martin luther king jr. article

7/23/2019 Martin Luther King Jr. article

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the n atio n's ch id' cxpo ncu t of non viol tu ce, l iad his f inest hou r wh en he acUIresiied vast thr ong at histor iL- . \ l iuvli on WaNlnijiton, I i is t t in,si,sli' i il i l i,s[il;i

r s l i ip ove r the pas t ten yea r s ea rned h im wor ld w ide acc la im and Nobe l Peace P r ize . In r ecen t month , '; l ie ha s been lead in g open occupanc y cam pa ign in C l iku

N O N V I O L E N C E T H E O N L Y R O A O T O F R E E O O M

i g h t s l e a d e r s a y s N e g r o e s s a l v a t io n l i e s in p e a c e f u l , o r d e r l y d e m o n s t r a t io n

B Y

D R .

M A R T I N L U T H E R K I N G

J R .

HE year 1966 brought with it the first public challenge to the

philosopliy and stratesiy of nonviolence from within thf ranks of

enu-nt. Resolution.s of self-defense and Black Power

The nation'.s press heralded these incidents as an end of the Negro's

The Plot to get Whitey, and,

' Must

Negroes fight back?

Indeed, there was much talk of violence. It was the same talk we

violent if attacked. Now the climate had shifted so that it was ev

more popular to talk of violence, hut in spite of the talk of violen

there emerged no action in this direction. One reporter pointed out i

recent New Yorker article, that the fact that Beckwith, Price, Rain

and Collie Leroy Wilkins remain alive is living testimony to the f

that the Negro remains nonviolent. And if this is not enough, a m

check of the statistics of casualties in the recent riots shows that

vast majority of persons killed in riots are Negroes. All the reports

sniping in Los Angeles' expressways did not produce a single casual

The yonng demented white student at the University of Texas h

shown what damage a sniper can do when he is serious. In fact, t

one young man killed more people in one day than all the Negroes lja

killed in ail the riots in all the cities since the Harlem riots of 19

This must raise a serious question about the violent intent of the Neg

for certainly there are many ex-Gls within our ghettos, and no .sm


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eady for action

with gun, tear gas

; U K

dog , state- trooper typifi


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btny, Birmingham and Selma have pa\'t'd the way for untold progress.

E\en more remarkable is the fact that this progress occurred with a

minimum of human sacrifice and loss of life.

Not a single person has been killed in a nonviolent demonstration.

Tho bombings of the 16th Street Baptist Church occurred several

inonth.s after demonstrations stopped. Rev. James Reeb, Mrs. \'iola

l.iuzzo and Jimmie Lee Jackson were all murdered at night following

demonstrations. And fewer people ha\'e lieen killed in ten years of

action across the Soutli tlian were killed in three nights o rioting in

Watts. No similar changes have occurred without infinitely more suffer-

ings, whether it be Gandhi's drive for independence in India or any

African nation s struggle for independence.

THE QUESTION OF SELF-DEFENSE

There are many people wlio very honestly raise the (ue.stion of

self

defense. This must be plaeed in perspective. It goes without saying that

people will protect their homes. This is a right guaranteed by the Con-

stitntion and respected even in the worst areas of the South. But the

mere pri)tection of i)ne's home and person against assault by lawless

uight riders does not provide any positive approach to the fears and

conditions which prodncc violence. There must be some program for

establishing law. Our experience in places like Savannah aud Macon..

Ga. has been that a drive which registers Negroes to vote can do

more to provide protection of the law and respect for Negroes by exen

racist sheriffs than anything we have seen.

Iu a non\ iolent dem onstration, .self defense must b e approa ched

from quite another perspective. One must remember that the cause

of the demonstration is .some exploitation or form of oppression that

has made it necessary for men of courage and good will to demonstrate

ugiiinst the evil. For example, a demonstration against the evil of

de

eto school segregation is based on the awareness that a child's mind

s crippled daily by inadequate educational opportunity. The demon-

trator agrees that it is better for him to sulfer publicly for a short time

o end the crippling e\il of school desegregation than to ha\e genera-

ion after generation of children suffer in ignorance.

In such a demonstration, the point is made that schools are inade-

uate. This is tho evil to which one seeks to point; anything else de-

racts from that point and interferes with confrontation of the primary

vil against which one dem ons trat e.s. Of co urse, no one wants to suiler

nd be hnrt. But it is more important to get at the cause tban to be safe.

Jt is better to shed a little blood from a blow on the head or a rock

hrown by an angry mob thau to ha\e children Iiy thu thousands grow

p reading at a fifth or sixth grade level.

It is always amusing to

me

wlien a Negro man says that he ean't

Conditions are such for Negroes in America that all Negroes ought

t the freedom of his country is worth the risk of

life. The same is true of the nonviolent dem onstrator. He sees the

Fnrthcrmore, it is extremely dangerous to organize a movement

When my home was bombed in 1955 in Montgomery, many men

I must continue my faith that is too great a burden to bear and that

Chicago fire

hydrant

helps lool bodies and tempers of West Side youth.s with sanc

of "tlif law" after Negroes went on rampane when polict- shut off hydrants in u

"I uiHerst;triil nur rrii',tiMtinii>i," says Dr. Ki n, "hut viol ence is not tlir an sw

Lined ag ainst wat ,

W ,,ti-. v m i i h s : , i r M M H I I C * I I \ p , > l i , r . Des p i t e su f l i I L u r - i i p s ,

Dr . K i n g , " t l i e N i ' g r o i s n o t i i i t f u t o n k l l i i ii wh i t e m en t o I K- f r ee . A sn i p e r i n T

k i l l e d m i i r e p e o p l e i n o n e d a y t h a n a l l t h e N e g r o e s h a \ e k i l l e d i n r i o t s s i n e e 1 9

Freedom marcheSi

sn di . . . uiu ui Cautd u, Miss. , wlici-e higliway p atro lme n tos

tear gas into marchers' tent site, were first held in selected Northern eitios. t


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ampant poverty luiil illlcr.(i.> in [icwly iuJcpciKleiit African st i t fs . Dr. ing feels ,

ltiiikf iirHiiiiieiits tli;it U. S. Nffiroes ar o part of world's colored majority whitli will

rise together

an d

throw

off

wliite yoke

at

least

5 0

yeiirs away from liiinir nlcvanl.

N O N V I O L E N E

nh' a LLisal to liatt- or kill can put an end to the chain of violen

the world and lead us toward a community where men can liv

getlier without fear. Our goal is to create a beloved community and

will require a qualitative chang e in oiu soiil.s as well as a q uan tit

change in our li\es.

STRATEGY FOR CHANGE

The Am erican racial revolution has been a revolution to ge

rather than to overthrow. We want a share in the American econ

the housing market, the educational system and the social oppor

ties.

This goal itself indicates that a social change in America mu

non\iolent.

If one is in search of a better job, it does not help to burn down

factory. Tf one needs more aderjuate education, siiooting tiie prin

will uot help, or if housing is the goal, only building and construc

will produce that end. To destroy anything, person or property,

bring us closer to the goal that we seek.

The nonviolent strategy has been to dramatize the evils of

society in such a way that pressure is brought to bear against t

evils by the forces of good will in the community and change is

duced.

The student sit-ins of 1960 are a classic illustration of this me

Students were denied the right to eat at a lunch counter, so

deliberately sat down to protest tlieir denial. They were urre

but this made their parents mad and so they began to close

charge accounts. The students continued to sit in, and this fu

embarrassed the city, searetl away many wliite shoppers and

produced an economic threat to the business life of the city. A

this type of pressure, it is not hard to get people to agree to cha

So far, we have had the Constitution backing most of the dem

for change, and this has made our work easier, since we coul

sure that the federal courts would usually back up our demon

tions legally. Now we are approaching areas where the voice o

Constitution is not clear. We have left the realm of constitut

rights and we are entering the area of human rights.

The Constitution assured the right to vote, but there is no

assurance of the right to adeq uate h ousing, or the riglit to an adeq

income. And yet, in a nation whieb has a gross national produc

750 billion dollars a year, it is morally rigbt to insist that every

son has a decent house, an adequate education and enough m

to provide basic necessities for one's family. Achievement of

goals will be a lot more difficult and require much more discip

understanding, organization and sacrifice.

It so happens that Negroes live in the eentral city of the m

cities of the United States. These cities control the electoral vote

the large states of our nation. This means that though we are

ten per cent of the nation's population, we are located in sueh a

position geographicallythe cities of the North and the lkiek

of the Souththat we are able to lead a political and moral coal

which can direct the course of the nation. Our position depends

a lot more than political power, however. It depends ux)on our a

Ruthless suppression of lilaik luajority l)>- iiunlh

,\1ILIII

govermiKTit con limit,'.s d e-

Wholesale slaughter as in iUW) Siuirpi^ilk-, South Airicu, nii^lit result, Dr.


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Lunch counter sit-ins played an important role in the Negro's attainment of public accommodations right.s in South. Many demonstrators were served ants in their pie, vin

in their colee and garbage in their sandwiches. They braved being kicked, insulted, beaten, spat on and repeatedly jailed. But they remained nonviolent and won b

N O N V I O L E N E

to iiiaitial moral power as well. As soon as we lose the moral offen-

sive,

we are left with only our ten per cent of the power of the na-

tion. This is hardly enough to produce any meaningful changes,

even within our own commtniities. for the lines of power control

the economy as well and once the How of money is cut off, progress

ceases.

Tlie past tlirce years havt* demonstrated the power of a committed,

morally souiul uiinority to lead the nation. It was the coalition molded

tliioufih the Birmingham movement which allied the forces of the

churclies, labor and the academic communities of the nation lehind

the lihoral issues of our time. All of the liberal legislation of the past

session of Congress can be credited to this coalition. Even the pres-

enee of a vital peace movement and the campus protest against the

war in Viet Nam can be traced back to the nonviolent action move-

ment led by the Negro. Prior to Birmingham, our campuses were

-still iu a state of shock over the McCarthy era and Congress was

caught in the perennial dead-lock of Southern Democrats and Mid-

Western Republicans. Negroes put the country on the move against

the enemies of poverty, shims and iiiadecjuate education.

TECHINIQUES OF THE FUTURE

When Negroes marched, so did the nation. The power of the non-

\iolt'nt mareJi is indeed a mystery. It is always surprising that a few

hundred Negroes marching can produce such a leactiou across the

nation. When marches are carefnlly organized around well defined

issues, they represent the power which Victor Hugo phrased as the

most powerful force in the world, an idea whose time has come.

Marcliing feet aniiotnice that time has come for a given idea. When

the idea is a sound one, the cause a just one, and the demonstra-

tion a righteous one, change will be forthcoming. But if any of

these conditions are not present, the power for change is missing

also. A thousand people demonstrating for the right to use heroin,

would have little (itfect. By the same token, a group of ten thousand

marching in anger against a police station and cussing out the chief

of police will do very little to bring respect, dignity and unbiased

law enforcement. Such a demonstration would only produce fear aud

methods by the police.

Marches must continue in the future, and they must be the

of marches that bring about the desired resu lt. But tlie march is

a one shot victory-producing method. One march is seldom

cessful and as my good friend Kenneth Clark points out in

D

Ghetto

it can serve merely to let off steam and siphon oif the en

which is necessary to produce change. However, when marchin

seen as a part of a program to dramatize an e\il, to mobilize

forces of good will, and to generate pressure and power for cha

marches will continue to be effective.

Our experience is that marches must continue over a period

30 to 45 days to produce any meaningful results. They must

be of sufficient size to produce some inconvenience to the force

power or they go unnoticed. In other words, they must demand

attention of the press, for it is the press which interprets the i

to the community at large and thereby sets in motion the machi

for change.

Along with the march as a weapon for change in our nonvio

arsenal must be listed the l)oycott. Basic to the philosophy of

violence is the refusal to cooperate with e\il. There is uothing q

so effective as a refusal to cooperate economically with the fo

and institutions which perpetuate evil in our communities.

In the past six mouths .simply by refusing to purchase prod

from com panies which do not hire Negroes in meaningful num

and in all job categories, the Ministers of Chicago under SCL

Operation Breadbasket have increased the income of the Negro c

munity by more than two million dollars annually. In Atlanta

Negroes' earning power has been increased by more than tw

million dollars annually over the past three years through a c

fully disciplined program of selective buying and negotiations

the Negro minister. This is nonviolence at its peak of power, w

it cuts into the profit margin of a business in order to bring a

a more just distribution of jobs and opportunities for Negro w

earners and consumers.

But again, the boycott must be sustained over a period of sev

weeks and months to assure results. This means continuous ed


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Calms Anxiety

Tension

. as itrelieves

he d che p in

The anxieties and tensions of everyday living often

result in frequent headaches. What's best to take? Why

not take what doctors prescribe mostthe compound

in Anacin ? Today's Anacin is iw/ce s strong in this

pain-rel ief compound as the other extra strength

tablet. In fact, only Anacin has this fortified combina-

tion of ingredients. It gives you

extr

medication for

exfra pain-relief power.

Anacin is especially effective to relieve anxiety ten-

sion headaches. It contains a specific ingredient that

relieves pain and its anxiety

... fa st . You feel relaxed. You

c a l m d o w n . T h e n A n a c i n

keeps exerting its soothing

effect for hours. Keeps you

feeling great.

Headache sufferers need

extra pain-relief power. And

that'swhat Anacin

gives.

Next

time buyAnacin Tablets.

N O N V I O L E N E

Ftoplc will work together and sacrifice if they understand cle

why and how this sacrifice will bring about cliangc. We can ne

assume that anyone understands. It is our job to keep people

formed and aware.

Our most powerful nonviolent weapon is, as would be expect

also our most demanding, that is organization. To produce chan

people must be organized to work together in units of power. Th

units miglit be political, as in the case of \ oters leagues and polit

parties; they may be economic units such as groups ol tenants wlio j

torees to form a tenant union or to organize a rent strike; or they m

be laboring units of persons who are seeking employment und w

increases.

More and more, the civil rights movement will become enga

in the task of organizing people into permanent groups to pro

their own interests and to produce change in their

behalf

This

tedious ta.sk whieh may take years, but the results are more per

nent and meaningful.

In the future we will be called upon to organize the unemploy

to unionize the lousinesses within the ghetto, to bring tenants

gether into collective bargaining units and establish cooperatives

purposes of building viable financial institutions within the gh

that can be controlled by Negroes themselves.

There is no easy way to create a world where men and women

live together, where each has his own job and house and wliere

ehildren receive as much education as their minds can al)sorb.

if such a world is created in our lifetime, it will be done in

United States by Negroes and white people of good will. It w

be accomplished by persons who have the courage to put an

to suitering by willingly suffering them selves rath er than inflict

fering upon others. It will be done by rejecting the racism, m

rialism and \iolence that has characterized Western civilization

especially by working toward a world of brotheriiood, cooperat

and peace.

ot e r r e g i s i r a t i on

i n S o u t h , u l t l i u u g l i f i a i i g l i l w i t l i d a i i g f i s ,

is

s t a p l i - o l ' i i o i i \


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