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MAQUILADORAS, MISOGYNY AND MIGRATION: EXPLORING FEMICIDE IN CIUDAD JUÁREZ

Emily BruceChelsea FinkDenise Lopez

June 2015

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The women of Ciudad Juárez, Mexico have been facing the perpetual fear of

gender driven violence for over twenty years. While the total number of victims and

individual stories may vary, there is one thing that remains clear: there is still a

critical situation occurring in Juárez that continues to affect women and their

families, yet there remains no definitive solution in place. This dossier is examining

the multiple components that contribute to the proliferation of femicide, as well as

the actions being taken to curb it. A spike in female migration to Mexico’s borders,

stemming from the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) implemented

in 1994, inflamed misogynistic sentiments among many men who saw the transition

of women from the home to the workplace as threatening and has contributed to an

unprecedented social pathology in which a misogynistic chain of homicides and

impunity 1 have occurred. This increased sense of social imbalance proceeding from

disrupted social norms in the wake of NAFTA, combined with deep-seated apathy

among government authorities regarding crimes against women, and gender

discrimination, are the main determinants this dossier will be examining.

The extraordinarily high rate of femicide in Ciudad Juárez, as many as 6

women a day, according to studies conducted by 43 separate groups forming the

1 Martinez-Ortiz, Maria Theresa, “Making Community in Juárez: A Cultural Analysis Making Community in Juarez: A Cultural Analysis of Feminine Expressions of Resistance in Literature and Film” p. 77-95 Asociacion Internacional de Literatura y Cultura Femenina Hispanica

Bruce, Fink & Lopez 1

National Citizen Femicide Observatory Mexico2 as of January 2015, reveals that,

despite over 20 years of struggle, the war on femicide is not nearly over. The

complex series of interrelated factors that first became visible in 1993 spurred

international interest, yet despite the efforts of NGOs such as Justicia Para Nuestras

Hijas and Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa A.C., who continue to persist in the battle

against femicide, the government, while adopting new laws, has had less progress in

implementing them than human rights activists and families of victims demand.

Independent actors, such as lawyer Imelda Marrufo Nava3 have also stepped in,

supplying legal support through Red Mesa de Mujeres, and, with backing from The

Global Fund for Women, her network of 10 different organizations work together in

an effort to assist families of victims, while calling on the state to accept more

responsibility and acknowledge femicide as a human rights violation. Recent trials

held by the PPT in Ciudad Juárez reflect the sheer volume of complaints Mexican

citizens have against the government regarding human rights violations4.

While awareness is being raised and steps are being taken to implement new

safeguards to protect women, such as the General Law of Access for Women to a Life

Free from Violence (GLAWLFV), these have yet to be fully actualized and the State

continues to neglect its duty to protect women and address the sources of violence

against them.

2 Matloff, Judith. "Six Women Murdered Each Day as Femicide in Mexico Nears a Pandemic." Al Jazeera America. 4 Jan. 2015. Web. 5 May 2015

3 Staff. "A Lawyer Shines Light on Systemic Femicides in Ciudad Juarez." Cctv-America.com. Cctv America, n.d. Web.

4 Coll, Tatiana. "The People's Permanent Tribunal in Mexico: Taking on Structural Violence."


Femicide rates have remained steady in the past few years with relatively

little being done by the government to prevent these crimes or punish the

perpetrators. While OSAC declares that overall homicides have declined in Juárez5,

UN officials cite Mexico as among the 20 most dangerous countries for women6 and

according to the Global Fund for Women as of April 2015, “600 women have been

killed and at least 3,000 are missing”7. Despite efforts Ciudad Juárez still finds itself

at the center of a violent, misogynist cultural crossroads.

HISTORICAL CONEXT

ECONOMIC POLICY

In 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was enacted as

part of Mexico’s neoliberal agenda for economic development in the country. After

the debt crisis of the late 1970s and early 1980s, and the earthquake disaster of

1985, Mexico’s economy was in complete shock. NAFTA between the United States,

Canada, and Mexico, provided Mexico with an opportunity for economic growth and

development. In the early 1990s, President Bush and Mexican President Salinas

5 Staff. "Mexico 2015 Crime and Safety Report: Ciudad Juarez." Osac.gov. Bureau of Diplomatic Security, U.S. Department of State., 4 Mar. 2015. Web. 15 May 2015.

6 Matloff, "Six Women Murdered Each Day as Femicide in Mexico Nears a Pandemic."

77Staff. "Global Fund for Women." Global Fund for Women. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 May 2015.


Gortari discussed options for reforming their tariffs between both countries. The

United States had a lower tariff on Mexican products than Mexico with United

States’ products8. While this discussion occurred, Canada also joined in on the

agreement. The elimination of tariffs resulted in a lower cost of trade, making

products cheaper for U.S. consumers. NAFTA promised Mexico economic growth

and increased production as a result of free trade. These objectives included the

following:

eliminate barriers of trade in order to facilitate the cross-border movement

of goods.

promote areas of fair competition.

increase investment opportunities for all three countries.

provide adequate protection for intellectual property rights.

create effective procedure and application for the agreement.

establish cooperation between these countries in promoting future actions to

further this agreement9

This idea conceived that by opening Mexico up to trade, their economy would

grow due to increased investment and increased GDP because of products being

made in Mexico and exported to the United States. However, NAFTA did not

foreshadow what detrimental consequences it would have on Mexico’s agricultural

8 Amadeo, Kimberly. “History of NAFTA.” AboutNews.com. n.d. Web. 31 May 2015.

9 NAFTA Secretariat. nafta-sec-alena.org. n.d. Web. 31 May 2015.


industry, which would cause an influx in migration of rural peasant populations

from southern Mexico.

NAFTA AND MIGRATION

The main consequence of NAFTA was its effect on the corn industry in

Mexico. With NAFTA’s enactment, non-subsidized Mexican corn producers who

were selling in Mexico’s market had to compete with the United States’ subsidized

corn that was being exported to Mexico. During this time, subsidies for US corn

nearly doubled, and corn exports to Mexico went from about $2 million to $10

million. Thus, Mexican corn farmers lost their farms and many migrated to the

United States. In addition, Mexico’s pork industry also had to compete with US pork,

where Mexico’s imports of pork grew from 30,000 tons to over 800,000 causing

prices for Mexican pork producers to drop10. Due to this incredible strain on small-

scale, Mexican farmers, a majority migrated to the United States, leaving many

women and children without a source of income. Although some family members

send a portion of their earnings from the United States back to Mexico, other

families do not receive anything, and frequently, their husbands never return.

Because of the separation of families as well as the effects from the policy that

encouraged investments from US owned companies, many of these foreign investors

maximized their profits by offering many jobs with high turnover rates and poor

working conditions. This opportunity was deemed profitable for US based

10 Bacon, David. “Globalization and NAFTA Caused Migration from Mexico.” PoliticalResearch.org. 11 October 2014. Web. 31 May 2015.


companies, causing them to increase their operations in Mexico, hiring many people

along border cities such as Ciudad Juárez. With this expansion came increased

migration of women to border cities who were seeking employment in order to

support their families. This industry pays low wages to women who work in

positions requiring low education and are vulnerable to exploitation11. It has been

suggested that one of the reasons femicide rates in Juárez has skyrocketed is due to

the increasing tensions of males against women in response to the competition of

economic resources12. Because of women’s desirability in the maquiladora industry,

men are not employed by maquiladoras as often as women are, thus causing

increased friction between men and women, resulting in an upsurge of violence

against women post-NAFTA.

NAFTA AND GENDER

The implementation of NAFTA led to various changes within Mexico’s

population, politically, economically and socially. The traditional foundation of

Mexican families, which had once been controlled by a patriarchal system, began to

see the emergence of women as important sources for economic stability. As men

began losing their jobs as a result of an increase in imports from the United States,

women began leading households as they entered the workforce at a higher rate

than what had been seen years prior. However, as seen previously throughout

history, the emergence of women in the workforce drives a sense of independence,

11 Germano, Roy. “The Other Side of Immigration.” Documentary. 2009.12 Pantaleo, Katherine. “Gendered Violence: An Analysis of the Maquiladora Murders.” International Criminal Justice Review. 20(4): 349-365. 2010.


which when taking into account the patriarchal system, appears as a challenge to

traditionally masculine roles in Mexico13. When looking into the cases of femicide

within Mexico, especially in Ciudad Juárez, it is important to take into account how

an increase in women migrating towards the north and gaining more independence

from their domestic roles affected the conventional gender roles.

Various forms of gender inequality are evident when looking into Mexico’s

history. It has been a country socially organized to fit into a patriarchal system and

maintain a nuclear type family. Men were given the responsibility of being the main

provider for families, while women tended to domestic responsibilities. However,

beginning in the 1990’s, there were changes in the family structures for multitudes

of households. NAFTA was beneficial for some and disadvantageous for others;

while it left many unemployed, especially those living in southern parts of the

country, it allowed for others to enter the workforce14. Maquiladoras became a

booming source of employment as several factories rose within Mexico’s border

cities. However, the maquiladoras favored female workers as they are viewed as

more capable of completing the tasks because of physical characteristics such as

“nimble fingers and obedience 15. As families looked for ways to become

economically stable, migration towards border cities, especially for those living in

southern states and women, became more common16. Between the 1990’s and

13 Bräth, Eva. "Feminicidios En México Organizaciones De Derechos De Las Mujeres Y Derechos Humanos Luchan Contra La “cultura Del Silencio”." 1-9.14 Garduño-Rivera, Rafael. "Effect of NAFTA on Mexico’s Income Distribution in the Presence of Migration." 2010, 1-20. 15 Sarria, Nidya, “Femicides of Juárez: Violence Against Women in Mexico” commondreams.org, 3 Aug, 200916 Ibid., 6.


2000’s there was a rise in the number of women joining the workforce17. Women

were faced with having to leave their household and domestic duties in hopes of

supporting their family financially.

Through the years following the implementation of NAFTA, a change in

household income became evident. Between 1992 and 2002 there was a continuous

increase in households primarily supported by women18. Such statistics

demonstrate a growth in women becoming more financially stable than they once

were. Rather than depending solely on their male counterparts’ income, women

were more likely to support themselves and their families financially.

When looking at the stories of the women who fell victim to femicide in

Ciudad Juárez, they share many similar characteristics. For this reason, it is

important to take into account the documented statistics of women that began

migrating toward border cities after NAFTA. Their shared characteristics go beyond

physical traits and into similar socio-economic status19. Although it might be

assumed that those migrating were single women, research shows that a large

portion of those migrating in search of work were married or in a “consensual

union”20. Therefore, many of these women were leaving behind their domestic

responsibilities and living independently from their families, a concept that within a

17 Ibid., 7.18 Villarreal, Andrs, and Heeju Shin. “Unraveling the Economic Paradox of Female-Headed Households in Mexico: The Role Of Family Networks." Sociological Quarterly, 2008, 565-95. 19 Fregoso, Rosa-Linda. "'¡Las Queremos Vivas!': La Política Y Cultura De Los Derechos Humanos." Debate Feminista 39 (2009): 209-43. Accessed April 16, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/i40097598.20 Cuartas Aravena, Veronica. "Mexican Women and Migration: The Effects of Education and Family Status." 2002, 1-68.


patriarchal system breaks away from the established norms. In addition, they were

mostly women from indigenous areas that did not speak Spanish and had low

education levels21. Historically, women falling into such categories have had their

rights violated more frequently as they have access to fewer resources than their

male counterparts22.

Despite a shift in the number of women entering the workforce and

appearing to achieve more financial independence, the mentality of male superiority

remained intact. Socially, women continued facing inequality in various realms,

such as access to resources and occupations, as many believed women should enter

into an occupation related to their gender23. Victim blaming is evident in situations

of femicide and domestic violence, and there is a sense that women are to blame for

the acts of violence perpetrated against them. Such statistics demonstrate how

women were believed to be unequal to men in terms of protection and capability.

Organizations such as Justicia Para Nuestras Hijas, begun in 2002, and

Nuestras Hijas de Regreso a Casa, founded by families of victims, are just a few

examples of the organizations spawned from the ineffectuality of authorities in the

prevention and prosecution of femicide in Ciudad Juárez. Lawyer and activist Imelda

Marrufo Nava has called on the government to accept more responsibility for the

impunity that has perpetuated crimes against women and continues to fight for

21 GarduñoRivera, Rafael. "Effect of NAFTA on Mexico’s Income Distribution in the Presence of Migration." 2010, 1-20. 22 Bräth, Eva. "Feminicidios En México Organizaciones De Derechos De Las Mujeres Y Derechos Humanos Luchan Contra La “cultura Del Silencio”." 1-923 Ibid., 5.


more accountability for victims and their families. The fight continues in the face of

conventional patriarchal attitudes of victim blaming and inequality.

ANALYSIS

The complex task of assessing the varied factors contributing to the

proliferation of femicide in Ciudad Juárez proved challenging and more intricate

than initially perceived. The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)

implemented in 1994, lead to the migration of thousands of women to maquiladoras

in the Mexican border town of Ciudad Juárez, in search of jobs springing up a result

of this increased globalization. A demographic shift occurred, affecting Juárez and

other border towns both socially and politically. This influx of female workers to

jobs with lower pay, less education, and definably female physical characteristics

that enabled them to acquire these jobs over men implicate an deeper divide in

gender relations due to resentment combined with a antagonist discomfort

regarding the unsettling of gender roles with women in the work force and not

solely in the home.

COMBATTING THE EFFECTS OF NAFTA

The migration of women due to NAFTA’s legacy has caused femicide to be an

increasing concern in Ciudad Juárez since its inception. There is no evidence that


NAFTA has been discussed by the United States regarding its direct impact on the

situation of femicides in Ciudad Juárez. Women have been consistently targeted on

their way to and from work whether it is day or night, yet despite growing

controversy on the effectiveness of NAFTA, it still maintains its support from the

Mexican, United States, and Canadian governments. February 19th 2014 marked the

twentieth anniversary of The North American Free Trade Agreement, and U.S.

President Barack Obama, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, along with

Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper, all met in Toluca, Mexico to

commemorate its enactment. All three leaders praised the policy, which claimed to

quadruple trade and GDP between the countries since 199424. President Peña Nieto

then stated his support for pushing the policy a step further in to collaborate on

future green energy policies and increased integration of markets, which is

currently being discussed between North America and Asia through the Trans-

Pacific Partnership. However, this celebration and continual push for free trade

neglects those whose human rights are being obscenely violated as consequences of

these policies. Because of the lack of action and consciousness on the part of

government to address the issue of femicide as stemming from this free trade policy,

US corporations involved in the maquiladora industry should work with the

Mexican government in taking measures to lessen the possibility of women being

assaulted or killed en route to and from work.

24 Mallen, Patricia Rey. “20 Years of NAFTA: Enrique Pena Nieto, Barack Obama and Stephen Harper Talk the Economic Future of North America.” IBTimes.com. February 2014. Web. 31 May 2015.


When thinking about femicide it is difficult not to think about how gender

roles have played a role in the violent acts committed throughout the years. The

introduction of NAFTA fostered not only an economic change but also a change

within the traditional roles in households. As women entering the workforce took

on the financial responsibilities once taken on by the men, a sense of fear among

those holding traditional views may suggest an explanation, although not the only

one, to the violent crimes committed25. When taking into account the concept of

machismo, prevalent in aspects of Mexico’s culture, it is plausible that femicide

began as a way to combat the changes in gender roles that were resulting from

women entering the workforce26. Since women were traditionally responsible for

the domestic duties such as looking after their children and husbands and did not

work, it was likely for them to financially depend on their husbands or another kind

of authoritative figure. However, by entering the workforce, such dependency

would begin fading as more women began working. This, therefore, would lead to a

shift in the patriarchal system that had previously allowed men to have more

control in the relationship.

In addition, the sense of impunity present in relation to women’s issues

further explains another factor allowing femicide to continue. As seen throughout

the history of femicide in Ciudad Juárez, there have been few cases in which

someone is held accountable for violent acts towards women. However, most cases

25 Bräth, Eva. "Feminicidios En México Organizaciones De Derechos De Las Mujeres Y Derechos Humanos Luchan Contra La “cultura Del Silencio”." 1-9.

26 Ibid., 4.


remain unsolved and in some cases women are blamed for their own death27. When

looking into these instances, it is clear that gender roles become a factor. By placing

blame on the victim it lessens society’s responsibility to take action against these

crimes. However, it continues to perpetuate gender roles such as women needing to

be docile and obedient. In addition, the fact that the murder of women can be

excused because of their lack of power within their society shows how the amount

of dissimilarity women encounter in their environment in relation to men.

WOMEN ONLY BUSES

In 2008, Mexico City’s bus system put into effect buses reserved for women

during the rush hours colored in bright pink with signs stating “women only” in

order to dissuade men from entering them. This was enacted due to increased

reports and complaints by women to the city regarding being sexually harassed,

groped, and assaulted while on the buses. Women have stated their satisfaction with

the bus system, and now feel safer. Along with this women’s bus policy, there is the

enforcement of metro train reservations, as well. The first three cars of the metro

are reserved for women and children in order to prevent potential sexual

harassment and assault during rush hour28. In light of such effective policies, it

seems that Ciudad Juárez could make similar advances in preventative measures to

help prevent femicides and better protect women. This could be achieved either

27 Fregoso, Rosa-Linda. "'¡Las Queremos Vivas!': La Política Y Cultura De Los Derechos Humanos." Debate Feminista 39 (2009): 209-43. Accessed April 16, 2015. http://www.jstor.org/stable/i40097598.28 Rosenberg, Mica. “Mexico City Starts Grope-Free Buses for Women.” Reuters.com. January 2008. Web. 31 May 2015.


through corporations’ efforts to provide company buses to factory workers, or the

Mexican government’s allocation of women’s buses in Juárez. By establishing

women only transportation, this could become crucial in reducing femicide rates

throughout Ciudad Juárez. Along with this service, female bus drivers could be

employed in order to decrease the risk that women passengers would be assaulted

or harassed by a male driver, as well as providing buses with female security

officers in order to ensure the protection of women. However, these solutions are

only reflective of the symptoms of what is happening in Ciudad Juárez. In order to

address the core of the issue, there needs to be major reforms and laws in place to

put pressure on foreign investors in the maquiladora industry to protect its female

workers, and a recognition and enforcement of protections for women by the

Mexican government in acknowledging femicide as not just a problem of Juarez, but

a problem that is societal, stemming from poverty, economic instability, and deep

rooted perception of female inferiority.

What does all this mean? A culmination of cultural prejudices against

indigenous peoples, firmly ingrained roles threatened and ineffectual and

unresponsive authorities have resulted in the tragic and horrific murder of women

and lent to the infamy of Ciudad Juárez as a haven of impunity and a model of

violent crimes against women. With a proliferation of NGOs in addition to the

numerous Mexican and international citizens raising consciousness of the femicides

in Mexico, the question then becomes, so what? While buses, laws and support

groups are essential to reducing femicide in Ciudad Juárez, a deeper solution


remains at large. Protecting women from potential perpetrators and enacting

effective legislation to punish those who commit these atrocities is only treating the

symptoms and not the disease. The deep-seated misogyny nurturing the mindset

behind the murders involves a longer campaign of education, tolerance and equality.

Politicians like Rocio García-Gaytán have lent their talents to giving women a

greater voice in government, and Mexico is now ranked 16th in the world for female

representatives in parliament, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union29, in

contrast to the United States which is ranked at 72nd among nations for women

holding office in government. Steps like this are an integral part of a larger and

much needed effort to overhaul a systemic hostile attitude toward females as

subordinate and disposable.

29 "Women In National Parliaments." IPU.org. Inter-Parliamentary Union, 1 May 2015. Web. 13 May 2015.


Works Cited

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Bräth, Eva. "Feminicidios En México Organizaciones De Derechos De Las Mujeres Y

Derechos Humanos Luchan Contra La “cultura Del Silencio”." 1-9.

Coll, Tatiana. "The People's Permanent Tribunal in Mexico: Taking on Structural

Violence." Opendemocracy.net. N.p., 12 May 2015. Web. 14 May 2015.

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Education and Family Status." 2002, 1-68.

Fregoso, Rosa-Linda. "'¡Las Queremos Vivas!': La Política Y Cultura De Los Derechos

Humanos." Debate Feminista 39 (2009): 209-43. Accessed April 16, 2015.

Fregoso, Rosa-Linda, and Cynthia Bejarano. Terrorizing Women: Feminicide in the

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Germano, Roy. “The Other Side of Immigration.” Documentary. 2009.

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