ma j dammes so443050 - it came from a dunia lain

J. DAMMES S0443050

It Came from a Dunia Lain An Exploration

into Indonesian

Science Fiction, Ufology, and the ‘Other World’

Jessica Dammes – van Mourik

2010-2014

S0443050

First reader: Bart Barendregt

Second reader: Peter Pels

Introduction

J. Dammes – van Mourik 1

It Came From A Dunia Lain

Table of Contents

1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 3

2 M&T ................................................................................................................................................. 4

2.1 Response groups ..................................................................................................................... 4

2.2 Locations.................................................................................................................................. 5

2.3 Techniques: ............................................................................................................................. 6

2.4 Problems/issues ...................................................................................................................... 8

3 The Other Worldly in Cultural Context ............................................................................................ 9

3.1 Western concepts of SF, UFO & Supernatural ........................................................................ 9

3.2 SF & the Supernatural ........................................................................................................... 13

3.3 UFO as science ....................................................................................................................... 14

3.4 SF, Ufology & the supernatural outside of the west ............................................................. 15

3.5 The Anthropological Connection ........................................................................................... 17

3.6 Why Indonesia? ..................................................................................................................... 18

4 The Otherworldly in Indonesia ...................................................................................................... 20

4.1 Western SF & Fiksi Ilmiah ...................................................................................................... 20

4.2 Aliens in Indonesia ................................................................................................................. 22

4.3 The Dunia Lain in a Modern Context ..................................................................................... 24

4.4 Technology in a Traditional Context ...................................................................................... 26

4.5 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 27

5 Who are the Science Fiction fans and ufologists in Indonesia? .................................................... 28

5.1 Gender ................................................................................................................................... 28

5.2 Age ......................................................................................................................................... 30

5.3 Location ................................................................................................................................. 31

5.4 Education ............................................................................................................................... 32

5.5 Socio-economic Status .......................................................................................................... 34

5.6 Religion .................................................................................................................................. 34

5.7 Profession .............................................................................................................................. 37

Introduction



5.8 Summary................................................................................................................................ 38

6 What activities do Science Fiction fans and ufologist in Indonesia undertake? ........................... 40

6.1 Indo-Star Trek ........................................................................................................................ 40

6.2 SF ........................................................................................................................................... 43

6.3 BETA-UFO .............................................................................................................................. 44

6.4 Summary: .............................................................................................................................. 48

7 What attracts respondents to science fiction and ufology? ......................................................... 49

7.1 Indo-Star Trek: ....................................................................................................................... 49

7.2 SF-group ................................................................................................................................ 50

7.3 BETA-UFO .............................................................................................................................. 53

7.4 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 54

8 How are the concepts of science fiction and ufology used to reflect upon notions and modernity

and traditionality, science and the supernatural? ................................................................................ 56

Bibliography ........................................................................................................................................... 60

Introduction



1 Introduction

This thesis is about UFO’s, aliens, ghosts, serpent queens and it is about the people who believe them

to be true. It is about the other world, the Dunia Lain and its connection to our world. This is the

thesis with which I hope to receive my Master’s degree Cultural Anthropology from the University of

Leiden.

Despite a short exploratory investigation into the subjects of SF and Ufology and the possible

Indonesian context, I was not entirely sure what I was looking for or what I was going to find in the

field. Initially, I tried to find the answers to my questions by searching for whatever it was ufology

was offering Indonesians that SF could not. In the field it became clear that there were about as

many SF fans as there were ufologists, maybe even more and even though it can be confirmed that

there was very little SF produced locally, it seemed that these works were unable to fulfill the needs

that drove respondents towards Western SF. When trying to determine the level of UFO acceptance

by bringing it up in random conversations, respondents outside of the research groups had a

tendency to change the subject to stories about the supernatural. Back home, I began re-evaluating

the theoretical framework to more accurately reflect the various themes uncovered in the field. It

became apparent that both SF and ufology offered respondents something that they felt more

common or “traditional” interests could not. To accommodate these findings, the following research

question was formulated:

How and why do the concepts of science fiction and ufology present themselves in an Indonesian

context and how are these concepts used to reflect upon notions and modernity and traditionality,

science and the supernatural?

To answer this question, the following sub questions are asked:

Who are the Science Fiction fans and ufologists in Indonesia?

What are the activities Science Fiction fans and ufologists in Indonesia undertake?

What attracts respondents to Science Fiction and ufology?

This thesis will begin with the Methods and Techniques used to perform this research, followed by an

effort to place Science Fiction, ufology and the Other World in a global and cultural context. After this

we turn our attention to the situation in Indonesia and the respondents.

M&T



2 M&T

This chapter will outline the operationalization of the research questions and the methods employed

to gather relevant data. It will further discuss the problems surrounding fieldwork and my role as a

researcher . Here, the various research groups will be introduced as well.

2.1 Response groups

I decided upon the Indonesian Star Trek fan club as a representative of Indonesian SF-fans, and as a

possible avenue to locating more SF-fans outside of the Star Trek franchise. I chose Indo-Star Trek

because they were not only the largest SF-related fan club in Indonesia I could find, but also one of

the most active. A lot of research has also already been done on the Star Trek franchise and its fans,

which has proven useful during analysis. Lastly, I am a Star Trek-fan myself, which placed me in the

comfortable position of being an insider, as well as an outsider.

I decided against the Star Wars fan-clubs as the status of Star Wars as SF is debated in the West and

would only add to the complexity surrounding the consumption of SF. Other SF fan clubs such as the

Transformers fans were mainly toy collectors and therefor of little interest to the questions at hand

(Chandra 2011, 40)

My hunch that Indo-Star Trek would lead to additional respondents – outside of the franchise –

proved somewhat correct. During the Cosplay event in Jakarta one of the Indo-Star Trek-fans

introduced me to a Harry Potter-fan who introduced me to a group of friends who enjoyed SF other

than Star Trek.

Respondents to fill the ufological group mostly came from the BETA-UFO community. I contacted a

few other UFO communities but, at the time, these were either inactive, defunct or did not reply.

BETA-UFO was the largest and most active UFO community in Indonesia. This group did not lead me

to other UFO respondents outside of the BETA-UFO community, although I did meet BETA-UFO

Jakarta field coordinator Edy Susanto’s wife Liska who did believe in UFOs, but wasn’t really

interested in them.

My haphazard interview technique of asking everyone and their neighbor about UFOs did result in a

small sample of UFO respondents that were not affiliated with BETA-UFO. The ´level´ of interest and

knowledge differed greatly within this group, but all had at the very least some interest in UFOs.

For further analysis, the respondents can be categorized by their “primary affiliation”:

M&T



Indo-Star Trek: someone who is a member of Indo Star Trek or someone who is a member of

both INDO STAR TREK and BETA-UFO and primarily talks about Star Trek or is dressed like a

character from Star Trek.

SF group: Someone not a member of Indo-Star Trek but who expresses their passion for SF

and primarily talks about SF other than Star Trek.

BETA-UFO: someone who is a member of BETA-UFO or someone who is a member of both

BETA-UFO and Indo-Star Trek and primarily talks about UFOs and UFO related phenomenon.

This includes discussions about UFO related topics.

These categories should be considered ideal types, as a number of respondents would fall into more

than one category. Since my fieldwork in 2010, there has been progressively more overlap between

BETA-UFO and Indo-Star Trek membership on Facebook and Arvin Chandra created an Facebook

group for Indonesian SF which a large portion of the respondents joined. Since this research is

looking for common themes and considering the many overlaps between the concepts of SF and

ufology, absolute categories cannot be justified. One respondent, for example, was contacted

through both the Indo-Star Trek and BETA-UFO mailing list. Although he did identify as a Star Trek

fan, we only spoke about UFOs. So even though this respondent identified as both Indo-Star Trek and

BETA-UFO, he presented himself as BETA-UFO.

There were also a number of respondents who did not fit in any of these categories, as we discussed

other matter that shed light on the questions at hand. Instead of discussing them as one group

where their primary commonality is that they did not fit in any of the other groups, their comments

will be discussed there where relevant.

2.2 Locations

Research was conducted at various locations, most of which were on Java. There are five locations in

total, which I visited because this is where my fieldwork took me.

M&T



Figure 1: Research locations Fieldwork 2010

I first spend four weeks in Yogyakarta, where I attended a language school, visited the Kraton and

contacted the first respondents through e-mail. Unfortunately, at this time I was not aware of Ratu

Kidul’s association with UFOlogy, so I did not visit the other locations associated with her.1 After

Yogyakarta I traveled to Surabaya, where I met BETA-UFO’s founder Nur Agustinus who showed me

around his office and library. In one of his books we found a reference to a connection between the

Leak and UFOs which caused me to travel to Bali. On Bali, I searched for respondents who could tell

me about the Leak and/or believed in UFOs.2 After Bali, I spend the remainder of my time based in

Jakarta, where I met with several respondents, attended a cosplay at Plaza EX, investigated a claim of

a UFO sighting and corresponded with more respondents by e-mail. BETA-UFO’s Jakarta Field

Coordinator Edy Susanto and his wife took me on a two day trip to UFO hotspot Bandung where we

met with BETA-UFO members who regularly observed UFOs above the city from their balcony. We

also visited Sanggar Luhur, home and art studio of one of Indonesia’s first UFO witnesses Sudjana

Kerton where we spoke with his daughter and saw some of his UFO related paintings.3

2.3 Techniques:

Different techniques were used gather data during fieldwork.

The utilized means of collecting data was by holding interviews, either individually or in groups. Some

interviews with respondents were held over the Internet, while others were held “in real life.” Those

on the Internet were done via e-mail, either privately or through the mailing-lists; others were done

via Facebook's “messages.” Real life interviews were held at predetermined locations, often in

restaurants in Jakartan malls.

1 Ratu Kidul: mythological creature

2 Leak: also known as the Leyak, a mythical flying head with entrails still attached.

3 The studio is shaped like a UFO. I could not locate an aerial photo. Sudjana Kerton himself passed away in

1994

M&T



All interviews were held in English, except for the interview with Dedy Suardi, which was

translated by Edy Susanto into English. Although I did follow a course Bahasa Indonesia, my language

skills were insufficient to hold elaborate conversations. Fortunately, most respondents were well

versed in English.

Interviews with respondents were held in a reflexive manner. Although I had some ideas

about the topics I wanted to discuss, I tried to leave as much room as possible for respondents to

steer the direction of the interview. This approach resulted in sometimes very lengthy interviews, but

allowed respondents to convey whatever they wanted, and in turn gave me a more comprehensive

insight in respondents' visions on SF and UFOlogy, while leaving room for topics I had not considered.

The Internet interviews were easy to record, as e-mails, messages and IMs were saved

automatically. Real life interviews were written down during the interviews themselves, which

seemed to have the added benefit of making me look like a serious researcher. Respondents would

often stop talking after they said something they felt was important for me to remember and waited

until I was done writing. In some cases, respondents even wrote certain names or terminologies

down for me, as I could not properly spell some of the Indonesian names. Sometimes, my notebook

was used to draw images to explain events.

Another technique I used was haphazard or convenience sampling. This method, elegantly

described by H. Russell Bernard in “Research Methods in Anthropology” as a “glorified term for

grabbing whoever will stand still long enough to answer questions” (Russell 2002, 184). I tried to find

locations where convenience sampling had the highest probability of success, such as a book- or

video stores. Hanging around the SF/ufology section in bookstores or video-stores proved to be

somewhat problematic since, as one of my respondents said “Indonesians don't care about genres”

and stores therefore didn't have SF/ufology sections for me to prowl. In the end, this method was

utilized in dozens of taxi's, a couple of bars, a few hostels, on the numerous occasions when

someone on the street approached me for a chat and even some teachers at the language-school I

attended in Yogyakarta. This approach on its own would have taken a lot of time, but as I

incorporated into my everyday life in Indonesia, on occasions where lengthy conversations were

possible and sometimes even desirable, its impact on my schedule was limited. If this had been my

sole research-method, it would have been a very ineffective one as it only resulted in three

conversations about UFOs

My favorite way of data collection was through participant observation and just observation.

I was able to participate in the investigation of a reported UFO sighting in Jakarta and the

interviewing of UFO eyewitnesses in Bandung. I was invited to participate in the Jakarta cosplay

M&T



event, but I wasn’t creative enough to make a proper costume. Instead I just observed with the other

attendees.

Because this research was explorative in nature, I focused primarily on acquiring qualitative data. The

number of respondents, 41 in total, did not merit a full quantitative analysis, although I did try to add

some basic statistics where applicable (see chapter 5). The data collected, besides notes taken during

interviews, consisted of interesting quotations and photographs. Both BETA-UFO and Indo Star Trek

have websites that contained a lot of additional information, such as links to Youtube. I also received

the book Sci-Fi 1.0, a collection of SF stories created by Indo Star Trek community members and

others, and Satu Dekade BETA-UFO, a volume tracing the history of UFOlogy in Indonesia published

by BETA-UFO.4

2.4 Problems/issues

There were various problems surrounding data collection in the field.

For one, respondents were hard to locate outside of the Indo Star Trek and BETA-UFO

community. There were no, to me, obvious places where SF lovers or UFO enthusiasts would hang

out. Book stores lacked sections dedicated to relevant topics and there were no movies playing in the

cinemas that could be considered relevant either. Some small shops that rented DVDs had SF, but I

never saw anyone rent one.

The language barrier might have been a problem as well. Although most respondents

answered me in English, I received one e-mailed response that was in Bahasa. Since my introductory

e-mail was in English I assume those who do not speak English or are uncomfortable with the

language did not respond to my request. I was fortunate Edy Susanto was willing to translate during

the interview with Dedy Suardi, or I would have missed this opportunity as well.

Another problem was that I tried to use Facebook as a means of communication. I was not

prepared for the amount of people who added me as a Friend after my introductory e-mails and lost

sight off which respondents I had contacted and which I had not. Because I sent the e-mails to both

BETA-UFO and Indo Star Trek on the same day, it was hard to tell which community belonged to

which Friend Request.

Lastly, some respondents send an e-mail saying they wished to cooperate but did not

respond to follow-up e-mails. Despite these problems I gathered enough information to answer the

research questions posed above.

4 As well as two cool BETA-UFO t-shirts I still wear today.

The Other Worldly in Cultural Context



3 The Other Worldly in Cultural Context

'Grok' means to understand so thoroughly that the observer becomes a part of the process being

observed-to merge, to blend, to intermarry, to lose personal identity in group experience. It means

almost everything that we mean by religion, philosophy, and science-and it means as little to us as

color means to a blind man.

(…)

An Englishman and an Arab can learn to think each other's thoughts, in the other's language. But I'm

not certain that it will ever be possible for us to think in Martian (...) -oh, we can learn a sort of a

'pidgin' Martian, yes-that is what I speak.

Robert A. Heinlein (1961) A Stranger in a Strange Land

The translation of concepts such as science fiction and ufology requires the understanding of the

language in which they are written. Both represent and explore alternate worlds and futures and

even though both have been successfully adapted and adopted in non-western countries,

construction of these concepts are often based on western ideology.

Yet, Indonesian respondents seemed to ‘grok’ both science fiction and ufology. They understand the

language used and the worlds suggested so well they have made it their own. Ufology however has

taken these concepts and blended it with local languages and local variations of the other world,

creating a new world that accommodates both. Science fiction on the other is struggling to make the

translation. Western SF is still relatively obscure and local adaptations are rejected by respondents

who enjoy their western counterparts.

The following chapter provides a theoretical framework for three readings of the other world.

Definitions of science fiction, ufology and the supernatural are pitted against each other and

themselves as their status as western concepts are problematized. The role of science fiction in the

modernist ideology is questioned as its supernatural implications are examined and ufology is placed

in the scientific world. The fourth paragraph examines science fiction, ufology and the supernatural

in non-western contexts, from where anthropological connections can be made. The chapter

concludes with a brief glimpse into the Indonesian context in which this research was done.

3.1 Western concepts of SF, UFO & Supernatural

What we think of as “Science Fiction” is hard to define and even the words we use to refer to the

genre are contested, so authors such as Clute, Nicholls and Scalzi opt to use the abbreviation SF as it

can mean both science fiction and speculative fiction (Clute and Nicholls 1995; Scalzi 2005, ix). In his




book “the Rough Guide to Sci-Fi Movies,” Scalzi notes that “something qualifies as Science Fiction if

at least one of the following rules apply:

It takes place in the future, or more specifically, what was the future, at the time the work

was produced. Or the story resides in an “alternate” timeline in which certain historical

events took a very different course. (..)

It uses technology that does not exist or did not exist when the work was created. (..)

Events are, by and large, rationally based though important events, situations and characters

may in themselves be fantastical; SF assumes an explanation based on a logical universe. This

is opposed to fantasy works, and some horror, in which such ideas are described through

magic or whims of the gods (Scalzi 2005, 3).

This last point highlights the difference between Science Fiction and fantasy or horror. Where

Science Fiction relies on science and technology, fantasy uses magic and theology. Horror is a more

encompassing genre since it can use elements from fantasy or Science Fiction to ‘terrify’. These

genres, collectively known as ‘speculative fiction’ overlap considerably (op. cit.: 5) and some movies

or books may fall into all three categories. Not everyone defines SF along these lines, as author

Ahmed A. Khan’s definition of Islamic SF shows.5 Khan presents Islamic SF as a more speculative than

scientific fiction and puts Islam firmly at the center of the genre. “Islamic SF,” he states “would be

any speculative story that is positively informed by Islamic beliefs and practices” (Khan 2009). Kahn

gives a ‘partial list’ of what could be considered Islamic SF:

Any speculative story that strives to state the existence of the One God as described above.

Any speculative story that exhorts universal virtues and/or denigrates universal vices.

Any speculative story that deals in a positive way with any aspect of Islamic practices, like

hijab, fasting, etc.

Any speculative story that features a Muslim as one of its main characters and the actions of

this Muslim in the story reflect Islamic values.

Any speculative story, which takes on one or more elements from the Qur’an or the

teachings of the Messenger of Allah, Muhammed (peace and blessings be upon him), in a

positive way.

Khan makes no reference to any of the elements mentioned by Scalzi or even science or technology

at all. The lack of a proper definition seems more interesting than an actual definition, especially in a

global context. As we shall see, what we consider to be science, facts or even reality seems to be a

5 I always read his name in James T. Kirk’s voice




matter of one’s view of the world or culture . The definition of the fiction of science, then, also

becomes a matter of perception and can include all kinds of other-worldly elements. One such

element that has always had a strong presence in SF is extraterrestrial life.

The existence of extraterrestrial life is no longer seen as just a fictional trope, as more and more

people are becoming confident that life outside of earth can and does exist. Ufologist and

respondent Edy Susanto claims this is what differentiates ufology from SF: to the ufologists UFOs are

real. Ufology gets its name from the abbreviation UFO, or Unidentified Flying Objects and attempts

to identify or explain sightings of UFOs are what triggered the emergence of this field of study. One

of the most well-known explanations ufologists give for these sightings are aircraft that are

extraterrestrial in origin. Other theories, such as the idea that UFOs come from inside the earth,

which is actually hollow and inhabited by an ancient earth race, exist as well. Overtime, ufology has

grown to encompass the study of more than just UFOs such as crop circles, alien abduction,

government cover-ups’ and the ancient astronaut theory.6 Ufologists investigate possible

explanations for seemingly extraordinary events that conventional science is reluctant to consider,

such as the involvement of UFOs in the creation of crop circles.7 This makes ufologists not unlike

investigators of the supernatural, who also propose possible other-worldly explanations.

The supernatural, now often associated with ghosts and spirits, was first used in the middle ages to

refer to miracles in the bibles, which in turn are defined as “unusual events believed to be caused by

God with the aim of producing faith in the witness”. Anthropologists have used the word

supernatural since the 19th century “to refer to the beliefs and practices of human beings

throughout the world as they relate to notions of spirits, magic and witchcraft” (Hunter 2012, 7). Like

Jack Hunter in Why People Believe in Spirits, Gods and Magic, this thesis will use the term

supernatural to refer to both the religious and anthropological definitions.8

Hunter does make a note of pointing out that the word supernatural is both modern and Western, as

the prefix super implies that it somehow does not follow what are considered immutable laws that

govern the natural world. In other words, the term implies that the natural and supernatural are two

6 Crop circles are mysterious patterns left in crops. The ancient astronaut theory suggests extraterrestrials

visited ancient earth and interacted with early humans. 7 Scientifically accepted explanations for crop circles include human hoaxers and animals, such as Australian

wallabies who get high by eating opium poppies and then jump around in circles (BBC News 2009) 8 I have chosen the word supernatural over the word religion because use of the word religion brings forth

associations with world religions such as Islam and Christianity, risking a depreciation of other belief systems. Since the aim here is to understand, among other things, how people shape their understanding of truth, the use of the more general word supernatural seems better suited and perhaps more neutral. In some cases, however, quoted authors did use variations of the word religion. In order to stay true to the original text, these variations will be used interchangeably with the supernatural, unless specifically indicated otherwise.




distinct classifications and pushes supernatural explanations outside of the realm of scientific

probability. Subsequent research on the subject treats the supernatural elements as fantasies, mass

delusions, folklore or misinterpretations and this is echoed in the theories used to explain

supernatural experiences. The social theory, for example, posits that supernatural beings are

constructed by society to benefit society. It creates a focal point for worship which gives society a

shared ideal and sense of identity, which in turn enhances social cohesion. Hunter problematizes this

by asking why some people believe in entities less socially accepted, such as alien abduction, when

they risk being socially marginalized. The psychological theory proposes that the supernatural

provides an explanation for events outside of people’s control, such as illness, natural phenomena

and bad luck (op. cit.: 34-35). It provides the believers with a sense of stability in an uncertain and

unpredictable world. Cognitive theories propose that the supernatural comes from

misinterpretations or misunderstandings of cognitive processes, such as seeing faces in clouds.9

Another way of approaching the supernatural from a scientific point of view is the experiential

source hypothesis, which suggests that personal experiences are at the root of paranormal beliefs

without questioning the reality of the experience (op. cit. 36). This approach does not focus on the

experience itself and therefor doesn’t qualify it as an illusion or as reality. These attempts to explain

people’s experiences without considering the possibility that the supernatural interpretation might

be the truth are not reflected in most other societies or even the West’s own history (op. cit.: 7).

Ufology places itself somewhere between the supernatural and this western, modern point of view.

As Denzler concludes in her examination of ufologists in North America, there are some religious

aspects to the experiences and interpretations of ufologists, but these are expressed through a

mostly scientific lexicon and scrutinized through the rational and logical world of science (Denzler

2003, 156–157). For some, however, this puts ufology more in line with SF, a concept generally

regarded as a Western or North American product (Aguirre 2009, 103; Chandra 2011, 10; Stover

1973, 471; Tatsumi 2005, 323) and a by-product of modernization (Aguirre 2009, 103; Tatsumi 2005,

323). Sardar, for example, relates the ancient astronaut theory to being akin to the alien Klatuu, who

comes to earth in the movie The Day the Earth Stood Still to try and invoke ethics internal to the

West to save mankind from itself. According to Sardar, both the ancient astronauts and Klatuu imply

that space is “the real home of Western epistemology and metaphysics (Sardar 2002, 12).

Sardar goes on to point out that SF reiterates established western narratives. The settings might be

new, but the stories are the same. Space is a frontier (final or not), not unlike the Wild West, where

9 This phenomenon is called pareidolia. A famous ufological example is the face on mars, an elevated area of

land on mars that seems to be shaped like a face. Author and conspiracy theorist Richard Hoagland believes the structure tob e evidence of a now extinct Martian civilization.




adventures are had that closely resemble the voyages of Columbus (op. cit.: 9.). SF fulfills mankind’s

need for longing and wonder against a “backdrop of a Universe that is controlled by unswerving and

impersonal laws of nature” while the world of myths and legends are “ruled by gods and demons”

(Aguirre 2009, 103)

3.2 SF & the Supernatural

Like the laws of nature, SF is often thought to be connected to science and particularly technology.

The “modernist ideology” is based on the assumption that the spread of technology leads to

rationality which leads to the “demise of religion” (Pels 2013, 2–3). Peter Pels argues that, instead of

being the bearer of this ideology, SF helps in finding ways of dealing with “the disenchantments of

technology and rationalization, and can (re)sacralise the secular (op. cit.: 4).

Wonder is at the core of this, as it generates awe and awe “is at the core of religious emotion even

before it gets articulated in clear-cut conceptions (such as “ghost” or “spirit”); it brings humans

emotionally in a personal relation to superior powers even before such conceptions are formulated.

Awe is the raw material of religion and only becomes religious when it is moralized. SF often inspires

awe through wonder and Pels observes a “double articulation” on which SF is based : “awe for the

powers of the secular – the limits that nature, history or human capacity impose on the future – is

coupled to wonder at those supernatural, supra-historical or superhuman powers that may

overcome them – for better or worse” (op.cit.:11- 12). SF shows us the impossible, and proceeds to

make it possible, or as Star Trek’s captain Picard once put it “things are only impossible until they are

not”(Manners 1988). One of the most obvious examples of the sacralization of the secular is the

technological sublime - the awe inspired by technology – and especially technology as a promise to

overcome our natural limitations (such as time travel and psychic powers). Pels agrees with Vivian

Sobchak’s conclusion that SF allows modern people to reinvent religion to fit their own (secular)

experiences and discuss the relationship between “science and technology, magic and religion”. SF

then , does not necessarily lead to the demise of religion, but provides a way or reimagining the

sacred and can lead to new forms of magic and religion (op.cit. 28-29).

Star Trek fandom might be considered one of these new forms, as Michael Jindra shows in

his article Star Trek Fandom as a Religious Phenomenon (Jindra 1994). Firmly positioned in a utopian

future, Star Trek places it faith “in the power of the human mind, in humankind and in science.” Star

Trek’s optimistic and progressive view of the world is the most popular reason fans like the show.

Jindra acknowledges that the technology used in Star Trek, although given a “veneer of scientific

reality,” is recognized as “made up and is thus closer to magic” (op. cit.:32-46). But Jindra’s argument

goes further than just the technologically sublime as he argues that Star Trek has many other




features that suggest a religious connection, such as a set of myths and beliefs. Star Trek presents a

clear picture about the nature of mankind and the future it could have when following certain

normative rules. Central to Star Trek is the myth of progress exemplified in its optimistic, positive

representation of the future. Star Trek has a myth of origins and a popular stigma ,giving fans a

certain sense of persecution. Fans also express themselves through iconography and other activities

designed to create something related to the show, which is then shared with other fans at

congregations, either online of offline (op. cit.: 30). Star Trek points to other worlds, much like the

supernatural does.

This re-enchantment of science leaves room for a less strict interpretation of science to where it is no

longer incompatible with the supernatural.

3.3 UFO as science

Like the supernatural, ufology cannot yet be proven (or disproved) by science and yet it has acquired

a strong foothold in many societies . Today, scientists such as astronomers and aerospace engineers

can safely suggest that the existence of extraterrestrial life is not only possible but probable, without

having to fear being ridiculed. Battaglia even mentions in the foreword of E.T. Culture; Anthropology

in Outerspaces, that at the moment we live in a society where the alien is de-exoticized (Battaglia

2005, 2). Acknowledged institutions, such as SETI , search for evidence of their existence, but

research into the phenomenon is also being conducted by people in their spare time. In fact, the

majority of ufological research is not being done by trained scientists, but by amateurs (Denzler

2003, 69). This complicates Ufology’s scientific position, even though major UFO research

organizations try to develop good scientific research methodologies and teach these to amateur

investigators . Denzler refers to Ben-Yehuda who suggests that what science considers scientific or

pseudoscientific stems from the questions asked by science. Ben Yehuda argues that these questions

are “conditioned by the particular worldview within which they arise” and that this “worldview

contains certain assumptions about the nature of reality”. Science, he argues, has great difficulty in

dealing with “those aspects of reality that can neither be controlled nor created at will under specific

laboratory conditions” (op. cit.: 69-92). According to Denzler, this insight is important, as pseudo-, or

deviant sciences such as ufology not only suggest a different worldview but also a different form of

rationality than the one current science is based on. Pseudoscience could potentially harm the

process of scientific production of knowledge and the legitimacy of science . Denzler also briefly

discusses Lyell Henry who suggests that pseudoscience is a way of re-enchanting the world that has

been disenchanted by science through science; a kind of counterculture to the science that has had

an impoverishing impact on our modern worldview (op. cit.: 93).




Science’s reluctant position towards ufologists has resulted in something Denzler suggests is a

“common condition to all rejected knowledge”: on the one hand ufology has an “inordinate respect

and envy” for the establishment and points with pride to any kind of mainstream support it received,

coupled with scorn and ridicule for the “dogmatic” narrowness of an Establishment that refused to

grant it recognition and legitimacy”. Science’s position feeds a growing disenchantment with science

in those who believe in the reality of UFOs and causes them to turn to “students of the mystery”

where at least they are listened to. This association has existed from the early days of ufology, and

has influenced ufological theories and methodologies (op. cit. : 97 – 99).

If the concepts of SF, UFO, supernatural and science are western constructs, how do these concepts

exist in a non-western context?

3.4 SF, Ufology & the supernatural outside of the west

In his article on Indonesian and Japanese SF, Aguirre mentions a study of Chinese SF by Wu Dingbo

and Patrick Murphy who argue that SF “originates from myths and legends” just like other prose

genres and that not modernization, but ancient myths with their fantastical narratives are to be

considered the ancestors of SF. After non-Western countries are introduced to the seemingly

“imported cultural product” of SF through (usually) locally translated Western works, many societies

become “enchanted” by it and begin to accept it as their own (Aguirre 2009, 103). “This

appropriation” Aguirre argues ”is now by far an insistence for its originality in the culture where it is

thriving or where it is extant, while at the same time proclaiming a dialogic existence with its

progenitors. This has resulted in an ancestry which is not limited to the 'originally imported' science

fiction works of the West, but extends all the way to the fantastical narratives of the culture's own

traditional literature” (ibid.). In other words, the imported genre of SF is transformed into a local

mixture that includes both elements of the imported “western” SF and of traditional local narratives

and mythologies. Sardar, however, suggests that SF is so intertwined with the West that where ever

it goes the same western themes are used and the same western “conundrums” are explored. This,

he says, is why SF makes it harder to imagine different futures (Sardar 2002, 1).

Saethre’s research among the Warlpiri Aboriginals in a small and remote settlement in Australia

suggests another way SF influences non-western countries. The Warlpiri, of whom most were

unemployed, spend a lot of time watching television shows and movies such as the X-Files, Stargate

and Star Trek (Saethre 2007, 901). Seathre however denies that the frequent sighting of UFOs in the

area are “just a product of watching too much television” and suggests that the UFO phenomenon as

presented on these shows and movies contain certain themes that resonate with the Warlpiri. The

western imagery of the UFO as a flying disk and its occupation by extraterrestrials are reflected in




the Warlpiri UFO, but unlike its western counterpart the Warlpiri UFO is not associated with

government cover-ups or medical experiments on abductees.10 Instead, the Warlpiri UFO seems to

protect Warlpiri country from non-Aboriginal intruders by abducting those who “do not belong,”

while at the same time emptying precious water supplies. UFO’s association with water led Saethre

to link these interpretations to warnayarra, giant multicolored snakes or rainbow serpents believed

to inhabit water sources.11 He recalls a discussion between four Warlpiri who are trying to decide

why most of the water from a nearby creek had disappeared. One Warlpiri believed the warnayarra

had moved underground and had taken the water with him; the other three blamed UFOs (op. cit.

907). The warnayarra is also believed to abduct people but serves as a more personal protector,

taking both Warlpiri and non-Warlpiri who do not own the water the creature inhabits. Despite both

being associated with water, there is no mention that UFOs and the warnayarra interact with each

other. Seathre suggests that even though both are seen as natural parts of the environment, as the

Warlpiri do not complain when either of them takes the water, UFOs and aliens were never

discussed within the already established framework of ancestral spirits, dreamtime etcetera, nor

were they believed to have any ownership or special privileges unlike the warnayarra.

The concept of UFOs among the Warlpiri is not just a blatant copy of the western concept, but is

situated in the local context. UFOs are somewhere between the local and the global, as the Warlpiri

combine some, but not all, elements from western ufology with some, but not all, elements from

local beliefs.12 Colonization meant that indigenous knowledge must be “assessed relative to the

knowledge of the colonizers, if it is not to be abandoned as worthless”; UFOs can then provide a

balance between science and indigenous belief (Saethre 2007, 912). All this is assuming the UFOs are

not really sighted and that the idea of extraterrestrial occupants is decidedly western. The intention

of the extraterrestrials is unclear to the Warlpiri, but the idea of visitors from outside the earth is not

new to Aboriginal beliefs. The Pleiades, for example, are thought to be home to seven sisters who,

before leaving earth created mountain springs that still feed the rivers (Bhathal 2006).13 Aboriginals

are no exception to the rule in this regard, as many cultures mention beings coming from or going to

the stars. This association with space might be an important way of differentiating between

extraterrestrials and supernatural creatures.

10

Saethre seems to assume here that the Warlpiri have not actually seen UFOs, as he suggests that the image of flying disks is adopted from the west. 11

UFOs are sometimes associated with water in the West as well.. More information can be found on http://www.waterufo.net. 12

The image of the UFO as a flying disk and alien abduction is adopted, but not the idea of government coverups and medical experiments done on abductees. 13

When the Australian government wanted to build a bridge across one such river, Aboriginal women protested, claiming the bridge would hinder the Sisters’ ascend and descend between sky and water.




Although the supernatural does not exist as an explicit category in every society, most if not all

societies document experiences that could be classified as such. Most of these beliefs revolve around

alternate worlds; parallel to our own but invisible to us (Hunter 2012, 24). These worlds are inhabited

by spirits, ghosts, souls, gods, ancestors, saints and various other-than-human creatures. Often these

beings require some form of interaction, for example offerings to appease or acquire favors. These

beliefs deal with questions about the concepts of ‘self’ and ‘personhood’ and give insight in the

various ways these concepts are constructed around the world (op. cit.: 24-27).

While the details may differ, there are some traits that are fairly common cross-culturally, such as

“the belief that spirits simply want to be remembered”. Another example is the now more common

experience of alien abduction, which follows a similar narrative to encounters with fairies, angels

and other such creatures. Here again the experiences seem quite similar at the core, “with

differences emerging as products of cultural interpretation” (op. cit.: 29-31.) an example of which

would be the Warlpiri UFO mentioned above.

What do these differences and similarities say about the concepts of SF, ufology, the supernatural

and the cultural contexts through which they are constructed and what can anthropologists learn

from and contribute through the answers?

3.5 The Anthropological Connection

Even though anthropology is a western scientific construct - and when adhering to strict definition of

science as “done in a lab” a pseudoscience at that - it can provide insights few (if any) other

disciplines can. As a contextually sensitive discipline, anthropology can provide unique intercultural

perspectives on the contexts leading towards the translation of concepts from both an emic and

ethic point of view. The list of themes that can be explored through these concepts is vast and the

framework presented above is anything but exhaustive.

What struck me about the framework above was how strongly the conceptualization of SF and

ufology brought reflections on the modern and the traditional and their relationship to science and

the supernatural to light, but also the insistence of some scholars that these concepts are decidedly

western, at the least in origin. An analysis of this last observation led to a can of worms filled with

claims of westernization, acculturations and hidden colonialism. Especially the idea that the science

utilized in and by SF-fans and ufologists is western seemed to attach SF and UFOs to the West almost

by default, without regard for their histories in non-western cultures. To properly answer questions

of whether SF or UFOs are symbols of cultural hybrids, appropriations, westernization or

globalization one would have to have a firm grasp of what the West is and especially what separates




Western science from non-western science. Further, one would also need a clear picture of the

concept of science of the society in which SF and ufology are studied and of course knowledge of the

way science is positioned within the local iterations of SF and ufology. I believe that, at this time and

especially for this thesis, a study of SF and ufology is more suited to comment on the concept of

science within a given society than the other way around.

Besides the conceptualization of science, SF and ufology can be used to explore notions of modernity

and its relation to science, but also to the underlying themes shared with the supernatural and

notions of the traditional. At the core of this seems to be the view of truth or facts and the pursuit of

a worldview that accommodates the (cultural) baggage that groups and individuals use to construct

their concepts of reality. As Battaglia noted, “Ufology connects us to sci-fi as sci-fact and reveals

factuality itself to be cultural at the core- and something we may opt to take on faith” (Battaglia

2005, 2). Seathre’s study hints at how these connections can reflect upon issues of belonging,

dislocation, ownership and empowerment, while at the same time giving insight in the assumed

borders and relationships between the indigenous and non-indigenous realms.

3.6 Why Indonesia?

Indonesia is an interesting case through which to study SF, ufology and their related concepts. Ideas

of what it means to be modern and alternatively traditional have been heavily influenced by the New

Order’s rhetoric and visions of modernity. Modern Indonesia required technology and science and so

the Ministry of Research and Technology was founded in 1962. Among the Ministry’s tasks where the

formulation, coordination of implementation and evaluation of national policies with regard to

research, science and technology. In 1978, European educated aviation and aerospace engineer B.J.

Habibie became Minister of Research and Technology and would later become president after the

fall of the New Order, ushering in the age of Reformasi, which opened up Indonesia politically and

exposed it to the global economy and the “webs” of mass media (Barker, Lindquist, and et. al. 2009,

71). The Reformasi promised a more diverse political landscape, fair elections and freedom of the

press. The growing economy allowed more and more people access to what can generally be

considered the tools of modernity, such as access to science and High Technology. While the

Reformasi did bring reforms; corruption, unemployment and poverty are still big problems and

religious intolerance is on the rise. The first of the five pillars which form the philosophical

foundation for the Indonesian state mandates a belief in God Almighty and religious freedom has

been guaranteed through the constitution as long as that religion is one of the six state recognized

religions.14. One of these religious affiliation has to be displayed on Identity Cards and although this

14

Islam, Protestantism, Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism




space can legally be left blank, this could lead to bureaucratic problems, such as obtaining these ID

cards and registering births. In addition, with the current blasphemy laws in place, not adhering to

one of these religions leaves one without legal protection from religious prosecution. Breaking the

blasphemy laws can lead to up to five years in prison and people have been charged six months in

prison for whistling during prayers and two and a half years for professing a nontraditional version of

Islam. Some areas have adopted aspects of Shari’a law, which include the ability to read the Qur’an

in Arabic to apply for a marriage license (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor 2007).

The perception of modernity, influenced by the New Order is linked to science and technology. B.J.

Habibie’s western European educational background suggests he shaped Indonesian scientific and

technological policies along the lines of what he was taught, namely a western European concept of

science. Of course, this is the perpetuation of a trend put in motion by the occupation of Dutch

colonial rule who offered schooling and encouraged a certain, particularly Dutch way of thinking. The

advance of global relations through increased access to hi-tech and telecommunications allows for

further exposure to western ideas. Indonesian society seems prepped to enjoy SF, and even though

the Indonesian Star Trek community is growing, many other SF genres are still struggling and still very

little Indonesian SF is made. Ufology seems to have been adopted much more easily into Indonesian

society and key Indonesian ufologists have openly discussed their beliefs on television. What

differentiates SF from ufology in Indonesia and why are ufologists not thrown in jail for publicly

announcing their unorthodox beliefs? How and why do these concepts of SF and ufology present

themselves in an Indonesian context and how are they used to reflect upon notions of modernity and

traditionality?

Indonesia initially caught my attention when I read an online article on the 2004 Indian Ocean

earthquake and subsequent tsunami. The article stated that the number of reported UFO sightings

had peaked right before the tsunami destroyed much of the Indonesian coastline. As I looked further

into the presence of UFOs in Indonesia, I discovered several communities devoted to these

mysterious objects in the sky.

The next chapter will delve deeper into the local situation.

The Otherworldly in Indonesia



4 The Otherworldly in Indonesia

After the fall of the New Order, Indonesians were free to define their own worldview, while the

growing economy allowed access to means previously unavailable. As this chapter will discuss, the

majority of people seemed to find that new sense of identity in a traditional narrative, the

supernatural or the Dunia lain. Indonesian society has gone from a mandatory push towards the

future, to an identification with the past.

4.1 Western SF & Fiksi Ilmiah

Tracking the history of SF in Indonesia is not easily accomplished, since both Western and Indonesian

SF are not very popular and relatively little media attention is given to them. The academic world is

equally uninterested in these subjects, and few sources can be found that cast a scientific view on

Western SF en Indonesian SF in Indonesia, especially in English. Arvin Chandra however managed to

gather enough resources to create something of a timeline for his Master’s thesis on The

Distinctiveness of Indonesia’s Science Fiction Culture(Chandra 2011). His and Alwin C. Aguirre’s

analysis of Indonesian and Japanese SF give us a clearer picture of the state of SF and Fiksi Ilmiah in

Indonesia.

SF is generally regarded as a “western product” (Aguirre 2009, 103; Chandra 2011, 10), and in turn,

Indonesians consider SF a “foreign culture” and Fiksi Ilmiah as a locally adapted version of its foreign

counterpart (Chandra 2011, 18). Indonesians were first introduced to SF through the Flash Gordon

comic book series that was published by Dutch newspaper de Orient in the 1930s during Dutch

colonial rule (Chandra 2011, 21). At this time, comic books started appearing more regularly, but

most readers were upper class literates in urban areas (ibid).15 16 When Indonesia’s publishers began

to recover from the turmoil of the struggle for independence, more syndicated foreign comics

entered the market, such as Tarzan and the Phantom (op.cit.: 22). These comics were released in

their original language, with Indonesian translations below the panels.17 At this time, Indonesian

artists began creating their own comic books that, although still largely based on their western

counterparts, promoted an Indonesian identity. The first Indonesian superheroine Sri Asih, for

example, looks like Wonder Woman and has powers like Superman. Other Indonesian superheroes

followed, such as Kapten Komet, who takes his inspiration from the Flash Gordon series (op. cit.: 22-

23). Set in 1975, the Kapten Komet comic shows Indonesia’s future from a 1950s post-independent

perspective; a future where Indonesia is a world-recognized power that values education, has a

15

Chandra also speculates that books by Jules Verne and H.G. Wells might also have been in circulation (Chandra 2011, 22) 16

Comics have a long history in Indonesia.. Marcel Bonneff, for example, compares comics with the reliefs found on the Borobudur temples (Chandra 2011, 20–21). 17

This is still being done.




strong economy and is technologically advanced enough to send Kapten Komet to Saturn in a space

ship (ibid.). Here the idea of Fiksi Ilmiah begins to slowly emerge, using the tropes common in SF, e.g.

flights to distant planets and future landscapes, to imagine a (scientifically advanced) future for

Indonesia. A closer analysis of the texts is needed to say how Indonesian this series actually was.

Sardar would point out that at first sight this seems like a Western SF where Indonesia could be

replaced by any other country (or planet). This brings up an interesting problem: what is Indonesian

SF? SF itself is already hard to define, how can we tell what differentiates it from a foreign

counterpart? SF comes from myths and legends, so appropriated SF has both elements of Western SF

and local myths and legends. In this regard, this is not the first Fiksi Ilmiah, but the Indonesian

audience has started producing SF as a means of speculating about the future.

In 1971, translator and author Djokolenono wrote the children’s novel Thrown into the Past18, about

an archeology student who travels back in time after an aircraft explosion and ends up in “the era of

ancient Indonesian kingdoms” (Chandra 2011, 24).19 Its cover is illustrated with several Javanese

mythological figures, which Chandra suggest “can be seen as a way of identifying its Indonesian-ness”

(ibid). Although Thrown into the Past and some of Djokolenono’s other books, such as the Space

Explorer trilogy had but a few SF themes in them, according to Chandra these might be considered

the first Fiksi Ilmiah novels (Chandra 2011, 24). Chandra’s careful conclusion raises the question

about the SF/myth ratio that characterizes Fiksi Ilmiah. A closer reading of the text would be

necessary to get an idea of how Sardar’s theory would apply. At face-value it would seem that the

only remotely SF element is the idea of time travel and I would argue that this idea is not specific to

SF. Another book by Djokolenono is Getaran (Buzz) where a boy ‘s intelligence is heightened by an

electrical shock. The shock was accidental. According to Scalzi’s and Khan’s definitions, neither of

these books are considered SF based on this description. Again, a closer reading of the texts is

necessary.

I refer to Arvin N. Chandra’s excellent work The Distinctiveness of Indonesia’s Science Fiction Culture

for more examples of Fiksi Ilmiah and an interesting study on SF-fandom in Indonesia, which includes

many of the Indo-Star Trek members that participated in this research. Our research was done in the

same year, and so his work would provide a more in-depth background to the Indo-Star Trek

community.

Aguirre described some Indonesian works such as the novels Supernova (2001) and Cokelat

Postmortem (2005) that are labeled as SF by websites and blog discussions because they “contain

18

Terlontar ke Masa Silam 19

Djokolenono wrote several other children’s FI, such as the trilogy Penjelajah Antariska or Space Explorer in the 1970s and 80s (Chandra 2011, 24)




'science fictionish' elements,” such as scientific facts, terminologies or principles, but “do not

necessarily create the critical topology of a narrative” (Aguirre 2009, 104); i.e. the story does contain

some 'science' but the 'science' is not an essential part of the storyline. In his view, Fiksi Ilmiah does

not regard mythology, the supernatural and science as opponents. Instead, Fiksi Ilmiah suggests that

there is “a necessary interconnection of science and religion” (op. cit., 106). Islam's importance to

Indonesia's identity building plays an important part in creating this connection as mentioned by

Dedi Mizwar in an interview (ibid.). Mizwar was inspired by the teachings of Islam and used his

television-show Lorong Waktu on time-traveling Muslims, to convey these lessons to Indonesian

families (ibid.). His main purpose was to show that science and religion do not oppose but actually

complement each other.

Fiksi Ilmiah seems to be a mixture between the Dunia lain and science, with varying ratios one way or

the other. Unlike the TV show Pemburu Hantu, where the scientific element has been erased, Fiksi

Ilmiah purposely adds scientific elements . Although the science is not necessarily essential to the

story, it’s there nonetheless and could open the door to re-imagining science in Indonesian society

and perhaps make it more interesting and accessible to the general public. Ufology already has

supernatural elements, which might mean that this concept is easier to adapt into the Indonesian

context.

4.2 Aliens in Indonesia

Although research has been done in Indonesia on UFO’s and their associated phenomena , no

research has been done on the ufologists of Indonesia. This paragraph will therefore mostly deal with

the history of ufology in Indonesia, as relayed by the BETA-UFO community, in order to give some

sense of the way ufology has manifested locally.

The Indonesian term for an Unidentified Flying Object is Benda Terbang Aneh or BETA and

was first coined by Jacob Salatun, a renowned Indonesian scientist , the first Minister of Industry in

Indonesia and founder of Indonesia’s National Institute of Aeronautics and Space (LAPAN)20. With

Salatun as its first director it appears that a least for a while, LAPAN gathered and reported data on

Indonesian UFO sightings (Langit 2009)21 In the foreword for Salatun's first book – The Mystery of the

Flying Saucer Revealed -, engineer Kusudiarso Hadinoto reveals Salatun convinced him and

Lieutenant Colonel Soedjono of the Indonesian Air Force (TNI-AN) to visit the Project Bluebook office

at the Air Technical Intelligence Center (ATIC) at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio.

During their visit, Hadinoto and Soedjono met with Major Robert B. Friend jr., Project Bluebook's

20

Lembah Penerbangandan Antaiksa Nasional 21

I could not verify this claim




commanding officer, who showed them Project Bluebook's archives, which held over 5000 UFO-

related case files. Salatun used the information gathered during this trip in his book , which received

endorsements from then prime minister Djuanda and TNI-AN's chief of staff Air Marshall S.

Suryadarma. The book, written in 1960, was the first book on ufology written and published by an

Indonesian.

Salatun was not the only Indonesian government official who believed in the existence of

UFOS. From September 18 to 24, 1964 several UFOs were sighted in the skies around the cities of

Surabaya, Malang and Bangkalan in East Java; sightings that were corroborated by radar visuals

(ibid). Worried about a possible attack from neighboring Malaysia the military opened fire (ibid).

Interestingly there are no known newspaper articles on the subject, which seems odd since the event

was significant enough to cause Second Deputy-prime Minister J. Leimena to issue an official

statement in October that year, urging people to stay calm and not to speculate about the sightings

(ibid). According to Salatun the incident was “... one of the most spectacular UFO incident*s+ in

Indonesia... as … UFOs penetrated a well-defended area... for two weeks at a stretch, and each time

were welcomed with perhaps the heaviest anti-aircraft barrage in history”(ibid) . A letter dated May

5, 1967 -two years after the East Java sightings- by TNI-AN's ad interim chief of staff Air Marshall

Roesmin Nurjadin makes this apparent lack of news reports even stranger. In this letter, addressed to

one Yusake J. Matsumura , Nurjadin wrote that “UFOs sighted in Indonesia are identical with those

sighted in other countries... Sometimes they [the UFOs] pose a problem for our air defense and once

we were obliged to fire on them”(ibid). .

I'm unsure how these early UFO believers within the government have affected the

Indonesian governmental institutions today. When on January 24th 2011, a crop circle was

discovered in Jogotirto village, Sleman, Yogyakarta, the police helped protect the crop circle from

being trampled by curious visitors. The Indonesian Air Force responded by dispatching a helicopter to

take pictures of the circle, which was “thought to be leftover from a UFO ” (Sudiarno 2011).

However, a Jakarta Post article on the crop circle claims that “for years, the Indonesian government

(...) have denied UFOs as phenomena deserving careful study” (Krismantari 2011). This is

corroborated by Thomas Djamaluddin, a research professor of astronomy and astrophysics at

LAPAN, who said that “We *scientist+ have come to agree that this ‘thing’ cannot be scientifically

proven. Scientists have put UFOs in the category of pseudoscience” (ibid.). After a series of

investigations surrounding the sightings, LAPAN then concluded that the crop circle was man-made

(ibid.). According to Djamaluddin, LAPAN's interest in UFOs in the past “merely reflected J. Salatun’s

individual interest in the subject and didn’t represent the view of the agency” (ibid.). UFO

communities like BETA-UFO, are considered “hobby groups” like bird watchers by LAPAN. Not




everyone in the scientific community shares LAPAN's, or at least Djamaluddin's opinion that UFOs

can't be scientifically proven.

SUFOI was the first UFO organization in Indonesia and was founded by J. Salatun.22 The only

reference made to this organization was in Salatun’s own book and its current status is unknown. Nur

Agustinus founded the OMEGA community when he was in high school in 1979.23 Under the guidance

of a university professor of Mathematics and Science at Unika Widya Mandala, this group studied

UFOs and conducted experiments with rocket launches. SCUFOS, founded by Hary Iswanto in 1995

studied the UFO phenomenon from a scientific angle.24 Both organizations are no longer active.

Other UFO communities include BETA-UFO, Ufonesia and the Grey Race Foundation; all of which are

currently still active albeit in different forms.25

4.3 The Dunia Lain in a Modern Context

One of my favorite travel tips for those going to Indonesia is asking locals if they have any hantu

stories. Everyone there seems to have had personally experienced an encounter with a hantu, or at

the very least knows someone who has. Looking at Indonesian media gives another hint as to the

country’s fascination with the Dunia Lain; a lot of locally made movies , for example, are ghost or

horror stories and there are magazines such as Wahana Mistis and Misteri, which deal solely with

the Dunia Lain. Dunia Lain means Other World and is used to describe a world outside of the normal

human world, like another planet or another dimension (“Dunia Lain (disambiguasi)” 2014). Another

way to describe Dunia Lain is the supernatural world. The definition of the Dunia Lain in this thesis

will be as broad as the definition of supernatural here, so it will include religious aspects as well.

Part of this fascination with the supernatural is due to Indonesia’s recent history. The New Order

regime considered supernatural beliefs, ‘superstitions,’ legends, folk stories and beliefs or ‘traditional

culture’ far removed from “modern society and the prospected future” Indonesia was heading for

and a threat to the ‘development’ of Indonesia into a modern nation (Barendregt 2006, 293–294).

Horror and supernatural movies and television shows were believed to feed these ideas and were

consequently designated as ‘traditional culture’ as well (ibid). After the Reformasi, freed from New

Order’s high-sounding rhetoric and marginalization of folk beliefs (op. cit.: 318), the Indonesian

media turned its attention to the “representation of ordinary people’s everyday realities” (op cit.:

22

SUFOI: Studi UFO Indonesia or UFO studies Indonesia 23

OMEGA: Organisasi Masyarakat Eksplorasi Gejala Antarikse or Symptoms Space Exploration Society Organization 24

SCUFOS: Scientific Forum for UFO Studies 25

Ufonesia seems to be only active on Twitter and although the Grey Race Foundation lacks an Internetpresence, its founder Irfan occasionally shows up in UFO related newspaper articles and televisionshows.




289). Because of the New Order’s claim that their supernatural beliefs were part of ‘traditional

culture, ‘ these notions of the supernatural became part of the “local,” the “real” and “authentic”

(op. cit.: 318). Katinka van Heeren’s research on reality ghost hunter TV-shows illustrates this.

Van Heeren describes how the reality TV show Pemburu Hantu or Ghosthunters refers to the

American movie the Ghostbusters by using their theme song and catchphrase (Arps and van Heeren

2006, 294–296). 26 The American Ghostbusters mix the supernatural/horror theme with SF by using

technology to capture spirits (Scalzi 2005, 181). Pemburu Hantu however, deals with the

supernatural with the help of a Javanese magic specialist, someone representing Islamic authority, a

Javanese mystic/Islamic scholar and someone who paints the beings they encounter on the show

with his eyes closed (Arps and van Heeren 2006, 297). Here, the scientific element has been erased

and replaced by supernatural or spiritual elements. Van Heeren’s example of the haunting of

Hardrock FM radio shows an interesting dynamic between the supernatural and technology in

Indonesia. Pemburu Hantu is invited to go ghost hunting in ‘modern’ radio station Hardrock FM

radio, located on the top floor of one of Jakarta’s malls. What stood out for me was when the

presenter commented that ‘the intervention of supernatural beings is apparently not influenced by

the progression of time nor the location that they inhabit’ or as van Heeren comments “ even

skyscrapers packed with all kinds of highly developed facilities cannot escape the intrusion of

supernatural forces” (op. cit.:296). Could it be that these supernatural activities are a statement

against science and technology? During the New Order the ‘development’ of Indonesia into a

‘modern’ state was the main goal and modernity required technology. Even after the Reformasi,

technology was still a primary part of that modernity. Most Indonesians, however, did not have

access to any digital technology (Barendregt 2006, 334) and were thus excluded from the digital

revolution. Stories circulating about mobile phones setting off bombs, fake tsunami warnings and

obscene text messages highlighted the “downside” of modern technology (op. cit.: 331-332). Not

much later rumors about haunted cell phones emerged (op. cit.: 333). This lack of access to high

technology, its association with a vague notion of what ‘modernity’ is and technology’s association

with the New Order’s policies might have caused Indonesians to feel removed from technology.

Technology may be part of the ‘modern’ world people live in, but the people’s ‘essence’ is depicted

by the spiritual. Seen in this way, the ghosts represent the people of Indonesia standing stronger

than ‘modernity’ as represented by the Hardrock FM station.

26

Who you gonna call? Ghostbusters!




4.4 Technology in a Traditional Context

Although it might seem that the traditional is “ winning” from the modern, Strassler’s examination of

visual representations of Ratu Kidul suggest that some features of the modern and technology have a

strong foothold in Indonesian society and that traditions can successfully incorporate these new

elements in their narratives.

Hierarchy and power have historically been demonstrated by visual accessibility. Before

independence, the Sultans of Solo and Yogyakarta had been almost invisible to their subjects,

keeping their ”sacred, charismatic power” while “generating the mystique of a spiritually charged,

authentic Java” (Strassler 2014, 109). Even more elusive was the image of Ratu Kidul who only

appeared to her sultan husbands with whom she had a romantic as well as political tie. After

independence, Indonesia’s political landscape shifted from a “divine, autocratic political authority to

a modern, secular, national-democratic order” closely tied to a mass-mediated public sphere and

photographs of the sultans began to appear in national newspapers. 27 This caused “intense

discomfort” at first, as the old hierarchies were being dismantled by their visual representation and

desacralized by its contact with the profane . The sultans then faced a choice; retreat from public life

to retain their sacred, charismatic power and become irrelevant to the new political situation or to

risk losing some of that power and gain new efficacy by “participating in national representational

practices and circulatory networks” demanded by the newly independent modern secular Indonesia

for political recognition (ibid.). Ratu Kidul began appearing in the public eye as well, when her image

was first produced by local artists in the 1950s and distributed through photo-reproduction (op. cit.:

101,108). As visual access to Ratu Kidul became “democratized” and she became more widely

known, her appearance and narrative became open to interpretation (Strassler 2014, 110 vid. infra;

Wessing 2007, 531–532). 28 Especially her appearance in movies that depicted Ratu Kidul in different

situations and locations, dislodged her mythology from “specific locations, narratives, and practices,”

(Strassler 2014, 114; Wessing 2007, 542) and placed her in the discussions of the national arena,

widening the myth’s appeal and impact (Wessing 2007, 545). When Mount Merapi caused a number

of earthquakes in 2006, two years after the tsunami devastated parts of Indonesia, many considered

this a warning from Ratu Kidul that adherence to modernity and its “ills” are a “threat to Javanese

cultural heritage and values” and that Javanese traditions must be upheld (Schlehe 2010, 115). 29

27

See also Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities on how mass-media, such as newspapers, create a sense of community. 28

Her facial features in some of the original paintings only look vaguely Indonesian and the poses in which she is depicted have a stronger resemblance with European than Javanese art traditions; placing her in a “globalized iconography of modern feminine beauty and sexuality” (Strassler 2014, 113–114). 29

Ills of Modernity: modern values, modernisation, globalisation, consumerism, moral decay, individualism, corruption, human intervention in and the destruction of nature. (Schlehe 2010, 115). The sultan of Yogyakarta




When the Sumadra Beach Hotel - what Strassler calls an ”icon of the globalized modernity to which

postcolonial nation-states like Indonesia aspire” (Strassler 2014, 112) - neglected to appease Ratu

Kidul before their grand opening, she send a wave to destroy the outdoor dining area and soak the

guests (ibid.). To make sure she would never feel unwelcome again, she was given her own room,

decorated in her favorite color (green) and pictures of Sukarno and herself.30 From the bottom of the

ocean to a modern hotel room, from invisible supernatural power to visual icon of traditional culture,

now Ratu Kidul was being reframed as a tourist attraction.

Reimagined Ratu Kidul has become a powerful player in the national discussions on the status of the

supernatural in Indonesian culture and an icon of “authentic Indonesian tradition” (Strassler 2014,

101). Technology then has allowed the translation of the supernatural Ratu Kidul into a new

modernity.

4.5 Conclusion

Fiksi Ilmiah does not see the supernatural and science as opposites of each other, allowing the re-

imagination of both science of the supernatural in Indonesia. Like Ratu Kidul who was re-established

as an important figure, this complementary relationship between science and the supernatural can

be found in ufology. Ufology has already had a history in Indonesia, and not just through SF or Fiksi

Ilmiah. People have observed strange objects in the sky and instead of interpreting these sightings

along traditional lines, some like Salatun have explained them through the concept of UFOs. It seems

though that there is a reluctance among Indonesian scientists to accept this explanation. Indonesia is

then no different from the West in this regard. Indonesia’s ambiguous stance towards science and

technology can be seen through the supernatural as well. While at the one hand the supernatural is

uneffected by technology, like the ghosts in the Hardrock café, the supernatural is helped by

modernity on the other. The narrative of Ratu Kidul, for example, is made relevant again through her

new found visibility.

was blamed as he was considered too modern, too business oriented, only had one wife and no son, and focused too much on Islam (ibid.). He also didn’t show interest in a relationship with Ratu Kidul, despite upholding the ritual traditions expected. 30

The hotel was one of Sukarno’s “pet projects” (Strassler 2014, 111)




5 Who are the Science Fiction fans and ufologists in Indonesia?

The next three chapters will revolve around the people who were kind enough to speak to me about

their lives and especially how they relate to SF, ufology and Star Trek. This chapter attempts to

analyze who the respondents are in the most basic sense of the word, i.e. what are respondents’

gender, location, age, education, income, religion and profession? These variables might help

understand what is particular about this group of people, besides their interest in SF, ufology and

Star Trek. Respondents here will be treated as one group instead of the four groups operationalized

mainly because of the small size of the samples per group and the considerable overlap of the results

per group. Anything particular to a subgroup will be mentioned in the accompanying text.

5.1 Gender

Of the thirty-four respondents I interviewed, six were female, of which one was a member of BETA-

UFO, four were non-affiliated SF fans and three did not belong to any of the four groups. By contrast,

twenty-eight of the male respondents fell into one of the categories, while only four did not.

Table 1: Gender distribution respondents

Because of its small sample size, not a whole lot can be said about the gender distribution within the

response groups, but it does point in a certain direction: not a lot of women are members of Indo-

Star Trek or BETA-UFO. Looking through the members of the BETA-UFO and Indo-Star Trek Facebook

groups, this trend is again noticeable, although not as strong as Table 1 would suggest. Out of the

nine Indo-Star Trek-fans who attended the Jakarta cosplay, only two were women.

This is in line with Chandra’s findings, who interviewed Indo-Star Trek in the same year as I did. Of his

thirty respondents, eight were female and he rightly concludes that at the very least it is more

difficult to gather female respondents than male (Chandra 2011, 7). No further data is known about

the distribution within BETA-UFO.

According to a 2005 census there are approximately as many men and women in Indonesia between

the ages of 25 and 39 (SPAN and SUPAS 2005) so an explanation for the differences in gender

representation has to be sought elsewhere. Gender has not been a topic once in any of the

conversations held during research.

Frequency Percent

Women 6 17.6

Men 28 82.4

Total 34 100




I did come across a lot of female characters such as the Awang Bulan and the Queen of the Southern

Sea. Women such as Captain Janeway and Doctor Crusher play important parts in Star Trek and

female authors such as Dewi Lestari who wrote Supernova.

Jindra mentioned in his article on Star Trek and religion that the fandom was first adopted by men,

but female fans followed soon and took on a leadership role (Jindra 1994, 35–37). The letter

campaign that prevented Star Trek from being cancelled was initiate by a woman, for example.

Women wrote Star Trek fan fiction and started fan clubs. According to Jindra, the female fans

focused mostly on relationships between cast members and he suggests women are allowed to play

certain roles and express feelings that a masculine culture would not allow otherwise. Jindra also

noticed that the male and female fans intermarried and raised their children to be fans. Star Trek

fandom then would seem to serve an emancipatory function for some female fans, and women were

an integral part of the success of the franchise and the fandom.

It would be interesting to see if more women join the Indo-Star Trek fanclub and what their role

would be. Between 2010 and 2014, the most prominent members were men appearing often in

news articles, but female fans do appear in almost all the accompanying photographs and are often

interviewed as well. None of these female fans had reoccurring appearances in the media. Star Trek

member Erianto’s son is already a big Star Trek fan, suggesting a new generation of Star Trek fans is

being raised, even if it is just the one for now. The SF group did have four women, but three of them

did not speak much. It is hard to make further assumptions about this group because they did not

profile themselves as a specific fan club. One female respondent did most of the talking, together

with two male respondents. Findings with regards to this group are mostly based on their comments.

BETA-UFO also has few female members, and the only one interviewed was member Edy Susanto’s

wife Liska, who was only a member because her husband was. She said she believed in UFOs but

wasn’t really interested in the subject, as it was too scientific. She preferred to discuss “lighter stuff”

such as religion and science did not really interest her. She did join her husband during some of his

research, like when he investigated the UFO photographs taken at Manga Dua Square, and actively

participated in the replication and analysis of the photographs. No female members were ever

present during media interviews. I have not seen one female ufologist mentioned in any media

outlet.

It seems that SF and ufology are predominantly men’s worlds at the present. Jindra’s research

suggests that at least Indo-Star Trek will attract more female fans and that these fans will take on

bigger roles within the community. It would be interesting to see if Indo-Star Trek follows the same

pattern as the Western Star Trek fandom. As this research wasn’t about gender issues within ufology




and SF I haven’t included any further theories about gender, but Liska’s comment does makes me

wonder about the interest women in Indonesia have in science compared to their male counterparts.

5.2 Age

Of all the respondents interviewed, five were born between 1980 and 1989, sixteen between 1970

and 1979, three between 1960 and 1969, one between 1950 and 1959 and one between 1940 and

1949. This means that most of the respondents were born during the Orde Baru and many of them

went to school during Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie’s time as Minister of Research and Technology.

Some respondents also noticed a possible relationship between age and an interest in SF and/or

Ufology. An Indo-Star Trek member mentioned that there was only one television channel during the

1960s through 1980s, and that channel aired Star Trek. That “age group” watched the show and

might still watch it today. On the other hand, during that same interview someone mentioned that a

lot of people probably liked Star Trek when they were young, but “lost touch” with the show when

they grew up.

Whatever the case, most respondents mentioned that their interest in SF and ufology formed during

childhood or while at school, when they first came into contact with Star Trek, SF or ufology through

television, novels or comics. I would like to add that respondents grew up during a time in which

modernity was promoted through science and technology, both in politics and probably in the

schools they attended. When after the Reformasi Indonesia reinvented its identity along traditional

lines, these people had been raised to consider science and technology as part of their identity. Of

course, they were not the only ones who grew up in an environment that promoted this modern

1 1

3

16

5

0 0

1940-1949 1950-1959 1960-1969 1970-1979 1980-1989 1990-1999 2000-2009

Timeline

Number of Respondents by Year of Birth

B.J. Habibie Minister of Research & Technology

Orde Baru




identity. So what separates respondents from Indonesians that did embrace the traditional identity?

According to Barendregt, one of the reasons this traditional identity was adopted was because

Indonesians “feel removed” from high technology because they did not have access to it. Technology

was part of the world, but not indicative of Indonesian identity. Like the concept of Fiksi Ilmiah as

defined by Chandra, technology is a backdrop to people’s lives but not essential. Did respondents

have access to high technology and therefor lead them to feeling this was part of their lives? The

modernity in Indonesia includes technology and science, it is just that most people do not feel they

are represented by this view of modernity. Respondents feel different about this, as we shall see.

5.3 Location

Twenty of the thirty respondents lived in the Jakarta area. Five in the Yogyakarta area , two in

Bandung, one in Surabaya, one in Denpasar and one in Perth, Australia. Like Chandra, all of my

respondents come from a large city or metropolitan area.

All of the Indo-Star Trek members I interviewed lived in the Jakarta area. Compared to Chandra’s

results, my respondents (for Indo-Star Trek) were much less dispersed, although twenty-three of his

thirty respondents also came from the Jakarta area (Chandra 2011, 7). Most Indo-Star Trek activities

are also held in Jakarta, so this distribution might be due to the most active (and thus most likely to

respond) Indo-Star Trek members living in Jakarta. This data suggests that those interested in SF or

Ufology most likely live in an urban setting.

One Indo-Star Trek respondent mentioned that he lived in Jakarta because he was a Web developer

who worked from home. “There’s no other city in Indonesia with better internet that is available to

ordinary homes than Jakarta. Afaik: Bandung only has few areas with good internet.”31 The Internet

was also an important means of correspondence because, as one respondent put it “we don’t have

to fight the traffic.” Most of the people in and around Jakarta worked in Jakarta.

Location is not only important for Internet access, but also access to physical items and like-minded

Indonesians. SF and Star Trek DVDs are not easy to obtain in Jakarta, let alone a remote village on

Kalimantan. SF Fans mentioned going on a road trip from Jakarta to Bandung, because of a specific

secondhand bookstore that sold SF. Books about UFOs are also hard to come by, although I did find a

book about Atlantis being hidden in the Indian ocean near Indonesia.

UFOs and aliens have been spotted all over Indonesia , with the majority on Java. There could be a

relation between access the Internet and knowledge about UFOs or BETA-UFO (for reporting

purposes).

31

AFAIK: As Far As I Know




Figure 2: Distribution of ufological sightings and discoveries in Indonesia (Amus 2012)

It has to be mentioned that the location of respondents corresponds with the locations where I did

research. Since I contacted most respondents through the Internet and interviewed a number of

them online, the distribution doesn’t necessarily has to be correlated with my personal, physical

location.

5.4 Education

Twenty-one of the respondents within one of the research groups had a tertiary education. At least

one respondent was working on his PhD, several had Master’s or Bachelor’s degrees from a

university. This is another result that corresponds with Chandra’s finding. All of his thirty respondents

had a university degree of higher (Chandra 2011, 8).

Nur Agustinus, founder of BETA-UFO, has a Master’s degree in Psychology and was working on his

PhD in Management. Management has five different subjects and Nur is following an overarching

study “to make BETA-UFO better as an organization. ” Arvin Nathanael Chandra was a Media and

Cultural Studies student at the University of Perth and did research on Fiksi Ilmiah that is currently

being used in this thesis (Chandra 2011).

The number of respondents with a tertiary education seems significant. A number of SF and Indo-Star

Trek respondents mentioned that a proper education benefits SF. Erianto Rachman, Indo-Star Trek

member, said ;”Education triggers curiosity and [one] wants to know more, and [is] willing to spend

some time to quench the curiosity. Sci-Fi is a high profile entertainment. You need to think to enjoy!”

The SF group mentioned that, during his time as Minister of Research and Technology, B.J. Habibie

campaigned for more science in schools. During this time (1978-1998) schools had science groups

and science competitions. Science then was an important part of the curriculum, but now, they don’t

hear as much about it as they used to. Science in schools has become something to remember, not




applied. Children no longer have to create or analyze to be able to participate in these competitions.

“The competition is in other countries. Not here.” The group, and especially one member, spoke very

fondly of Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie and his career as Minister. The current president Susilo

Bambang Yudhoyono however, disbanded the Ministry of Science and Technology and science has

been pushed to the background. Students have to travel abroad for scientific training and most don’t

return.

The SF group illustrated their perception of the scientific situation in Indonesia during the New Order

and the decline to its current state. It seemed this group of respondents was nostalgic for the time

where science was more important to the Indonesian identity. I am unsure as to how this group

knows about the current status of science in the school system today, and their perception might be

colored by an idealization of their education, especially if their current jobs do not provide a

sufficiently intellectually challenging environment. Their comments are still indicative of a group of

people who wish to see more science in their surroundings than they currently have. They wish for

Indonesia to be more positive towards science.

Respondents were all highly educated people, and a great number of them at least started their

education during the New Order. As we can see from their professions, many respondents had a

technical education as well. These people do not feel removed from science and technology because

this is what they have been taught, this is what they know. Maybe this is why we see so many

respondents from the same age group. Their education, as well as the political system in which they

grew up was very positive towards science and technology. Still, this does not make them different

from other Indonesians who were born in the same period. What makes them different is that they

continued their education to a tertiary level. Respondent Nick the Balinese taxi driver for example,

did not have a tertiary education and he had never heard of UFOS despite his close proximity to

western foreigners. He did speak English and was able to rent and watch DVDs with ufological and

other SF themes. He was not interested in SF and UFOs, and instead took us to a place where we

could check if we had “the eyes” to see hantu. He also preferred to watch Mister Bean. This does not

mean that having a tertiary education automatically means an interest in SF or UFOs. I spoke with a

number of other people, either still in school (university) or having already finished that weren’t

interested in either as well. What was interesting is that often the conversations about UFOs ended

up being about hantu or pocong.32 Somewhere, the connection between UFOs and the supernatural

is already being made.

32

A Moslim hantu.




5.5 Socio-economic Status

Specific salaries of respondents are not known, but there are a number of indications that suggest

the response groups are mostly middle to upper class.

Buying SF merchandise in Indonesia is often expensive and illegal downloading is frowned upon by

Indo-Star Trek (which doesn’t mean it doesn’t happen) but some respondents are willing to spend a

lot of money to have the original DVDs of Star Trek. The creation of costumes and games is another

indication that respondents had the free time and the disposable income to maintain fandom with

such vigor.

A lot of respondents travel abroad fairly regularly, to Japan to sell and collect toys, to Australia, to

Belgium to visit the Tin Tin-museum. Some have moved abroad since research ended. But they also

travel within Indonesia, like the SF group who drove to a large secondhand bookstore in Bandung to

buy books. BETA-UFO’s Nur Agustinus has so many books, he hired someone to catalogue them and

ran out of money to pay that man before he ran out of books. Dedi Suardi lives in a mansion worthy

of James Bond on a slope overlooking Bandung. He watches UFO’s from his open balcony through a

beautiful telescope.

Respondents seemed to have, at the least, a comfortable level of income, which allowed them to

pursue their interests. Some respondents seemed to spend a lot of money of merchandise, but also

travel. Another indication of the elite status of SF is the Star Trek exhibition Indo-Star Trek helped

organize in a Jakarta mall. Entrance fees start at Rp 50.000 for children, a considerable amount of

money for most Indonesians. High incomes then, seems to be one of key features of the

respondents. It is possible to be a SF-fan or ufologists without spending a lot of money, if one has

access to the Internet or is located near a store that sells for example books at a low price, but

respondents seemed to spend a lot of their income on their hobby.

5.6 Religion

Eight respondents identified as Muslim, four as Christian, two as Catholic, one as a Buddhist, one as

an Agnostic, one as an Atheist and two as “other.” These results are similar to Chandra’s findings

(Chandra 2011, 8).

Of the Muslim respondents, some informed me that they prayed five times a day and one Muslima

was wearing a headscarf. Other than this, there were no obvious signs of respondents’ religion. The

classification here was made through the observation of the signs already mentioned or through

respondents answers to the question: “What is your religion?” Religious affiliation among




respondents is much more diverse and complicated than the summation above suggest.

Respondents ranged from not believing in god to using religion to find answers to UFO questions.

Respondent Julius, called himself “a free entity” and mentioned he didn’t “believe in religions.”

Respondent Indra saw himself as “not quite religious” and he mentioned not going to church every

week. Indra believes that if you believe that everything is from earth, as the bible implies, you are

“not open-minded. Just because it is in the Good Book, doesn’t mean it’s true.” Respondent Edy calls

himself half Buddhist and half Christian, because he spent twelve years on a Christian school. Edy

says he was religious until he learned of UFOs and aliens through books and TV. He also heard about

the “bad side of religion” and started to doubt. Now, he say, he is not very religious anymore, but he

keeps an open mind that there might be a god. He says his faith is 49% religion because he doesn’t

want to go to hell, but 51% are for the aliens and UFOs. This way, he doesn’t have to follow the rules

of the different religions. Respondent Nur identified as an Agnostic. If there is a god, he wouldn’t be

interested in UFOs. Nur says he is only interested in other religions because of the “facts” he can link

to UFOs, such as the flying chariot described by Ezekiel in the bible. According to Nur, especially

Buddhism and Hinduism are interesting, but complex at the same time. Dedy Suardi, a Muslim, said

he searched the Qur’an for clues about UFOs and found many verses that said that Allah created

multiple planets. That is why he believes in aliens for another solar system. He also discovered that

Jinn do not have shadows, but UFOs do. That’s how he can tell the difference between the two.

Respondent Nugy, when asked if he was looking for something particular about the UFO

phenomenon he answered: “yes the link of UFO to religion, the origin of human and Atlantis.” He

didn’t believe in von Daniken’s idea that humans were created by aliens, but he did agree with

Religion

Muslim

Christian

Catholic

Buddhist

Agnostic

Atheist

Other




Branton’s The Secret of the Mojave which suggests that ancient humans on earth had “already an

advanced high tech civilization and they go exploring and colonizing the universe.” According to

Dedy, the Hindu book of Mahābhārata also says that ancient humans were technologically advanced.

He believes a nuclear war send humans back to the stone age , but sees this as a cycle in human

history: humans reach a certain point and then destroy themselves. According to UFO believer and

Reiki Master Thomas aliens are not just technologically advanced, but spiritually as well. He believes

that when humans develop their “spirituality” enough, they will be able to travel to other planets

through teleportation or an Out-of-Body experience. The Javanese people already undertake “astral

journeys” like the 9th sultan of Yogyakarta Sembilan who could be in three places at the same time.

According to Thomas, aliens are spiritually advanced and “in tune with the universe.” To be in tune

with the universe, means being on the same “frequency” as the universe. This idea of a connection

between frequencies and UFOs was mentioned by a few other respondents as well. Dedi Suardi for

example suggested that not everyone can see UFOs and that this might be due to either the angle

from which the UFO is seen, but it could also be the frequency. This frequency is often linked to

other dimensions and spirits.

As these quotes demonstrate, religion can be either a source of information when related to UFOs or

its counterpart. UFO skeptic Bowon doesn’t believe in UFOs because he believes in the Qur’an.

According to him the Qur’an says that Allah only created the earth. Jinn and hantu are not aliens, but

come from the Dunia Lain. They have been created by Allah, but they are still of the earth. A

respondent from Indo-Star Trek mentioned that the Qur’an says humans are from earth, but not that

there are only humans in the universe. Religion is a sensitive subject among the Indo-Star Trek

community. Although they pride themselves as being an open community that, through Star Trek, is

open to many subjects of debate, discussions concerning religion are discouraged. The group did

augment this comment by implying that at least one member did not believe in god and highlighted

the diversity of religion within the community. As we have seen, religion is very prominent in

Indonesian society, and not associating oneself with one of the state recognized religions or having

an unorthodox interpretation could land someone in jail. Indo-Star Trek ‘s decision to discourage

religious talk might protect the community from internal quarrels and make the community a neutral

ground religion wise. BETA-UFO has a one sentence disclaimer on its website which states that they

“do not expect to confuse the issue of religion or disturb the faith of our respective religions.” Nur

Agustinus also mentioned during his interview that BETA-UFO should not be confused with religious

cults such as the Raelians.

The place of religion in ufology and SF is a strange one. On the one hand religion is used to disprove

UFOs, while on the other hand the same line in the Qur’an is used to prove the existence of life




outside of earth. A number of BETA-UFO respondents reported a disbelief in god, or feeling removed

from religion; while other respondents tried to incorporate UFOs into their current belief systems.

There is a link to be made, although what this link constitutes is a matter of perspective. BETA-UFO

members are considered “star gazers” or having an active imagination by respondents who did not

believe in UFOs. One respondents joked that he only saw UFOs when he had taken magic

mushrooms, but did not believe they could be seen without some sort of mind altering substance.

Even though BETA-UFO and other ufologists are asked to publicly comment on certain events by the

media, it is hard to assess how seriously they are taken by the general population. Edy mentioned a

television show that was airing at the time that included ufological themes, but mostly made fun of

it. He did not feel he was being taken very seriously.

5.7 Profession

Most of my respondents within the research groups were in IT, although this sample is really too

small to say for sure. Chandra’s research among Indo-Star Trek was very diverse, with respondents

from medical or health services, accounting, but again most respondents were in IT. Respondent

Indra commented that “most BETA-UFO members are in IT.” Being in IT and in most of these

professions will most likely give respondents Internet access at work.

Profession Frequency

IT 5

Marketing 3

Education 1

Translator/Journalist 3

Other 3

Total 15

There is no indication that being interested in ufology, SF or ST has a negative impact on respondents

working life. Some are even very open about it at work. BETA-UFO’s Nur Agustinus has his own

company making psychological profiles for job candidates. He has some large banks amongst his

clients. He has an office space with a reception, a room to take the profile tests, an office and a large

library filled with ufological books. The library is not accessible to the public. Before you enter the

office through the front door, you see the BETA-UFO sticker on the door. When you enter the

building and walk up the stairs, you are greeted by some of Nur’s own UFO paintings. There are

several show cases filled with plastic E.T.’s, Greys,UFOs, etc in the lobby and the office. The office has

book cases with ufological books covered in a big banner with the BETA-UFO banner and a 1,50m real




to scale Grey alien in a body warmer with an alien logo called Mister Grey. His association with BETA-

UFO is easily made online as well. Nur mentioned that although people sometimes look at him funny,

it has not affected his work (yet).

Photo 1: Nur, Mister Grey and myself

5.8 Summary

It seems that respondents did not differ much in gender, age, location, income and level of

education. Most of them were men who grew up during the New Order, got their advanced degrees

and reside in urban areas with a moderate to high income. It can be said that respondents were part

of the elite or of the emerging middle class in Indonesia. Like other Indonesians, their vision of

modernity was constructed through the New Order’s presentation of modernity but, unlike most

Indonesians, they had access. Their educational level implies that they understand the narratives of

modernity and the language of science, while at the same time their income level and location grants




them access to the “tools of modernity.” Their interest in SF and ufology, with its scientific

background and modern implications, suggests that they do not feel removed from technology and

are actually attracted to it.

Religion takes an interesting position, especially in ufology. It seems as though respondents feel

removed from this in varying degrees. For some, both religion and UFOs are facts that need to be

reconciled with each other, while others stopped believing in “religion” all together. It seems that

ufology works as an alternative belief that is not necessarily hindered by religion. It is possible to be

pious and belief in God and UFOs, but it is also possible to believe in UFOs and not in God. It is also

possible to believe in God and not in UFOs, but that is not really the topic of investigation.

Respondent Thomas already hinted at the connection between UFOs, religion and the supernatural,

but this will be further discussed in the upcoming chapters.

What activities do Science Fiction fans and ufologist in Indonesia undertake?



6 What activities do Science Fiction fans and ufologist in Indonesia

undertake?

The previous chapter answered some questions about who the respondents are that are interested

in SF and UFOs. The demographic seems, at first glance, to be rather homogenous with regard to

gender, age, location, education and income. This chapter takes a closer look at the activities the

response groups undertake and here we begin to see what separates the different groups from each

other. The activities associated with ufology are quite different from the activities associated with SF

although, again, there are similarities. For this reason, this chapter will first look at the different

groups and their online and offline activities.

6.1 Indo-Star Trek

Indo Star-Trek started with Indonesian Star Trek fans in the major cities communicating with each

other through letters and newspaper advertisements (Chandra 2011, 40). With the arrival of the

internet, the community moved online through the Indo Star Trek Yahoo-group in 2003.33 Their first

offline gathering was on May 15, 2006 and since that time their Indonesian Star Trek universe has

expanded to a website34, a forum35, twitter36 and Facebook.37 On January 13, 2010, their slogan “... to

boldly go where no Indonesian has gone before” had been adopted by over 700 members.38 And

since 2010, the community added the possibility to apply for a membership-card (Indo Star Trek

2010). There has been very little activity on the yahoo group with between three to twenty messages

each month since January 2014, Indo Star Trek’s forum has been under maintenance for some time

now and the website is outdated.39 On June 29th 2014 however, The Indo Star Trek twitter account

has 1681 followers and the Facebook community has expanded to 1,143 members and is continuing

to grow. In Erianto Rachman’s, Indo Star-Trek’s frontman during this research, own words :”We are a

very famous community in Indonesia. We have appeared countless times in all media (Radios, TVs

Magazines, NewsPapers, Tabloids) We have thrown / hosted the biggest community gathering ever

happened in this country ever! (…) We have partnerships.”

In 2009, in cooperation with the Indonesian telecommunication-provider Indosat, Indo Star Trek

organized a movie-night with the newly released Star Trek movie at Taman Mini's Imax Theater

33

http://groups.yahoo.com/groups/Indo-startrek 34

www.indo-startrek.org 35

www.indo-startrek.org/forum 36

@indostartrek or http://twitter.com/#!/indostartrek 37

http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=37387153891&ref=ts 38

On the 10th

of june, 2014, there were 1109 members of the Indo-Star Trek Facebook community 39

Last entry was from 2013




(Stephani 2009). Attendees received a goody bag with Star Trek paraphernalia and an Indosat

prepaid Simcard. This event attracted Star Trek-fans even from Singapore.

On March 28th 2010, Indo-Star Trek was invited to participate in a cosplay at Plaza EX, Jakarta. This

was the first time the cosplay organization allowed “western” characters to participate along with

Japanese characters. According to one Indo-Star Trek member, this was because allowing just

Japanese characters was “too limited.” During this cosplay, several attendees were dressed as their

favorite fictional character, such as Robocop. A couple of members attended, some dressed as Star

Trek Characters. There were other Indo-Star Trek members, but they did not dress in Star Trek

related attire.40 IST member Erianto Rachman used the event to give more exposure to the Indo-Star

Trek community, by giving a small speech during the Indo-Star Trek “act”.

Indo Star Trek latest endeavor is getting the Star Trek The Exhibition – The Final Frontier to be held

from May 31st until July 13th 2014. Held at Gandaria City, a mall in Jakarta. This traveling exhibition

covers over 3,500 square meters. It has a themed restaurant called Quark’s Lounge, costumes from

the shows, models, masks, a transporter room and other rooms from Enterprise ships. Tickets for

adults are Rp 175,00-225,000 for an adult. Indo-Star Trek did not organize this exhibition but the

organizer Panorama Live reportedly brought the exhibition to Jakarta “to meet the demands of its

fans in the country and to motivate visitors, especially children, to study science, which is at the soul

of the Star Trek movies and TV series” (The Jakarta Post 2014). The organization expected around

40.000 attendants. I am unsure of the actual number of visitors, but some Indo-Star Trek members

seemed to have made the exhibition their base camp for its duration. Members photographed

themselves on the bridge and transporter, acting out scenes and singing songs. Many members came

in costume and some of the costumes were quite elaborate. While during the cosplay, members only

wore Starfleet uniforms, now some members were dressed as Borg, Ferengi, Cardassian and even

Neelix (see Photo 2).

Indo Star Trek respondents from the cosplay-event said during an interview that their community has

no official leader. Instead activities are proposed (mostly online) and the person most enthusiastic

about the project automatically assumes a leader-position. When the project has been completed,

this process repeats itself. This might be so, but as with most communities, some members seemed

more prominent than others. Most of my communications were with Erianto Rachman and the Indo

Star Trek founder Ismanto Hadi Saputro. Respondent Berthold Berty Sinaulan is often quoted in news

reports and member Syaiful Bahri seemed the most prominent photographer and was also the one

40

One member was dressed as TinTin and another as the Punisher. Erianto Rachman was not in costume at all, although his son was.




who could provide me with Sci-Fi 1.0, the community's SF book. Sci-Fi 1.0 was another one of Indo

Star Trek projects; one aimed at generating 'home-grown' SF and stimulating fans to write their own

stories.

Indo Star Trek, as a group, is very active offline, as becomes apparent from the activities mentioned

above. The names associated with these activities are mostly the same ones, so there are differences

in activity-level within the group. Some are more active than others.

Photo 2: a Borg, Neelix and a Cardassian in battle

Members are also active on Facebook where they communicate with each other about anything Star

Trek, such as the upcoming movies and Star Trek related technologies. They discuss and show off

their merchandise by taking pictures and posting them online, but also inform others about locations

to purchase their own. Other advantaged technologies, inspiring quotes and other images and texts

members might think their community might find interesting are submitted to the group. Depending

on the topic, members reply in the comments to the original post and each other. According to

Erianto Rachman, the cost of an Internet connection has gone down and “people have begun to

communicate using Internet to find other people who have the same interest. Segmented

community have emerged, and growing…. Indo-Star Trek was one of them.” Eri recognizes the way




the Internet has made it possible for like-minded individuals to find and communicate with each

other, creating a community with shared interests and visions of the future.

Indo Star Trekkers also have individual activities that surround their fandom. Respondent and Indo-

Star Trek founder Ismanto Hadi Saputro, for example, was working on a Star Trek board game. When

finished, Ismanto intends to publish his game online for other fans to enjoy. Ismanto also used a

bicycle to navigate Jakartan traffic, because it is more environmentally friendly.41 Indo-Star Trek has

also organized events to donate blood in an effort to make the world a better place.

Indo-Star Trek is a very active community and members come together regularly and at increasingly

bigger events. The community has managed to acquire a lucrative sponsor in Indosat, as the

company not only sponsored the IMAX events, but also Indo-Star Trek fifth birthday party. Panorama

Live believed the Star Trek exhibition would attract 40.000 visitors, even at high prices. This suggests

that Star Trek fans are seen as an economically viable target group and that companies are prepared

to listen to the needs and wishes of this community. Jenkins describes this as one of the levels of

fandom activity, although in a slightly different capacity (Jenkins 1992, 284 vid. infra). Indo-Star Trek

members lobby their fandom and the commercial world in Indonesia is picking up on this. As far as I

can tell, they haven’t lobbied to save or alter anything about the show directly, but they are exerting

their local influence. Star Trek is becoming a stronger presence in Indonesia. Jenkins also suggests

that (Star Trek) fandom has a particular form of cultural production, aesthetic traditions and

practices, which can also be seen in the creation of costumes and games and this production is

getting more colorful and elaborate every year. While in 2010, members only dressed as Starfleet

officers, 2014 has seen the arrival of Borg and Klingons. Here we also see clues that Star Trek

influences the perception of the future, and that fans have a longing to be in the Star Trek universe.

6.2 SF

This group is not really a community but a group of friends of which many enjoy SF-novels. At least

one member of this group of friends does not like SF and actually prefers Harry Potter. Another

member did like SF but preferred Fantasy. Fantasy books, such as the Disc world-series by English

author sir Terry Pratchett seemed to be universally approved by this group42. The group is rather

diverse in what they consume and includes Japanese manga, such as Metropolis and Gundam Wing.

Respondents from this group mentioned getting most of their SF related information from the

Internet. They visit websites such as sciencefiction.com to keep up to date of the latest SF news and

41

Other respondents call him crazy and suicidal for doing this. 42

For those in the know, we decided Pratchett based his city of Ankh-Morpork on Jakarta. Especially the river

Ankh inspired this observation.




publications. Two of the respondents also mentioned writing their own SF stories, one of which was

published in Indo-Star Trek’s Sci-fi 1.0. Respondent Novia published a SF short story through

Gramedia, but her editor friend told her her work sounded translated. The group discussed how

Bahasa Indonesia is a hard language to write SF in. The language has a rich vocabulary when it

concerns food or feelings, but there are very few words related to science. Novia said she had given

up on Indonesian literature, as those stories “don’t go into detail” or “explore the consequences and

effects.”

The group also went on a road trip to Bandung to visit a large secondhand bookstore with an

extensive SF collection. One of the respondents mentioned going to japan to buy and sell toys.

Respondent Arvin Chandra has incorporated his interest in SF into his scholarly life.43 He has written

his Master’s thesis on the “Distinctiveness of Indonesia’s Science Fiction Culture.” He is the founder

of the now defunct INASCIFI blog and the Fiksiilmiah Fiksi Ilmiah Facebook group, which on June 29th

2014 had 84 members. Most active members in this group seem to be Star Trek fans.

The SF group suggests an interesting problem, namely that SF could be a hard thing to write as

Bahasa Indonesia does not seem to be prepared for all the scientific terms required to convey a

story. Two respondents wrote Fiksi Ilmiah, but neither was completely satisfied with the result. They

did read the Sci-Fi 1.0 book Indo-Star Trek put out, but commented that it was not very good and

that the stories were not very “logical.” There is so little SF in Indonesia, the group commented, that

“even mediocre stories get published.” I showed a copy of the book to a respondent outside of the

research group and he commented that the language used was very hard to understand.

Respondents did seem active in their attempts to make Fiksi Ilmiah happen, especially Chandra who

has not only coined the term Fiksi Ilmiah on his now defunct blog, but also started a new Facebook

group to further the genre and is currently trying to setup a magazine about SF in Indonesia.

Respondents seemed to interpret Fiksi Ilmiah as SF that is made by Indonesians in Bahasa Indonesia.

6.3 BETA-UFO

BETA-UFO was officially established on October 26, 1997, but was already active before the Yahoo-

mailing list. Officially based in Surabaya, home of founder Nur Agustinus, active members live all over

the country; for example Edy Susanto is the Jakarta field coordinator, where a few other prominent

members live. Others live in Yogyakarta or even as far as the Netherlands.44 Members can stay in

touch through a mailing list, meet up individually or attend one of the bi-annual meetings. BETA-

43

Arvin is not a member of the group of friends mentioned earlier. 44

Not just me




UFO’s mailinglist is still active in 2014 and its Facebook group has 6020 members on the 29th of June,

2014. Members post and discuss UFO related stories. Reports of sightings can be filed through e-mail

or by filling in an online report form (BETA-UFO 2008a). It is also possible to directly contact some

BETA-UFO members, write letters or contact the community at one of their gatherings. BETA-UFO

often attends other gatherings or fairs that are somehow related to their topic, such as science-fairs.

Setting up a booth at these occasions provides an additional way of reporting sightings or coming

into contact with the phenomenon. Although BETA-UFO is predominantly web-based, the community

does not limit itself to reports acquired through the web. The website also hosts copies of newspaper

clippings and TV reports of sightings, and is not limited to Indonesian cases.

BETA-UFO also published the magazine INFO-UFO. Due to lack of funding the magazine is

now only available online under its new name majalah BETA-UFO (BETA-UFO 2009b).

In 2010 there had been five UFO investigations that mainly involved trying to reproduce a

UFO photo. All five attempts were successful at debunking the photographs.

When an unknown object had crashed through a roof in Jakarta, Metro TV station invited BETA-UFOs

Edy Susanto and LAPAN’s professor Thomas Djamaluddin to discuss the possibility of a UFO crash

(Anon. 2010) . BETA-UFO’s YouTube-account (BETA-UFO 2012) lists several television-items on UFOs

and many include appearances by BETA-UFO members, such as Nur Agustinus and Gatot Tri (Anon.

2008). News outlets in general seem very interested in anything to do with UFOs.

During my fieldwork I was presented with the opportunity to help investigate a UFO sighting which

was reported to BETA-UFO at their booth at the Indonesian Consumunity Expo of 2009. A witness

claimed to have seen a UFO at the shopping complex Mangga Dua Square, Blok G in Jakarta. The

witness had taken pictures with his cellphone to corroborate his story. Armed with the pictures and

the witness report (see Appendix A), Jakarta field coordinator Edy Susanto, Edy's wife Liska and I set

out to recreate his UFO-photographs. In a preliminary investigation of the pictures, where BETA-UFO

members analyzed the originals online, it was noticed that there were “smudges” on the pictures

that suggested that the pictures were taken from behind glass, possibly inside a car. The witness,

however, told investigators he was standing outside his car when he took the photographs. When we

arrived at the scene we drove around to find the exact spot as could be determined from the

photographs. Edy took pictures through his car window and directly compared his own photograph

with the originals on his laptop (see: Photo 3).




Photo 3 : UFO hunting with Edy and Liska

When this failed to yield the desired result, he moved the car next to another car and took more

photos. This time Edy managed to recreate the originals almost exactly (see: Photo 4).

Photo 4: Original on the left, Edy's on the right

This investigation suggested that the original photos were not of a UFO, but the reflection of

the car next to the witness. Fellow BETA-UFO member Indra Hartono was called and arrived at the

scene. We all got out of our vehicles and discussed the findings at the scene (see Photo 5). Guided by

the photographs and the witness his description of his position, Edy was able to take almost exactly

the same picture. By combining the data from the witness report, the photographs and recreating

the exact conditions, BETA-UFO was able to prove this sighting was false.




BETA-UFO members admit that they get a lot of their information from the Internet and, according to

them mostly western sources. As respondent Julius said “it sounds like westernization, huh? Maybe

yes but if there aren’t information about ufo from outside Indonesia etc, maybe we still think all

sightings here are magic works, or shaman kind of things [sic].” Indonesian ufology, however, has its

own UFO lore. Ratu Kidul, for example, is sometimes describe as a beautiful woman en sometimes as

having a scaly skin, like a snake. Nur beliefs that this means Ratu Kidul is a Reptilian, a shape shifting

reptile-like alien-race with scaly skin. Another example are the Awang Bulan, the Heavenly Nymphs.45

Legend goes that seven female creatures from the Pleiades came down to earth to bathe in a lake on

Bali. While they were bathing in the moonlight, their sarongs were stolen, trapping them on Earth. In

“western” ufology, the Pleiades are home to extraterrestrials, and especially the Nordics, an alien-

race with a human-like appearance. In Indonesian ufology, Nordics are accepted as one of the many

types of alien-races and the Awang Bulan are believed to be extraterrestrial, although not necessarily

Nordics.

Respondent Thomas, deeply immersed in Reiki, believed aliens to be highly spiritual beings instead of

technologically advanced. Having reached the highest spiritual level, the creatures became formless

or non-corporal, and in tune with the universe's “frequency.” This “attunement” allows them to

travel great distances in the blink of an eye, no longer subjected to natural laws as we know them. In

addition to this, they can take whatever form they desire: Jinn, UFO, alien or hantu. This respondent

mentioned that he believed in UFOs because of “science,” describing what he believed to be the

function of certain brainwaves and the properties of space and time. He suggested that because we

do not know the truth, it might be that these creatures we see today as separate, are actually the

same entity.

45

Awang Bulan or Moon Princess

Photo 5: Edy, Liska & Indra discussing the results




6.4 Summary:

From what we’ve seen here, the Indo-Star Trek group hasn’t integrated its fandom with local

mythology, but they are trying to incorporate their fandom in the local. Instead of integrating local

variations, it seems they are trying to get the local to incorporate them, by furthering the Word of

Star Trek by participating in events and organizing these as well. By doing this, Indo-Star Trek

members are trying to achieve a better future; a future where technology, logic and rationality has

“saved” mankind. This sacralization of the profane does not seem to have a secularizing effect at first

glance, but it does look like the fandom inspires certain norms and values that would otherwise be

associated with religion. The precise impact of the fandom on religion would require further

research.

BETA-UFO on the other hand was very open about religion and did incorporate the supernatural.

BETA-UFO members try to explain the unknown and otherwise supernatural events in a scientific

way. Here we meet Ratu Kidul again, this time as an alien, bringing her in the modern world and

making her relevant to ufologists.

What attracts respondents to science fiction and ufology?



7 What attracts respondents to science fiction and ufology?

This chapter will look at what attracted respondents to science fiction and ufology.

7.1 Indo-Star Trek:

When asked what it was they enjoyed most about Star Trek during the group interview, Indo-Star

Trek respondents replied that everyone had their own reasons for liking the franchise. They

differentiated between “fanatical Trekkies” who like “the philosophy, story and technology”,

compared to those who liked the new movies for its action. The group acknowledged that the

franchise needed these action-filled movies to attract new fans. Most of the respondents became

fans because of Star Trek: The Next Generation since this is usually the first Star Trek show people

come in contact with. But, they say, “the message is the same in every show.” This message was

closely tied to what respondents liked about the franchise. For respondents that participated in the

group interview these reasons were that “Star Trek shows us a perfect future. Even Deep Space

Nine.”46 Other responses included the message to “never give up on finding a new place or new

invention to help humans live better than now. The future is better”; ”Do not accept an alternative.

The future is better.” ; the idea of a “future with peace and respect for religion” etcetera. “To have

respect for one another”; the idea of “a future culture, without racism. Everyone has come together.

Star Trek is more of a philosophy than just a movie.”

The technology of Star Trek, with special mention of Star Trek: The Next Generation’s technology,

was considered “very cool” even though we have some of the futuristic technology today, such as

Star Trek’s communicator which was the inspiration for the cellphone.47 This, however, was

considered cool as well. According to respondents every aspect of life is represented in Star Trek and

not just technology, mainly because there are so many episodes, books etcetera. They say this is the

reason members can discuss everything within the community, because everything has a link to Star

Trek. So everything is up for discussion, except religion within the Indo-Star Trek community, because

it is a sensitive topic. It seems as though religion is seen as something that would inspire strife within

the community and therefor prevent a perfect future where everyone is happy and respected.

Respondents did mention that in the perfect future, no one would be discriminated against for their

religion and from this discouragement it would seem that they consider religion not something to be

discussed in the Star Trek setting. Star Trek itself has not been very vocal about its position on

religion, although creator Gene Roddenberry was reportedly an avid atheist. Religion and spirituality

46

Star Trek: Deep Space 9 focused on darker themes, such as war. 47

Star Trek’s communicator really did inspire the cellphone, as many other modern products. I recommend the documentary “How Star Trek Changed the World” with William Shatner for these and other ways Star Trek inspired.




are topics of some narratives within the franchise, and maybe this is why religion per se is considered

almost taboo. Indo-Star Trek members can discuss issues of religion, through the narratives of Star

Trek. Instead of discussing some specific element, they might discuss aspects of the Klingon religion

without having to fear of offending anyone. Star Trek then translates issues of religion into

something that can be freely discussed.

Erianto mentioned that he felt SF was a measure or indicator; “the more people like SF, the better

the quality of the people. To be specific, the more people can enjoy Star Trek, the better those

people in quality be. Star Trek is the way of life. Think [of] it like this: if you believe in your God and

practice your religion well, you will not do bad things! So the more people have faith, the better

quality of them be.” The community felt as a “home away from home” for some respondents. “when

we come together, we want to be free and enjoy ourselves.”

Respondents also mentioned being interested from childhood on. Respondent Arlandi became

interested in SF:“I think since my childhood. Can’t remember the exact year. I’ve been interested

with robots, space vehicles, and space travels since a long time ago. (space babes too…. But those

came after high school… hahaha).” Another respondent hypothesized himself that age was an

important factor for like SF and Star Trek. The people who watch today often started watching back

then.

Here we see an example of what Peter Pels meant when he spoke about SF as being a way of

sacralizing the profane. Indo-Star Trek respondents saw a better future for mankind through the use

of science and technology and by, as Jindra argued, placing faith in the power of the human mind.

Jenkins recognizes the function of fandom as an alternative social community (Jenkins 1992, 286).

The Indo-Star Trek community provides members with an alternative framework from which to

perceive the future and solutions to current issues and needs.

7.2 SF-group

Respondents’ attraction to SF was very focused on the science behind the fiction, they say this is

because they usually read SF novels such as Niven, Sturgeon and Le Guin. This has affected what they

expect from SF. “In a real SF story you don’t have to wonder about the details.” The group

complained that most people assume they like Star Wars and Star Trek when they say they like SF.

Because of the SF-books they read, the SF group no longer sees Star Wars and Star Trek as SF and

believe the genre is bigger than just space travel and stars. An example given of this alternative

approach to SF is a story of a man who by analyzing when spark plugs were delivered to his garage




discovers his wife is cheating on him with the delivery guy48. What they want from their SF is logic

and “scientific validity.” Their main beef with Star Trek is that it is often scientifically inaccurate. In

Star Trek, for example, most species are humanoid or anthropomorphic and can interbreed, even

though they evolved on different planets. Star Trek TNG offered an explanation in the episode “the

Chase” which featured an alien-race, now extinct, that scattered their DNA across the universe when

they found they were the only intelligent beings. The Hard-SF group found this explanation

inadequate since the different atmospheres and diets on the different planets would influence the

way species evolved and would thus not result in species similar enough as proposed by Star Trek.

The SF group likes SF for the science and the details. When, for instance, a character makes a bomb,

they want to read how the bomb was created, wire by wire. They might not read an entire chapter

on bomb-creation but there has to be enough information to keep them from wondering about the

details. The science though, has to be part of the story. A good SF does not just add some scientific

elements but uses it to create a good flowing story. A story that just adds science “to look smart,” or

explains the science too much is no good. DNA, for example, should not be explained as this can be

easily found on the Internet.

I find it interesting that these respondents wanted their SF to be very technical and scientific, yet

confessed to not actually reading the technical descriptions. They wanted the information to be

there, just in case they were interested. Respondents also had a clear picture of what constitutes real

SF and how science should be presented in the stories. Djokolelono’s work for example was regarded

as using SF-themes such as “time travel to convey moral messages.” Respondents said the

Djokolelono’s stories were not very logical. “Science fiction” they said “is just some borrowed idea. It

makes the stories different but it’s not at the core.” According to these respondents, Fiksi Ilmiah does

not sacralise science or technology, but uses the tropes of SF to relate messages that could have

been told in a non-SF setting as well.

The popular novel Supernova by Dewi Listari was, according to respondents, “hailed as a literary

breakthrough” because it is not what “you usually get” and even though it did have some “science

ideas” they viewed Supernova as media selling propaganda. Other respondents mentioned that

Supernova was “too metaphysical,” but from my understanding of the plot it is mostly a love story

augmented with science fictional elements. Respondents from the SF group did not like the glossary

Listari had included which explained the scientific terminology. Respondents argued that “science

fiction doesn’t have a glossary” and “if we care enough, we can find it on the Internet.” Use of the

Internet was than regarded as something everyone had access to. Fiksi Ilmiah such as Supernova is “a

48

Respondents could not recall the name of the book nor the author and I was unable to discover this as well.




new way of telling a story, wrapped in tech words.” Here they touched on another problem with SF

in Indonesia, the lack of a science background. Respondents asserted that this lack requires the

author to explain the scientific terminology, which “would jar the book.” The reader needs to be

“captivated” and not presented with an “overload of knowledge.” SF required “good knowledge” and

“good storytelling.”

The predictive nature of SF was also mentioned as one of SF's assets. The SF group's example

comes from Larry Niven's 1966 novel World of Ptavvs, where Jupiter turns out to be one of

Neptune's moons knocked out of orbit and not a planet. When on August 24, 2006, the International

Astronomical Union (IAU) for the first time defined the term “planet”, Pluto was relabeled a “dwarf

planet.” The SF group found this a great coincidence.

One respondent argued how the science in SF was sometimes “against the rule of science itself. All

science has to be proven in a laboratory, but because it’s fiction you cannot prove it. That’s why it’s

fiction. There is not a lot of imagination in science.” Not all respondents agreed with this assessment,

stating that all science begins with imagination. “You can’t prove this, so it’s not science fiction.” One

respondent continued by asking: “How do you know if today’s science is the limit of what we can

aspire to? Science will continue to grow.” SF, and especially the imagination behind the science,

draws people in to think about science. Science starts with speculation, by asking the question “what

if?.” Examples mentioned were cold fusion and robots, which were first imagined in SF and are now

beginning to become reality.

The group was not without criticism on the SF they read and watched. Especially the way

Indonesia is portrayed in SF bothered them. Most SF that describes Indonesia, portray it as a

backward country, full of criminals. In the Cyberpunk sub-genre, bad software-rips, full of bugs and

viruses, usually come from Indonesia. They feel this is unfair because the bad rip may have come

from Mexico. As an example they mentioned the movie Jumanji, where in one scene Robin Williams

walks down a street, dressed in leaves after return from a jungle after thirty years. When someone

asks him why he is dressed this way, his friends say he just came back from Jakarta. Everyone who

has been to Jakarta knows there is not a lot of jungle there.49

This is something I did not consider when starting this research, that one of the reasons Indonesians

do not like SF could be because Indonesia is portrayed in a negative light, as a country with illegal and

buggy technology.

4949

Urban jungle maybe




7.3 BETA-UFO

Some respondents from the BETA-UFO community liked SF that dealt specifically with alien life and

technology, such as the X-Files and Contact. Reportedly, Indonesian alien abduction victim Gatot

referenced the movie the 4th Kind as an accurate representation of his own abduction story. The

movie District 9 was also mentioned as “probably the most realistic depiction of what would happen

if extraterrestrials did come to earth and started interacting with humans” and a lot of respondents

quoted Contact’s most famous line “it would be an awful waste of space *if we were alone in the

universe].” Some respondents explicitly mentioned liking SF that, in a realistic and logical way relates

back to the UFO-phenomenon. For some BETA-UFO members, SF provides clues that reinforce their

beliefs, such as a twenty year old Indonesian comic featuring a “Hantu Laut”or “Sea ghost” (see: .

“Hantu Laut” is now known to ufologist as a USO, or Unknown Submerged Object that had been

reported to their organization. One BETA-UFO respondent told about the 1958 comic book Race for

the Moon by Jack Kirby. Race for the moon - part 2 tells of a “Face on Mars,” left there by an ancient

alien civilization that was discovered by astronauts. On July 25, 1976, NASA orbiter Viking 1 send

back pictures of a structure on Mars' surface that indeed resembled a face. This respondent also

mentioned he saw hidden messages in the Star Wars-saga and wondered if Star Wars director

George Lucas and Jack Kirby maybe “knew something.” Other respondents were more skeptical

about the “Face on Mars” or “hidden messages in SF.” For them, SF was more a way of imagining

possibilities or “what could be.”

SF’s relation to ufology serves two purposes: the first is the ability to visualize and speculate about

the nature of UFOs and what might happen if they ever make themselves known. The other is SF as a

way of sending messages, although most respondents would not go that far and use SF to explore

the possibilities surround UFOs.

Image 1: Comic depicting a hantu laut or USO (Tamsir Studio 2014)




A lot of respondents from BETA-UFO were interested in UFOs because they had seen an unidentified

object in the sky; some were still hoping for this experience.

When asked why he wanted to see a UFO, respondent Novi said “Because I am an open minded

person that always thinking about every possibilities. ”Respondent Indra agreed with him when he

said that you are not very open minded if you believe everything is from earth. Respondent Julius

mentioned that he believed in UFOs because he has no “logical reason why not believing this, it is

still plausible, not yet proven doesn’t mean it doesn’t exist.” He also implied that without UFOs

Indonesians would still think “all sightings here are magic works, or shaman kind of things.” Shamans,

magic and hantu were considered ‘traditional” by some respondents. Edy and Indra agreed that

Yogyakarta, for example, is more traditional than Jakarta, because of its “social structure.” According

to them, Yogyakarta is still a small kingdom with its own sultan, where remote areas don’t even have

electricity. People from Yogyakarta are than more likely to attribute a traditional explanation to a

UFO sighting. Respondent Thomas mentioned this numerous times and gave the example of the

flying kriss. A traditional Javanese belief is that krisses can fly and emit a light when doing so. When a

traditional Javanese person sees a light in the sky, they will say they have seen a flying kriss or

perhaps a hantu. A modern person will say they saw a UFO.

Religion also plays a role in respondents interest as some respondents, like Dedy Suardi and Nur

Agustinus, have found proof of extraterrestrial life in holy scriptures. For some respondents, a belief

in god has been (partially) replaced by a belief in UFOs, while religion and UFOs can live side by side

for others. There are also those who belief UFOs are against religious beliefs, such as respondent

Bowon.

7.4 Conclusion

Hope for the future seems to be the most important reason mentioned by Indo-Star Trek members

for being Star Trek fans. Member Erianto did not only mention science and technology as possible

saviors of mankind, but SF itself as well. He saw SF as an indicator of the quality of people, suggesting

that he finds it very important people consider their world through the combination of science and

fiction. Especially Star Trek of course, which has a clear message that mankind can overcome its

faults and live in harmony with each other.

Another important reason was the sense of community, of “coming home” respondents had with

regard to Indo-Star Trek. It is a community that shares their values and it is a place where they can be

themselves and discuss, among other things, scientific topics which they couldn’t in, what Jenkins

calls “mundane life.”




For the other two groups their interests had less to do with community and more with science or

logic. Like Indo-Star Trek, the SF group had a longing for science and wanted to be in its presence,

even though they did not necessarily feel a need to fully understand or know every part of it. The SF

group suggests that one needs to understand the language of science to understand SF, and one

needs to speak it and have the words to describe it to actually produce SF or Fiksi Ilmiah.

All respondents, when asked about Fiksi Ilmiah, mentioned the poor storytelling Indonesian fiction

had. There doesn’t seem to be a logic to the stories that respondents appreciate and the subject

matters of the supernatural are considered too traditional.

The BETA-UFO community has found a way of incorporating this traditional aspect with the modern,

by reinterpreting supernatural creatures such as Ratu Kidul and de Awang Bulan as extraterrestrials.

For them, the extraterrestrial is a more logical explanation than the mysticism traditionally

associated with these creatures. For them, SF is a way of imagining the possibilities surrounding the

UFO and a way of forming new theories.

How are the concepts of science fiction and ufology used to reflect upon notions and modernity and

traditionality, science and the supernatural?



8 How are the concepts of science fiction and ufology used to reflect

upon notions and modernity and traditionality, science and the

supernatural?

This concluding chapter will answer the second part of the main research question, followed by a

short analysis and theory as to what I feel this research suggests about the relation between science

fiction, ufology, science, the supernatural, modernity and the traditional.

The research suggests that respondents in the science fiction and ufology groups are those

who did have access to technology as opposed to Barendregt’s have nots and acquired an identity

and vision of modernity that includes the digital and scientific revolution. Respondents often

mentioned that their interests began in their youth: a comic book about UFOs, Star Trek on the

television, an unread book in a dusty corner. During the New Order, modernity was linked to science

and technology, and the supernatural to the traditional. After the fall of Suharto, people’s concept of

modernity was still linked to technology, yet most Indonesians did not have access to these “tools of

modernity.” In turn, they turned to the traditional and supernatural. What of the people who did

have access to these “tools of modernity?” I propose that these are the people who find an interest

in SF and ufology. Both SF and ufology leave room for the supernatural, for faith and fiction, but

importantly for science as well.

As we have seen, Fiksi Ilmiah isn’t the only SF that combines myth or the paranormal with

science, Western SF does this as well. SF and ufology provide room for science and the supernatural

to interact and create a new narrative together. Ufology tries to secularize the sacred, while SF tries

to sacralise the profane. Ufology tries to use science to turn the supernatural into fact, while SF uses

the paranormal to turn science into fiction. The use of science provided a means of being modern for

respondents, as opposed to those who believed in the supernatural and were considered traditional.

SF and ufology are mediators between science and the supernatural and by doing so makes both

concepts more accessible and open to discussion. So why is ufology easier adapted into Indonesia

than the adaptation of SF into Fiksi Ilmiah? I propose this is because ufology starts out from a

paranormal point of view.

It starts with the idea of the UFO either through experience or by being exposed in some other way

that leaves the person to believe UFOs are fact. Just like those who have seen hantu or experienced

God, this experience cannot be substantiated by western or “modern” science. There is then a need

to see this proposed fact, this faith in the existence of UFOs to be turned into fact. Once fact is

established, for example UFOs make crop circles, a fact that says something about the behavior of





UFOs, this can be then used to establish a scientific method, e.g. investigate crop circles for evidence

of UFO activity, or monitor areas which frequently have crop circles for UFO activity. It is an

alternative science in the making. One that departed from the supernatural and the believer is the

budding scientist. The shape this new science takes is all depended on the researcher, it can be

reading meaning in comics and Star Wars movies and it can involve chemistry, astronomy, and even

the government and military. Everyone is an expert in their own type of science and who else you

consider an expert depends on your science.

SF on the other hand starts from science and more importantly, in Western SF starts from Western

science. In order to understand Western SF, one must need to speak the language of its science and

for most Indonesians this language is literally gibberish. In order to get to the supernatural part of

Western SF, mastery of the language it is written in is necessary, so for most Indonesians these

messages will be lost in the techno-babble. Fiksi Ilmiah on the other hand only uses some

sciencefictional elements, but an understanding of this is not necessary or an explanation is

provided. Dealing with familiar tropes, the audience is slowly getting accustomed to the language

and might inspire them to read more SF. As we have seen from the Indo-Star Trek community, SF can

thrive in Indonesia.

Proper Western science begins with defining key concepts, outlining where one begins and

the other ends by listing their properties as (preferably) conceptualized by the giants on whose

shoulders we stand. Anthropologists especially spend a lot of time defining and operationalizing

concepts, but unlike e.g. in the alpha sciences, these definitions are very susceptible to change and

sometimes seem to be at the core of the discipline. Why is this? I propose this happens because

anthropologists are in the business of viewing the world through the eyes of the other. By

considering the worldview of those “not us” and especially “not Western” anthropology shows that

the things we hold to be true and the things we believe in are shaped by our view of what constitutes

reality. But if facts are a point of view, what does that mean for science? What does this mean for

concepts such as science fiction? The name science fiction suggests a representation of science: cold,

hard facts constructed by scientifically valid inquiries on the one hand and fiction: make-belief and

fantasies on the other. If science is a cultural specific concept, what makes it different from fiction? If

reality is debatable, what differentiates knowledge from faith? It can be argued that fiction can be

used to discuss these issues of reality and come to a worldview that allows the assumption of facts

and reality. When we have faith in our construct of reality and we apply this in the world around us

in our day to day lives we have arrived at something that might be conceptualized as religion. Both





science fiction and ufology allow individuals to freely express and reflect upon concepts of facts and

fiction in ways that might be rejected in more conventional avenues.

Science Fiction and Ufology are two sides of the same existential coin. Science Fiction proposes fact

through science, and proceeds to fictionalize this. It creates a new worldview that extends into the

future. It creates faith in the achievement of this future and faith in the paths leading there. Ufology

departs from a faith in the concept of something despite scientific rejection and uses fiction to

conceptualize, theorize and develop scientific methods to become factual. I would like to note here

that I do not suggest that UFOs are not real and aliens do not exist. I believe some people experience

things for which science doesn’t have a satisfying answer. Most of these experiences however leave a

lot of room for interpretation and which non-scientific explanation is chosen or the methods used of

getting the “facts” is based on the belief (or faith) in its suitableness to achieve these answers.

By positioning science fiction and Ufology as methods or “templates” if you will to reflect upon our

worldviews and by superimposing these templates on non-Western societies, we find that we

(implicitly) have conceptualized science fiction, ufology, science, the supernatural, fact and fiction

from a western point of view. We also discover the importance of these concepts in relation to each

other and the importance of the worldview from which initial awareness of these concepts comes. In

the case of Indonesia, the concept of science is strongly linked to modernity and the concept of the

supernatural to traditionality. SF fans seemingly do away with the supernatural by emerging

themselves in science and fact, but at the same time they sacralize the profane scientific world.

Ufologists discuss the possible explanations of experiences outside of the scientific realm through

fictionalizing the possibilities of interpretations, often through science fiction, and from there build

hypotheses and the methods required to test these so they can become scientifically accepted facts.

Ufology seeks to desacralize the sacred, to turn the sacred into the mundane.

For Indonesians, there is no need to fictionalize ufology since the supernatural is already considered

a fact. The strong presence of the supernatural makes that there is only a need for a concept of

science for individuals to fit ufology in their worldview. Having grown up in a society where the

supernatural is considered an important part of the national identity by its population, yet having

been exposed to the New Order’s view of the future and educated by a western concept of science

left some individuals surrounded by faith, but hungry for science. Ufology provides a way of fulfilling

these two needs by providing a new framework that fits a worldview where science can look for facts

in the supernatural. Science Fiction is further removed from the supernatural and first requires the

conceptualization of science and facts, which leads to fiction and a new concept of the supernatural.

Indonesians have a concept of facts, but what is their concept of science, besides the Western one





offered by the New Order? It seems the Indonesian worldview identifies more with the Western

concept of the supernatural or the traditional than the Western concept of science or modernity.

Concepts of the supernatural are not examined through western scientific methods, but are

constructed from myths, legends, and experiences. From this worldview it is easier to adopt or

appropriate the concept of Ufology, than the concept of Science Fiction.

I propose science and the supernatural are opposites, but related through the building of facts and

faith. SF and ufology are means through which fact and faith are built by asking questions either

science can or will not answer, or by suggesting answers science cannot provide.

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