethemovementsdiscussedinthischapterinrelationtorecentlarge‐scalehistoriesofmovementofPalestiniansandIsraelis(asdescribedinChapterTwoofthedissertation).TheseincludewavesofJewishimmigration(aliya)beforeandafterthefoundingofthestate;thedisplacementandexileofPalestiniansinthe1948andagaininthe1967war;andfurtherIsraelimilitaryincursionsintoandsettlementinPalestinianterritoryfrom1967untilthepresentday.ParticularIsraeliJewishgenresofleisuretravel(thetiyulandethnographictourism)arediscussedbelow.

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1996,Ness2003).6Meanwhile,anthropologistshaveexpendedmuchinkandmuch

angstoverthecomplicityoftheethnographicencounter,ofethnographic

representations,andofthetravelinganthropologistinsuchimperialisthistoriesand

trajectories(e.g.,Asad1973,Clifford1988,1989,1997,Narayan1997,Ong1995,

BeharandGordon1995,GuptaandFerguson1997).Theintimaciesofallthese

encounters,asTalalAsadwritesofanthropologicalfieldwork,areenabledbythe

powerstructuresinwhichtheyareembedded,evenwhilethesesamestructures

ensuretheintimacyshouldbe“one‐sidedandprovisional”(Asad1973:17).Further,

theseinter‐relatedhistoriesofencountereachresonatewithintimationsofthe

other,sothattheyformasetofnestingframeworkswhichinformhoweach

encounterisstructuredandexperienced:thetouristinrelationtothe

anthropologistinrelationtothecolonialist,andtheotherwaysaround.AsSara

Ahmed(2000:8)writes,“encountersaremeetings...whicharenotsimplyinthe

present:eachencounterreopenspastencounters.”

Whileeachoftheseencountersisinformedbythepathsofothertravelers,

though,theyarefarfrombeingthesame.CarenKaplan(1996)arguesthatthe

ubiquitoustravelingsubjecthasbecomeatropeinculturaltheory,variouslyusedto

illustrateideasoftransience,flux,flow,orhybridity,inthenameofthepostmodern,

theglobal,thediasporic,orthetransnational.Shecautionsagainstusing“laundry

lists”oftravelersinouranalysis(“tourists,immigrants,refugees,exiles,guest

workers”)whichtendtoobscurethevariedhistoricalconditionsandrelationsof

powerthatenableandconstraindifferentformsofmovementfordifferentpeoplein 6Iusethemasculinepronounhereadvisedly,toindexthewayssuchhistoriesofencounteraregendered(cf.Grewal1996,Shohat2006).

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differenttimesandplaces.Ratherthandismissingfiguressuchastheexile,the

nomad,orthetouristfortheirimprecisionoroveruse,however,Kaplaninterrogates

howtheyoperateastropesinthefieldofcriticism;shefollowsthemasasetof

“chargedmetaphors,”tracingtheircirculationinculturaltheory.Shedemonstrates

howthetemporalandspatialdimensionsofthesetermsare“linkedelementsin

colonialdiscoursesoftravel”(103),asking,forexample,“howdoesthemetaphorof

exileworkinparticularkindsofculturalcriticismandtowhat(orwhose)ends?”

(103)

InthischapterIask:Howdoesthetropeof‘encounter’workinthis

particularsetofinteractions,andtowhatends?Thisquestionobviouslybuildson

Kaplan’sworkbyaddingencountertoherlistofchargedmetaphorsoftravel,butI

tracetheconceptasitcirculatesnotinculturaltheoryandcriticismbutinpractice,

payingattentiontothewaysitshapesexperienceandnotjustanalysis.Iaimto

examineasetofinteractionsunderstoodanddescribedbythoseinvolvedas

‘encounters’withouttakingforgrantedeitherthetropesoftravelthatunderlie

themorthespecifichistoriesandpowerrelationstheyobscure.Iarguethatthe

encountersenabledbyourfieldtripsareover‐determinedbyaseriesofprototypical

encounters,bothspecifictoIsraelandinfluencedbytheglobalcontext,that

structureandconstrainthepossibilitiesavailabletoparticipantsandgiveshapeand

meaningtoourexperience:thegenreoftiyul,theexperienceoftheethnographic

tourist,andbehindallthese,thecolonialencounter.Theseframeworksprovide

tightlyscriptedrolesformyclassmatesandforme:pioneer,tourist,

anthropologist/orientalist,occupier/colonizer.Thecorrespondingrolesforthose

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Palestinianswemetareevenmoretightlyconstrained.Iarguethatthetropeof

encounterhereworksto“reopenthepriorhistoriesofencounterthatviolateandfix

othersinregimesofdifference”(Ahmed2000:8).Iask:Whatsortsofparameters

constraintheseencounters,whatsortsofinteractionsdotheyenable,andwhat

sortsofcitizensdotheypresume?

InwhatfollowsIpresentethnographicdescriptionsofthreetiyulimI

participatedintoPalestiniancitiesandvillagesinWadiAraandthesurrounding

region:Nazareth,UmelKutuf,andBarta’a.Eachethnographicdescriptionis

precededbyadiscussionoftheparticulartropethatmostclearlyanimatesthe

fieldtripthatfollows:tiyul;ethnographictourism;colonialencounters.7The

organizationofthechapter,linkingaparticulartropewithaparticulartiyul,isfor

heuristicpurposesonly,andthereaderisinvitedtotracelinkagesandoverlaps

acrossthevarioussections.TheubiquityofthesetropesmeantthatIcouldhave

chosentohighlighteachoftheminmanydifferenttiyulim.8

Myanalysisisbasedonfieldnotes,audio‐recordings,andconversationswith

participantsonthedayofthetrip,aswellasfollow‐upinterviewsanddiscussions

7Iprovidemoredetailinthesectionontiyulthaninthesectionsontheothertwotropes,sinceitwillbenewtoreaderslessfamiliarwiththeIsraelicontext.8TherewereadditionaltropesIhavehadtoleaveoutforlackofspace;themostprominentamongtheseisthe“coexistenceencounter”or“encounterforpeace.”TheprototypehereisatypeofeventcommonduringtheOsloyearsbutveryrarebythetimeofmyfieldwork:workshopssetupbyNGOs(GivatHavivaandNeveShalomwereprominentamongthese)thatbroughttogetherJewsandPalestinianswiththeexpresspurposeofgettingtoknow‘theenemy’andtalkingaboutthepoliticalissuesthatdividedparticipants(seee.g.,BargalandBar1994,Kahanoff2003).Whilethefieldofcoexistenceinitiativeshasbeenextensivelyandinsightfullycritiquedforthewayssuchencountersmaskpowerimbalancesbehindarhetoricofmutuality,equality,andcooperation(seee.g.,Rabinowitz2001),Ihavenotseentheparticularresonancesbehindtheideaof‘encounter’calledintoquestion,inthewayIdohere.

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leadinguptoandafterthetrips,inclassandamongfriends.Incontrasttomany

studiesoftouristsitesinIsrael(e.g.,Katriel1997,AbuelHaj2001),myfamiliarity

withtheparticipants–theyweremyteachersandclassmates/informantsovera

periodofmanymonths–meantthatIwasabletomovebeyondafocusonthetour

astexttoincludedifferingreactions,interpretations,intentions,andmotivationsof

theparticipants(seealsoHabib2004).Ialsoanalyzethesethreetiyuliminthe

contextofothertripsIparticipatedinoverthecourseofsixteenmonthsatGivat

Haviva,includingthetriptoMukeble(describedabove),hikesinthehillsaroundthe

campus,andtripstoUmelFachem(twice),Sakhnin(twice),Shfa’amer,KafrKara,

DeyrHannah,KawkabAbu‐el‐Hije,Arrabeh,andaBedouinvillagecalledSawaedil

Chamra(seefigures6.9‐6.12).

3.Tiyul

Thetiyul–morethanahikeandmorethanafieldtrip–isauniquelyIsraeli

genreofleisuretravelwithalonghistorycloselytiedtothechangingimperativesof

afledglingnation‐state.InTheSabra:TheCreationoftheNewJew,OzAlmog

describesitsorigins:

Takingschoolchildrenonnaturehikesbecameintegraltothe

pedagogicalphilosophyofmostteachersduringtheperiodoftheFirst

Aliya[thefirstwaveofmodernZionistimmigrationtoIsrael,1881‐

1903].Thepurposeofthesetripswastoteachinanenjoyableand

entertainingwayandrelievethemonotonyofclassroomstudy,while

allowingstudentstostretchtheirlimbs,andalsostrengtheningthe

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tiesbetweenteachersandpupils.Inadditionthetripsfosteredalink

betweenthestudentsandtheirsurroundings,providedaccessto

examplesofthe...materialbeingstudiedinschool(largelyinnatural

historyandgeography),allowedstudentsto“discover”natural

phenomenaforthemselves,andimprovedtheirHebrewlanguage

skills(2000:164).

Bythe1920s,Almogargues,thetiyulhadbecomeafundamentalelementofZionist

education,andadefiningfeatureoftheimageofthesabra–thehegemonicidealof

thenative‐bornIsraeli.

IfZionismwasthenewsecularreligionamongearlyimmigrantstowhatwas

thenBritishMandatePalestine,Almogargues,thenyediatha’aretz(knowledgeof

theland)replacedknowledgeoftheTorah(theJewishbible)asthedefinitiveand

idealeducationforthe‘newJew.’Yediathaaretzcombinesspecializedformsof

knowledgeaboutthelandscapeofIsrael,drawingonlocalecology,archaeology,

history,geology,geography,andbible.Tiyulprovidestheprimarywayof

inculcatingtheseformsofknowledgebutalsoofdisplayingthemandenactingthem.

Onecandisplaymasteryofyediatha’aretzwhileontiyulbyknowingwheretofind

andhowtoidentifythewildherbsthatgrowalongthepathandusingthemtobrew

tea;9bysurveyingthelandscape,oftenfromalook‐outspot(tatspit),andpointingto

9Theteaorcoffeebreakisahighlyritualizedpartofthetiyul,rootedintheidealizationandmystificationofBedouincustoms.Thegaziya(portablegasburner)andfinjan(small,long‐handledpotwithaspout)comeoutoftheknapsack,smallshotglassesarepulledoutofateatowel,freshwildherbs(mint,za’atar,sage)areproduced,havingbeenpickedalongtheway,andareboiledforasweet,aromaticteaintheopenair.Thealternativeisdarkstrongcoffee(called“Turkish”or“Arab”coffee)flavouredwithcardamomandservedsweetinthesameshotglasses.Both

217

theplacewhereabiblicalbattletookplace,orabattleduringthe1948war,or

(ideally)both;byidentifyingtreesandcropsandrockformations,aswellasnaming

valleysandriversandlandmarks.ShaulKatz(1999)describesyediatha’aretzasa

“para‐canonical”formofknowledge,onethatcombinesthelocalizationand

particularizationofscientificknowledgewithmodificationsofthehistorical

sequenceofevents,giving“newweightandnewmeaningtosourcesofknowledge

ofdifferentstatus”(96,mytranslation).MeronBenvenisti(2000)morepointedly

describesyediatha’aretzas“amechanismofindoctrinationbymeansofwhicha

ZionistideologywasimplantedintheheartoftheJewishchild”(57).10

Thetiyulwasandcontinuestobeawayofforginganemotionalandan

ideologicalconnectiontothelandscape.Simultaneouslyanexpressionofanti‐

bourgeoisethos11andanegationofthelandlessnessofdiasporaJudaism(two

centraltenetsofearlyZionism),earlytiyulimrepresentedavoyageofnational

awakeningandaritualofconquestforimmigrants,whowantedto“reachnew

placesandnewheightsonwhichthefootofmanhadyettotread”(Almog1997:91,

mytranslation).Tiyulplayedaroleinstrengtheningcollectiveidentityandnational

belongingforearlyimmigrantswhilesimultaneouslyforgingaconnectiontothe

landandaclaimtotheland.

theherbalteaandthecoffeerequireacertainamountofskillintheirpreparation(thereisanelaboratemythologyaroundhowtoboiltheperfectpotofcoffee),andthespecializedknowledgeinvolvedisitselfatypeofyediatha’aretz.10Benvenisti’scritiqueisparticularlypoignantgiventhathisfather,DavidBenvenisti,wastheauthorofoneofthemostpopulartextsforteachingyediatha’aretz(Benvenisti1946).11Thisisincontrasttoothercontexts,wherehikingcanbeinterpretedasadisplayofbourgeoissensibility(seeBourdieu1984,McElhinny2006).

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Whilethegenreoftiyuloriginatedasfieldtripsforschoolchildrenmorethan

acenturyago,itsrelevanceincontemporaryIsraelisocietyhasnotwaned.In

additiontocontinuingtoplayacentralroleinprimaryandsecondaryschool

education,IsraeliJewsarelikelytogoontiyulimthroughyouthgroups,inthearmy,

throughenvironmentalorganizations,suchastheSocietyfortheProtectionof

NatureinIsrael(SPNI),andasapopularleisureactivitywithfamilyandfriends.12

OritBen‐David(1997)analyzescontemporaryadulttiyulimundertakenthrought

theSPNIassecularrituals,integraltothe“civilreligion”ofcontemporaryIsraeli

society.ShefoundthatcontemporarytiyulimcontinuetoinculcateaZionistethos:

“Intheactofhikingboththeindividualandthegroupmarkoutterritory,claiming

possessionbyuseofthebody–thatis,bytheactofwalking”(Ben‐David1997:140;

seealsoKatz1985,Katriel1995).

Itfeltquitenaturaltome,then,tofindthetiyulfeaturingsoprominentlyin

ourlanguagelessonsatGivatHaviva.Ourfieldtripswerecalledtiyulimandthey

servedthesameprimaryfunctionsastheearlytiyulimdescribedbyAlmog:an

escapefromtheclassroom,achanceforstudentsandteacherstobond,andawayto

bringtolifethematerialofourlessonsbyencounteringtheirsubjectmatterinthe

realworld.Thedifferencewasthatthesubjectmatterofourlessons–theArabic

language–wasabsolutelynotapartoftheZionistcanon.Whatwassurprising,

then,wasthewayourtiyulimbothreliedonandsubvertedtheclassicgenreby

specificallyandexclusivelychoosingPalestinianplacesasourdestination.

12Onanysummerweekendthemorepopularhikingtrailsaresopackedwithfamiliesthatnarrowpartsofthetrailcreateabottleneckandyouendupwaitinginlinetopassthrough.

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Inwrittenaccountsoftheearlypre‐statetiyulim,asanalyzedbyOzAlmog,

hikersencounteralandscapedevoidofinhabitants:“[t]heArabvillagesandtheir

inhabitantsarehardlymentionedatall.TheArabvillageappearsmainlyasalifeless

landmark,oraplacetostoptogetfoodandwater,oradangerousplacethatone

mustbewareof”(Almog1997:303).ThepresenceofArabvillagesinthelandscape

wasantitheticaltotheentireideaofthetiyul;afterall,theZionistgrandnarrative

requiredalandwithoutpeopleforapeoplewithoutland(seee.g.,Zerubavel

1995).13Accordingly,oftenthelandscape“isdescribedasvirginland,uponwhich

nooneliveduntilthearrivaloftheJews”(Almog1997:303).Thisis,ofcourse,a

strategynotuniquetotheIsraelisettlementproject;thedescriptionsofearly20th

centurytiyulimanalyzedbyAlmogareremarkablysimilartothetravelwritingsof

late18thcenturyEuropeanimperialistsinAfrica,asanalyzedbyMaryLouisePratt

(1992),inwhich“thelandscapeiswrittenasuninhabited,upossessed,

unhistoricized,unoccupied”(50).Similarstrategiesoferasurearerevealedin

VicenteRafael’s(2000:60ff)discussionofthe“colonialpicturesque”inthelettersof

AmericanwomeninthecolonialPhilippines.

Contemporarytiyulimcontinuethissleightofhandalthough,since1948,it

hasbecomeeasier;manyofthePalestinianvillagesignoredonthehikesAlmog

describesarenowonlyvisibleasruins–ifatall–havingbeendestroyedinthe1948

war.14WhilePalestinianpresences–pastandpresent–inthelandscapeofIsrael

13SeealsoEllaShohat(2006),GilEyal(2007),andMeronBenvenisti(2000:58ff)fordescriptionsoftheambivalentattitudeofJewishsettlersinthepre‐stateperiodtotheirArabneighbours.14SeeFalah2005onthedestructionanddesignificationofthePalestinianlandscape.

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areignoredorerased,itispreciselypastJewishpresencesinthelandthattiyulim

highlight,inordertoemphasizeacontinualconnectiontotheland.AsImentioned

above,pointingoutBiblicalmountainsandTalmudiccaves,tellingtalesofJewish

battles,prophesies,andtragedies,areakeywaytodisplayyediathaaretz.Thetiyul,

then,muchliketheroadsignsonHighway6,reliesonaparticularkindofselective

vision,highlightingcertainpresencesinthelandscapeanderasingothers,skipping

overrecenthistorytoselectthepartsofthepastthatfitthenarrative.15(AbuEl‐

Haj,2001,describesasimilardynamicwithcontemporaryarchaeologicalpracticein

Israel.)

Whatdoesitmean,then,togoonatiyulwhereanArabvillageora

Palestiniancityfeaturesnotasablightinthelandscape,somethingtobeerasedor

ignored,butasthedestination?Whatdoesitmeantogoontiyulwithour

Palestinianteachersasguides?ShaulKatz(1985)analyzestheroleofthemadrich,

theIsraeliteacher‐guidewholeadsthetiyul,arguingthathe[sic]ismorethana

“teacheroftheway”(morehderech).Heis“anencourageroffaith”(69);“heisthe

navigator,inanenvironmentnewtotheparticipants,andheistheinterpreterofthe

scenesandtheirmeanings,abovealltheirnationalmeanings”(63).Whatsortof

encounterisproduced,then,whatfaithisbeingencouragedandhowisthenew

environmentinterpreted,whentheteacher‐guideisaPalestiniancitizenofIsrael? 15Forexample,manyhikesalongwadisintheGolanHeightsbeginwithashortwalkacrosstheplateaubeforeasteepdescentintothewadi;ononehike,thetrailacrosstheplateauleadsrightthroughtheburnt‐outruinsofaclusterofstonehouses.IhavebeentoldthatthehousesbelongedtotheSyrianswholivedtherebeforetheHeightswerecapturedin1967.Whilenomentionismadeoftheseonsignsorinpamphletsorguide‐booksdescribingthetiyul,abitfartheralongthetrailthehikerencountersasignthatproclaims:“Onthisspot,inbiblicalandMishnaictimes,therewasaJewishvillagecalledDvora.”

221

OurclasstiyultoNazarethandaconversationonabusafewweekslaterprovide

someinsightintothesequestions.

4.“Nameswithoutplaces”:Nazareth,December30,2004

Nazarethisaboutahalf‐hourdrivefromGivatHaviva:eastalongWadiAra

road,pastMegiddo,thennorthintothehills,justbeforeAfula.Onthedayofour

fieldtriptoNazareth,wepickedFouadupatagasstationjustoutsidethecity.

“Goodmorning,andwelcometothecityofNazareth,”hebegan.Astheroadwound

upasteephill,thebuildingsaroundusbecamedenserandthebillboards,stillfor

familiarIsraeliproducts(Elitechocolate,Tnuvadairy),showedmoreArabicscript.

Nazarethisacityof70,000inhabitants,Fouadcontinued;onethirdisMuslimand

themajorityareChristianArabs.

Wegotoffthebusatourfirststop,stillontheoutskirtsofthecity,and

climbedupahillthathasapanoramicviewoftheYizraelvalleytothesouth,andthe

cityofNazarethspreadoutbeforeustothenorth.Wearelocated,Fouadtoldus,

400metresabovesealevelandthemountainwe’restandingoniscalledJablil

Kabse–themountainofthejump.16Onthisquintessentialtiyulspot–thetatspit

(lookout)–Fouadbeganhisdescriptionwithatypicaltiyulnarrative:thebiblical

storythathappenedintheplacewewerestanding,andthatexplainstheoriginofits

name.ButthestoryhetoldisnotfromtheTorah,theJewishbible,butfromthelife

ofJesus.

16monssaltusDominiinLatin.

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JablilKabse,FouadexplainedinArabic,getsitsnamebecauseitwashere

thatthepeopleofNazarethtriedtothrowJesusfromacliff,aspunishmentfor

blasphemingbypresentinghimselfasthemessiah.

Butherethemiracletookplace.He[Jesus]arrivedhere[pointingat

theground],andthemiraclewasthathejumpedfromheretoJabl

Tabur.17Lookthere–[talauhon,pointingtothehillinthedistance]

Abigail:Oh!That’stheTavor?

Fouad:Yes.That’sJablTabur.

Yoav:Wo::w!

Isaac:Inonejump?[inArabic]

Fouad:Inonejump!

Fouadlocatesusfirmlyinthelandscapeofthetaleheistelling,pointingtothe

groundwhereJesusstoodandtothedistanthill‐topthathejumpedto,andlinking

thistothelandscapeweknowbyidentifyingtheTavormountain,afamiliar

landmark,byitsHebrewname,albeitwithanArabicaccent(seefigure6.1).Herehe

isacting,inKeithBasso’s(1996)terms,asa“place‐maker,”tellinganancientstory

inthespotthatittookplace,speakingasawitnesstothesceneandthus“forging

ancestralworldsinwhichotherscanparticipate...creatingintheprocessavivid

sensethatwhathappenedlongago–righthere,onthisveryspot–couldbe

happeningnow”(32).Butthestoryhetellsisnotthestoryofhisaudience,whodo

notrecognizeJesusastheirancestor.Myclassmateschoosenottoparticipateinthe

17Thismustbeapocryphal(ormaybeintheQuran?),sinceaccordingtothebiblethemiraclewasthatJesusescapedunharmed:“hewalkedrightthroughthecrowdandwentonhisway.”(Luke4:21‐30)

223

“possibleworld”hehasfashioned.Ratherthancontemplatingthisplace‐worldas

an“imageofthepastthatcandeepenandenlargeourunderstandingofthepresent”

(Basso1996:32),theirresponseisaseriesofirreverentjokesmetwithlaughter,the

breakwithFouad’splace‐worldemphasizedbyswitchingfromArabicintoHebrew:

Isaac:Hemusthavetakenquitearunningstart!

Daniel:Twojumpsmax,eh?

Yoav:Superman!

Afterthegeneralhilaritydieddown,Fouadcontinuedwiththestory:“Solookthere,

thereisJablTabur,otherwiseknownasJabli'Tur.Jabli'Turismentionedthree

timesintheQur’an...TheArabvillageunderit,doesanyoneknowitsname?”No

onedoes.It’sDaburriya,namedafterDvorah,theHebrewprophetinthebible.

FouadcontinuedinArabic,pointingtoeachlandmarkinturn(seefigures6.2,6.3):

IfwelookinfrontofushereweseeamountainwhichisJablilJalbua.

ThemountainsofGilboa.HerewehavetheJalbua.Andacrossfromus

here,lookattheareawhereweare,wearearound–wecanseefrom

hereathirdofIsrael!Wecanseefromhereallthewaytothe

mountainsofJordan.There,thosefarmountains,thosearethe

mountainsofJordan(ajbalilUrdun).Thevalleyweseeinfrontofus–

doesanybodyknowthisvalley?What’sitcalled?

Yael:That’sSahelYizrael.[SheusestheArabicwordforvalleywith

thevalley’sHebrewname.]

Fouad:It’scalledMarjIbnAmer(thevalleyofIbnAmer)inArabic.

Whyisitcalledthat?BecausearoundthetimeoftheOttomansthere

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livedaBedouintribeherenamedIbnAmer,thetribeofIbnAmer.And

thevalleywasnamedafterthem.Andtodayofcourseitsnameis

EmekYizrael(theYizraelvalley).Thatvillageunderthatmountain

there,notunderJabli’Tur,underthatmountainwhichisJabli’Nasira

(themountainofNazareth),that’sanArabvillagecalledIksal.Iksal.

ThevalleythatisfoundnearIksal,fromDaburriya‐thatisbetween

Jabli’NasiraandJabli’Tur,iscalledSahlIksal(thevalleyofIksal).

AndthevalleyofIksalconnectswiththevalleyofIbnAmer.

FouadpointedoutthecityofAfula,belowustotheeast,andthecityofUmel

Fachem,farinthewest,ontopofahillhenamedasJablIskander.Weturned

towardthecityofNazarethandhepointedoutJabli'Daule–themountainofthe

state,ahillinthecityofNazarethwherecityhall,thecourt,andotherstate

buildingsarelocated–andthetwoNazareths:UpperNazareth,wheretheJewslive,

andLowerNazareth,wheretheArabslive.18BehindNazareth,tothesouth‐west,he

pointedoutMigdalHaEmek,aJewishdevelopmenttown,andtheadjacentindustrial

zone.

Afterposingforagrouppictureagainstthepanoramicbackdrop(seefigure

6.4),weclimbedbackonthebusandcontinuedwiththetrip:lunchatahumusand

falafelrestaurant(seeChapterThree);avisittotheChurchoftheAnnunciation;free

timeintheshuk;avisittothemosque.ButthepartofthetriptoNazareththatmade

thebiggestimpressiononmewasnotthecityitself;itwasstandingonthathill

outsidethecityandseeingthesurroundinglandscapethroughFouad’seyes.

18OnresidentialsegregationinNazarethseeRabinowitz1997,King‐Irani2007.

225

WhatFouadwasdoingonthathilltopwasplacingusintoanunfamiliar

versionofthelandscapearoundus.Throughgestures,names,andstories,hewas

interpretingthelandscapearoundusfromanentirelydifferentperspectivetowhat

wewereusedto.WhilethegenreoftiyuloftenreliesonBiblicalstoriestocreate

place‐worlds,itisnotthoseofJesusthatareusuallyemphasizedforaJewish

audience.ThevillagesofDabburiya,Iksal,Zalafe–whiletheirnamesappearon

mapsandroadsigns,theyarenotlandmarksthatanyofmyclassmatesnavigateby;

itissafetosaythatnooneintheclasshadeverbeentothemorhadtheirpresence

pointedout.Ontheotherhand,SahlIksal,MarjIbnAmer,Jabli'Tur–noneofthese

namesofhillsandvalleysappearonanyofficialmapsofIsrael,noronroadsigns.

Alltheseplacesnowhaveothernames,Hebrewnames:Ya’arChurchill,Emek

Yizrael,HarTavor.WhenFouadsaysthattheseplacesare“alsocalled”bytheir

Arabicnames,whatotherlandscapeishepointingto?Whathistoryiselidedwhen

hesays“nowthisvalleyiscalledEmekYizrael”?SoonafterourtriptoNazareth,a

chanceencounteronabusprovidedsomeinsightintothesequestions.

*

Aweeklater,IwassittingonthebustoTelAviv,onmywaybacktoGivat

Havivafromaweekendatmysister’sinJerusalem.Thecloudswerethickandlow

overAbuGoshand,aswebeganthedescentfromthemountains,itstartedtopour.

Ihadmyheadphoneson,andwasre‐playingthetapeofourtriptoNazareth,jotting

downaroughtopictranscriptinmynotebook.Fouad’svoiceinmyearsnamedthe

hillsofNazarethastheJudeanmountainsgavewaytothecoastalplainoutsidethe

buswindow.Thefirsthalfhourorsooftapeboileddowntoalistofhillsinmy

226

notes:JablilKabse,Jabli'Daule,JablTabur.Iwrotethenamesdown,inHebrewand

inArabic,makinganoteofthetimeonthetapewhentheycameup.

InoticedthatamaninthedarkgreenuniformoftheMagav(borderpatrol),

sittingintheseatbehindmeandacrosstheaisle,wasstrainingtolookovermy

shoulder.Hewasmaybeinhislate40swithdarkskin,close‐croppedgrayinghair,a

small,neatmoustache.Iglancedbackathim,andhecaughtmyeyeandtookthe

opportunitytoaskme(inHebrew):“Inoticedthatyou’rewritinginArabic–areyou

translatingfromHebrewtoArabic?”ItoldhimthatIwastranslatinginthereverse

direction.Visiblyexcited,heaskedmewhereIwasstudyingArabic.WhenItold

himGivatHavivaheanswered,cryptically,“Ofcourse.”Gettingmoreexcited,he

pointedtomynotebook:“I’venoticedthatyou’vewrittenNazarethwrong.It’slike

this.MayI?”Hetookmynotebookandpenfrommeandwrotethewordin,hisfluid

Arabicscriptnexttomycramped,awkward,andapparentlymis‐spelledattempt.

Hedotteditwithaflourishandsoundeditoutcarefullyforme,emphasizingthe

properspelling.“I’Na::sira”.Hereadoffthepage,furtherdown:“Jabli'Daule”.“Do

youknowwherethatis?It’satthetrafficlightonthewayintothecity,ontheroad

toAfula.”

Theusualexchangeensued,eachofusattemptingtolocatetheothersocially

andtosettleethnicambiguitiesbyaskinggeographicalquestions.Iaskedhimifhe

wasfromNazarethandhesaidno,he’sfromShfar’am,butheknowsthewhole

country.HeaskedmewhereIwasfromandIconfusedhimbytellinghimCanada.

“Butfromwhateda(nation)areyou?”hepressed.“You’reJewish,right?”Yes.He

askedmewhereI’mcomingfromandItoldhimmysister’sinTalpiot(a

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neighbourhoodonthesouthernedgeofJerusalem).“That’srightnearwhereI

work,”hesaid.“IworkinBeitLechem(Bethlehem).”Givenhisborderguard

uniform,Iunderstoodthistomeanthathewasprobablystationedatthe

checkpointsbetweenBethlehem,intheWestBank,andJerusalem.“Thatmustbe

hard,”Iresponded,inadequately.19

Iturnedbacktomynotebookandpluggedinmyearphones,buthecontinued

toleanoutintotheaisleandglancedovermyshoulderasIwrotedownthenext

placeonthetape:MigdalHa’Emek.20“Doyouknowwherethatis?”heasked.“Do

youknowwhattheycallMigdalHaEmekinArabic?”Confused,IofferedtheArabic

wordfor‘tower’and‘valley,’aliteraltranslationofthenameofthetown.“No,no,

no.”Hereachedformynotebookandwrotethereinthemargins:Mjaydal.I

soundeditout,stillconfused,andventuredtopointoutthatitsoundslikemigdal.

Heshruggedandhandedthenotebookbacktome,inawaythatmademefeellikeI

hadmissedthepoint,likeIwasnotunderstandingsomething,buthedidn’twantto

say.

Iwentbacktolisteningandwritinginmynotebook,wishingwecould

continueourconversation.AsthebuspulledintoArlozorovtrainstationinTel

Aviv,Iturnedaroundtothankhim,buthehadalreadymovedtowardtheback

doors.Thestationwasbusyandclouded.Giantpuddleswetthecuffsofmypants

19 On Palestinian soldiers in the Israeli army see Kanaaneh 2005. 20ThisJewishtownofapproximately25,000isashortdistancesouth‐westofNazareth.Itwasfoundedin1953asama’abara,acampforabsorptionofimmigrantrefugeesfromNorthAfricaandtheMiddleEastandbecameanayaratpituach,adevelopmenttown.Itsnamemeans“towerofthevalley.”

228

whenIsteppedoffthebus,buttherainhadstopped.Ihurriedtowardthenextbus

thatwouldtakemenorthtoWadiAra.

Laterthatevening,IstoppedshortinthemiddleofreadinganarticlethatI

hadbroughtbackwithmefromJerusalem.ThearticlewasbyDanRabinowitz,an

ethnographerofNazareth,andIhadbroughtittoshowNurit,sinceIthoughtwe

couldbothuseittofilloutthepictureofthecitythatFouadhadpresentedonour

tiyul.Inthemiddleofadescriptionofthedemographiccompositionofthecity,the

followingdetailcaughtmyattention:“[In1948]Palestinianinternalrefugeesfled

intoNazareth...thelargestcontingentscamefromthreeadjacent,fairlylarge

villagesdestroyedbytheIsraeliforces:Saffuriya,Mjaydal,andMa’alul”(Rabinowitz

2001:101,citingEmmett1995).Mjaydal!Wherewasthisvillage?Whatwasits

relationtoMigdalHaEmek?

InSacredLandscape,inachaptercalled“TheHebrewMap,”Meron

Benvenistidescribesinfascinatingdetailtheprocessthroughwhich,immediately

followingthewarof1948‐49,Hebrewplacenameswereself‐consciouslyand

deliberatelyselectedtoreplaceArabicones.21Combiningtwoclassicnation/state‐

makingendeavors–cartographyandthecodificationoflanguage–replacingArabic

nameswithHebrewonesonthemapofIsraelwasawaytosolidifyrecently

established“factsontheground,”addingtheappearanceofscientificauthorityand

historiclegitimacytotheterritorialgainsrecentlymadeinwar.22“Afterall,”

21OnthepoliticsofplacenamesinIsraelseealsoKliot1981,1996;Katz1995,1998.OnthesocialrolesofplacenamesseeBasso1996.22Benvenistiquotesfromaletterfromtheprimeminister(DavidBenGurion)tothechairoftheNegevNamingCommittee,datedNovember1949:“WeareobligedtoremovetheArabicnamesforreasonsofstate.JustaswedonotrecognizetheArabs’

229

Benvenistiwrites,“namingisadeclarationofexclusiveproprietorship,andmaking

suchaclaimoverone’shomelandistheessenceofnationalism”(47).

Inaparticularlyfascinatingtwisttothisprocess,thevariousnaming

committees,evenastheydismissedtheoldArabicnamesas“primitive”(Benvenisti

21),couldnotresistdrawingonthewealthofecological,historical,andevenbiblical

informationcontainedintheArabicoriginalsindevisingtheHebrewnamesthat

wouldreplacethem.23WhilesomeretainedthemeaningoftheArabicnameina

newHebrewword(e.g.,thesettlementofAlona–fromtheHebrewwordforoak

(alon)issituatedbesidetheArabvillageofSindiyanni,whichmeansoak[Benvenisti

35])othersmerelyechoedthesoundoftheArabicword,whilechangingthe

meaningcompletely,oreveninventingaHebrew‐soundingnamewithnomeaning

atall.Thus,accordingtoBenvenisti(39,52),JabalKharuf(Sheep’sMountain)

becameHarHarif(SpicyMountain),Khirbat‘Aris(RuinoftheBridegroom)became

HorbatArissa(RuinoftheCradle),andTelalAsmar(BlackTel)becameTelAshmar

(whichhasnoHebrewmeaning).Inthisway,“thousandsofnameschanged

meaning,erasinganentireuniverseandreplacingitwith‘similarsounds’”(39).

“DoyouknowwhatMigdalHaEmekisinArabic?”WithBenvenisti’sanalysis

ofHebrewplacenamesinmind,thequestionallofasuddentookonnewmeanings,

newresonances.PerhapsMigdalHaEmekfollowedthepatterndescribedby politicalproprietorshipoftheland,soalsodowenotrecognizetheirspiritualproprietorshipandtheirnames”(14).23ThereisacertaintingeoforientalistnostalgiatoBenvenisti’sdescriptionofthelocalArabs’“intimate,unmediated”(50)relationshipwiththelandasexpressedintheirplacenames:“Committeememberswereunabletoignoretheextraordinarydescriptiveaptitude,thebeautyofexpression,andthesenseofrootednessoftheBedouin...–qualitiesthatwererevealedintheArabicnamesdescribingnaturalphenomena,morphologicalformations,plans,andlivingcreatures”(21).

230

Benvenisti:whenitwasbuiltin1953ittookitsnamefromthesound(ratherthan

themeaning)ofthePalestinianvillageitreplaced,sothatMjaydalbecamemigdal–

thoughtheArabicwordfortower(burj)iscompletelyunrelated.Itfollowsthat

MigdalHaEmekmusthavebeenbuiltonorneartheruinsofwhatuntil1948was

Mjaydal.Atthispointthiswasjustconjecture–afewincompletepiecesofthe

puzzlefallenintomylap–yetitfeltsomehowcomplete.

Itisonlynow,threeyearslater,thatmyguessisconfirmed,farfromthehills

ofNazarethandinthemostmundanelyacademicofways.Ifinallyfollowtheleadto

thebookRabinowitzcited,BeyondtheBasilica:ChristiansandMuslimsinNazareth,

byChadEmmett.Inachapterdescribingthesettlementpatternsofinternal

refugeeswhoendedupinNazareth,thisiswhatEmmetthadtosayaboutMujeidil

(analternatetransliterationofMjaydal):

The[second]largestand[most]cohesiveoftherefugeecommunities

[inNazareth]arethepeoplefromMujeidil,avillageseveralmiles

southwestofNazarethalongthemainroadtoHaifathatin1945hada

populationof1640Muslimsand260Christians.Allthatremainsof

thevillagetodayaretheshelloftheGreekOrthodoxChurchanda

RomanCatholicChurch…TheJewishtownofMigdalHaEmeknow

standsadjacenttowherethevillageoncestood(Emmett1995:157).

Emmett’sdescriptionconfirmsthatmyguess,basedonthetenuouslinkinthe

names,turnsouttohavebeenright.Butjustasthisquestionisanswered,another

questionopensup.FurtherinthepassageEmmettnotesthat“familiesfrom

Mujeidilwhoacceptedgovernmentofferswereforthemostpartrequiredtosettle

231

onlandinShefar’Am”(158).Shefar’Amwasthehomeofthemanonthebus!What

ishispersonalconnectiontoMujeidil?Heistooyoungtohavebeenbornthere,but

wasthisperhapshisparents’home?Weretheyexiledfromtherein1948?Wasit

thenameofadisappearedvillagethatwouldhavebeenhishomethathewrotein

themarginsofmynotebook?Thisispurespeculationonmypart,andthereisno

bookinthelibrarythatcananswerthisquestion.

ThenameMjaydal,writteninthemarginsofmynotebookinArabicscripts

byamanwhosenameIdonotknow,recallsthewordsoftheIsraelinovelistS.

Yizhar:“Nameswithoutplaceshoverforawhilelikebubbles,stayforawhile,then

burst”(quotedinBenvenisti2000:42).Hoveringthereinthemargins,thisname

withoutaplacegentlyandinsistentlyleadstothepast,seenthroughcoordinates

thatmostJewishIsraeliswouldprefertoignore.Butitalsodemandsamoreactive

participationonmypartthansimplylisteninginordertounderstand–amore

involvedunderstandingthansimplybeingabletodecipherthelanguage.Whilethe

nameMjaydalwasofferedasanArabictranslation,knowingArabicwasonlythe

firststeptowardunderstandingitsresonances.Thenameinthemarginsofmy

notebookquietlypointedmeindirectionsthatIhadtowanttofollowinorderto

recognizethenameforwhatitwas:inBenvenisti’swords,a“signpostofmemory.”24

24Irecognizethatmynarrativehereparticipatesinitsowntrope:thestoryofmystery,discovery,andrevelationinsearchingoutaPalestinianpastisnotuncommonamongleft‐leaningIsraeliJews.Itis,ofcourse,asproblematicanarrativeinitsownwayasthosethaterasethispast,sinceitoftenismoreorientedtowardassuagingtheguiltoftheconquerorthantowardrightinghistoricalwrongs.See,forexample,Hoffman(2002)foraparticularlycompellingaccountoftheauthor’ssearchforthePalestinianfamilywhoweretheownersofherhouseinMusrara,aneighbourhoodofJerusalem,before1948.

232

IseeFouad’slitanyofArabicplacenamesinasimilarlight.Forthosewho

hadthepatienceandthewilltolisten(andlook)closely,whatFouadwasdoingon

thathilltopoutsideNazarethwasquietlypointingoutbothapresenceandan

absence,boththecontoursofathrivingPalestiniancity,intheheartoftheGalil,and

the“signpostsofmemory”thatsurroundit.MarjIbnAmer,SahelIksal–theseare

nameswithout(officiallyrecognized)places;morethanjustArabicnamesfor

valleysthatnowlieinaJewishstate,theyaresignpostsofmemory,markingthe

tracesofapre‐1948Palestinianlandscape.Fouadwaspointingoutthecoordinates

throughwhichheseesthelandscape,allthewhileframingourexperiencewithina

genrethatreliesontheerasureofpreciselythesecoordinates.Thesecoordinates

cannotbefoundinanyIsraelimaportextbook;theyarenotpointedoutinguided

hikesoftheSPNI.NewgenerationsofIsraeliJewsdonotevenhavetomakean

activechoicetoignorethepresenceofthenon‐placesFouadpointedto.Morethan

justtheexistenceofthisalternatelandscape,though,Fouadwasquietlypointingout

thehistorythatkeepsithidden.Asmuchasalessoninlanguageandgeography,

thisencounterwasalessoninadifferentkindofhistory,onethatpositionedusin

theuncomfortableplaceofconquerors.Forthoseofusparticipatinginthistiyul,it

wasanencounterwithadifferentkindofknowledgeoftheland.

Formanyofmyclassmates,unfamiliarbothwiththeareaandwithFouad’s

perspectiveonitshistory,restlessandbored,thelessonmayhavebeensosubtleas

tohavebeenmissed.AndcertainlyIammakingnoclaimsregardingFouad’s

subversiveintentions;likethemanonthebus,hewasdoingnomorethanpointing

233

usinadirection.25Whilethegenreoftiyulprovidedthestructureanddictatedthe

contoursofourtriptoNazareth,itwasthefactthatwewerelearningtheArabic

languagethatbroughtustothisparticularplace,withthisguide,andthatenabledus

toseethelandscapethroughhiseyes,tosoundoutthenamesthatmarkitshidden

past.Buttorecognizethemasmorethanalessoninlocalvocabularyrequired

more.

5.Ethnographictourism

Iturnnowtoamorerecentphenomenoninwhichourtiyulimparticipate.

WhileIsraelitouristshaveinrecentyearsbeenmorelikelytoendupinNepalor

PeruthaninWadiAra(seeNoy2007,NoyandCohen2005),andwhiletouristsfrom

allovertheworldflocktoIsraelandPalestineforavarietyofpurposes(seeBauman

1995,Bowman1989,Clarke2000,Klein2002,Habib2004),arecentformofrural

ethnictourism,inIsraelforIsraelis,providescrucialcontextforourtiyulim.

RebeccaStein’swork(1998,2001,2002,2008)describestheemergenceof

JewishIsraelitourisminPalestinianareasofthecountry.Steinconductedfieldwork

intheIsraeliministryoftourisminthemid1990s,atimewhenthe‘Arabsector,’

andspecificallythevillagesoftheGalileeregioninNorthernIsrael,werebeing

reconfiguredasatouristdestinationforIsraeliJews.Steinsituatesthis

phenomenonintheparticularlogicoftheOsloyears,arguingthat“peacetime

25Fouad’sintentions,likeRiyad’s,remainopaquetome.ThatthemotivationsandintentionsofmyPalestinianteachersremainamysteryisanenduringfrustrationofmyresearchandwritingprocesses(andasourceofmuchspeculationamongRina,Nurit,Hila,Ruth,Michal,andI),buttheabsenceoftheirperspectiveisparticularlyregrettableinthischapter.SeeChapterTwoforfurtherdiscussionofthisissue.

234

discourses[had]shiftedthecontoursofIsrael’s‘imaginativegeography’”

(1998:108).AsitsuddenlybecamepossibletotraveltoAmmanandCairo(or,more

commonly,PetraandSinai),theseplaceswereperceivedassuddenlycloser,more

visibleandavailable:“Distancesanddifferencesthatwereoncelegibleonlythrough

thecoordinatesofenmitywerenowpossibletoremapthroughtheidiomofleisure

travel”(2002:273).PalestinianspacesinIsraelfollowedsuit.

Previously,Steinwrites(andmyfieldworkconfirmsthis),JewishIsraelis

mighthaveenteredruralPalestiniancommunitiesinIsraelbecausevegetableswere

cheaperinthemarketsthere,ortobringthecartothemechanic.Many,though,

kepttheirdistance–takingthelongwayaroundratherthandrivingthrough.Inthe

mid1990stheseplaceswerebeingofferedupforJewishconsumptionaspartofa

newpopularcuriosityabouttheArabworld,whichaccompaniedthethen‐utopian

visionofthe“newmiddleeast.”Steinexploreswhatisinvolvedinmakingthese

spaces“visible,intelligible,andconsumable”(2001:12)forJewishtourists,

describinghow“sitesoncedeemedhostilewererepackagedasplacesofJewish

leisure”(1998:92).ButthesePalestinianspaceswerereincorporatedintoanew

state‐authorizednationalgeographyonlyinverycircumscribedform:asde‐

historicized,de‐territorializedperformancesofexotic,authentic,native,andlocal

‘Arab’culture.

Thisimageofthenativeis,ofcourse,afamiliarone,informedbyparticular

historiesofproducingparticularkindsofnativesubjectsthroughotherencounters;

Icallthistropeethnographictourismtodrawattentiontothewayitparticipatesin

“thedesirefortheexotic,adisdainforthe‘natives,’asearchforthe‘authentic’

235

Other”(Grewal1996:1)commontobothcertainkindsofethnographyandcertain

kindsoftourism,aswellastothelinksandoverlapsbetweentheseendeavors.26

OurclasstiyultoUmelKutufprovidesinsightintothekindofArabsubjectthatis

producedthroughthisencounter.

6.“Aremainderoflong,longago”:UmelKutuf,November8,2004

AfterturningrightoutofGivatHaviva,theschoolbuspassedtwokibbutzim

inquicksuccession:Ma’anitonourrightandEinShemeronourleft.Atthefrontof

thebus,MichalintroducedAbuFuruk,aresidentofUmelKutufwhowouldbeour

guideonavisittothevillage.Shetoldushehasvastknowledgeofthehistoryand

geographyofthearea,aswellasofArabfolkloreandtraditions.“He’slikean

encyclopedia,”sheenthused.AbuFuruktookthemicrophonefromher,greetedus

withsabahilher(goodmorning),anddescribedouritinerary,inslowandsimple

Arabic,asfollows:

Ouritinerary,firstofallavisittothemuseum[ofArabheritage]inUm

elKutufandI’llexplaintoyouaboutit.We’llbethereaboutanhour.

Afterthatwe’llcontinueto[theothersideofthevillage]wherewe’ll

seethewellwheretheyusedtostorerainwaterbeforethehouses

wereconnectedtoMekorot[thenationalwatersupply].We’llalsosee

thetabun,theancientoven,andwe’llseehowtheybakedpitotand 26Onthetroubled“overlap”betweenthe“figuresandfieldsoftheanthropologistandthoseofthetourist”seeNess2002.ForrecentoverviewsoftheanthropologyoftourismseeBurns2004,Stronza2001.OnauthenticityandexoticismintourismandinanthropologyseeBruner2001,BrunerandKirshenblatt‐Gimblett1994,Handler1986.Foriterationsofethnographictourisminothercontextsseee.g.,Brennan2004,Ebron2002.

236

breadinthisancienttabun.Afterthatwe’llgotothemadafe

[traditionalguesthouse]whereguestswerewelcomedandthere

you’llhearanexplanationofthecustomsofcoffeedrinking(a’adat

shiribilkahwe)amongtheArabs(‘indilArab)…Iwishyouall

insha’ala[Godwilling]anenlighteningtrip.

ThevillageofUmelKutufisoneofGivatHaviva’sclosestneighbours,nomorethan

tenkilometresaway,yetAbuFuruk’sintroductionmakesitclearfromthebeginning

thatwhatwewereonwaslessavisittoourneighboursthanavisittothepast.We

weregoingtoseeartifactsofabygonewayoflife,remnantsofcustoms(“folklore

andtraditions”)bothancientandtimeless,housednotjustinthemuseumbutinthe

entirevillageandinAbuFurukhimself.Thetimeperiodwewouldbevisitingis

unclear:itisbothvaguelypre‐state(beforethevillagewasconnectedtoMekorot,

thenationalwatersupply),andatthesametimeancient(kadim).Similarly,the

inhabitantsofthevillage–pastandpresent–remainunclear,identifiedonlyas

‘Arabs.’Thespecificidentityofthosewhousedthetoolsinthemuseumtofarmthe

land,thosewhobakedbreadintheancientoven,drankwaterfromthewell,

welcomedguestsanddrankcoffeeintheguesthouse,aswellasthosewhonowlive

amongtheserelicsofthepast,remainsunclear.

Afterlessthanthreekilometres,thebusturnedrightatanintersectionwith

signspointingtoUmelKutufandCharish.Theroadwoundupwardforabout2

kilometresthroughlowhillsofdry,scrubbybushes.Onourleftwepassedthecow

barnsofKibbutzBarkai;part‐wayupthehillwepassedtheunmarkedturn‐offtoa

Magav(borderpatrol)armybase.UmelKutufissurroundedbyJewishkibbutzim

237

andmoshavim,mostofwhich(Barkai,Charish,Ma’anit)werefoundedafter1948,

someofthem(Barkai)onthegroundsofPalestinianvillagesemptiedinthe1948

war.ItsPalestinianneighbourtothesouth‐west(Kaf’in)iscutoffnowbythegreen

line.OncepartofaruralPalestinianlandscapethatextendedintowhatisnowthe

WestBank(seeChapterTwo),UmelKutufitselfappearsinthisrelativelynew

configurationasabitofarelic.

Asweclimbedoffthebusatthecrestofthehill,Yoav(whomwemetin

ChapterThree)askedloudly:“Whatisthis,havewearrivedatthesameplacewe

wenttoonthelasttrip?”ThelasttripwewereonwastoUmelFachem,abustling

cityofsome40,000inhabitants,afarcryfromthebucoliclandscapebeforeus,but

Yoavisnotaloneinhisconfusion.Againandagaininmyinterviewswithmy

classmatestheywereunabletodistinguishbetweenthedifferentfieldtrips,mixing

upUmelFachemwithSakhnin,collapsingafewoftheitinerariesintoonetrip,

unabletolocatethedifferentsitesonthemap.Thismayindicateafailureonthe

partofourteachersandguidesbutmorethanthatIthinkitindicatesastubborn

inabilitytodifferentiatebetweenArabspaces:cityorvillage,northorsouth,whatis

mostrelevantandwhatcomestodefinethesespacesuniformlyistheirArab

identity.27

Thedaywasovercast,veryhumid,hazy,andhot,withthefeelingof

impendingrainintheair;wewerestillwaitingfortheseason’sfirstbigrain.The

village,spreadoutbeforeus,waspicturesque,withneathousesarrayedacrosstwo

27TheimplicationsofthisconflationofArabspaces,asdiscussedinChapterFour,istheextensionofthreat,danger,andthepossibilityofviolencetoallofthem.

238

hilltopsandamosqueintheshallowvalleybetweenthem,part‐waydowntheslope.

WegatheredaroundAbuFurukintheshadeofthemuseumcourtyard,ashebegan

histalk,notsurprisingly,withanexplanationoftheoriginsofthevillage’sname.

Kutuf,heexplained,meansabunchofgrapes(eshkolanavim).Intheseventh

century,beforeIslam,theinhabitantsofthevillagewereChristian.Theyplanted

manyvineyardsandtherewerelotsofwinepresseshere.Ummeansbothmother

andbounty(shefa).So,UmelFachemisnamedthatbecausetherewasabountyof

coalthere;UmelKutufgetsitsnamefromthebountyofgrapes.AbuFuruk

explainedthatthemainfamilyinthevillageistheKabhafamily–thesamefamily

thatlivesinanumberofnearbyvillagesinIsraelandtheWestBank.Thereare

approximately700peopleinthevillageandtheirancestorscamefromYemenand

SaudiArabia.Mostofthemworkoutsidethevillage–inChadera,TelAviv,and

Haifa–butsomeofthemworkinthevillage,asshepherdsandagriculturalworkers,

tendingtheolivetrees.Heexplainedthattherearenolongervineyardsinthe

villagebecausewhentheMuslimscametheyuprootedthegrapes(becausewineis

forbiddenintheQur’an)andplantedolivesinstead.In1949,heexplainedthe

muthalath(triangle)region,fromKafrKasemtoSalemandZalafe,washandedover

toIsrael,withoutwar,bytheJordanianking,accordingtotheRhodesagreement.

Michaltranslatedthisintomorefamiliargeography,usingJewishlandmarksrather

thanArabones:fromPetachTikvahtoMegiddo.Everyoneinthisregion,headded,

isSunniMuslim.

Butthisbriefdescriptionofthecontemporarylivelihoodofthevillagersand

therecenthistorythatshapedtheirplaceinthenationwereimmediatelysubsumed

239

bythemoredistantpast,asAbuFurukinvitedustoenterthemuseum.Iwasleft

wondering:whatdoeshemeanby“withoutwar”?AbuFurukexplainedthatthe

museumcommemoratesthelivesoffarmers,shepherds,andcraftsmen,theirwayof

lifeandthetoolsoftheirtrade.Itcontainsitemshegatheredhimselfoverthepast

25years.Weleftourbagsoutsideandenteredthedim,dusty,andcluttered

interior.Onebyone,AbuFurukheldupandexplainedaseriesofobjects,arrayed

alongthewallsandontablesinthecentreoftheroom:traditionalPalestinian

garmentswithelaborateembroidery;theyokethatcattlewear;thetoolthat

donkeyspulloverapileofwheattoseparategrainfromchaff;saddlebagsfora

horseandforadonkey;asewingmachine;carpenters’andshoemakers’tools;a

primusstove;shoesmadeoutofcartires.“Irememberthese,”hesaid.Poorpeople

andfarmersusedtowearthembecauseitwascheap.Thiswasbeforethe

establishmentofthestate(lifneikomhamedina).

Thisdisplayofimplementsisfamiliartome,fromaverydifferentcontext:I

haveseensimilaragriculturalimplementsondisplayatthe“earlysettlement”

museumsatkibbutzimIvisited.Theprimusstoveinparticularisafamiliariconof

earlyZionistmythology(seeKatriel1997).TamarKatriel,inherethnographyof

kibbutzsettlementmuseumsinIsrael,writesthattheubiquitousTraditional

AgricultureCornerwheresuchtoolsandimplementsaredisplayed“collapsesthe

pre‐Zionistpast–alternatelyinhabitedbytimelessArabsandtextualizedJews–

intoamomentofstasisfilledwithauthentic,picturesqueandnowobsoletetools

andimplementsindexingatime‐before‐time”(Katriel1997:126).TheiconicArab

ofthisdisplay,Katrielwrites,isvaluedforhisantiquityandhisroleascustodianof

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theland,atthesametimeashe(itisalwayshe)ispresented,alongwithhistools,as

abackwardrelicbesidethemoremodernandenlightenedtechnologyintroducedby

theZionistpioneers.

RebeccaStein(1998)analyzesavisittoasimilarmuseumofPalestinian

heritageinSakhnin(whichIalsovisitedonanothertiyul).Shefoundthatby

recontextualizingthesefamiliarculturalartifactsinanexplicitlyPalestinianhistory

andgeography,fromanexplicitlyPalestinianpointofview,thecuratorwasableto

refusethe“ahistoricalhomogenizationofArabculturesandthereductive

translationofPalestinianas...Arab,”andthustochallengethenationaltermsof

authenticityandeventheauthenticityofthenationstate(110).Whiletheartifacts

inthemuseuminUmelKutufarealmostidenticaltotheonesintheSakhnin

museum,AbuFurukpresentsthemasacatalogueofobjectsfromavague,

unspecifiedpast,lackinganyspecificallyPalestiniancontextualization.Assuch,his

displayshowsnoneofthischallengeorrefusal.Instead,theimagesandtropeshe

reliesonfitratherpreciselywiththerolefortheArabprescribedbythedominant

Zionistnarrative,asdescribedbyKatriel.28ThecontrastbetweenStein’s

interpretationandmyownemphasizesthatthepoliticalvalencesofsimilarcultural

texts,thewaystheyarepresentedandreceived,canbeverydifferentatdifferent

historicalmoments.(Ielaborateonthispointbelow.)

Asweleftthemuseumandsetouttowalkfromonehilltoptothenext,the

suncameoutthroughthehaze.ConfusedbyAbuFuruk’sexplanationofthefateof

28SeealsoBenvenisti2000,Shohat2006.Ontheroleofmuseumsandthe“museumizingimagination”innation‐buildingprojectsseeAnderson(2006[1983]:178‐185).

241

thisregion–handedovertoIsrael“withoutwar,”IhurriedtocatchupwithIsaac,

whoseexceptionalknowledgeofhistoryIhadnoticedandcountedonbefore.Isaac

generallykepttohimself,butmanagedtomaintaintherespectofhispeers;hehada

reputationforbeingsomeonewhoknowseverythingwithoutbeingaknow‐it‐all.

Heexplainedtomewhathappenedin1949(WadiArawashandedovertoIsraelas

partofthearmisticeagreementssignedinRhodes–seeChapterTwo).Asothers

joinedintotheensuingdiscussion,aswewalkedbetweenhilltops,weattemptedto

locatethislandscapeinourownunderstandingofcontemporaryhistoryand

geography,tomatchthevaguetimelineandcontoursAbuFurukhadsketchedwith

theoneswewerefamiliarwith,andtolocateUmelKutufinthem.Isaacreminded

usofthestrategicimportanceofWadiAra,asaroutetothenorthofthecountry,

andpointedoutthatthisiswhy(inhisopinion)itwillneverbehandedovertothe

WestBankaspartofa“transfer”deal:29“Thinktoyourselfthattheborderrunsfor

youONWadiAra,youwouldn’tbeabletousethisroute,ifthiswastheborder...

Theywantedthisland,they’renotgoingtoreturnit.”

Aswenearedtheotherhalfofthevillage,climbingupthesecondslope,

Netaneljoinedusaswewalked,andpointedtothesurroundinghilltops.“Ifthiswas

asettlement,”hesaid,“you’dhaveJewishhouseshereandhereandhere.That’s

29IsaacisreferringheretotheplanproposedbyAvigdorLieberman,memberofKnesset(andnowforeignminister),to“transfer”theterritoryofWadiAra,alongwithitsPalestinianinhabitants,tothePalestinianAuthorityaspartofafuturepeacedeal.Whiletheplanwasinitiallyperceivedasextreme,RouhanaandSultany(2003)pointoutthattheJaffeeCentersurveyofFebruary2002showedanincreaseinsupportamongIsraeliJewsforstatementscallingfortheexpulsionofArabcitizens:one‐thirdoftheJewishpopulationsupportedtheirtransfer,whiletwo‐thirdssupportedencouragingthemtoemigratefromIsrael(12).

242

howyouruleoverterritory.”(kachamishtaltimalshetach.)Netanelisred‐headed

andfreckled,ajoker,well‐likedbytherestoftheclass.Theoldestofsixboys,he

wasraisedinanationalreligiousfamily(kipasruga)inasettlementjustoverthe

greenlineintheJerusalemarea.He“tookhiskippaoff”(i.e.,abandonedthe

religiouswayoflife)ayearagoandexplainedtomethatnowheonlykeepsthose

mitsvot(commandments)thathavetodowithbeingagoodperson,notagoodJew.

Hisyoungerbrother,heexplainedtous,iscurrentlylivingina“hilltop”settlement

intheheartofHebron,oneofthemostdangerousandmostcontroversialofall

settlementareasintheWestBank.Thebarehilltopsaroundusremindedhimofthe

landscapearoundhisbrother’shome,hesaid,andoftheirstrategicimportance.

Isaacagreed:onceyougrabthehilltopsit’simpossibletoremoveyou.

Attheendofourclimb,weonceagaingatheredaroundAbuFuruk.He

showedustheancienttabun–anoutdoorcommunalovenbuiltofstones,“thelast

traditionalonethatremains.”Everydaythewomenwouldbakebreadoutside,he

explained,asheshowedushowitworks.Wewalkedbythesheeppenandthecow

barnandhetolduswhatthey’recalledinArabic.Heshowedusthewell,duginsoft

stone,sevenfeetdeep.Ittookthemsixmonthstodig,hesaid.Michalexplainedthat

it’sactuallynotawellbutareservoirforrainwaterasAbuFurukdippedabucketin

andwealltooksipsfromthecold,clearwater.

FinallyAbuFurukshowedusintothemadafe,thetraditionalguesthouse,

wherewesatinacircleoncushionsonthefloor,gratefulfortheshade.30Madafe,he

explained,comesfromthewordforguest:deif.Ithadbeenalonghotmorning,and

30SeeBenvenisti2000:97ffonthemadafe.

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peopleweregettingrestless,soMichaltriedtomaintainorderandgetourattention:

“People,listen.It’sveryinterestingtohearaboutthisplace,it’sreallyaninstitution.

Themadafeisaninstitutioninthevillage–intheoldvillage,todayitdoesn’texist.

It’sreallyaremainderoflonglongago.”(zebeemetshe’aritshelpaampaam.)

Theguesthouseservedanumberoffunctions,AbuFurukexplained,while

thewhisperingandgigglingcontinued:itwasasortofcourthouse,wherethe

sheikhwouldsettledisputes;itwaswheretravelingbureaucratsoftheOttoman

empirewouldgatherthevillagerstodotheirbusiness(payingtaxes,registeringa

new‐bornchild);ithousedtravelersandguests.(“Therewerenorestaurantsand

hotels,andguestscouldnotsleepinafamily’shomebecausethewholehousewas

oneroom:mother,father,children,horses,allinoneroom.Sotheguestwouldsleep

inthemadafe.”)

Butthemainfunctionofthemadafewasakindofcoffeehouse.“Every

morningthesheikhwouldtakethemortarandpestleandpoundthecoffeebeans

withthismortarandpestle”–hedemonstrated,thebrassringingoutwitha

rhythmicbeatandhiscadenceslowingdowntomatchthebeat–“wouldpoundthe

coffee”–hepoundedsomemore–“andallwhoheardthesoundofthispounding

wereinvitedtocomedrinkbittercoffee[coffeewithoutsugar].”Thiswasclearly

thehighlightofhisperformance,andtherhythmicclangingmatchedbyhisdramatic

intonationfinally–ifbriefly–caughttheattentionofthegroup.AbuFuruk

continued:“AndnowIwillexplaintoyouaboutthecustomsofcoffeedrinking

amongtheArabs.”Asheproceededwithanelaborateexplanationofthevarious

ceremonialcupsofcoffeewithwhichArabhostssupposedlyentertaintheirguests

244

(thefirstforthehost,thesecondfortheguest,thethirdforwar,andthefourthfor

fun),helosthisaudienceonceagain.Wehadalreadyheardthisexplanation

countlesstimesandwithvaryingdetails,fromothertour‐guides,fromeachofour

teachers,andfromourtext‐books.Foragroupofpeoplemostofwhomhadrarely–

ifever–sharedaconversationovercoffeewithaPalestinianmanorwoman,we

knewalotaboutthe“customsofcoffeedrinkingamongtheArabs”!

Michaljoinedintosetthesceneandexplaintheimportanceofsuchcustoms

ofhospitality:“Backthen,itwasn’tliketoday.Peopleweren’tmobileliketheyare

now,therewasn’tasmuchmovement,drivinghereandtheretovisitfriends.You

wouldsitinyourhouse,inyourvillage–”YoavinterruptedMichaltoaskan

importantquestion:Whattimeperiodarewetalkingabout?WhileitwasYoavwho

earlieraskedifwehadarrivedatthesameplaceasourlasttiyul,theanswertohis

question,fromMichalandAbuFuruk,showsthatthistimehisconfusionwas

justified:

Michal:Fiftyyearsago!Right?[Beforefifty‐

AbuFuruk:More,morethanfifty.]More.

Michal:Morethanfifty[years.

AbuFuruk:More]thanfiftyyears.

Michal:Maybe100years,[sorry.

AbuFuruk:Around]100years,ya’ani,duringthetimeofthe

Ottomans.[switchestoHebrew.]TheOttomansruled–howmany

yearsdidtheyrulehereinIsrael?400years.Approximately1517til

1918.[backtoArabic.]Andthislongperiodthatwe’retalkingabout,

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withtheOttomanshere,people’slivesweresimplelives(chayat

basita).

Michal:Whatdoesthatmean‘simplelives’?[TranslatesintoHebrew.]

MichalandAbuFurukjointlypresentapictureofanantiquatedyettimelesswayof

life,itstimelessnessclearlyemphasizedbythefactthateachisdescribingadifferent

erainidenticalterms.Theessentialhereisthesimplicityoftheselives,their

rootednessinnatureandintheirsurroundings,theauthenticityandquaintnessof

theircustoms.Thisisajointperformanceof‘theArab’asasubjectwithouthistory,

withoutterritory,withoutnationalidentity(neverPalestinian),insteadpossessedof

authentic,exotic,native,andlocalcustomsandtraditions.Aboveall,thisisanArab

withoutpolitics–theonlypoliticsinvolvedinthedaycamefromourown

conversation,outsidetheframeworkoftheguidedtour.Wewerelefttopuzzleout

onourowntheplaceofthisvillageanditscurrentinhabitants,themselves

apparently“remaindersoflong,longago,”inthecontemporarylandscapeofIsrael.

Thisperformanceis,ofcourse,afamiliaroneintheIsraelicontext

(seeStein1998,Almog1997,Katriel1997,Lavie1988)31butthisparticular

iterationmustbeunderstoodinthecontextofthemomentinwhichitarises

–amomentinwhichfearandenmityhavereplaced“desire”forthingsArab,

andinwhichgreaterdistancesthaneverbeforehavereplacedthe“new

proximities”Steindescribes.Itreturnsnowbecauseintheinterveningyears

otherimages,scarierones,havetakenitsplace.Ifthisencounterisintended

tobringusinto“contact”withPalestinianIsraelis,sothattheycandispel 31SeeShohat2006:220ffforsimilaritiesbetweenZionistrepresentationsoftheArabandrepresentationsof‘natives’intheUSandothersettlersocieties.

246

fearsandprejudices(asMichalasserted),thenwecanunderstandtheArab

presentedbyAbuFurukandMichalasareassuringreplacementtothe

rioting,stone‐throwing,Palestinianflag‐wavingspectrethat,sinceOctober

2000,hauntstheJewishIsraeliimagination.Wecanunderstandtheirjoint

performanceaspartoftheeffortofcreatingthekindofminorityneededfor

JewishIsraelistomaintaintheirnationalself‐image,keepingitintactinthe

faceofchallengeandupheaval(seeChapterOne).

7.Imperialencounters

InImperialEyes:TravelWritingandTransculturationMaryLouisePratt

makesasimilarlinkbetweenthecreationofa“speechless,denuded,biologized

body,”inrepresentationsofthenativesofsouthernAfricainlate18thcentury

Europeantravelwriting,andtheneedfora“deracinated,dispossessed,disposable

workforce”inEuropeatthetimesuchaccountswerebeingcirculatedforEuropean

consumption(52).HerstudyexploreshowtravelbookswrittenbyEuropeans

aboutnon‐Europeanpartsoftheworld“createdanimperialorderforEuropeans‘at

home’andgavethemtheirplaceinit”(3).Shearguesthatempire“becomes

dependentonitsotherstoknowitself”(4)and,morebroadly,that“subjectsget

constitutedinandbytheirrelationswitheachother”(8).

Thisisanargumentthathitsparticularlyclosetohomeforanthropologists,

concernedaswearewithourroleinrepresentingothersinthecontextof(post‐)

colonialorders.JohannesFabian(1991:209)remindsanthropologiststhat“our

waysofmakingtheOtherarewaysofmakingOurselves.Theneedtogothere(to

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exoticplaces,betheyfarawayoraroundthecorner)isreallyourdesiretobehere

(tofindordefendourpositionintheworld).”Pratt’sandFabian’sinsightsbuildon

acommonconsensusemergingfromstudiesoftravel,movement,and

representationincolonialandpost‐colonialcontexts,EdwardSaid’s(1979)central

amongthem:thatthroughencounterswebringtheotherintobeing,andindoingso

wedefineourselves.

Inthecaseofourtiyulim,thenativesarenolongercolonizedbutrather

minoritized,theneedshavechangedalongwiththecontext,andthescaleoftravel

(ourdestinationsarenomorethanhalfanhourawaybybus)complicatestheidea

ofhomeandaway,butthefundamentaldynamicremainsthesame.Myargumentis

thatthroughtheventureintoPalestinianspacesJewishIsraeliscreateanational

order,onethatisprofoundlyshapedbyimperiallegacies,andaffirmtheirownplace

init.Likethecolonialists,orientalists,andanthropologists,itisthemselvesthat

theyseek,moreclearlydelineatedandmorecomfortablyensconcedintheirown

borders,reflectedbackatthemintheencounter.OurtriptoBarta’aandthegreen

lineprovidesinsightintothisdynamic.

8.“Animalsincages”:Barta’a,October13,2004

ShortlyafterIjoinedtheintensiveclass,inthefallof2004,ourteacherFouad

tookusonatiyulinWadiArathatwasdesignedtoshowustheborderbetween

IsraelandtheWestBank,thegreenline,initsvariouspermutations.Ontheclass

schedulepostedonthebulletinboardoutsideourclassroom,Wednesdayafternoon

wasblockedoffand“Tiyul:GreenLine”waswrittenin.Thefirststoponourtripwas

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thevillageofBarta’a,fourteenkilometresdowntheroadfromGivatHaviva,onthe

southernslopesofWadiAra.Barta’aisbothanidealandabizarreplaceforthinking

aboutbordersbecausethegreenlinerunsrightthroughthecentreofthevillage.

Afterthe1948war,thevillagewassplitintwo,withamilitarizedinternational

borderrunningrightthroughitscentre:thewesternhalfofthevillagewasthusin

IsraelwhiletheeasternhalfwasintheWestBank,thenunderJordanianrule.David

Grossman(1992)describeshowfamiliesweresplitintwo,unabletocrossthe

bordertoseeeachother,asthetwohalvesofthevillagebecameBarta’aEastand

Barta’aWest,twoseparatevillagesinseparatecountries,withverydifferent

trajectories(seeChapterTwo).In1967,whenIsraelinvadedtheWestBank,the

natureoftheborderchanged,becomingmorepermeableasEastBarta’aalsocame

underIsraelirule,buttheresidentsoftheeasternsideofthevillageneverreceived

Israelicitizenshipandtheirlivescontinuetobeverydifferent.

Constructionofthewallintheregionin2003‐4onceagainreconfiguredthe

contoursofthevillage.Insteadofrunningalongthegreenline,throughthecentre

ofthevillage,thewallwasbuilttotheeastofBarta’aEast,encroachingonlandfrom

theWestBankandenclosingbothsidesofthevillagewithinIsrael.Theresidentsof

Barta’aEast,however,havestillnotbeengrantedIsraelicitizenship.Thusthey,

alongwithanumberofothervillagesalongthelengthofthewall,aretrappedonthe

wrongsideoftheborder,lackingtheproperstatusandpaperstoenterIsraelbut

cutoffbythewallfromtheWestBank.Formanyinourclass,however,thistrip

alongtheborderwaslessaboutthepredicamentofthosetrappedbythewall’s

constructionthanitwasabouttheimplicationsfortheirownsafety.Ourforayinto

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Barta’a,farfromanattempttocrossboundaries,seemedalmostanexercisein

patrollingtheborder,asearchforreassuranceofitsimpermeability.Ourencounter

withthebordermerelyreflectedbackatusourownconcernsandanxieties.

AsthebusturnedrightoffWadiAraroad,headingsouthtowardBarta’a,

Fouadpointedoutthewindowattheconcreteblocks,spray‐paintedinneon

colours,atthesideoftheroad(seefigure6.5).“There,yousee?”heannouncedover

theloudspeaker,continuinghisrunningcommentaryinArabiconeverythingthat

passedbyourwindows.“We’repassingthroughthemachsom(checkpoint).But

there’snomachsomtheretoday,ilhamdulila(praiseGod).It’speace.Duringthefirst

intifadatheMagav(borderpatrol)wouldbehereallthetime,anyonewhopassed

hadtoshowI.D.Nowthesituationisquiet.”Fouadherepresentstheconcrete

blocksintheroadasrelicsofharderdays,nolongerneededinthepeaceandquiet

oftoday.Butthisversionofthesituationwasnotmaintainedforlong,asthe

absenceofamachsomlaterreturned,compoundingratherthanalleviatinganxieties

abouttheborder.

“NowweareinBarta’a,”hesaid,asthebuswoundthroughthedense,

crowdedstreets.Hepointedoutthesignsbywhichwecouldtellthatwewerein

Barta’aWest,stillinIsraeliterritory:yellowlicenseplates,acrowdofstudentsin

uniformscomingoutofanIsraelischool,roadsignsandadvertisementsinHebrew

alongsideArabic.Hepointedaheadofus,outthefrontwindowofthebus,afew

hundredmetresdownhill:“Lookahead,toyourleft,wherethatbigtruckisstanding.

That’sthewadi(valley)thatformstheborderbetweenBarta’aEastandWest.

250

There’snometal,nofence.Thiswadiisthewholeborder.Whenyoupassoverthe

wadiyou’reinBarta’aEast”–thatis,intheWestBank.

Fouadtoldthebusdrivertopullaheadalittle,andwestoppedattheedgeof

asquarerightinthecentreofthevillage,andinthelowpointoftheshallowvalley

thatformstheborder.“Here,thissquare,thisistherealdividingspot.Here,you

seewherethosepeoplearestanding?”Hepointedtothefarsideoftheroad,where

vendorsstood,sellingcucumbersandtomatoes,piratedDVDs,cellphonesand

lighters,frommakeshiftstallsorthetrunksoftheircars.“Thesellerssellingtheir

goodsthere.They’refromBarta’aEast.”Fouadpointedoutthelicenseplates,which

hadchangedcolour,andthesigns,nowonlyinArabic.Heencouragedustotryto

decipherthesigns,andpointedtoonethatadvertisedsalesinhonourofRamadan.

Myclassmates,whohadpreviouslybeenchattingamongstthemselvesandnot

payingmuchattentiontoFouad,fellsilent.Fromthebackofthebussomeoneasked

“Fouad,ifIgetoffthebushereI’minPalestinianterritory?”Someoneelsecalledout

“What,andthere’snoborderoranything?”Fouadexplainedthatwhilethegreen

linerunsalongthiswadi,the‘separationfence’runsbehindBarta’aEast.Someone

askedFouadifweweregoingtogetoffthebusandhesaidno,“Idon’twanttotake

anyrisk.”

Rina:Waitaminute,waitaminute,wecan’tgetout?

Nurit:Wecan’tgotoseeit?

Fouad:Justfromhere.

Rina:Justfromhere?

Fouad:Nono,there’snoneed.

251

Hechangedthetopicquickly,tellingastoryaboutadoctorwhofound,in1949,that

thenewbordercutrightthroughhisclinic.Whatdidhedo?Hebuilttwodoors:one

ontheeastsideandoneonthewest,oneforthePalestiniansideandoneforthe

Israeliside.

Thebusturnedbackwest,climbingoutofthevalley,andwithinafew

minutesweleftthetownofBarta’abehind–neverhavinggottenoffthebusor

spokentoasingleresident.(Moreonthisbelow.)Wepulledoverbythesideofthe

roadatalookoutspotandgatheredaroundFouad.Again,asonthehilloutside

Nazareth,Fouadinterpretedthelandscapeforus:“Everythingweseeonthe

horizon?That’stheWestBank.We’relookingsouth‐eastnow,look.Here,ifyoulook

onyourright[belowus],thatvillage,thatisBarta’aWest,theIsraeliBarta’a,where

wewere.Whatweseethere,whereyouseethatgreenmosque,that’swherewe

were,that’sBarta’aEast,that’sthedividingline.”(Seefigures6.6‐6.8.)Yoavasked,

“Sothere’snofencebetweenBarta’aEastandWest?”“No,butinthedistance–see

whatlookslikeadirtroadthere?”Afewminutesofpointingandorientingfollowed.

“That’stheseparationfence.ItrunsbehindBarta’aEast.”Yoavwasthefirstoneto

commentontheimpactofthisbizarresituationonthevillage’sresidents:“Waita

minute,iftheycan’tgetintoIsraelandtheycan’tpassthefencethenwhat,they’re

stuckinthemiddle?”

Hila(whomwemetinChapterFour)askedhowtheresidentsofEastBarta’a

areabletoaccessmedicalcare,whethertheygotothehospitalinJeninorinIsrael,

butherquestionwasbarelyheardamidachorusofverydifferentquestions:“But

there’snomachsom.What’sstoppingthemfromgoingrightintoIsrael?”“Sothey

252

canjustcomeintoIsrael?”“Idon’tunderstand‐there’snoborderhere,there’sno

machsom,what’sstoppinghim[someonefromEastBarta’a]fromdoingwhatIdid

today?Whycan’thejustdo,justlikeIdid,justasIwentin,goout?”Theviewof

Barta’aEast,asectionoftheWestBank,includedontheIsraelisideofthewall

provokedaprofoundanxietyamongmanyintheclass:iftheresidentsofBarta’a

East,WestBankPalestinians,arenotseparatedfromusbyawallthenwhatisto

preventthemfrominfiltratingbeyondBarta’aWestandintoIsraelitself?

Fouad’sanswerdidnotturnourattentionbacktothepredicamentofthose

trappedbytherapaciousIsraeliborder,nordidhequestiontheunderlying

assumptionthattheresidentsofEastBarta’aareathreatthatneedstobecontained

andpreventedfrompenetratingintoIsraeliterritory;ratherthanquestioningthese

fears,heattemptedtoalleviatethem.Heexplainedthatwhilethereisnomachsom

attheturnofffromBarta’aontoWadiAraroad,asthereoncewas,thesituationnow

isevenmoredifficultforthosetryingtoenter.Therearesudden,surprise

machsomimalongtheroads,andanyonewithaPalestinianfromtheWestBankin

hiscarisliabletobestoppedbythepoliceatanypoint.“Todayit’ssafertotake

drugsinyourcarthanitistotakesomeonefromtheWestBank.Why?Theyscrew

you!Jail!Fines!Everybodyknowsthis.That’swhynobodywoulddothis.Theonly

placeyoucanpassthroughnow[fromtheWestBankintoIsrael]isJerusalem.”(At

thistimethewallintheareaofJerusalemhadnotyetbeencompleted.)Fouad

explainedthatifsomeonewantedtogetfromtheneighbouringvillageofYa’abad

(hepointedtoYa’abad,overthereinthehills,toshowushowcloseitis)intoIsrael

–“forwork,notbecausetheywanttoblowthemselvesup”–theywouldhaveto

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travelallthewaydowntoJerusalem,passoverthehillsthere,andthentravelback

up.“Becausenoonefromherewouldtaketheriskandtakehimacrossinhiscar.”

Therefollowedaseriesofquestionsaboutmobilityandconstraintson

movement,whichFouadpatientlyanswered:Whathappenstosomeonecaughtwith

someonefromtheWestBankinhiscar?AreIsraeliArabsallowedintotheWest

Bank?HowdotheypassbackintoIsrael?Dotheyhaveaseparateline‐upfrom

thosewithoutblue(i.e.,Israeli)identitycards?Howlongistheline‐up?Once

someonefromtheWestBankpassesin,howdotheygetback?Fouadhaddefined

thehypotheticalpersonfromEastBarta’athatweweretalkingaboutassomeone

whoistryingtoworkinIsraelandthequestionsostensiblyremainedonthistrack,

butitisnotdifficulttodiscernthatotherperson,thebomber,behindthese

questions.

Westoodonthishilltop,lookingbackatthegreenlineasitpassedthrougha

spotwehadjustcomefrom,yetwecouldbarelymakeoutitscontours;its

invisibilitywascompoundedbythewallrunningclearlyvisiblebehindit.Aswe

viewedtheborderinavarietyofformsandfromavarietyofanglesand

perspectives,asweaskeddetailedquestionsaboutthewaysitregulateslivesand

restrictsmovement,ourtripseemedtomelessanattempttoconfrontitsrolein

segregatingandincarceratingthoseontheothersidethananexerciseinalleviating

ourownanxietiesaboutitspermeability.Theextentoftheanxietythatdrivesthese

questionsabouttheborderrevealsbotharelianceontheborder’simpermeability

andanobsessivefearofthepossibilityofleakage,penetration,orinfiltration.In

turn,thisobsessionwithcontaminationandcontainment(paceMaryDouglas1991)

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revealsacompulsiontoassertanintactnationalwholeinthefaceofchallengeand

threat.32

*

Laterintheday,attheBaburrestaurant,wesatatplastictablesonthepatio,

eatingtheusualhumus,pita,andsaladsfordinner,thesunstillstronginthewest.

Attheendofalongafternoontiyulweweretired,eventhoughitwasmoreofabus

ridethanahike:wesatonthebusinthecentreofthevillageofBarta’aasFouad

pointedoutthewindow;wegotoffthebusbrieflyattwolookoutpoints,one

overlookingBarta’aandthegreenlineandthenoneoverlookingUmelFachemand

thegreenline(seeChapterThree);last,weweretreatedtoatourofalocallyowned

andoperatedolivepress.Rina,Nurit,Hila,andIinvitedFouadtositatourtable,

andRina,notonetoholdback,immediatelyventedthedissatisfactionthathadbeen

simmeringamongstthefourofusallday.

Rinaisinher70s,atall,gauntwomanwithboundlessenergy,nicotine‐

stainedfingers,unstintinggenerosity,afierceintelligence,andbitingacerbicwit.

ShehaslivedandworkedinIsrael,London,andMexicoCityasadancer,editor,and

film‐maker.BorninJerusalemtoGermanimmigrants,sheleftthecountryinthe70s

becauseshefelthercontinuedpresenceamountedtotacitconsenttothe

occupation.She,alongwithRuth,isactiveinMachsomWatchandislearningArabic

32TeresaCaldeira(2000:91)writesthattheoutcomeofa“theoryofcontagion”–thebeliefthat‘evil’canspread,infiltrate,infest,contaminate–isthat“peopleintensifytheirprivatemeasuresofenclosureandcontrol,ofseparatingandbuildingbarriers,bothsymbolic(likeprejudiceandthestigmatizationofsomegroups)andmaterial(walls,fences,andelectronicsecuritydevices).”

255

forherworkatthemachsomim,aswellasforafuturefilmproject.Rina’s

indignationaddedastridentedgetohercharacteristicallydramatictone:

“I’msorry,butthisthelasttimeItakeatriplikethis!Ifeltlikewewere

lookingatanimalsincages!Onlythebarsweremissing!Whatisthis?Whyweren’t

weallowedoffthebus?Nexttimewegoonatripit’stotheshuk(theArabmarket)

ornothing!”

Fouadprotested:“Itookyoutothemostamiyeplacethereis–theolive

press!”Amiye(inHebrewamami)couldbevariouslytranslatedasfolksy,authentic,

local,salt‐of‐the‐earth.ItisalsothewordusedtodistinguishcolloquialArabicfrom

literary(fuscha).FouadappearstohavemisunderstoodRina’scomplaint,andis

defendingthetiyulheplannedandledagainstachargeofinauthenticity,offeringup

theolivepressasanalternativetotheshuk,theiconiclocusoftrue,local,authentic,

colloquialArabculture.

Butitisnottheauthenticityoftheshukbutitsopportunityforinteraction

thatRinawasmissing:33“Nonono.Iwanttogosomewherewecaninteract,talkto

people.Whyweren’tweallowedoffthebus?”Fouadpaused,nodded,andsaid

quietly:“Thereisathingcalledrisk.”(Yeshdavarshekor’imlosikun.)Thewordhe

usedissikunwhichcouldbetranslatedasrisk,danger,orthreat.WhileNurit,Hila

andI,uptothispoint,hadbeensittingbackandallowingthemoreoutspokenRina

tovoiceourcomplaint,thisstatementrousedallofustoloudprotestingcriesof

“Whatrisk?Whatdanger?”“Whatareweafraidof?”Fouad’stonewasboth 33SeeChapterThreeforasimilarambiguityregardingtheroleofthe“Arabstreet”–theshukmaybeasubstituteforthis.SeeStein(2008)ontheshiftinlocusofauthenticityforPalestinianhostsofIsraelitouristsfrom‘culturalperformances’to‘theeveryday.’

256

conciliatoryandconspiratorial:“Yes,Iknow.Thisistheparadox.Ithinkyou’re

safehere,Iknowyou’resafehere,butatthesametime,ifthere’sthetiniestchance

–”Hedidn’tfinishthesentence.Earlier,onthebus,whenRinahaddemandedto

knowwhywecouldn’tgetoff,heputitthisway:“Justliketheownerofamercedes

thatdoesn’twanttogetascratchonitkeepsitofftheroad,wedon’tevenwantto

takeonepercentofrisksowestayonthebus.”Itisunclearwhethertheprecious

cargoforwhichFouadbearstheweightofresponsibilityisthebusloadofIsraeli

Jewishstudents,thefragileunderstandingheistryingtocultivateinthem,orhis

ownprecariouspositionasculturalmediator.Ontheonehand,ontherare

occasionsonthesetripswhenweranintosomeoneFouadknew,hisdiscomfortwas

palpable;hewas,afterall,aPalestinianmanleadingagroupofIsraeliJews,manyof

whomwouldsoongointoArmyIntelligence,throughPalestiniantownsandvillages.

Ontheotherhand,weresomethingtohappentoanyofusononeofthesetrips,

morethanjusthisjobwouldcertainlybeinjeopardy.

Fouadfollowedupwithastorytoexplainwhyhewouldnotletusoffthebus.

Twoyearsearlier,attheheightoftheintifada,theclasswasonatiyulinJat,the

townadjacenttoBaka.Theywerewalkingthroughthemarketandsomekidthrew

acucumberandithitoneofthestudents.(Hilapretendedtobeshockedand

appalled:“Ooooh!Intifada!”)Thestudentscomplainedthatpeoplewerethrowing

stonesatthem,continuedFouad,andeversincethen“Idon’twanttotakeany

chancesatall.EventhoughIknowyou’resafe.EveninUmelFachem–especially

(dafka)inUmelFachemtheinfamous–nothingbadcouldpossiblyhappentoyou.”

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Monthslater,onanothertiyul(thisonetoSakhnin),Iheardadifferentstory

fromMichal.Shetoldusthatintheearlyyearsofthesecondintifadatheywentona

tiyultoUmelFachem.Shehadbeenworried,andspentweeksdeliberating,going

backandforthonwhetherornottogo,butintheenddecidedtogo.Theyarrivedat

thehighschooltothesoundofchantingfromthewindows:“Wedon’twantJews!”A

fewstoneswerethrown.Butinallthis,shesaid,theywentin,theytalkedtosome

students,therewas“arealencounter.”Still,sincethentheystoppedgoingtoUmel

Fachemontiyulim,choosinginsteadDruzeorBedouinvillages,placeswherethey

wouldbewelcome.34

Whateverthecase–cucumbersorstones–thetimingofourtripissuchthat

ourclassismakingthefirsttentativeforaysbackintoterritorythatforthepastfour

yearshasbeenofflimitsforGivatHaviva.Fouadisobviouslyhyper‐awareofthe

precariousnessofthisarrangement,andhisistheimpossible–paradoxical–taskof

ensuringoursafetywhilesimultaneouslyconvincingusthatwehavenothingto

fear,ofshowingustheimpactoftheborderwhilesimultaneouslyconvincingusof

itsimpermeability.

34Michalexplainedthat,inadditiontotheissueofsafety,“it’sverysensitivetogoaroundintheArabvillageswiththeboys.Tocomeinthecurrentsituation,withourcomplicatedsituation–it’scomplicated.Weusedtogoaroundfreely,noproblem,butbackthentheatmospherewascompletelydifferent.”OurtriptoSakhnin,inNovemberof2004,wasalsothefirsttripbacktothatcity.MichalexplainedthatthespokespersonofthemunicipalityusedtoshowusaroundSakhnin,andpeoplewouldtrytoembarrasshimoverus:“We’dbesittingatarestaurantwithhimandallofasuddensomejournalistwouldcomeinandstartasking‘Waitaminute,whataretheylearningArabicfor,whataretheygoingtodowiththisArabic?’Andhewouldstartshaking!Sowetriedtofindplaceswheretheywouldn’thavetolieaboutwhotheyare,wheretheycouldsay‘yes,we’regoingtoArmyIntelligence’andpeoplewouldacceptthem.”

258

Rinahadalwaysbeenuncomfortablewithourroleonthetiyulim.Ontheday

Ifirstmether,amonthbeforeourtriptoBarta’a,whenIvisitedtheintensiveclass

toseeifIwouldjointhem,sheskippedclasstositwithmeonabenchinthesun

whileshechain‐smokedfuriouslyandcomplainedtomeaboutthetiyulim.“Idon’t

knowwhethertogoornot,”shecomplained.“It’sembarrassing.Itseemstomelike

theworstkindofethnographictourism.It’slikeallthosemuseumsof‘Indian’

cultureIwasforcedtovisitwhenIlivedinMexico.”Thescarequotesaround

‘Indian’wereaudible.Sheloweredhervoiceandarchedaneyebrow:“Theycallthis

class‘TheOrientalists,’youknow.It’salittlestrange,isn’tit?”Thisironyhadnot

beenlostonmeeither.Studentsinthesix‐monthintensiveArabiccoursewere

labeled–anachronistically?euphemistically?–mizrachanim,whichmeansliterally

thosewhostudyorspecializeintheeast,butwhichwouldbetranslatedintoEnglish

as“orientalists.”35SoonafterIjoinedtheclass,Ifoundmyselfintheabsurd

position,asIpulledintothedrivewayofGivatHaviva,ofrollingdownthewindow,

wavingreassuringlytotheguardatthegatewhoquestionseveryonewhoenters,

anddeclaring“I’manorientalist!”

Butbeyondthediscomfortsoftheethnographictourist(discussedinthe

previoussection),whatRinaobjectedtosostrenuouslyonthistriptoBarta’a(and

Nurit,Hila,andIalongwithher)wasthat“onepercent”ofdangerorriskthatFouad

wasactingon,evenasheinsistedthatwewereabsolutelysafe.Thetiyulimwere

expresslydesignedtoalleviateourfears,toconvinceusthatwewouldbesafe,

comfortable,andwelcomeeveninUmelFachem“theinfamous.”Thiswascertainly

35OnthecomplicatedvalencesofthelabelmizrachanimseeEyal2006.

259

Michal’sgoal,andonethatFouadseemedtosharewithapersonalzeal.Buthis

actionsseemedtocontradictthismessage,revealingadeepanxietyaboutoursafety

andreinforcingtheassumptionthatweneededtobekeptseparateandprotected.

Why,afterall,shouldwenotgetoffthebus?Why,indeed,dideverytiyulbeginwith

meetingourguidejustoutsidethecityorvillagewewouldbevisiting,reinforcing

thefeelingthatthiswasstrange,foreign,possiblydangerousterritorythatwecould

not–shouldnot?–enterunaccompanied?36

Whilelessextremethankeepingusonthebus,thisarrangementseemedto

sendasimilarmessage.Didourguidemeetuseverytimeattheveryedgeofour

comfortzone–oftenthegasstationorbusstopattheturnofffromthemainroadto

thePalestiniantownorvillage–inordertohelpusnavigateunfamiliar(and

admittedly–tomyeyes–maze‐like)streets,ortoactasprotectorandensureour

safety?Eitherway,thisarrangementensuredthatour‘encounter’withthesespaces

isframedbyaconfirmationoftheirimpenetrability,foreignness,andpossible

danger.Fouad’sandourotherguides’actionshereseemedtoreinforcethevery

boundarieswewereattemptingtocrossbytacitlyconfirming,ratherthan

alleviating,theanxietiesandfearsthatunderliethem.Itisthistacitconfirmation

thatNurit,Hila,Rina,andIobjectedto.

Intheend,our‘encounter’withthetownofBarta’awasaslimitedasour

‘encounter’withthegreenline:justaswewerenotallowedoffthebus,wewerenot

askedtoovercomeourfundamentalinsularity,ourexistentialfears.Rinawasright:

36Thispatternwasfollowedontwooutofthefourtiyulimdescribedinthischapter;onthetwoothertiyulimourguideboardedthebuswithusatGivatHaviva(soweagaindidnotenterourdestinationunaccompanied).

260

weencounteredtheinhabitantsofBarta’aonlyas“animalsincages,”andwhile

someofuschallengedtheassumptionofdangerbehindthesedehumanizing

arrangements,otherstooktheopportunitytotestthestrengthofthebars,seeking

reassurancethattheywouldkeepussafe.Returningtotheideaofcolonial

encounters,wecanunderstandtalkoffearinthiscontextasakindof“anti‐

conquest”rhetoric,liketherhetorical“strategiesofinnocence”Prattdescribesthat

allowedEuropeanbourgeoissubjectsto“seektosecuretheirinnocenceinthesame

momentastheyassertEuropeanhegemony”(9).Evenasweareconfrontedby

evidenceofthewaytheIsraeligovernmentrestrictsfreedomofmovementnotonly

forPalestiniansintheterritoriesbutforIsraelicitizenslikeFouad,weunderstandit

intermsofthedangertheypresenttous–riskstoourownsafety.Thisallowsusto

“secureourinnocence”evenasourpresenceassertsandextendsIsraelidomination.

OurtriptoBarta’aleavesusmorefirmlyentrenchedthaneverwithinboundariesof

ourownmaking.Inthisasinalltheothertiyulim,weareultimatelyunabletomove

beyondthelimitsthatconstrainthepossibilitiesfortheseinteractions.Unable

simplytomeetonsomesortofcommonground,unabletoconfrontourown

culpability,weremainalwayswithintheboundsof‘encounter.’

261

ChapterSeven

Conclusion

InthisdissertationIhavetracedhowchangesinspatialboundaries,worked

outthroughdailymovementsandinteractions,mapontochangesintheboundaries

ofnationalbelonging.CriticalresearchhasshownthattheplaceofPalestiniansin

Israelhasbeenhistoricallyandcontinuestobeshapedbyviolentstateintervention

(e.g.,Morris1988,Lustick1980,Dalal2003),andbydiscriminatorypolicies,laws,

andallocationofresources(e.g.,Kimmerling1983,Yiftfachel1999,Rouhanaand

Sultany2003).Myresearchextendstheseliteraturesbyexploringthecrucialroleof

spatialpracticesofcitizensinmaintaining–andsometimeschallenging–this

geographyofinequality,boththroughsegregationandthroughparticularformsof

encounter.AsnarrowerlimitshavebeenimposedonthecitizenshipofPalestinians

inIsraelsinceOctober2000,Jewshaveincreasinglykepttheirdistancefrom

Palestinianspacesinthecountry.Ihaveexploredthisdynamicbydescribinghow

increasedhostility,fear,anddistrustbecomespatialized,hownarrativesofthepast

shapecontemporarygeographies,howcompetingwaysofnavigatingand

interpretingthelandscapearemediated,andhowparticularformsofencounterare

framed.Myargumentisthatthesechangingspatialandlinguisticpracticeshave

playedacrucialroleinreconfiguringtheplaceofPalestiniansinIsrael.

TheprocessesIdescribeheredidnotbeginwhenIarrivedinthefield,nor

didtheyendwhenIleft.TheimplicaterelationsbetweenJewsandPalestiniansin

Israelcontinuetoshift,asdotheboundariesofPalestiniancitizenship.InDecember

of2006theHigherArabMonitoringCommitteereleasedadocumentcalled“The

262

FutureVisionofthePalestinianArabsinIsrael,”inwhichtheydemanded,among

otherthings,cultural,religious,andeducationalautonomyandamoreegalitarian

divisionofpublicspace(Benvenisti2006).InFebruary2007Adalah,theLegal

CentreforMinorityRightsinIsrael,releasedaproposalfora“Democratic

Constitution”whichdefinedIsraelasa“binationalandmulticultural”ratherthana

Jewishstate(Stern2007).InthefaceofthesefurtherchallengestoIsrael’sself‐

definition,IsraeliJewishpublicopinionhasarguablybecomeevenmoreextreme.In

theelectionsofFebruary2009votersgrantedtheYisraelBeiteinuparty,leadby

AvigdorLieberman,fifteenseatsintheKnesset,makingitthethirdlargestparty,

aheadofLabour.Theparty’splatformincludesademandtoaddanoathof

allegiancetoIsrael'sCitizenshipLaw.IfLiebermanissuccessful,takinganoathof

loyaltytoIsraelasaJewishstatewouldbecomeaconditionofcitizenshipfor

Palestiniancitizens(Ravid2009).

Theboundariesofcitizenshipcontinuetobechallengedandenforcedwithin

amatrixofpresenceandabsence,recognitionanddisregard,andthespatial

practicesofcitizenscontinuetoplayakeyrole.InOctober2008,Palestiniansliving

inthemixedcityofAkkowereattackedbyJewishresidentsofthecity,anddaysof

riotsensued.NewspapersreportedthattheattacksbeganwhenaPalestinianman

drovehiscarintoaJewishneighbourhoodofthecity,ontheeveofYomKippur,

whenmanyJewsinIsraelrefrainfromdriving(Khouryet.al.2008).Theviolence

canbereadasareactiontothethreatposedbyaperceivedassertionofPalestinian

presencewithintheJewishspaceandtimeoftheIsraelination.

263

InDecember2008BaruchMarzel,leaderoftheright‐wingextremistJewish

NationalFrontparty,plannedamarchthroughthecityofUmelFachem.His

intentionwas,withhispresence,tostakeaJewishclaimtothisPalestinianspace

withintheIsraelination:“WewillprovewiththismarchthatUmelFachemisalso

ourIsrael”(MarzelquotedinPerkal2008).DespiteaSupremeCourtrulingthatit

waslegalandcouldgoaheadasplanned,themarchdidnottakeplace.Acoalitionof

JewishandPalestinianNGOsandlocalgoverningbodiesorganizedaneventon

SaturdayDecember13,twodaysbeforethemarchwasscheduled(Ashkenaziand

Stern2008,Roffe‐Ofir2008,HeiderandDichter2008).Theeventwasdesignedto

pre‐empttheplannedmarch,showingthatthereisnoneedtosymbolically

“conquer”UmelFacheminordertoprovethatitispartofthestateofIsrael.600

people,mostlyIsraeliJews,visitedUmelFachemonthatday,exploringthecityin

mini‐buses,visitingtheartgallery,andmeetingresidentsofthecity.Byopeningits

doorstoJewishvisitors,theresidentsofUmelFachemdemonstratedthatthey

alreadyconsiderthemselvespartofthestateofIsrael;byvisitingthecity,Israeli

JewsexpressedsolidaritywithPalestiniansandrecognitionoftheirstatusasequal

citizens.ImaginehowdifferenttheeventsofOctober2000mighthavebeenhad

600IsraeliJewsjoinedPalestiniansinprotestsonWadiAraroad.

IhavearguedthatIsraeliJews,bystayingawayfromUmelFachemsince

October2000,haveplayedaroleinconstrictingthelimitsofPalestinians’

citizenship.TheeventsofDecember13,2008showthattheconversemayalsobe

true:intheirdailypracticecitizensmaycreatespacesofrecognitionandinclusion.

264

Inthewordsoftwooftheorganizersofthisevent(HeiderandDichter2008b),

“citizenscanchangeandinfluencereality”simplybytheactofgoingthere.

265

Figure0.1.NeveShalom/WahatalSalam.Grade2.

Figure0.2.NeveShalom/WahatalSalam.Grade5,lastdayofschool.

Figures

266

Figure2.1.WadiAraroad,fromKatsir.

Figure2.2.WadiAra,fromabalconyinKafrKara.

267

Figure2.3.WadiArapanorama,fromKatsir.

Figure2.4.WadiArapanorama,fromKatsir.

268

Figure2.5.Golaniarmybase,fromKafrKara.

Figure2.6.RoofsofKafrKara.

269

Figure2.7.Fencesandlookouts:Barta’a,seenfromKatsir.

Figure2.8.Fencesandlookouts:Eina’Sahla,seenfromKatsir.

270

Figure2.9.Fencesandlookouts:Arara,fromKatsir.

Figure2.10.GivatHavivacampus.

271

Figure2.11.GivatHavivacampus.

Figure2.12.GivatHavivacampus.

272

Figure2.13.Summerclass,onclasstripinUmelFachem.

Figure2.14.Intensiveclass,onahikenearUmelKutuf.

273

Figure2.15.Inclass.

274

Figure3.1.LookingdownonUmelFachem.

275

Figure3.2.Lookingdownonthegreenline,southofUmelFachem.

276

Figure3.3.ChristmasinNazareth,ChurchoftheAnnunciation.

277

Figure6.1.JablTabur/MountTavor,fromJablIlKabse.

Figure6.2.Lookout,JablilKabse.

278

Figure6.3.Lookout,JablilKabse.

Figure6.4.Classpicture.

279

Figure6.6.Barta’a,greenline

Figure6.5.RoadtoBarta’a,nomachsom.

280

Figure6.8.Barta’a,greenline,zoomedincloser.

Figure6.7.Barta’a,greenline,zoomedin.

281

Figure6.9.Othertiyulim:HikingnearUmelKutuf.

Figure6.10.Othertiyulim:MakingcookiesatAishe’shouseinKafrKara.

282

Figure6.11.Othertiyulim:UmelFachem.

Figure6.12.Othertiyulim:Principal’sofTice,highschoolinUmelFachem.

283

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