losing our commons—predatory planning in new orleans: the importance of history and culture in...

8/8/2019 Losing Our CommonsPredatory Planning in New Orleans: The Importance of History and Culture in Understanding

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MULTICULTURALREVIEWS

PRING2007

I walked beyond the French Quarter. Past the clean, bright-

ly lit streets and postcard views. I crossed through Treme,

where debris still lay in the streets. Back into the Seventh

Ward, into a war zone. I was looking or Mama Ds place.

Almost every house was abandoned; whole blocks had been

ooded out. The only vehicle I saw was a military ATV,

which rolled by us as we tried to cross the street, jumping

over the oul-smelling mud. The water had drained away,

but not much else had changed in the fve months since the

storm . T he devastation was staggering and the stillness rang

with a post-apocalyptic resonance. It wasnt until we turned

onto North Dorgenois Street that we saw the frst sign o lie:a bonfre surrounded by people cooking ood, cars bringing

news and supplies, volunteers working, camping out, and all

o it circling around Mam a D, the wom an in charge.

The Associated Press recent ly warned, Hur-ricane Katr ina may prove to be th e biggest ,

most brutal urban-renewal project Black

Amer ica has ever seen (Davis, 2005).

It has been more than 18 months since the largestdisaster in th e h istory o th e Un ited States. Last all th e

news was lled with reports o people rebuilding, but

Losing Our CommonsPredatory Planning in New Orleans:The Importance of History and Culture in Understanding Place

an eerie silence has reigned since the spring munici-

pal election. Huge segments o the population remain

displaced. The eorts to reach them and meet their

needs have been shrouded with conusion and secre-

cy. Katrina survivors are still reeling rom trauma and

untreated post-traumatic stress disorder. The planning

and rebuilding process is largely ueled by investors, ar-

chitects, and developers. Deals are being made, land is

being bou ght an d sold, and predatory plann ing reigns.

In th e neigh borhoods on e hears the h eartbreaking sto-

ries o hom es destroyed an d amilies sund ered, and o a

m ore un iversal lossth e loss o com m un ity, o roots, osoul. It is th e loss o th e comm on s.

Predatory plann ing and th e loss o th e comm on s are

inescapably linked. Wh en plann ing decisions are m ade

that result in dispossession o the poor and privatiza-

tion o land an d pu blic resources, th e comm on s are sac-

riced. Yet a vibran t com m on s oers the m ost eective

way to resist predatory planning. By examining the e-

ects o urban renewal on Trem e, a distinctive n eigh bor-

hoo d in New Orleans, we will understand wh at it m eans

to destroy the commons as well as the importance the

comm ons hold or strength ening comm un ity assets and

rebuilding th e Gul Coast region. The lesson s rom ear-lier destruction and rebuilding processes can provide

tangible insight into the current rebuilding process and

what tactics may be used to keep predatory plann ing at

bay.

I frst met Rick Mathieu when a riend was driving me

home and said, You have to meet Rick. So we stopped

the car on Treme Street, and Rick jumped in. Ater brie

introductions, Rick began, You all dont know what went

on down here. He told us stories o rescue. He and other

members o the Soul Patrol personally rescued over 2,000

neighbors in the Sixth and Seventh wards. They used their

own boats and did what they had to do or their commu-nities during the ood. Nobody came, he said again and

again. Imagine that, nobody. People had no water, no ice.

The old people were dying. I seen things no man should

ever seen, dead bodies, desperation, all o that. But we just

kept working, through the night, whatever we had to do.

I spent many days with Rick during my time in New Or-

leans in January and March o 2006. These stories were

still resh or him. He spoke o pain and a deep history o

oppression that stretched ar beyond Katrina and New Or-

leans. He also made sure to take me to his avorite picnic

spots with a bucket o shrimp and instill in me the un-

The commons: that which is public be it space, ideas,

or culture.Predatory planning : an aggressive and deliberate prac-

tice o using land use zoning, public policy, law, and cit y

planning to knowingly remove assets rom the public or

the poor to beneft a ew or the very wealthy.

by Kiara L. Nagel, with J. Eva Nagel

Post Hurricane


2/6

St . Augu s t in e s , a Catholic church built in 1841,

served as one o the most important cultural institu-

tions or Creoles during its rst century o existence.

The diversity o its oun din g resident s is oten cited as

evidence o th e neighborh oods un ique m ixed heritage.

Because the church was integrated rom the time o its

begin n ing, slaves were able to w orship t h ere and Blacks

an d Wh ites both purch ased am ily pews. Fam ous parish -

ion ers in cluded Hom er Plessy, jazz great Sydn ey Bech et,civil rights activist A. P. Tureaud, and Alison Tootie

Mon toya, a n otable Mardi Gras Indian chie. St. Augus-

tines provided strength to its constituents throughout

the conficts and changes o Reconstruction, the civil

rights m ovemen t, and t he atermath o Katrin a.

They would sit here and sing. Pray in his name.After church theyd w alk over to Congo Square, and

theyd do their t hing , said the Rev. Jerome LeDoux.

Doing their thing, he explained, meant drumming,

bart ering, making music, exchanging m emories andrecipesfashioning a culture, a cuisine and a sound

th at w ould uniq uely characterize New Orleans (No-

lan, 2006).

W hile I was in N ew Orleans, t he archdiocese presented a

plan to close St. Augustines. My connections to neighbor-

hood elders and organizers oten led back to this important

landm ark. I m ade it a regular habit t o stop by St. Augustines

and attend Sunday services. Many people, ev en non-church-

goers, respected Father Ledoux and recogniz ed th e im por-

tance o the church as a longtime support o social networks.

Father Ladouxs last m ass, a jazz m ass, was packed shoulder

to shoulder. Folks were weeping over his fnal words. Imme-

diately aterward, resistance began mounting to the church

closing. I watched a group o students, acting in solidarity

with the churchs congregation, as they occupied the church

rectory and reused to leave. Church elders held a 24-hour

vigil out ront, and people stopped by to bring ood or get the

latest news. The struggle resulted in national m edia attention

and eventually was successul in reinstating the church. But

the idea that such an important cultural institution could be

removed was a rightening prospect to many residents.

S o c i a l a i d a n d p l e a s u r e c l u b s emerged ater th e

Civil War, wh en Arican-Am erican n eigh borh ood orga-

nization s began to spring up in th e city as mu tual aid

derstanding that people here know how to live well. His

teachings and those o many others in New Orleans have

served as the oundation or m y graduate research on the

cultural commons and continue to aect me to this day.

Treme: The Root s Go Deep

The Treme neighborhood in New Orleanss Sixth

Ward, adjacent to the French Quarter, is truly unique.

Founded by ree people o color, the neighborhood is

dotted with charming homes owned or centuries by

Creole amilies. Echoing with jazz and brass band tra-

ditions, populated by the Mardi Gras Indians and the

proud legacy o civil rights activists, these ew small

blocks cast a m agical spell. Beore th e Civil War, Blacks

in New Orleans owned over $2.2 million in real estate

($100 million in todays dollars). This created a strong

economic base o ree people o color that infuenced

politics, culture, economics, and business. The early

residents o Treme were some o the citys nest crats-

m en, artisans, and m usicians in the country, as evident

in the neighborhoods historic architecture and musicallegacy. Yet in th e m id-twen tieth centu ry, Trem e becam e

the site or civic and transportation projects that sliced

and diced th e neighborh ood.

Early examples o predatory planning can be traced

back to th e 1920s, when prime land created by construc-

tion o the levees became exclusively white neighbor-

hoods. The Arican-American population was pushed

to the edges o the already crowded backswampareas

that were the rst to food and last to be pumped dry

(Logson an d Hirsch, 1992). In th e 1930s and 40s, these

neighborhoods were bulldozed in order to build segre-

gated pu blic h ousing developmen ts. Th en, in th e 1960s

an d 70s, cam e the con struction o In terstate 10 th rough

the heart o Treme. This urban renewal asco created

Louis Armstrong Park but resulted in the displacement

o over 400 amilies, which urther decimated the al-

ready crum blin g comm on s. As i th is were not enough ,

in recent years the neighborhood has had to contend

with encroachment rom privatization, gentrication,

casinos, and now the atermath o Hurricane Katrina.

The Com m ons of Trem e

The vibrant lie orce o Treme gave rise to many cul-

tural an d religious institution s. A closer look at t h e evo-lution o three o theseCongo Square, St. Augustines

Ch urch, an d th e social aid an d pleasure clubsillustrate

th e rise and poten tial all o Tremes cultural com m on s.

C o n g o S q u a r e stands in the center o Louis Arm-

strong Park. There amid the swirling brick patterns,

slaves were able to gather on Sundays or worship, u-

n erals, and dan ces. In Con go Square, Arican t raditions

mixed with other infuences to create a distinct musi-

cal sound and cultural traditions that are still evident

today. It became a place where traditions and cultural

practices could be carried on and political resistance

could develop.

St. Augustin es Church Congo Square


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MULTICULTURALREVIEW

SPRING2007

oundations. These clubs assisted newly reed slaves

with burial costs and oth er social sup port. They evolved

into social aid and pleasure clubs, where members pay

monthly dues and can borrow against them. These so-

cieties created th eir own expressive approach to un eral

processions and parades (www.nps.gov). Community

participation in p arades becam e known as the secon d

line, a true triumph o the commons. One can still

encounter a second line on the back streets o Tremeon any given Sunday. It is an expression o community

pride that provides dependable work or musicians and

serves as a train ing groun d or youn g mu sical talent .

In their own way, each o these neighborhood places

where people gather and practice cultural traditions

plays a role in strengthening social networks. The cul-

tural practices they engage in are laced with tools or

a healthy and vital community: empowerment, con-

nections, engagement, and resistance. These traditions

are rooted in Tremes neighborhood places and passed

down th rough the gen eration s.

Cultural Resistance from the Commons

Treme gave birth to the New Orleans Tribune, the na-

tions rst Arican-American daily newspaper (www.

tremedoc.org). Creoles o Treme and the neighboring

Seventh Ward ounded Comit des Citoyens in 1891 to

resist Jim Crow legislation . Th ey selected Hom er Plessy,

rom Treme, to test the segregation laws. Fity years be-

ore Rosa Parks, Plessy ch allenged segregation on pu blic

tran sit. His case wen t all the way to th e Suprem e Court,

an d Plessy v. Ferguson resulted in separate but equal

legislation t h at p revailed or hal a cent ury. Martin Lu-

ther King visited New Orleans in the 1950s and recog-

n ized th e city as a cen ter or th e civil righ ts mo vemen t,

a role model or other Deep South communities. Treme

soon b ecame a h otbed o political activity an d gave rise

to nationally prominent civil rights workers, members

o Congress o Racial Equity (CORE), musicians, and

politician s. This culture o com m un ity buildin g becam e

th e staging ground or mobilizing leadersh ip and devel-

opin g a nation al resistance to p olitical oppression.

Jerome Smith, a lielong Treme resident and civil

righ ts leader, explain s the linkages between cultu re and

organizing a m ovem ent or racial justice:

I was ortunate to be born in the area o

town where the dominant cultural expres-

sion o creativity was on the block where I

lived. Alison Tootie Montana, who was

th e chie o the Yellow Pocaho n tas Indian

tribe, aorded m e great oppo rtunity wh en I

was a youngster, to understand the sense o

bringing about expressions th at would bring

m agic to our streets. An yth ing we m ade was

an expression o the sel. And i it was ap-

plauded, we were gracious. And i not, we

were cramped in th e kin d o misery rom therejection. So that prepared me to deal with

the journey in relation to the struggle, in

relation to the whole civil rights campaign,

th e whole un iversal struggle or betterm ent .

(Jerom e Sm ith, p erson al interview)

Urban Renew al Com es t o Treme

Urban renewal targeted 1,600 Arican -Am erican n eigh -

borhoods across the coun try in th e middle o the twen-

tieth century, leaving destruction and wounded social

n etworks in its place. In New Orleans, the Trem e n eigh -borhood was the h ardest h it. Many h istorians trace the

epidemics o drug addiction, the collapse o the black

amily, and th e rise in incarceration o black men to th e

losses that ollowed the bulldozing o these neighbor-

h oods. Trem e serves as a dramat ic examp le.

From St oryvil le t o Ibervi l le

Storyville, a n eigh borh ood on th e edge o Treme, was

established in 1917 wh en Alderman Sydn ey Story, con-

cerned a bout vice in th e city, passed legislation creating

a red light district that limited prostitution to this area.

A vibrant n eighborhood brim m ing with an active com-

mons, Storyville boasted prominent benevolent halls,

music venues, and social clubs where many musicians

honed their crat and emerged on the national music

scen e. Con vinced o its decadence, city politicians later

shut down Storyville. The Housing Authority o New

Orleans purchased and demolished the neighborhood

in 1940. Som e o the n est m ansions o the time were

leveled to make way or a new public housing project.

The h ousing au th ority evicted over 800 Arican -Am eri-

can amilies rom the Storyville neighborhood to build

th e th en all-wh ite com plex o Iberville. Latte, a pu blic

The Second Line


4/6

es and neatly patterned streets. W hen I get to N orth Clai-

borne, I cant hear anything over the roar o the cars. I stand

in silence under the highway, im agining what once was. T he

area between the pillars, once the amous neutral ground, is

littered with abandoned cars, broken glass, and now hurri-

cane debris. Remnants o the lie that once existed are visible

in the old cars, as i they were just let behind in a hurry. The

frst th ing I notice is the m ural that m asterully covers the I-

10 support pillarsa portrait o what once existed here.

In an int erview, Jerome Smith said, Theres really

been no renewal. Theres been consistent loss. This

has been accelerated by the onslaught of Katrina.

Treme Today

During my time in Treme, I was overwhelmed by the love

and generosity that people showed mewatching out or me,

eeding me, taking time to tell their stories, answer questions,

give me a personal tours, or take me along on daily activi-

ties. Time spent on the stoop, sipping a beer and chatting,watching contractors come and go on the otherwise aban-

doned block, talking to the elders outside o church, gave me

a chance to try to grasp the history and the current struggles

o the neighborhood. You have to hear the music, walk in

the second line, sit and eat with people to really understand

what is happening in this place, what it means historically,

and how people are experiencing it in their daily lives. Unless

you are part o the comm ons, it is dif cult to understand the

breadth o its impact.

Looking back, we can see decades o dam age accum u-

lating in the Treme neighborhood. From the legacies oslavery and Jim Crow through urban renewal and in sti-

tutional racism, up to th e current predatory plann ing in

the wake o Katrina, the loss continues. The erosion o

the commons contributes to Tremes vulnerability and

weakens its capacity or uture neighborhood organiz-

ing and participation. The hurricane damage allows or

massive buyouts and bulldozing, and rapid gentrica-

tion and redevelopment, eerily echoing previous urban

renewal projects. Man y o th e plans being proposed an d

carried ou t preven t th e citys poorest resident s rom in-

volvemen t in shap ing their comm un ities or rom even

return ing at all.

housing project only a ew blocks away, was built or

blacks.

From Sacred Neighbo rh ood Place to Hig hw ay

Beore th e 1960s, Black Mardi Gras was h eld each year

along the n eutral ground on North Claiborne Avenue in

Treme. This large m edian, covered in towering oak t rees

and lush m eadows with a paved strip down th e middleor promenading, stretched over 13.5 acres. It was the

center o the n eighborhood and th e center o Black New

Orleanss economic, social, political, and cultural lie.

North Claibornes Black business district ran along both

sides o the p ublic comm on s. Over 200 busin esses were

th riving at its peak, includin g th e rst Black pharm acy,

as well as restaurants, social clubs, and groceries. North

Claiborne was a lively place or commerce, recreation,

social interaction, and cultural celebration. Jerome

Sm ith d escribes children p layin g, m en w orking on cars,

people listening to radios, and elderly women cutting

grasses to make tea. It was the central gathering place

or neighborhood activity where people would sit andwitness so m uch o th eir soul. Th is is a great den ition

o the comm ons.

Interstate 10 was constructed th rough North Claiborne

Avenu es neut ral groun d in th e 1960s. It sliced th rough

the Claiborne neighborhood, dividing the Sixth Ward

rom the rest o Treme and destroying the public com-

m ons. The avenu e had been considered one o the m ost

prosperous Arican-American business districts in the

country. The number o businesses along North Clai-

borne Avenue dropped rom 115 in 1965 to 35 by 2000.

Real estate values plum m eted an d business

owners struggled to remain viable ater the highway

went in. Today the massive concrete structure o I-10

supports six lan es o trac th at race overhead wh ile th e

abandoned area beneath the highway has become pol-

luted, unsae, and u n used.

On m y frst day in New Orleans since the hurricane, I walk

through the streets o Treme. Some neighbors are working on

their houses or cleaning up the ront o their homes. A man

rides by on a bike and greets m e. In the distance, I see the cut

o the overpass, looming over the small, bright wooden hous-

Murals painted on tw o supporting pillars under I10

Underneath I 10


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MULTICULTURALREVIEW

SPRING2007

and th e eect it had on th eir am ilies and th eir neigh-

borhood. Hurricane Katrina, the lack o response rom

local and nation al ocials, and the predatory plan nin g

in its wake is yet another seismic root shock or resi-

den ts o Treme.

Archi tecture

For m ore th an 200 years, locals built ho uses th at h ave

natural heating and cooling eatures and could with-stand h urricanes. Across the street rom Rick Mathieus

hou se on Treme Street, he po ints out a h ouse that was

built or $350,000 beore the storm. It was completely

leveled by Katrina, while his 150-year-old cottage again

survived th e storm . In Treme, p eople passed down skills

in t h e building trades. Sh eetrock, carpent ry, air con di-

tion er, electric, plumb ing, bricklayin g, jacking up h ous-

es. You n am e it, th eres a nich e or it all. You can take

your skill an d do an yth ing at anyt ime in lie (Math ieu,

personal interview). Support or this intergenerational

process came rom elders within rom the commons.

The cratsmanship o Treme is something that will notbe replaced by n ew developers an d stick-built or m odu -

lar ho using. Local workers skilled in th e building t rades

have ound themselves largely shut out o viable em-

ploym ent in rebuilding eorts led by large developm en t

rms an d con tractors who emp loy outside labor.

Music

Several people explained how children used to learn

marching band in the public schools. Budget cuts in

recent years have eliminated these programs. Katrina

scattered mu sicians and broke up ban ks. Wh ere will th e

am ou s brass ban ds be in 20 or 50 years? Lolis Eric EliesMay 1, 2006 column in the Times Picayune pointed to

th e lack o jazz acts at th is years New O rlean s Jazz Fes-

tival and Louisian a Heritage Fair. Hip-h op an d n ation al

acts were taking cent er stage over New Orleanss own .

Disputes over live music venues in Treme highlight

th e tensions around t he cultural comm ons. Som e newer

residents protest loud late-night music and crowds that

gather in th e streets, wh ile older Trem e residen ts recog-

n ize th at sm all clubs and Second Line parad es are part o

th e n eighborh ood abric th at m akes Treme wh at it is.

Food

Food is a link to th e traditions an d culture o the p eo-

ple, and New Orleans ood is world-renowned. People

were always happy to eed me during my time there.

Th ats New Orleans, th ey would say, oering an oth er

helping o red beans and rice. However, the keepers o

th e culinary secrets are disappearin g. Th e ate o Dookie

Chases Keiths Place and other Treme avorites are un-

certain. These places were n ot just local restaurant s, but

intrin sically linked t o th e culture o resistan ce. Dookie

Chase served civil rights workers, literally eeding the

revolution. Where will authentic New Orleans cuisine

be oun d in th e uture?

Trem e resident: This is the opportunity o a lietime or

developers. Its a land grab. Rich markets here, houses, its a

gold mine. Theyre worth gold. Someone is selling the house

behind m ine or $495,000.

Ron Chisom, a resident or more than 63 years, said

he is not surprised that the government is not doing

wh at th ey are supp osed to. Weve been h aving Katrina

or years.

Since Katrina, many o Tremes residents remain scat-

tered aroun d th e count ry. Residents do n ot kn ow wh ere

their neighbors are or how to get in touch with them.

Ater 12 days o wading th rough chest-deep polluted wa-

ters and crawling int o un lit, dam aged h om es to rescue

hundreds o residents in the Sixth and Seventh wards,

Rick Mathieu was orced, like a crim inal, on to a p lane by

National Guards. Instead o being hon ored as a nation al

hero, he was not even told where they were taking himun til th ey an nou nced, You are now landing in Om aha,

Nebraska.

Researcher and psychiatrist Mindy Fullilove describes

th e phen om enon o root shock ollowing urban renewal

as the traum atic stress reaction to t h e destruction o all

or part o on es emot ional ecosystem . Root sh ock at th e

level o the individual is a proound emotional upheav-

al. . . . Root shock at the level o the local community

ruptures bonds, dispersing people to all the directions

o th e com pass (Fullilove, 2004). Fity years ater u rban

renewal, Treme residents are still eeling the shock. In

conversation, they are quick to bring up the highway

Treme resident Rick Mathieu (seated) andhis son, Stevie

Rick Mathieu rebuilds his New Orleanshome


6/6

Tremes Fut ur e

Th e people and th eir culture create the m agic that is the

cultural com m on s and th e lieblood o New Orleans. For-

mer University o New Orleans planning proessor David

Gladston e said, Culture is sold in th e French Quarter, but

it is produced elsewhere in many o the neighborhoods

that have been devastated by the storm (Democracy Now,

September 7, 2005). Architecture, cuisine, and music areth ree aspects o culture that Treme an d oth er New Orleans

neighborhoods have shared with the world. Looking at

these we can see evidence o the process o devaluing a

com m un ity and d isassemb lin g a culture, even as it is m ar-

keted to tourists. Ron Chisom o the Peoples Institute or

Survival and Beyond says, Wh en you do a deal you h ave

to p rotect th e culture. Treme is more th an just a dollar. It

has given lie to th e city (Kam erick, 2002).

Conclusion

For th e Treme n eigh borh ood o New Orleans, cultural

resistance is rooted in th e comm on s. Destruction o th e

comm ons m eans destruction o cultural inrastructure.

Without the commons there is little deense rom the

orces o predato ry plann ing. On e aspect is th e m assive

disjuncture evident in the rebuilding o New Orleans.

Th e scale o the dam age an d n eed is staggering. Com m u-

n ity groups, already stressed beyon d cap acity, are being

asked to take on tasks o gigantic prop ortion s with little

institution al or governm ent al supp ort. Th ere is political

disconnect when displaced persons are prevented rom

voting and cut o rom political representation, and

appointed comm issions are m aking p lannin g decision s

that impact the entire city. There is economic discon-nect when large-scale developers are making millions

while lielong homeowners cant aord to rebuild and

many are denied resources that would allow them to

return to the city. There is emotional disconnect when

locals ace widespread t raum a, wh ile developers and ar-

chitects are moving orward at lightning speed. These

are the symptoms o predatory planning, a new level

o complexity, disjuncture, and damage accumulation

particularly eviden t over th e last year and a h al.

In the Treme neighborhood, people are experiencing

new levels o predatory planning. They have the sense

that they are at war, but cant quite nd the enemy.

Predatory plan n ing is on t h e rise: today Trem e and ot h er

neighborhoods in New Orleans, eventually communi-

ties th roughout th e United States an d aroun d th e world.

Strategies or strengthening the cultural commons re-

quire an understanding o the historical and cultural

imp ortan ce o this inrastructu re. Alternatives to preda-

tory plann ing require strong coalitions an d partnerships

across diverse stakeholders and recognition o the im-

pact o predation. We mu st stand together and ght or

our neighborhoods, or our commons. The well-being

o our children and the vitality o our planet depend

on i t .

References

Davis, M. (2005). Gentriying disaster: Ethnic cleansing GOP

style. Mother Jones, October 25.

Democracy Now. (2005, Septem ber 7). Th ree Displaced New O r-

leans Residen ts Discuss Race an d H urricane Katrina.

Fullilove, M. (2004). Root shock: How tearing up city neighbor-

hoods destroys America and what we can do about it. New York :Random House.

Elie, L. E. (2006, May 1). Tim es Picayune.

Kamerick, M. (2002, June 24). Treme neighborhood struggling with

gentrication , crime.New Orleans City Business.

Logson, J. an d Hirsch , A. P. (1992). Creole New Orleans: Race and

Americanization. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State Univ. Press.

Math ieu, R. (2006, March ). Personal in terview.

Nagel, K. L. (2006). Un derstan din g place ater Katrina: Preda-

tory planning and cultural resistance in New Orleanss Tremeneighborh ood. Masters in City Plann ing Thesis, Massachusetts

Institut e o Techn ology.

Nolan, B. (2006, February 10). St. Augustine Parish to close:

Treme church holds rich history o New Orleans. Times Pica-

yune.

www.nps.gov/archive/jazz/press_kit_planning_or_jazz.htm

Paige, J. and McVeigh, M. Planning or jazz. www.tremedoc.

org.

Sm ith , J. (2006, Janu ary). Personal int erview.

Kiara L. Nagel is a community planner who recently

completed a masters in city planning at Massachusetts

Institute o Technology.

J. Eva Nagel is a psychotherapist, educator, and writer

wh o lives in u pstat e New York.

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